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A
CATHOLIC DICTIONAEY
CATHOLIC DICTIONARY
COSTAIXING SOME ACCOUNT OF THE
rOCTEINE, DISCIPLINE, KITES, CEREMONIES,
COUNCILS, AND EELIGIOUS ORDERS OF
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH
BY
WILLIAM E. ADDIS
BOirerroiE fellow of the rotal ukiversitt op irelajjd
AND
THOMAS AENOLD, M.A.
FKIXOW OF THE SAME UXn-ERSlTY
h'EW EDITION, EE VISED AND ENLARGED
WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF THE
EEV. T. B. SCANNELL, B.D.
AUTHORIZED AMERICAN EDITION.
ou5e viif
Ovarh (piffis aveptnv
irtKTtv, ovSe fi-fiv irore \a6a KaraKomiati'
lieyas eV tovtois Beiis, ovSe ynpdo'Kei,
Soph. CEd. Bex, 841
New York, Cincinnati. Chicago :
BKNZIGER BROTHERS,
PRINTERS TO THE HOLY Al'OSTOLIC SEE
1893-
NiuiL Obstat.
FR. DAVID, Peovincialis O.S.F,
censor deputatu3.
Impbimatue.
HERBERTUS,
CARD. AHCHIEP. WESTMONAST,
Die 1 Feb., 1893.
Imprimatur.
MICHAEL AUGUSTINUS,
ARCHIEP. NEO-EBORACENSIS.
Die 11 Maji, 1893.
{The rif;hU of transUtion and of rejfroduction are reserved)
PREFACE
TO
THE NEW EDITION.
In the present edition the whole work has been revised ; most
of the articles formerly contained in the Appendix have been
inserted in their proper places in the body of the volume ; a
considerable number of new articles and headings have been
added ; and the statistics and other information have been, as
far as possible, brought up to date. The services of one of the
original authors being no longer available, his place has been
taken by the Rev. T. B. Scannell, B.D. The American editor,
Mr. T. F. Galwey, and the llev. Joseph Wilhelm, D.D.,
have also contributed articles.
PEEFACE
TO
THE FIKST EDITION.
Tqe work here snbmitteil to the public is intended to meet a practical
want which has long been felt among English-speaking Catholics — the
want, namely, of a single trustworthy source of information on points
of Catholic doctrine, ritual, and discipline. All existing English works
of a similar character — such as Hook's " Church Dictionary," Blunt's
*' Dictionary of Theology," Blunt's " Dictionary of Sects," &c. — were
compiled by Protestants, and it is scarcely possible to turn over ten
pages in one of them without meeting with some more or less open
attack upon Catholicism. To this censure the " Dictionary of Christian
Antiquities," conducted by Dr. Smith and Professor Cheetham, is not
open ; but the large scale of that work, and the fact of its stopping
short at the age of Charlemagne, are sufficient of themselves to prevent
it from meeting the need above indicated.
Their Eminences the Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster and Car-
dinal Newman have been pleased to express their approbation of the
undertaking. Cardinal Manning wrote : " I am very glad to hear that
it is proposed to publish a ' Dictionary of Catholic Theology and His-
tory.' It will supply a great want in our English literature. Such
works exist in French and German, but we have nothing worthy of the
•name." Cardinal Newman, after saying that such a work had been
long " a desideratum in our literature," added : " Our doctrines, rites,
and history have been at the mercy of Protestant manuals, which,
however ably written, and even when fair in intention, are not such as
a Catholic can approve or recommend. So much have I felt the need
viil
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
that once, many years ago, I began such a work myself, though 1 wa»
Boon obliged to give over for want of leioure."
The Rev. W. E. Addis, of Lower Sydenham, and Thomas Arnold,
Fellow of the Royal University of Ireland, have written nearly the whole
work. They are indebted, however, to American contributors for a cer-
tain number of articles ; to the Very Rev. Father Bridgett, of the Con-
gregation of the Most Holy Redeemer, for the article " Redemptorists " ;
and to the Rev. S. H. Sole, Missionary Rector of Chipping Norton, for
the article " Plain Chant." As a rule, the articles on dogma, ritual,
the ancient Church, and the Oriental rites, are by Mr. Addis ; those on
mediaeval and modern history, the religious orders, and canon law, by
Mr. Arnold. Theological subjects have been regarded chiefly from an
historical and critical point of view, and questions of School theology
avoided as far as possible. In almost every case the quotations of
Scripture are made from the original texts, and not from the Latin
Vulgate.
In conclusion, the Authors offer their best thanks to many kind
friends who have helped and encouraged them in their labour. Their
gratitude is due in a very special degree to the Rev. Father Keogh, of
the London Oratory. The office of Censor which he undertook was ia
itself a tedious one, but besides this, and on points which did not con-
cern him in his official capacity, he furnished the writers with many
valuable suggestions and corrections. At the same time it is right to
add that the " Nihil obstat " appended by him certifies indeed that the
limits of Catholic orthodoxy have been observed, but by no means
implies the Censor's personal agreement or sympathy with many of
the opinions expressed.
November 3, 1883,
A CATEOLIO DICTIONARY
AEBilCOIWITES. The abbacmnites
or abbafes militcs, count abbots or noble
abbots, were lay intruders, to whom
courts gave abbacies for pecuniary pro-
fit. Thus Bernard, the youngest of
Charles MarJel's six sons, was lay abbot
of Sithiu or St. Quentin. Sons, daugh-
ters, wives, &c., were thus benefited
before the time of Cbarlemague, who,
however, eff'ected a reform and made
monasteries the seats of schools and
literature. In latter days other princes,
claiming the right of investiture, rein-
troduced similar abuses ; secular priests
were often made coynmendatory abbots.
ABBESS, from Abbatissa. The su-
perior of a community of nuns, in those
orders in which convents of monks are
governed by abbots. The dignity of an
abbess cannot be traced back so far as
that of abbot ; it appears to have been
first regulnrly instituted about 591, in the
time of I'ope Gregory tlie Great. Regu-
lations touching their election, powers,
and rights were gradually framed, and in-
corporated in the canon law. The elec-
tors must, as a general rule, be professed
nuns. The age at which a nun can be
elected abbess has been variously deter-
mined at different times ; finally the
Council of Trent' fi.xedit at not less than
forty years, of which eight sliou'd have
been passed in the same monastery. The
voting is secret; generally a simple ma-
jority of votes is sufficient for a valid
election, but in the convents depending
on Monte Cassino a majority of two-
thirds is required. In the case of a
doubtful election, the ordinary intervenes,
and selects the nun whom he may think
most suitable for the office. The bene-
diction of an abbess, a rite generally but
not always necessary-, may be performed
* Sess. XXV. c. 7. De Ites. et Mon.
by the bishop on any day of the week.
When elected, the abbess has a right to
the ring and staif, as in the case of abbots,
and to have the abbatial cross borne be-
fore her. In certain orders where there
were usually double monasteries, one for
monks the other for nuns, as in the Bri-
gittines and the order of Fontevrault,
the monks were bound to obey the abbess
of the related nunnery. An abbess, more-
over, could, and often did, possess and ex-
ercise large ecclesiastical patronage, sub-
ject to the approval of the ordinary.
.These powers are included within that
capacity of ruling and possessing property
which every truly civilised state has re-
cognised in woman no less than in man ;
but when the power of the keys, or even
any e.vercise of authority bordering on
that power, is in question, the abbess is
no more than any other woman. Thus
she cannot, without the bishop's sanction,
choose confessors either for herself or for
her nuns ; nor can she dispense a nun from
the obligations of the rule of her own
authority, nor suspend nor dismiss her.
ABBEY. A monastery governed by
an abbot. [See Abbot.]
ABBOT. The " father " or superior
of a community of men living under vows
and according to a particular rule. The
transference of the idea of fatherhood to
the relation between the head of a con-
gregation or a religious community and his
subjects is so natural that already in the
apostolic times we find St. Paul reminding
the Corinthians ' that they had not many
fathers in Christ ( " for in Christ Jesus I
have begotten you," &c.), notwithstanding
the apparent prohibition in the gospel of
St. Matthew.* But it was customary to
call bishops by the Greek word for father;
hence the corresponding designation for
• 1 Cor. iv. 15. - xxiii. 9.
2
AEBOT
ABBOT
the head of a community of monks was
taken, to avoid confusion, from the Ohal-
daic form {nbha, abbas) of the word which
means "father" in the Semitic languages.
In a paper of extraordinary research, but
more learned than lucid, contributed by
the late Mr. Iladdan to the " Dictionary of
Christian Anti(juities," at least a dozen
transitory uses of the word Abbot, in
ancient times alone, are enumerated. But
these are of little or no importance. The
true Abbot, being a natural outgrowth of
the Christian doctrine and spirit, comes
into sight in the third century, and still
fulfils — though under a variety of desig-
nations— his original function in the
nineteenth. The name imports the rule
of others, but as the essential foundation
for such rule it implies the mastery of
self. The monk was before the abbot.
Eusebius has no mention of monks as
.such in his "Ecclesiastical History;" but
when he tells us of persons, male or female,
living austere lives and aiming at perfec-
tion, when he notes that Narcissus, bishop
of Jerusalem at the end of the second cen-
turv', retired into the desert on account of
ditiiculties arising in his diocese, and
lived there for many years as a solitary
contemplative, we see already the germs
of the monastic life. St. Antony (250-
?.o5) is usually regarded as the patriarch
of the monks. But if we hear much in
ills later years of the numbers and the
reverent devotion of his disciples, we
know that for twenty years after his first
quitting the world he lived in nearly ab-
solute solitude, conversing with God and
taming his own spirit. The clamours of
persons desiring to see him and ask coun-
.«el of him forced him at last from his cell ;
and he, who in conflict with his own
lower nature or with evil spirits had at-
tained an unwonted spiritual strength and
a vast breadth of spiritual ex])i'rience,
consented now to take upon liim the
direction of a number of men of weaker
will and less regulated mind. If he was
to do them any good, they must place
them.selves in his hands, and do exactly
what he bade them. That mastery of
the passions, and subj ugation of the natural
man under the yoke of reason, which he,
aided by the Holy Spirit, had worked out
for himself, they, following his directions,
must win through him. Hence we find the
principle of unquestioning obedience —
what Gibbon calls the " slavish " spirit of
tlie monks — -laid down from the first. St.
Pcemen, a famous Egyptian abbot of the
fourth century, said to his disciples,
"Never seek to do yoiu* own will, but
rather rejoice to overcome it, and humble
yourselves by doing the will of others."
And, "Nothing gives so much pleasure to
the enemy as wiien a person will not dis-
cover his temptations to his superior or
director." Induced partly, no doubt, by
the confusions and oppressions of the
empire, but chiefly by the haunting thirst
to know the secret of the perfect life, and
solve the riddle of existence, great numbers
of men towards the end of the fourth
century sought the deserts that hem in
the valley of Egypt, and were formed into
monastic communities under abbots.
Great captains of the spiritual life arose,
sucli as Puchomlus, Hllarion, Pambo, and
Macarius. Spealdng of the effect pro-
duced by Antony in Egypt even in his
lifetime, St. Athanasius says: "Among
the mountains there were monasteries as
if tabernacles filled with divine choirs,
singing, studying, fasting, praying, exult-
ing in the hope of things to come, and
working for almsdeeds, having love and
harmony one towards another." For full
information on these "fathers of the
desert," the reader should consult the
celebrated work of the Jesuit Rosweide,
" Vitse Patrum."
The status of these early abbots, as
of the monks whom they governed, was a
lay status. In the great monastic colonies
of Palestine and Egypt, each containing
several hundreds of monks, there would
be but one or two priests, admitted in
order to the celebration of the divine
worship. But the proportion of ordained
monks gradually Increased, the bishops
being generally glad to confer orders upon
men, most of whom were of proved virtue.
For abbots ordination before long became
the rule : yet even in the ninth century
we read of abbots who were only deacons,
and a Council of Poitiers in 1078 Is still
obliged to make a canon enjoining upon
all abbots, on pain of deprivation, tht- re-
ception of pru'sts' orders. Tlic original
lay character here referivd to must of
course not be confounded with llip status
of those profane intruders (lescvilitHl by
Beda in his letter to Egliei t.aidihi-liop of
York, who were rich la^ iin ri |in triiiling
to found nionastt'ries for the salve of ob-
taining till' I'X. injjtioii from civil burdens
which monastic hiiuls enjoyed, and could
only be caUed pseudo-abbots.
The election of an abbot originally
rested with the monks, according to the
rule "Fratres eligant sibl abbatem." We
meet, indeed, with many cases of eplsco])al
ABBOT
ABBOT
3
intervention in elections, but the right of
the monks is solemnly recognised in the
body of the cnnon law. In the West, as
the endow ments of monasteries increased,
temporal princes and lords usurped tlie
riglit of appointing abbots in the larger
monasteries, no less than of nominating-
bishops to the sees ; our own history and
that of Germany is full of stories of dis-
putes thence arising. [See Ixtestitttre.]
At the Council of Worms in 1122 Pope
Calixtus obtained from the emperor the
renunciation of the claim to invest with
ring and crosier the persons nominated to
ecclesiastical dignities. The tirst article
of Magna Charta (1215) provides that
the English Church shall be free: by
which, among other things, the right of
monks to choose their own abbots was
understood to be conceded. Practically,
the patronage of the larger English abbeys
for two centuries before the Reformation
was divided by a kind of amicable arrange-
ment between the Pope and the king.
St. Benedict (480-545), the patriarcli
of Western monachism, allows in his
rule (which from its greater elasticity
superseded other rules which were for a
time in competition with it [see Bexe-
DiCTiXES; Rule, RELiGiorsJ) a large
discretion to the abbots of his convents,
who were to modify many things in
accordance with the exigencies of cli-
mate and national customs. Such modi-
ticatious led of course in time to relaxa-
tion, the reaction against which led to
reforms. A curious report of the dis-
cussion between the monks of Molesme
and their abbot Robert (1075), who wished
to restore among them the full observance
of the rule of St. Benedict, may be read
in the eighth book of Ordericus Vitalis.
Not prevailing, St. Robert, with twelve
companions, left Molesme and founded
Citeaux, under a reformed observance.
[Cistercians.]
The privileges of abbots grew to be
very extensive. They obtained many
episcopal rights, among others that of con-
ferring minor orders on their monks. A
practice whicli had arisen, by which abbots
exempt from episcopal jurisdiction [Ex-
emption] claimed to confer minor orders
even on seculars, was condemned by the
Council of Trent. ^ The use of mitre,
crosier, and ring was accorded to the ab-
bots of great monasteries ; these mitred
abbots were named abbates infulati. In
England mitred abbots had seats in Parlia-
ment: twenty-eight, with two Augustinian
• Sess. xxiii. De Reform, c. 10.
priors, are said to have sat in the Par-
liament immediately preceding the disso-
lution of monasteries. A remarkable
privilege is noticed by Beda,' in virtue of
which the abbots of lona e.xercised a
quasi-episcopal jurisdiction in the west of
Scotland and the Hebrides.
The name of abbe, abate, has come to
be assumed by a class of unbeneficed secu-
lar clerks in France and Italy, apparently
in the following manner. The practice
by which laymen held abbeys in commen-
dayn — commenced in troubled times in
order that powerful protectors might be
found for the monks, and might have in-
ducements to exercise that protection —
grew by degrees into a scandalous abuse.
Young men of noble families were nomi-
nated to abbeys, and could enjoy their
revenues, long before they could take
priests' orders ; they were not bound to
residence ; and under Louis XIV. and
Louis XV. many of these abbes cornmen-
dataires never saw the abbeys of which
they were the titular rulers. The possi-
bility of winning such prizes drew many
cadets of noble families, who had only
just taken the tonsure, to Versailles ; those
who had succeeded in obtaining nomina-
tions still fluttered about the Court, not
being bound to residence ; and the name
Abbe, which was really, though abusively,
applicable to these, came to be applied in
social parlance to the aspirants also,
whom no external signs distinguished
from the real abb^s. By a further exten-
sion, the name came to be applied as a
title of courtesy to unbeneficed clerks
generally ; just as in England the title
" esquire," which is properly applicable
only to persons entitled to bear arms, is
extended by the courtesy of society to
anyone who, as far as outward ma k go,
seems entitled to take the same social rank.
Benedictine abbeys, following the gen-
eral Oriental rule, have always been inde-
pendent of each other in government ;
but an honorary superiority was accorded
in the middle ages to the abbot of the
mother house at Monte Cassino ; he was
styled abbas abbatum. In other orders
various names have replaced that of
" abbot ; ■' the head of a Franciscan friary
is a " guardianus," that of a Dominican
, convent a " prior," that of a Jesuit house
i a " rector." There is a prior also in Bene-
I dictine convents [Price], but his normal
, position is that of lieutenant to the
abbot ; sometimes, however, he was al-
, most practically independent as the head
I 1 Hist. EcclAW.i.
B 2
ABCREVIATOES
ABRAXAS
cf a priory, a cell founded by monks
migrrating from some abbey.
The duties of an abbot in early times
may be learned from Rosweide ; some-
\vbat later, and in the West, they were
defined with great clearness and wisdom
in the rule of St. Benedict. A deeply
interesting sketch of the manner of lite
of an English abbot in tlie seventh cen-
tury is preserved for us in Beda's " Lives
of the Abbots of Wearmouth and Jarrow."
Even more trying was his work in the
t\^■elfth century, as we know from the
narratiou by jocelyn de Brakelonde of
the government of the abbot Samson at
Bury St. Edmunds ; with which may be
read the striking, and on the whole ap-
preciative, commentary of Mr. Carlyle.'
The name corresponding to Abbot in
the Greek Church is Archimaudrita, or
Uegumenos.
ABBREVZATORS. The name giver
to a class of notaries or secretaries em-
ployed in the Papal Chancery. Tliey
are first met with about the beginning of
the fourteenth century ; were abolished
in the fifteenth, but afterwards restored.
They are generally prelates, and the office
is considered one of great dignity and im-
portance. It is not incompatible with
Church preferment. The name arose from
this, that the ahhremator made a short
minute of the decision on a petition, or
reply to a letter, given by the Pope, and
afterwards expanded the minute into offi-
cial form. (Ferraris.)
ABJURATIOM- or HERESY. This
is required in the canon law as a prelimi-
nary to baptism, or, when there is no
question of that (as in the case of con-
verts from the Eastern Church), before
the convert makes his confession of faith.
There are decrees of several councils to
tliis effect : thus the Council of Laodicea
(about 364) ordains that Novatian and
Photinian heretics, "whether they be
baptised persons or catechumens, shall
not be received before they have anathe-
matised all heresies, especially that in
which they were held." A celebrated
instance of abjuration is that of Clovis
(4i)G), to whom St. Remy said before
baptising him, " Meekly bow down thy
head, Sicambrian; adore what thou hast
burnt, and burn what thou hast adored."
An early German council requires the
Saxon converts to renounce belief in
" Thor and Woden and Saxon Odin "
before being received into the Church.
Ferraris sums up the canonical re-
' Past and Present, purt ii.
quirements in the matter of abjuration as
follows: — that it should be done without
delay ; that it should be voluntary ; that
it should be done with whatever degree
of publicity the bishop of the place might
think necessary; and that the abjuring
person should make condign satisfaction
' in the form of penance.
1 The modern discipline insists mainly
I on the positive part, the profession of the
true faith. Thus in the Ritual of Stra.s-
burg (1742) the abjuration required is
merely general : " Is it your firm purpose
to renounce in heart and mind all tlie
errors which it [the Catholic religion]
condemns ? " In England at the present
timethe abjnr!itioni?,sotospeak, taken for
granted in ordinfiry cases, since converts
are not admitted into the Church except
ai'ter suitable instruction, and the Creed
of Pope Pius IV., whicli everyone desir-
ing to become a Catholic must read and
accept, expressly denounces most of those
errors which infect the religious atmo-
: spliere of this country.
ABZiVTZOM'. A name given, in the
rubrics of tlie Mass, to the water and wine
with which the priest who celebrates
Mass washes his tliurab and index-finger
after communion. When he has con-
sumed tlie Precious Blood, the priest
purities the chalice; he then, saying
in a low voice a short prayer prescribed
j by tlie Church, holds his tluimb and
index-finger, which have touclied llie
Blessed Sacrament and may have some
particle of it adhering to them, over the
chalice, while the server pours wine and
j water upon them. He then drinks the
ablution and dries his lips and the chalice
with the mundatory. This ceremony wit-
nesses to the reverence with which the
Cluirch regards the body and blood of
Christ, and to her anxiety that none of
that heavenly food shoidd be lost. It is
impossible to say when this rite was in-
troduced, but we are told of the pious
Emperor Henry II., who lived at the be-
ginning of the eleventh century, that he
used when hearing Mass to beg for the
ablution and to receive it with great de-
votion. This ablution is mentioned by
St. Thomas and Durandus. The former,
however, gives no reason to suppose that
it was consumed by the priest, and the
latter expressly says that the ablution
used formerly to be poured into a clean
place. (Benedict XIV. " De Missa," III.
xxi. C.)
ABRAHAinZTE. [See PAT7LICr.\NS.]
ABRAXAS, 'AUpd^as or 'Alipa<Ta$.
ABSOLUTION
ABSOLUTION
5
A magical word used by the Basilidians,
a Gnostic sect. They believed in the
existence of 365 heavens, over which
Abraxas presided, the numeral value of
the Greek letters which composed the
word being 365.' Many gems still exist
with this word inscribed on them. An
account of them and of the immense
literature to which they have given occa-
eion, will be found in Kraus' "Archaeolo-
gical Dictionary," under Abraxas.
ABSOX.VTZOSr. Classical authors
use the Latin word absolut.io (literally, un-
binding or unloo.^ing) to signify acquittal
from a criminal charge, and ecclesiastical
writers have adopted the term, employing
it to denote a setting free from crime or
penalty. But, as crime and its penalties
are regarded even by the Church from
very different points of view, " absolution "
in its ecclesiastical use bears several
senses, which it is important to distin-
guish from each other,
I. Absolution from Sin is a remission
of sin which the priest, by authority re-
ceived from Christ, makes in the Sacra-
ment of Penance. It is not a mere
announcement of the gospel, or a bare
declaration that God will pardon the sins
of those who repent, but as the Council
of Trent defines (sess. xiv. can. 9), it is a
judicial act by which a priest as judge
passes sentence on the penitent.
With regard to absolution thus under-
stood, it is to be observed, first, that it
can be given by none but priests, since to
them alone has Christ committed the
necessary power; and, secondly, that
since absolution is a judicial sentence,
the priest must have authority or
jurisdiction over the person absolved.
I'he need of jurisdiction, iu oider that the
absolution may be valid, is an article of
faith defined at Trent (sess. xiv. cap. 7),
and it follows fioni the verynature of abso-
lution as defined above, since the rea.-on of
things requires that a judge should not
pass sentence except on one who is placed
under him, as the subject of his court.
This jurisdiction may be ordinaiy — i.e. it
may flow from the office which the con-
fessor holds ; or delegated — i.e. it may be
given to the confessor by one who has
ordinary jurisdiction with power to con-
fer it on others, as liis delegates. Thus a
bishop has ordinary iurisdiction over secu-
lars, or religious wlio are not exempt, in
his diocese, and within its limits he can
delegate jurisdiction to priests secular or
' Iren. i, 24. Mauv other Fathers mentiiin
the word.
regular. Again, the prelates of religious
orders exempt from the authority of the
bishop, have jurisdiction, more or less
ample, within their own order, and they
can absolve, or delegate power to absolve,
the members of the order who are subject
to them; nor is it possible, ordinarily
speaking, for the bishop, or a priest who
has his powers from the bishop only,
to absolve such religious. Moreover, a
bishop or a prelate of a religious order, in
conferring power to absolve his subjects,
may reserve the absolution of certain sins
to himself. [See under Reserved Cases.]
The Church, however, supplies all priests
with power to absolve persons in danger
of death, at least if they cannot obtain a
priest -with the usual " faculties " or
powers to absolve.
Thirdly, absolution must be given
in words which express the efficacy
of absolution, viz. forgiveness of sin.
The Roman Ritual prescribes the form
"I absolve thee from thy sins, in
the name of the Father, and of the Son,
and of the Holy Ghost." Beyond all
doubt, the form " I absolve thee from thy
sins " would suflice for the validity of the
sacrament. But would a precatory form
avail — such for example as, " May Jesus
Christ absolve thee from thy sins " ? The
affirmative has been maintained by the
celebrated critic Morinus, while Tourneley
and many others have followedhis opinion.
They maintain their contention chiefly by
two arguments: viz. («) that the Sacra-
mentaries, Pontificals, and Penitential Ri-
tuals u.«ed in the Western Church during
the first thousand years after Christ con-
tain only precato!-y forms of absolution ; (/3)
that such forms have been employed from
time immemorial by the Greeks. On the
other hand, many even among modern
theologians adhere to the opinion of St.
Thomas, and insist on the strict necessity
of an absolute form ("I absolve thee," &c.).
It seems possible to reconcile the two
opinions. A piecatory form is enough .
if It is used iu an absolute sense — if, in
other words, the circumstances in which
the prayer is uttered make it more than a
mere prayer. So that the ])riest, when he
says, " Absolve, 0 God, this man from his
sins," means " Al)=olve this man through
my uiinistiy," and intends at tl-.f .-ame
time to uttor a jira yer which must n>>eds be
granted, ])rovided that the requisite c.m-
ditionshavc been fulfilled. Still it must bt^
remembered that in any case it is unlawful
to use such a form even in the East, since
Clement VIII. iu his instruction on the
6
ABSOLUTION
ABSTINENCE
rites of the Greeks, issued 1595, required
them to employ the form prescribed in the
Council of Florence — viz. "I absolve
thee," &c.
Lastly, the form of absolution must
be uttered by the priest himself in the
presence of the person absolved. This
folkiws as a necessary consequence from the
nature of the form of absolution sanctioned
by the perpetual tradition of the Church ;
for the very words, " I absolve thee"
imply the presence of the penitent;
and the contrary opinion held by some
Spanish theologians, who considered that
absolution could be validly given by letter
or by means of a messenger, was expressly
condemned by Clement VIII. in the year
1603.
[N.B. For full information on the
proofs fi-om Scripture and antiquity for
the Catholic doctrine of Confession and
Absolution, see Penance, Sacrament os.']
11. Absolution from censures is widely
difl'erent from absolution from sins, be-
cause whereas the latter gives grace,
removes guilt, and reconciles the sinner
with God, the former merely removes
penalties imposed by the Church, and re-
conciles the oflender with her. [See under
Censures.] It may be given, either in the
confessional, or apart altogether from the
Sacrament of Penance, in the external
forum — i.e. in the courts of the Church. It
may proceed from any cleric, even from
one who has received the tonsure only,
without ordination, provided he is invested
with the requisite jurisdiction. This juris-
diction resides, in the case of censures im-
posed by an individual authority through
a special sentence, in the ecclesiastic who
inflicted the censure, in his superior, in
his successors, and in those to whom com-
petent authority has delegated power of
absolution. For example, if a bishop has
placed a subject of his under censure,
absolution may be obtained (1) from the
bishop himself, (2) from a succeeding
bishop, (.3) from the metropolitan, in
certain cases where an appeal can be
made to him, or if he is visiting the diocese
of his suifragan ex officio, (4) from any
cleric deputed by one of the above. With
regard to censures attached to certain
crimes by the general law of the Church,
unless they are specially reserved to the
Pope or the bishop, any confessor can
absolve from them ; and this is generally
considered to hold good also of censures
inflicted by the general (as opposed to a
particular) sentence of a superior. Again,
it is not necessary that the person absolved
from censure should be present, or contrite,
or even that he should be living. As the
effects of censures may continue, so they
may be removed after death. Excom-
munication, for instance, deprives the ex-
communicated person of Christian burial.
It may happen that he desired but was
unable to obtain remission of the penalty
during life, and in this case he may be
absolved after his soul has left the body,
and so receive Catholic burial and a shave
in the prayers of the Church.
III. Absolution for the dead {pro
defunctis). A short i^orm, imploring eter-
nal rest and so indirectly remission of the
penalties of sin, said after a funeral Mass
over the body of the dead person, before it
is removed from the church.
IV. Absolutions in tlie Breviai-y. Cer-
tain short prayers said before the lessons in
matins and before the chapter at the end
of prime. Some of these prayers ex-
press or imply petition for forgiveness of
sin, and this circumstance probably ex-
plains the origin of the name Absolution
which has been given to such prayers or
blessings.
ABSTmrETrCE, in its restricted and
special sense, denotes the depriving our-
selves of certain kinds of food and drink
in a rational way and for the good of the
soul. On a fasting day, the Church re-
quires us to limit the quantity, as well as
the kind, of our food ; on an abstinence-
day, the limit imposed affects only the
nature of the food we take. The defiiu-
tion given excludes three possible miscon-
ceptions of the Church's law on this point.
First, the Church does not forbid certain
kinds of food on the gi-ound that they
are impure, either in themselves or if
taken on particular days. On the con-
trary,she holds withSt. jPaul' that "every
creature of God is good," and has re-
peatedly condemned'"' the Gnostic and
Manicliean error, which counted tit'shand
wine evil. Next, the abstinence required
is a reasonable one, and is not, therel'ore,
exacted I'mm tliose whom it would injm-e
in health or incapacitate for their ordinary
duties. Thirdly, Catholic al/stinence is a
means, not an end. Abstinence, says
St. Thomas, pertains to the kingdom of
God only so far " as it proceeds from faith
and love of God." ^
But how does abstinence from flesh-
» 1 Tim. iv. 4.
2 Canon. Ap«st. hi. Concil. Ancyr. can. 14.
5 2a liie 140, ]. See also the prayer of
the Church in the Mass for the third Sunday of
Lent.
ABSTINENCE
ABYSSINLVN CHURCH 7
meat promote the soul's heulth ? The I
answer is, that it enables us to subdue our [
flesh and so to imitate St. Paul's example,
who "chastised his body and brought it 1
into subjection." ' The perpetual tra-
dition of the Church is clear beyond
possibility of mistake on this matter, and |
from the earliest times, the Christians at
certain seasons denied themselves flesh and
wine, or even restricted themselves to
bread and water.- Moreover, by abstain-
ing Irom flesh, we give up what is, on the
whole, the most pleasant as well as the
most nourishing food, and so make satis-
faction for the temporal punishment due i
to sin even when its guilt has been for-
given. [See also Fast and Penance (4).]
The abstinence (as distinct from fast-
ing) days to be observed in England are,
all Fridays, except that on which Christ-
mas Day may fall, and the Sundays in
Lent, though on these last the faithful
now receive an annual dispensation from
the abstinence. Saturday was an absti-
nence-day in England, till it ceased to be
so in virtue of a Rescript of Pius VIII.,
in 1830.
It may be of some interest, in conclu-
sion, to trace the history in the Church of [
abstinence as distinct from fasting. Ab-
stinence-days were observed from ancient
times by the monks. Thus Cassian tells
us that in the monasteries of Egypt,
great care was taken that no one should
fast between Easter and Pentecost, but '
he adds that the '' quality of lood '" was
unchanged. In other words, the religious
fasted all the year, except on Sundays and
the days between Easter and Pentecost.
These they observed as days of abstmence.
Again, it is certain that the faithful gene-
rally did not, and, indeed, could not, fast
on Sundays in Lent, for the early Church
strongly discouraged fasting on that day;
but it is also certain that they did ab-
stain on the Sundays in Lent. For,
during the whole of that season, says St.
Basil, "no animal has to eutter death,
no blood flows." We learn incidentally
from Theophanes and Nicephorus, that no
meat was exposed during Lent in the
markets of Constantinople. The Sun-
days, then, in Lent were kept in the
ancient Church as days of abstinence.
With regard to the abstinence-days of
weekly occurrence, Thomassin shows tliat
Wednesday and Friday have been from
ancient times observed in the East, not only
as abstinence, but as lasting-days. Clement
1 1 Cor. ix. -'7.
* Concil. Laod. can. 50.
VIII., in lof)5, in laying down rules for
Catholic Greeks under Latin bishops, ex-
cuses them from some of the Latin fasts,
on the ground that, unlike the Latins,
they fasted every Wednesday and Friday.
Thomassin illustrates the custom of the
West, by (juoting a nunaber of statutes,
&c., prescribing sometimes abstinence
from tlesh, sometimes fasting and absti-
nence, on Fridav. His earliest authority
is Nicolas I. \858-867), and he con-
cludes, "even after the year 1400, the
Saturday abstinence was rather voluntary
than of obligation among the laity; but
the Friday a bstinence had long since passed
into a law. I say abstinence, for, in spite
of efforts made, the fast was never well es-
tablished.' (See Thomassin, "Traite des
Jeuues," from which the foregoing histo-
rical sketch is taken.)
ABSTSTTESi'TS. A name given to
the Encratites {q.i:), or Manichees, be-
cause of their professed abstinence from
wine, marria;.'e, &c.
AS-rSSXTIII^TJ or ETHZOPXAir
CHXTRCH. Tradition relates that the
otlicer of Candace, Queen of Ethiopia,
whom Philip the Deacon met and con-
verted near Gaza,^ on his return home
spread the Christian faith among the
peoples dwelling on the Upper Nile. But
if this were so, the seed then planted
must have withered away, for in the
middle of the fourth century — when the
narrative of Rutinus, in his "Ecclesiastical
History," casts a strong light for us on
Abyssinian affairs — the zeal of Athanasius
appears to have raised up n church in an
ahs lutely lieathen land. Frumentius of
Tyre, the aj)ostle of Abyssinia, first visited
the country, when a mere youth, in 310 ;
his luicle, with whom he travelled, was
murdered by the natives : he was himself
brought up as a slave in the court of
A.xum; but his virtue and intelligence led
to his being enfranchised ; and in his per-
son Christianity, to which he had strictly
adhered, appeared attractive. Repairing
to St. Athanasius, then recently raised to
the patriarchal chair of Alexandria, Fru-
mentius was consecrated by him the first
bishop of his adopted country. "When he
leturned, the king and his people willingly
received baptism. He chose Axiuu for
his see; and this place remains to this
day the ofhcial centre of Abyssinian Chris-
tianity. As the work of conversion pro-
ceeded, this see became the residence of
a Metropolitan {ahinia, father), having
under biui seven suflragaiis. The nam©
1 Acts viii. "27.
8 ABYSSINIAN CHURCH
ACEPIIALI
and rauk of " Abuna " are still retained,
but the seven sufl'rag-ausbave disappeared.
The bright promise of tliis commence-
ment was soon overclouded. An eft'ort,
indeed, of Constantius to iutrodiice AriuTi-
ism failed ; but when, in the fifth century.
Ale.xaudria, along with the m.ajority of the
Eastern churches, rejected the decrees of
Chalcedon, and the patriarchate became
Monophysite, the Abyssiniaiis followed in
the wake of their mother church, and they
have never unanimously, or for long toge-
ther, shaken off the heresy down to this
day. In the sixth century the country
was the object of a reli^'ious rivalry be-
tween Justinian and t lie I']ni]irfss I'hi'o-
dora, the former wisliing to attach it to
the Roman Church, the latter to preserve
it for her Moncijihysite friends at Alexan-
di-ia.' The eiujirt'ss, aide<l by tlie jvipular
sympathies, prevailed: and tlie AIj\ s>inian
church, cut olf from true t'athniii- emn-
munion, atid severed ihnn tlw chair of
Peter, became in tlie cnurSf of ages the
strange, unpniL;i-i->i\ ,■, .-.mii-jiagan insti-
tution which 111. hI.. Ill travcU.Ts liave de-
scribed. Thus, alt li(iii;^li ni'\ cr persecuted
for the faith like the Irish and the Poles,
the Abyssiuians allowed its lustre to be
tarnished and its moral fruits to pint> and
wither, through casting olf that vitalising
communion with the Holy See which has
kept alive the Irish and Polish nat ionalities
in the face of secular persecution.
In the seventeenth century, Abyssinia
having been almost an uuKikiwii land to
Em-ope for a tliousaiul y.'ars, it was en-
tered by Portuguese Jou'its, whose preach-
ing was attended for a time liy marked
success. Two emperors in succession be-
came Catholics; a J(>suit was nominated
patriarch of yEthio]iia. and an outward
reconciliation with Ihnnr was elircted.
But the masses of the ] i cinaiin li un-
influenced, and their ht'ails still ^•earlled
towards Egypt; the patriarch .Meiulez is
said to have acted iinjinidriu 1\- in att<>iupt-
ing to abolisli the rite of ein uiiicision ; -
the second Catholic enqicior died, and his
son expelled the .IcMiit>, and re-tored the
connection with Alexandria, .\fter a long
interval ol'rxcl iisi, ,n, ( 'at Imlic iiils.Monaries
have again ■■iilcivd Aliy>siiiia in our days,
and Hoiiiishing congregations hine been
formed in the northern and north-eastern
districts, near Massowah.^ In 1875,
' Renaudot, quoted in Gibbon's Decline and
Fall, c. 47.
Practised bj' the Abyssinians for sanitary,
not for religious reasons.
' Annals af the Propagation of Faith, 1876.
Monsignor Touvier, stationed at Keren,
was \'icar Apostolic of the whole country.
About that time missioners were sent into
Amhara, the most important province,
with the best results. " The sending of
missioners into Amhara,''wrote M. Uutios,
in .June \ f<7o, "so often criticised, is now
justified by the immense results which it
has produced."
The Abuna, or head of the Abyssinian
church, is always an Egyptian monk,
nominated by the Patriarcli of Egypt.
The cross is held in honour l)y the Abys-
sinians, but the use of the criicitix is iin-
known. They tolerate jiaintings in their
churches, but no sculptured figures. Their
priests can marry once only, as in the
Greek church. There is considerable de-
votion to the Blessed Virgin, liut, along
with tliis and other Christian cliaiac-
teristics, various superstitious beliefs and
practices are rife among them, to the
great detriment of their morals and in-
tellectual advancement.
ACCIDENT. ^SeeEuCHAEIST, I.(y).]
ACCiAMATiON-. The elevation to
an ecclesiastical dignity by the unanimous
voice of the electors, without voting.
This is one of the three modes in which a
Po]ie may be elected, and the election is
said to liey<('c iiisjiirn/ ioiiein, hccan^f "all
the Cardinals, with a sudden and har-
monious consent, as though breathed on by
the Divine Spirit, jiroclaim some jierson
Pontiff with one voice, witliout any ])re-
vious canvassing or negotiation, whence
fraud or iii>eliMi|.. mi-j.-i i,,ii could lie sur-
mised." (^'ecclll,ittl, •■Inst. Can." ii. 10.)
ACCOMMODATES SENSE. If We
quote Scripture to prove a point of doctrine,
we must of course try to ascertain the ])re-
cise meaning of the sacred writer, and then
argue from the i)rojier sense of hi,- ^\■ol■(l^.
AVi' may. however, take the words of
Scripture and mak'e an application of them
which was not originally intended. In
other words we may acco/nmodnfe the
sense to the needs of our own discourse
or the subject we wish to illustrate. Tluis
when Baroniiissaid of his unaided lalwur
in compiling his ecclesiastical Annals, "I
have trodden the wine-press alone," he
used the words of Isaias in an accom-
modated sense. This practice is innocent
in itself, as is shown by the example of
our Lord (Matt. iv. 4), and of St. Paul
(Acts xxviii. 25-28), and is frequently
adopted by the Church in the Missal and
Breviary.
ACEPHAI.Z. In the year 482 the
Greek emperor Zeno issued his " Henoti-
ACCEMETI
con," in order to reunite the Monophysites
with the Church. The lieretical leaders — ■
e.g. Peter Mongus, Patriarch of Alexan-
dria— were ready to accejit the emperor's
terms, but many of the heretics were more
obstinate, and so were nicknamed " head-
less " {<lK(4n{k0L).
ACCEMETI (sleepless). A name
given to Eastern monks who maintained
perpetual prayer, day and night. Each
monastery was divided into three or more
choirs, which relieved each other. This
institute is said to have been introduced
by Abbot Alexander, in a monastery on
the Euphrates, at the beginning of the
fifth century; but their most famous house
was that of Studium, in Constantinople.
It was founded and endowed by the Roman
Studiuj, from whom it took its name. In
533 the AcQsmeti attacked a formula used
by other monks — "One of the Trinity
suffered in the flesh " — and tried to pro-
cure its condemnation by the Holy tiee.
In this they failed ; they themselves fell
into Nestorianism, and the fornnda was
approved by Pope John II., and under
anathema by the Fifth General Council.^
iiCOX.YTE, from aKoXovdeoi, to fol- ;
low; and here, to follow as a server or
ministrant : a name given to the highest of
the four minor orders. It is the duty of
the acolyte to supply wine and water and
to carry" the lights at the Mass; and the
bishop ordains him for these functions
by putting the cruets and a candle into
Lis hand, accompanying the action with
words indicating the nature of the office
conferred. The order of Acolyte is men-
tioned along with the others by Pope
Cornelius* in the middle of the third
century. Their ordination is mentioned in
an ancient collection of canons commonly,
though wrongly, attributed to the Fourth
Council of Carthage.^ The functions of
acolytes are now freely performed by lay-
men, though the order is still always re-
ceived by those who aspire to the priest-
hood.^
ACTIOIT. (1.) A word used for
the ('anon of the Mass. Thus infra ac-
tionem, in the rubrics of the Missal, means
" within the Canon.'" Probably, the literal
sense of " action " in this case is sacri-
fice.
(2.) The treatment of a particular
1 In the tenth of the fourteen anatheni.as of
this Synod. Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, ii. 897.
2 Euseb. Hist. vi. 43.
s Hefele, Concil. ii. 70.
* But see Concil. Tridentin. .\xiii. 17.
ACTS OF THE MARTYRS 9
j subject in the session of a council. (Kraus,
] " Archaeol. Diet."')
' ACTS OF THE MARTYRS.
"A.;* a "is technically used in Latin (1) for
the proceedings in a court of justice, and
(2) for the othcial record of such proceed-
ings, including the prehminaries of the
trial, the actions and speeches of the con-
I tending parties, the sentence of the judge;
I which last, when it had been committed to
the Acta, was proclaimed aloud by the
pubhc crier. "Acta martyrum," then, in
its strict and original sense, meant the
official and registered account of a mar-
[ tyr's trial and sentence. Naturally enough,
the early Christians were anxious to pos-
sess these accurate narratives of the wit-
ness which their brethren made to the
truth of the Christian religion. In some
cases, as appears from the Acta of St.
Tarachus in Ruinart, they were able by
means of a bribe to get a copy of the offi-
cial document. This, however, could not
always be done, and the want was supplied
sometimes by accounts of liis trial written
by the martyr himself and supplemented
with the history of his " passion " or suf-
fering from the hands of those who had
witnessed it ; sometimes by accounts which
proceeded entirely from friends of the
martyr ; sometimes, lastly (as in the Ro-
man Church), notaries were appointed for
the special purpose of setting down the
incidents of the martyrdom in documents
meant for public use in the Church. Thus
the expresj-ion " Acta martyrum " came to
be used in a more extended sense for any
account of a martyr's confession and death.
A vast number of original Acts per-
ished in the year 303, when Diocletian by
an imperial edict required Christians to
deliver up to the magistrates their sacred
books and books in ecclesiastical use. After
the persecution of Diocletian was over,
Eusebius of CtEsarea made two collections
of the Acts of Martyrs. One of them, en-
titled Twv ap)(aLuiv fxapTupi(ov (Tvvaycoyrj, a
general Collection of the Acts of Martyrs,
has perished ; the other, "On the Martyrs
of Palestine," still survives as an appendix
to the eighth book of his Church History.
In the ninth century the Church of Con-
stantinople possessed a great collection of
the Acts of the Martyrs in twelve volumes,
and this probably formed the basis of the
legends of saints and martyrs compiled by
Simeon Metaphrastes (about OOU). lii
the West, tlie most famous collection of
the Lives of saints and martyrs was the
"Legenda Aurea'' of Jacobus de Voragine
(died 1298).
10
ADAM
ADAM
It is scarcely necessary to say that the
value of the extant Acts of the Martyrs
varies very much. Some, like the Acts of
the Martyrdoms of St. Ignatius and of St.
Polycarp, rank among the purest sources
of ecclesiastical history. In other cases
the original Acts have been interpolated
in such a manner that it is hard to dis-
tinguish the basis of historical fact from
the structure of legend and fable which
has been raised upon it. The Acts of St.
C'pecilia furnish a striking instance of
Acts which exhibit this mixed character.
Other Acta .igain, like many of those com-
piled by Metaplirastes, possess little orno
historical value. After the Renaissance,
criticism set itself to distinguish what was
ancient from that which wascomparatively
modern in the current Acts of the Martyrs,
and in l(i8U the learned Kuinart, a Bene-
dictine of the congregation of St. Maur,
published in a folio volume the " Acta
sincera martyrum " ("Pure Acts of the
Martyrs"), a work which can scarcely be
surpassed in honest and accurate scholar-
ship. In 1748, Stephen Assemani, a
Maronite, issued his "Acta SS. martyrum
orientalium et occidentalium," in two
volumes folio. It includes the history
of the martyrdoms east and west of the
Tigris. [See also Bollandists.]
ADAM, the first man. The Hebrew
word, which probably means earth-born,'
is used ibr man in general, and also, as a
proper name, for the first man. It is in
the latter of these two senses that the
word is taken here. Adam was formed
from " the slime of the earth "' by God,
who " breathed into his face the breath of
life and made him to his own image and
likeness." From him all mankind are
descended.'^ So far all is clear. But
there are great differences, with regard to
the state in which Adam was created,
between the teaching of Catholic and
Protestant theologians, and, unless the
doctrine of the Church with reference to
the state of Adam in Paradise is clearly
ajjprehended, it is impossible to understand
many other parts of the Church's dog-
matic system. We must begin by dis-
tinguishing between the gifts bestowed on
him in the order of nature and in that of
grace.
In the order of nature, Adam received
from (jod human nature, including its
constituent principles and all which flows
from them or is due to I hem. Thus, as a
man, he possessed reason and free will;
1 See Gen. ii. 7.
8 Gen. iii. 20.
he could know God as the Author of the
world, if he chose to make a right us(! of
his reason, and love Him with liis will as
the giverof natural giHxl. (ind iiiighthave
left man thus, without Cdnferring any
higher gift, for it would not have been
unjust to create man f'tir a state of "pure
nature." So created, he would have been
subject to disease, suffering, and death, to
ignorance and to the rebellion of the appe-
tites. He would have been destitute of
grace, and could never have hoped for the
happiness of heaven. But, at the same time,,
he would have had the ordinary hel]) of
God's providence to assist him in avoiding
sin and doing his duty; and if faithful to
the natural law, he would have had his
reward, in knowing God eternally, so far
as He can be known by reason, and in
union with Him by love.
Such a state was possible.' But as a
matter of fact, God poured into the soul
of A dam, while he was in Paradise,- a lioon
which transcends all nature — that of sanc-
tifying grace. He was able to believe in
God as He is known by the light of faith,,
to hope that he would see Ilim after this
life face to face, and to love Him with
supernaturalcharity. Further, thisfuUness
of the gifts of grace affected his natural
powers. As gi-ace subjected his soul to
God, so the body in its turn was subject
to the soul. The body could neither suffer
nor die ; the lower appetite could not rebel
against the reason.^ He had, moreover,,
that full knowledge of things human and
divine which beseemed him, as the head
of the human race.
The Scriptural account of the fall is in
striking harmony with the Catholic doc-
trine on original j ustice. Our temptations
come very often from within ; in Adam
and Eve, because their appetites were in
perfect subjection, such temptation was
impossible. The Serpent tempted Eve,
and Eve Adam, to eat of the tree of the-
knowledge of good and evil, that they
might " become as gods." By the re-
bellion, Adam lost that sanctifying grace
which made him the fi'iend of God. He
also forfeited that "integrity of nature,"
' Tfiis is evidently tlie doctrine of tlie
Church. See the propo.sitions of Baius, e.-ipe-
cially 26, 5S, condemuod bv tlie Po]]0,s.
It is not certain, (lioiii^h genc>rallv held,
that Adam wa.s crtaled in j^nice. The Council
of Trent left the matter (i]ieti.
5 "Bv MM," St, Paid sav.s, " [came] death "
(Rom. v.)". Adam .-md K ve li..f,,rc the fall, althou-h
naked, "were n>it ashamed,'' which indicates
the complete subjection of the lower nature-
(Gen. ii. 26).
ADAMITES
ADOmOXISM 11
as theologians call it, which flowed from
original justice, and thus his hody passed
under the yoke of suH'ering and death ;
the flesh became a constant incentive to
sin. He still preserved reason and free
will, was still capable of natural virtue
and even of corresponding to the grace of
repentance; but just as the effects of the
grace in which he had been constituted
at first overflowed on his natural faculties,
so now the fall from grace darkened his
intellect and weakened his will.
Adam was the representative of the
human race. If he had persevered in
obedience, his descendants would have
inherited from him, along with human
nature, original justice and the virtues
annexed to it. As it is, men come into
the world destitute of grace, and so un-
able to attain the end for which they
were created ; while their very nature is
wounded and impaired through the fall
of their first parent. It is heresy, however,
to hold, with Calvin and the other Re-
formers, that even fallen man is wholly
evil. It is grace, not nature, which he has
lost, and in his degradation he still keeps
reason and free will ; he is still capable of
natural good. [See Co^tcfpiscexce and
Oeigixal Six.'
ADAMITES. (1.) An obscure Gnos-
tic sect, said to have been founded by
Prodicus, son of Carpocrates, in the second
century. They are alleged to have met
together without clothes and abandoned
themselves to horrible immorality.
(2.) A fanatical sect of the middle
ages. Their leader, who called himself
Adam, was a Frenchman whose real name
was Picard (he may perhaps have come
from Picardy). From France they spread
through Holland and Germany, but had
their chief settlement in Bohemia, where
they flourished at the time of the Hussite
troubles. They were annihilated with
frightful severity by Ziska in 1421. They
recommended their followers to go naked,
and gave unrestrained licence to sensuality.
ADMITTZSTKATOR. When a
bishop is lawfully absent from his
diocese for a prolonged period, the Pope
sometimes grants him an " apostolic
administrator" to take charge of the
see. So, too, when a prince was ap-
pointed to a bishopric before he was
capable of governing it.
The name is commonly applied to a
priest in ch;irge of a parish, but who
is not himself the rector of the parish.
Thus, a bishop's parish is under the care
of an administrator.
ADOPTION. The Eoman law held
that by adoption a civil or le<ral kindred
was established between the parties,
which in many respects had the same
effects as natural kindred. To this us a
general principle the cam.ii law a^lh-ied.
But since, in proportion tn thf ilr-i, ,' in
which the adoptive was a-similaHMl to
the real relationship, impediments to
marriage were multiplied, it Vjecame ne-
cessary in the interest of Christian society
to re.«trict the t flVcts of adoption witliin
reasonalile limits. So intricate a subject
cannot be fully treated here, but the out-
lines of the compromise which the canon-
ists ultimately acquiesced in may be /
briefly stated.
The Koman law made void a marriage
between (1) the adoptive father and his
adopted dau-ihter ; (2)the adopted children
and the natural children of the same
parent ; (3) the adoptive father and the
adopted son and the widows of these two
respectively. In the first two cases the
impediment to marria^-e was legal con-
sanguinity: in the third, legal aftinity.
The canon law has attirmed the im])edi-
ment in the first and in the third case.
A Catholic may not marry bis adopted
daughter, nor the widow of his adoptive
father. In the second case the impedi-
ment only exists so long as the adopted
child and the child by blood, or either of
them, remain in the father's power ; that
power being withdrawn, by death or
otherwise, the impediment ceases. (See
the chapter in Yecchiotti, " Inst. Can." v.
13, De cognatione civili sen ler/ali.)
Adoption has never been recognised
as a legal institution in England or Scot-
land. In the United States it is ad-
mitted, with more or less of restriction
according to the ideas of jurisprudence
prevailing in difierent States. In Massa-
chusetts, by the law of 1876, adoption
is an impediment to marriage between the
adopter and the adopted, but to no other
unions. The Code Xapol6on allows
adoption, but under rigorous conditions.
(See Whitmore's " Law of Adoption in
the U.S.")
ASOPTiONZSni. A heresy which
arose in Spain and is closely allied to
Nestorianism. Towards the end of the
eighth century, Felix, bishop of Urgel, and
Elipandus, bishop of Toledo, held the
opinion that Christ as man is only the
adopted son of God. They supported this
error by passages quoted from the Fathers
and by the expression " h(»no aclopf ivus "
which occurs in the Mozarabic Missal.
12 ADORATION OF THE CROSS
ADULTERY
Pope Pladiian, in a letter to the Bisliops
of Spain, condemned this error as Nesto-
riau,and a hke sentence was passed against
it in three synods convolved by Charle-
magne, at Ratisbonne in 792, at Franciort
in 794, and at Aix-la-Chapelle in 799.
Alcuin, Paulinas of Aquileia, and Agobard
wrote against the error. Both Felix and
Eiipaiidus died in heresy, but, owing to
tlie zeal of Leidrad of Lyons and Bene-
dict of Anapni, who made repeated visits
to Spain, the followers of the heresiarchs
were converted and the error died out.
The Cathohc Doctors in their contro-
versy with the Adoptionists rightly urged
that adoption implies that the person
adopted was, previous to his adoption,
alien to the person who adopts him.
Now, even as man, Christ, far from being
alien to God, was the natural son of God.
His sacred Humanity was united from the
first moment of its existence to the Per-
son of God the Word. When we say
"this man," we indicate not only the
possession of human nature : the words
signifv a person. Hence " the man Christ "
or '"Christ in His human nature " is equi-
valent to God the Son subsisting in hu-
man nature ; and He cannot have been
adopted, for the simple reason that He
was son by nature. So St. Paul speaks of
Him even in His humanity as the proper
Son of God. God, he says, did not spare
His own Son (rov Idlov v'loii) " but gave
him up for us all:'" where the reference
clearly is to Christ as man.
The Adoptionist heresy " halts be-
tween two opinions" — viz. Catholic doc-
trine and Nestorianism. If in Christ
there had been two persons, one human
and one divine, then there might also
have been two sons, one by adoption, one
by nature. (See Petavius, " De Incarnat."
i. 22, and vii. 1 neq. ; and for the opinion
of Scot us, who seems to have used the
form "(."hrist ns man is the adopted Son
of God," but in an orthodox sense, see
Billuart, " De Inciirnat." Diss, xxi.)
AXtORATZOir OF TH£ CROSS,
6. C, [See Lateia. See also Peepetual
Adokation.]
ASTTXiTERT. The Catholic Church
holds that the bond of marriage is not
and ought not to be dissolved by the
adultery of either paity; see the decree
of the Council of Trent (Sess. xxiv.. Can.
7. ) It remains to consider in what way
the act atlects, though it cannot break,
the nu]itial tit-. The canon law allows
of divorce from bi^d and board (a ioro et
1 Rom. viii. 32.
cohahUatione), whether permanent or tem-
porary, for various causes. Of these
causes adultery is one of the chief The
right to this species of divorce, or, as it
is called in England, judicial separation,
accrues to either party in consequence of
the adultery of the other, provided that
the guilt be certain and notorious, whether
in fact or in law. It was formerly held
that this right, though it undoubtedly
belonged to the husband after the mis-
conduct of his wife, ought not to be simi-
larly extended to a wife on account of the
adultery of the husband. This opinion is
not now held, and it is agreed that the
adultery of either party is a sutticient
cause entitling the innocent person to
claim a judicial separation for life.
Several questions, however, arise. Is
the husband whose wife has committed
adultery bound to separate himself from
her, or does he merely enter into a right
which he may either e.xercise or not as he
likes ? Arguments of great weight have
been adduced by canonists on either side
of this question. But there is no doubt
that the wife, in the parallel case, is not
so bound, and that for reasons such as
these: (1) that her husband's guilt im-
plies no acquiescence on her part, which
could hardly be the case were the wile the
offender ; (2) that the honour of the
family and the legitimacy of the children
are not stained or imperilled in the one
case as they are in the other; (3) that
her insisting on being separated from him
is not likely to lead to the husband's re-
formation, but rather the contrary.
Another question arisL's, as to the
legal effect of the commission of adultery
by the innocent party after the sentence
of divorce (judicial separation) has been
pronounced. On this point, opinions are
greatly divided, some holding that the
divorce is a res judicata, which no subse-
quent misconduct on thepart of the spouse
innocent at the date of the sentence can
affect ; others maintaining that the sen-
tence itself saddles the party relieved with
an implied condition qutnndiu f>e>ie se
ffesserif," and that if that condition is
violated, the spouse against whom the
judgment was given may justly claim the
restitution of conjugal rights.
Various impediiuents to divorce on
account of adultery are allowed by the
canon law, of which the chief are, the
proof of adultery against the spouse seek-
ing a divorce, and condonation.
The statute law of England, as is well
known, holds the adultery of the wife to
,\DVEXT, SEASON OF
.ADVENT, SEASON OF
13
bo a good cause, not only of the limited
speciis of divorce treated above, but of
the absolute severance of the nuptial bond,
provided always that, as the saying is,
the husband comes into court with clean
hands. But the proof of adultery alone
does not entitle a wife to obtain a divorce
a linciilo against the husband ; it must, to
have that effect, be coupled with cruelty
or desertion. [See Maeeiage.] — Vec-
chiotti, V. 14, § 123.
ADVESTT, SEASOSr OF. The
period, of between tliree and ftnir weeks
from Advent Sunday (which is always
the Sunday nearest to the feast of St.
.\ndrew) to Christma.s eve, is named by
the Chiu-ch the season of Advent. Dur-
ing it she desires that her children should
practise fasting, works of penance, medi-
tation, and prayer, in order to prepare
themselves for celebrating worthily the
coming {advcntum) of the Son of God in
the flesh, to promote His spii'itual advent
within their own souls, and to school
themselves to look forward with hope and
joy to Ilis second advent, when He shall
come again to judge mankind.
It is impossible to fix the precise time
when the season of Advent began to be ;
observed. A canon of a Council at j
Saragossa, in 380, forbade the faithful to
absent themselves from the Church ser-
vices during the three weeks from De-
cember 17th to the Epiphany; this is
perhaps the earliest trace on record of
the observance of Advent. The singing
of the "greater antiphons" at vespers
is commenced, according to the Eoman ^
ritual, on the very day specified by the
Council of Saragossa; this can hardly be
a mere coincidence. In the fifth century
Advent seems to have been assimilated to
Lent, and kept as a time of fasting and !
abstinence for forty days, or even longer
— (.e. i'rom Martinmas (Nov. 11) to Christ-
mas eve. In the Sacramentary of
Gregory the Great there are Masses for
five Sundays in Advent; but about the
ninth century these were reduced to four,
and so they have ever since remained,
" "We may therefore consider the present
discipline of the observance of Advent
as having lasted a thousand years, at
least as far as the Church of Rome is
concerned." '
With regard to fasting and abstinence
duriiii;- Ailvrnt. t!ir prartii-f has always
grt-atlv Villi. m1. and >till arir>, in different
parts of the ChurL-h. Strictness has been
' Gue'rani;er's Litnrgicul Yenr, translated
by Dom Shepherd, 1867.
observed, after which came a period of
rela.xation, followed by a return to strict-
ness. At the present time, the Wednes-
days and Fridays in Advent are observed
as fast days by English and Irish Catho-
lics ; but in France and other Continental
countries the ancient discipline has long
ago died out, except among religious
commxmities.
There is a marvellous beauty in the
offices and rites of the Church during this
season. The lessons, generally taken from
the prophecies of Isaias, remind us how
the desire and expectation, not of Israel
only, but of all nations, carried forward
the thoughts of mankind, before the time
of Jesus Christ, to a Redeemer one day to
be revealed ; they also strike the note of
preparation, watchfulness, compunction,
hope. In the Gospels we hear of the
terrors of the last judgment, that second
advent which those who despise the first
will not escape ; of the witness borne by
John tlie Precursor, and of the "mighty
works " by which the Saviour's life sup-
plied a solid foundation and justification
for that witness. At vespers, the seven
greater antiphons, or anthems — beginning
on December 17th, the first of the seven
greater Ferias preceding Christmas eve — •
are a noteworthy feature of the liturgical
year. They are called the O's of Advent,
on account of the manner in which they
commence ; they are all addressed to
Christ ; atid they are double — that is, they
are sung entire both before and after the
Magnificat. Of the first, O Snpientin, quce
ex ore Altissimi piodiisti, &c.,a trace still
remains in the words O Sapientia printed
in the calendar of the Anglican Pra3-er
Book o])pnsite December 16 — words which
prnbably nut one person in ten thousand
using tlie Prayer Book understands. The
pur])le hue of penance is the only colour
used in the sfr\ ices of Advent, except on
the l'fa>tMif >aints. In many other points
Advent rrsemljles Lent: during its con-
tinuance, in Masses de Tempore, the Gloria
in e.vcehis is suppressed, the organ is
silent, the deacon sings Benedicamus Do-
mino at the end of Mass i"ii>tead of [fe,
i Missa est, and marriages are not solemn-
ised. On the other hand, the Alleluia, the
word of gladiu'>s. is only once or twice
interrupted during Advent, and the organ
finds its voice on the third Sunday: the
Church, by these vestiges of joy, signify-
ing that the a.^sured expectation of a
Redeemer whose birth she will soon
celebrate fills her heart, and chequers
, the gloom of her mourning with these
14
ADVENT OF CHRIST
AFFINITY
gleams of briulitiiess. (Fleury, "Hist.
Eccles." xvii. ")? ; CTUi^ranger's "Liturgi-
cal Year.")
ASVEurT or chrzst. [See
MiLLENKirM.]
ASVOCATVS DEX. .a.BVOCA-
TXTS SZABOX.!. [See Oanoxisation.]
ASVOCATUS ECCl.ESX.a:. Fer-
raris distinguishes four classes nf advocati
ecclesiarum, but the most important class,
and that with which alone we shall con-
cern ourselves here, was that of advocate-
protectors, princes or barons, or other
powerful laymen, who, for a considera-
tion, undertook to protect the property of
a church or monastery, as well as the lives
of the inmates. In the turbulent period
between the ninth and the thirteenth
centuries this practice was largely resorted
to. The advocatus sometimes received a
kind of rent, either in money or in kind,
but moi-e generally he was put in posses-
sion of Church lands, which he might use
for his own benefit on condition of protect-
ing the rest. " But these advocates became
too often themselves the spoilers, and op-
pressed the helpless ecclesiastics for whose
defence they had been engaged." ' The
Lateran Council, in 1215, had to decree
(chap. 45) " that patrons or advocates, or
vidames, should not in future encroach on
the property entrusted to tliem ; if they
presume to do otherwise, let them be
restrained by all the severity of the canon
law." As law and order became stronger
in Europe, the practice of employing advo-
cnti naturally fell into disuse. (Ferraris.)
mom. '[See Gnosticism.]
AETZVS and AETIATTS. Aetius
was a native of Antioch, born in the first
half of the fourth century He was a
good example of the "Grfficnlus esuriens"
satirised by Juvenal ; after having been
successively a slave, a charcoal-burner, a
tinker, and a quack doctor, he applied
himself to the profession of pliilosophy,
and finally to that of theology. He
became a pupil of Leontius, who, on
being made Patriarch of Antioch in 350,
ordained Aetius deacon. The Arian
sentiments to ^\hich he could not help
giving e.xprcssidii, led to his expulsion
from Antioch; hr sought refuge at Alex-
andria, where he learnt fnun a sn])hist
the Aristotelian logic, and r()i!ti-i\ r<l to
ingratiate himself with (iiMiif^f the Arian
patriarch. Aided by a zr.ilmw di-ciiile,
Eunomius, who joined liiiii ,it ilii>iimc,
he denied not on'ly the iloi iniH ol Nice,
which the great A tlianasi us was engaged
' Hallam's Mhldlv Ayes, c. vii. part 1.
in defending, but also thatof theHomoiou-
sians that the Sou was like to the Father.
The laxity and recklessness of his lan-
guage were such that the people called
him " the atheist." In 358, hearing that
Eudoxus, an inveterate and audacious
Arian, was installed at Antioch, Aetius
went thither, and soon became a person
of some importance. But Eudoxus could
not prevail upon the bishops of the
neighbouring sees to consent to his re-
instating Aetius in the diaconate. Basil
of Ancyra complained to the Emperor
Constantine of the licence which was
allowed to heresy at Antioch ; and the
Eni])eror in alarm ordered Eudoxus and
Aetius to come to Constantinople. The
authorship of an exposition of faith in
which the unlikeness of the Son to the
Father was maintained was brought home
to Aetius, and the Emperor banished him
to Phrygia (360). His place of exile
was changed to Mopsuestia, and after-
wards to an unhealthy town in Pisidia.
Here he is said to have maintained his
heresy yet more openly, and published in
support of it a syllabus of forty-seven
articles, which St. Epiphanius has pre-
served and refuted. The date of his death
is not recorded. (Fleury, " Hist. Eccl^s."
xii.-xiv.)
APrxwiTY, in the proper sense of
the word, is the connection which arises
from cohabitation between each one of
the two parties cohabiting, and the blood-
relations of the other. It is regarded as
an impediment to marriage in the Jewish,
Roman, and canon law.
In the Jewish law a man is forbidden,
by reason of aflinity, to marry his step-
mother, step-daughter, and step-grand-
daughter, his mother-in-law and daughter-
in-law, the widow of his father's brother
(the Vulgate adds the widow of his
mother's brother), the widow of his
brother, if he has left children.^
In the Roman law marriage was for-
bidden between a man and his mother-in-
law, daughter-in-law, step-mother, step-
daughter, the wife of his deceased brother,
the sister of his deceased wife. It also
forbade a step-father to marry the widow
of his step-son, and a step-mother to
marry the surviving husband of her step-
daughter.
The canon law, starting from the
])i iiu i]ilf that man and woman who have
int.'i-oiirs.' wit h each other become one
tlr>h, eonsidered the marriage of one
1 Levit xviii. 8, 14-17; x.x 11, 12. 14, 20,
21 ; Dent. xxii. 30 ; xxvii. 20, 23.
AFFINITY
AFRICAN CHURCH lo
party with the relations of the other as
equivalent to a marriag-e with his or her
own relation. Affinity was computed by
degrees just as consanguinity was, accord-
ing to the legal maxim, " The degree of
a person's consanguinity with one of a
married pair is the degree of his affinity
to the other.'' Thus gradually marriage
was forbidden to the seventh degree of
affinity.' Further, although the relations
of one married person could espouse the
relations of the other, on the principle
that " affinity does not produce affinity,"
still the impediment of affinity was ex-
tended to the children a woman had by
her second marriage and the relations of
her first husband. Moreover, two other
kinds of affinity were introduced, viz. of
the second and third class (xi'cundi et tvrfii
generis), so that marriage was unlawful
between a man married to a -w idow and
those who had affinity to his wife's former
partner, or, again, who had affinity to
those who were in affinity to the former
partner. Finally, all these degrees of
affinity were contracted by unlawfid in-
tercourse as well as by marriage
In 121 5 the fiftieth canon of the Fourth
Lateran Council abolished the impedi-
ment from affinity of the second and third
class, as well as that from affinity between
the children a woman had in second mar-
riage and the relations of lier first hus-
band, and limited the impediment of
affinity in the strict sense to tlie first four
degrees. Lastly, the Council of Trent -
confined the impediment of aflinity from
unlawful intercourse to the first two de-
grees, and so the law of the Church con-
tinues to the present day. Thus, affinity
arising from previous marriage, to the
foiu-th degree, and from unlawful inter-
course, to the second degree (both inclu-
sive), makes marriage null and void, and, if
it supervenes after marriap(>, (lc]iri\-i's tlie
guilty party ofhisor her niai-riniiv li-hts.
However, with one possiMr rxcrjitioii,
viz. that between a man and tlie woman
■whose mother or daugliter he has
married, or, vice versa, bet\\-ei;n a woman
and a man to whosr I'uilicr or son she
has been married, atlinity iiii]ii'des mar-
riage only by ecclesiastical, nut by natural
law, so that the Pope can grant a dispen-
sation.^
Besides the various classes of affinity
properly so called, there are further two
I Concil. Rom. anno 721.
- Sess. xxiv. c. 4.
5 Gurv. Mnral. Tlienl. " De Matrimon."
§ 813, with Uallerini\s note.
species of quasi-affinity, known as Ifli/al
and spiritual affinity. With regard to the
former, the Church has adopted tln' de-
termination of the Roman law, acciirding
to which marriage cannot be contracted
between an adopted son and tlie widow
of his adoptive father, or between the
adoptive father and the widow of the
adopted son. [See Adoption.] Accord-
ing to the canon law, spiritual affinity
nullified marriage between the widow or
widower of the God-parent in baptism
and the person baptised or confirmed, and
between the widow or widower of the
God-parent and either parent of the per-
son confirmed or baptised. Since, how-
ever, the Council of Trent, in reforming
the older law on spiritual relationship
(coynatio spirituals), makes no mention
of spiritual affinity, it is generally sup-
posed that the latter is no longer to be
recognised as an impediment to marriage.
AFBZCAXr CBURCH AITD COITIT-
CUS. Among the witnesses of the
Pentecostal miracle ' were Jews, not from
Egypt only, but also from " the parts of
Libya about Cyrene," and by some of
these Christianity must have been ex-
tended in North Africa at a very early
period. Eusebius tells us that St. Mark
went into Egypt, and founded the Church
of Alexandria, of which he was the first
patriarch. The first see founded further
west is beHeved to have been Carthage,
which, at the time when we first hear of
it, through Tertullian, one of its presby-
ters, writing about 200, was already
the centre of a flourishing Afro-Roman
Christian province, in which the majority
of the inhabitants were Christians. Mona-
chism sprang up in Egypt [Abbot] in
the third century, and the heresy of
Arius appeared at Alexandria near
the beginning of the fourth. A flood
of light is thrown upon the condition of
the African Church in the fifth century
by the writings of its greatest son, St.
Augustine, bishop of Hippo, whose vast
and disciplined genius has never ceased
to instruct and delight the Catholics of
every later age. When St. Augustine
died (430), his episcopal city was being
besieged by the Vandals from Spain, who
soon after made themselves masters of
the whole of Roman Africa. They were
Arians, and cruelly ])ersecuted the ortho-
dox Church, which in the time of St.
Augustine could count its four hnndred
sees. The Donatist schism, which seduced
great numbers into a state of alienation
1 Acts ii. 10.
16 AFRICAN CIIUllCH
AGAPE
from Ciitluilic communion, had already
arisen iihout the hctrinning of the fifth
centurv. "Aei ism ; DoUATiSTS.] Be-
lisarius in tlir sixili ct iitury defeated the
Vandals and veo'\ t rcd Africa for the
Emperor Justinian; l)ut Christianity had
not had time to recover from the blows
which war and liere.-y had inflicted, be-
fore the swords of the Arabs, fanatical
jiropaoators of the reliirion of Mohammed,
liewed down, from tile Nile to the Pillars
of Hercules, all authority but their own.
Under their liani'l'ul sway, which in the
early ages of Islam was wielded with
great political skill, Cliristianity became
all but extinct in North Afi-ica. Only in
our own day, through the conquest of
Algeria by tlie Frencli, the Cross has
driven back the Crescent on the Barbary
coast ; and the intrepid Cardinal Lavi-
gerie, Archbishop of Algiers, seems likely
to reillume a ray of the ancient glory of
the African Church.
The present state of Christianity in |
Africa may be briefly described as fol- I
lows : (1) in Egypt, to which is annexed
Arabia, there are two vicariates, one for
the Latins, the other of the Coptic rite.
Following the Mediterranean coast, we
find (2) an archbishop's see at Carthage
(Tunis), and (3) an archbishop's see at
Algiers, with two suffragan sees, Con-
stautina and Oran. 4. Ceuta, a Spanish
pdsscssion opposite Gibraltar, gives part
of his title to the Bishop of Cadiz. 5. In
the islands on the west coast of Africa
are four bishoprics : the Canaries, under
Seville ; Madeira, St. Thomas, and the
Cape de Verd Islands, under Lisbon.
6. The vicariate of Senegambia. 7. All
the coast from Sierra Leone to the Niger,
including the vicariate of Benin, has
been lately committed by the Holy See
to the charge of the Society of African
^Missions at Lyons. 8. The See of Angola
(Portuguese). 9. A large thinly peopled
district, between the Portugtiese posses-
sions and the Orange River, has been re-
centlj' erected into a prefecture under the
title of Cimbebasia. 10. At the Cape
are two vicariates, the Eastern and the
AVestern. 11. The vicariate of Natal.
12. The see of Port Louis, Mauritius,
is immediately dependent on the Holy
See. 13. The vicariate of Madagascar.
14. North Zanzibar is under a vicar apo-
stolic ; the southern portion is under a
prefect apostolic. 15. The vicariate of the
Gallas. 16. The Abyssinian Christians
[Abyssinian CnrECH] are under tlie
jurisdiction of the Latin vicar apostolic of
Egypt. 17. The vicariate of Central Africa
with its seat at El Obeid in Cordofan.
Thus is ."yrica ringed round with
Catholic missions, so t hat, if France should
ever have a Christian government, or
Portugucsi' gnvernors go out animated
by the fervour of the Albuquerques of
former days, u great and sudden spread of
Christianity among the descendants of
Ham is far from improbable. On the
other hand it has to be admitted that the
Moravians, the Presbyterians, the Inde-
pendents, the Anglicans, and other sects,
liave shown much activity in indoctrina-
ting the native tribes (especially of South
Africa and Madagascar) in their respec-
tive systems, and met with considerable
success.
AFRXCAsr covxircziiS. These were
for the most part held at Carthage. In
the first four centuries the African Church,
full of activity and fervour, and repre-
sented by men of the highest intellectual
eminence, among whom we need but
name St. Cyprian and St. Augustine,
bore its part to the full in those memor-
able conciliar discussions which settled
the form of doctrine and discipline that
Christianity was to bear in the world.
The chief subjects discussed at the Afri-
can councils which preceded the Vandal
invasion were, the re-baptism of heretics
returning to the Church, the Donatist con-
troversy, the heresy of Pelagius, and the
adjustment ofquestions of discipline either
internal or between Africa and Rome.
Fleury enumerates seventeen Councils of
Carthage, the last of which, held in 535,
busied itself with repairing the havoc
■which the raA ages of the Arian heretics
had made. "We read of an African Coun-
cil, the last of the entire series, held in
646, which condemned the £c//iesis of
Heraclius. In the following year the
Caliph Othman despatched the expedi-
tion which, with others that followed it,
brought utter ruin on the Roman and
Christian civilisation of Africa.
AGAPE (from ciyantj, love). A
name given in Jude 12 to the brotherly
feasts of the early Christians, which are
described at l.'ug'th in 1 Cor. xi. They
were instituted in jiart on the analogy of
the common meals usual among the
Greeks {avn-atTia) to which each contri-
buted his share ; but this common meal
was elevated liv the spirit of Christian
cliaritv and ilesii.nied to commemorate the
last Mij.i.er wliu h Christ held with His
disci]iles, as well as to serve for tlie relief
of the poor. Thus it received a liturgical
AGE, CANONICAL
AGNOET^
17
character, so that the Apostle calls it " the
Bupper of the Lord.'' ' It was also closely
connected with the sacred mysteries, and,
more probably, preceded them. However,
this custom of taking other food before
the communion soon died out, althoupli
in St. Aug-ustine's time the custom still
survived of permitting communion once
a year — viz. on Holy Thursday — to
those who had just partaken of the
agape.
The Agape thus separated from the Eu-
charist survived for many centuries in the
Church, although it was evident even in
St. Paul's day how liable it was to abuse,
and the complaints of St. Augustine prove
that he was familiar with similar scan-
dals. The Synod of Gangra, about the
middle of the fourth century, anathemati-
ses those who despise the Agape, although
Van Espen is of opinion that in this place
the Agape means no more than a common
meal charitably supplied to the poor.' Be
that as it may, the Agapai still continued
to be celebrated in the Church. The
Council of Laodicea, in the latter part of
the fourth century, forbade " eating in
the house of God," but the Synod in
Trullo, centuries after, had to repeat the
prohibition, which was placed by Gratian
in the corpus juris.*
AGE, CAitroDrzcAZ.. The Church,
like the State, tixes certain ages at which
her subjects become capable of incurring
special obligations, enjoying special pri-
vileges, of entering on special states of
life, or of holding office and dignity. The
following is a summary of the principal
determinations regarding age, so far as
they affect (1) the ordinary life of a
Christian, (2) the ecclesiastical and re-
ligious state. It must be observed that
the canonical age is reckoned from the
day of birth, not from that of baptism.
1. With rrgni-d to ordinary Cliristians.
The age of reason is generally supposed
to begin about the seventh year, though
of course it may come earlier in soTue cases,
later in others. At that time a child be-
comes capable of morLal sin, and so of
receiving the sacraments of penance and
extreme unction, which are the remedies
for post-baptismal sin. The Holy lui-
charist and Confirmation, according to the
discipline of the West, are usually given
1 In Est! us nd Inc. conv
given for distiniiuishinK the " Supper of tlie
Lor'i " from thi' Eucharist.
2 See Estius, and tlie Council of Hippo,
Hefele. Conciliengeschlchte, ii. p. 58.
3 Hefele, li. i. 7«4. •» lb. i. 707.
nfj re.isons are
I some time after the use of reason has been
attained, when the child has received some
instruction in Christian doctrine, and is
able to understand the nature of these
sacraments, further, at seven years of
age, a child becomes subject to the law
of the Church {e.ff. with regard to absti-
nence, Sunday Mass, &c.), and can con-
, tract an engagement of marriage. [Set
1 Espousal.]
The age of puberty begins in the case
I of males at fourteen, in that of females at
twelve. Marriage contracted by persons
under these ages is null and void {nisi
; malitia suppleat cetatem). Till the age of
■ puberty is reached, no one can be required
to take an oath.
At twenty-one, the obligation of fast-
! ing begins; it ceases, according to the
common opinion, at sixty.
'2. With regard to religious and eccle-
siastics.— At seven, a person may be ton-
sured. No special age is named in the
canon law for the reception of minor
orders. A subdeacon must have com-
pleted his twenty-first, a deacon his
twent^'-second, a priest his twenty-fourth,
and a bishop his thirtieth year, A cleric
j cannot hold a simple benefice before
entering on his fourteenth year; an eccle-
siastical dignity — e.g. a canonry in a
cathedral church — till he has completed
his twenty-second year; a benefice with
cure of souls attached to it, before he
has begun his twenty-fifth year ; a dio-
cese, till he has completed "his thirtieth
I A religious cannot make his profession
I till he is at least si.xteen years old, and
j has passed a year in the noviciate. He
must be thirty years of age before he can
[ hold a prelacy which involves quasi-
episcopal jurisdiction. A gu-1 must be
j over twelve years of age before she assumes
] the religious habit. A woman under forty
I cannot be chosen religious superior of a
i convent, unless it is impossible to find in
I the order a religious of the age required,
I and otherwise suitable. In this case, a
religious thirty years old may be chosen
with the consent of the bishop or other
I su])erior. (See Council of Trent, Sess.
xxiii. xxiv. xxv. Ferraris, " Bibliotheca
Prompta.")
AGsrOETS. A sect of Monophy-
sites founded by the Alexandrian deacon
Theniistius, and hence also called Therais-
tians. Them istius, alt hough, being a Mono-
physite, he held only one nature of the
Incarnate Word, maintained that this na-
ture was subject to ignorance. Timothy,
0
18
AGNUS DEI
ALBIGENSES
Patriarch of Alexandria, and his suc-
cessor Theodosius (537-539) opposed this
assertion, which led logically to the con-
fession of two natures, or to the open
denial of Christ's divinity. Thereupon,
the Agnoet£e formed themselves into a
special sect which lasted till the eighth
century. (See Petavius, " Ue Incarnat."
I. xvi. 1 1 . Hefele, " Conciliengeschichte,"
ii. 574.)
ACNVS DEI. (1) A prayer in the
Mass, which occurs shortly before the
communion — " Lamb of God, who takest
away the sins of the world, have mercy
on lis. Lamb of God, who takest away
the sins of the world, have mercy on us.
Limib of God, &c., give us peace." It
has been used since the time of Pope Ser-
gius, in the seventh century. Originally
(according to some, till the time of .lohn
XXIL), each petition ended with " have
mercy on us " ; and this custom still con-
tinues in the Lateran basilica (Gavant.).
{2) The figure of a lamb stamped on the
wax which remains from the Paschal
candles, and solemnly blessed by the Pope
on the Thursday after Easter, in the first
and seventh years of his Pontificate.
Amalarius, writing early in the ninth
century,^ mentions the fact that in his
time the Agnus Dei's were made of wax
and oil by the Archdeacon of Rome,
blessed by the Pope, and distributed to
the people on the octave of Easter. A bull
of Gregory XIII. forbids persons to paint
or gild any Agnus Dei blessed by the Pope,
under pain of excommunication.^
AXiB. A vestment of white linen,
reaching from head to foot and with
sleeves, which the priest puts on before
saying Mass, with the prayer — "Make me
white, O Lord, and cleanse me," &c. It
sprang from the under-garment (the tunica,
or T7o?i))pris) of the Romans and Greeks,
which was usually white, although a/bn
docs not occur as a technical term for the
wbite tunic till nearly the end of the third
century. The Greek under-garment had
sleeves, and it was this which the Chris-
tians adopted for ecclesiastical use. The
alb was adopted for Church use from
early times. Eusebius speaks of bishops
clothed in the holy no^rjfi^s. A cajion
attributed to the Fourth Council of Car-
thage, 398, and which certainly belongs
to that ])eriod, orders deacons to use the
alb " only at the time of the oblation or
of reading." In 580, the Council of Nar-
bonne forbade deacons, subdeacons, or
> Fleurv, xlvii. 30.
^ St. Liguori, Theol. Moral, vii. n. 200.
lectores to put off the alb before the end
of Mass. At the same time, long after
this date the alb continued to be worn, at
least by clerics, in daily life. Thus, in
889, a Bishop of Soissons forbids an eccle-
siastic to use at Mass the same alb which
he is accustomed to wear at home.
The shape of the alb has remained
much as it was, for it is a mistake to sup-
pose that it ever was a tight-fitting gar-
ment. As a rule, too, it was always made
of linen, whence it is often called linea,
but it was sometimes made of silk, and
adorned with gold and with figures It
was also in ancient times ornamented with
stripes of purple or gold. Another ancient
ornament of the alb consisted in the para-
turn, which was in use from the eleventh
to the sixteenth century. This paratura
(from parare, to adorn : French, j)ariire)
was a square piece of coloured embroidery
from half a foot to one foot in length,
sewed on at four places in the alb.
The mystical meaning of this vestment
is plainly indicated by the prayer given
above. (Ilefele, " Beitrage," &c.)
AIiBZCBN'SES. These heretics were
so named from the town of A Iby in Lan-
guedoc, where a Council was held in 1 176
which condemned their doctrines. They
owed their Manichfean tenets to the Pauli-
cian sect, which, originally formed in Ar-
menia in tlie eighth century, was exiled
to Bulgaria, and, becoming very powerful
there, gradually extended its numbers and
influence up the valley of the Danube, and
passed out of Swabia into the south-east
of France. Their teachers assumed a
great simplicity of manners, dress, and
mode of life ; they inveighed against the
vices and worldliness of the clergy ; and
there was sufficient truth in these censures
to dispose their hearers to believe what
they advanced and reject what they de-
cried. They taught the well-known doc-
trine of the ManichsBans, tliat there are
two opposing creative princijiles, one good,
the other evil: the invisible world pro-
ceeding from the former, the body and all
material things from the latter.' They
also rejected the Old Testament, said that
infant baptism was useless, and denied
marriage to the "perfect," as they called
their more austere members. The con-
demnation of their tenets by the Council
of Alby produced little or no ettect; they
still multiplied and spread; and Raymond
' Protestant writers liave dciiietl this, but
it has been conclusively established by, .among
others, Mr. Hallani, in his History of t/ie
I Midd.e Ages, ch. ix. part 2.
ALEXANDRIA
ALEXANDRIA 19
VI., Count of Toulouse, protected them.
Innocent III. sent Peter of Castelnau to
Languedoc, as his legate, to oppose the
spread of the mischief. In 120() Diego,
the holy Bishop of Osmain Spain, attended
bv Dominic his sub-prior, engaged in a
mission in the south of France, the result
of which vas to bring back great numbers
to the Catholic faith. The legate having j
been murdered in 1208 by a servant of the
Count of Toulouse, Innocent proclaimed a
crusade or holy war, -with indulgences,
against the Albigensian heretics, and re-
quested Philip II., the King of France, to
puthimself at itshead. The king refused,
but permitted any of bis vassals to join it
who chose. An army was collected, com- i
posed largely of desperadoes, mercenary
soldiers, and adventurers of every descrip-
tion, whose sole object was plunder. Ray- 1
mend, in great fear, not only promised all ^
that was demanded of him, but assumed
the Cross himself against his proteges. \
The war opened in 1209 with the siege of
B^ziers and the massacre of its inhabi-
tants. Simon de Montfort, the father of
the famous Earl of Leicester, was made
Count of the territories conquered. The
war lasted many years and became politi-
cal; in its progress great atrocities were \
committed, Languedoc was laid desolate,
and the Proven9al civilisation destroyed.
Peace was made in 1227, and the tribunal
of the Inquisition established soon after. |
St. Dominic, who preached zealously in ,
Languedoc while the war was proceeding,
and founded his celebrated Order in '
1215, is thought by some to have been \
the first Inquisitor ; but this seems to be
a mistake. (Gibbon, liv.; Fleury, Ixxii.) ,
AXiEXATTDRZA (Church of). The
foundation of this Church by Mark the
Evangelist, the epurjvevTrjs Uerpov, as
he is called by Papias, has been already
noticed [Afkic.\n Church]. The names
of eighteen bishops of Alexandria between !
St. Mark and St. Athanasius are on re-
cord, but little is known about most of
them. Demetrius, who died in 234, is
known as having been the great Origen's
bishop, who first favoured and afterwards [
persecuted that extraordinary man. The j
eighteenth in succession to St. Mark was j
Alexander, one of the fathers who sat at
Nicsea. Under him arose the Arian con- 1
troversy [Arians, Aeius]. Athanasius j
[see that article'] succeeded Ale.xander in ,
326, and after battling with Arianism for '
more than forty years, passed the close of >
his stormy life in peace, dying in 373. j
Even in the fourth century, a large pro- |
portion of the people of Alexandria were
idolaters, as is shown by the story of
George the intrusive Arian bishop, mur-
dered in a popular rising because he was
believed to have insulted some of the
heathen rites. In the fifth and sixth
centuries Monophysite bishops had pos-
session from time to time of the see of
Alexandria, which now began to be called
a patriarchate [Patriarchate]. The
people of Egypt became generally at-
tached, with the greater part of their
clerg\^, to the doctrine of one nature in
Christ, and rejected the decrees of
Chalcedon. But these decrees, after a
long period of more or less direct opposi-
tion, were espoused by the Byzantine
emperors, and imposed by force on all the
countries under their rule. Hence it
happened that the Coptic Monophjsites,
when Amrou, the lieutenant of Omar,
invaded Egypt in 638, were in the posi-
tion of an oppressed sect, and they
eagerly joined their forces to those of the
Arabs in order to drive out the Greek
officials and the orthodox creed. From
that time the patriarchate of Alexandria
has been Monophysite, and severed from
Catholic communion. Alexandria having
again become a place of considerable
trade, there is now a f^ir sprinkling of
Catholics in the popuhnion, for whom
Gregory XVI. created a Vicariate. On
the present Patriarch of Alexandria of
the Latin rite, see Patriarch.
AliEXANDRza. (School of). Found-
ed by Alexander the Great about B.C.
330, Alexandria rapidly grew in popula-
tion and wealth, and numbered, towards
the Christian era, more than six hun-
dred thousand inhabitants.' Under the
Ptolemies Greek literature flourished there
with extraordinary brilliancy in every
department of thought. The Jews, who
settled there in great numbers, struck by
the fecundity of the Greek mind, strove
to turn it from its errors, and convert it
to the belief in the unity of the Godhead.
The Hebrew Scriptures were under this
impulse translated into Greek [Septita-
gint], and a school of eminent writers
arose, among whom the most distinguished
were Philo and Josephus. In a place so
full of learning and intellectual strife,
Christianity could only hold its ground,
after being once planted, by entering
seriously into the pliilnsopliicnl debate,
and justifying, by argiinients which the
learned would appreciate, the wisdom of
God in the revelation through Christ.
• Gibbon, ch. x.
c2
20 ALLEGORICAL SENSE
ALMS
Hence arose the Christian school of j
Alexandria, the great lights of which — \
Pantajnus, Origen, and Clement — lived
in the third century. Among the numer- j
ous worlis of Origen the most celebrated j
are his commentaries on Scripture (he
was the founder of Biblical criticism), the ;
" PriTicipia" and the book "Contra Celsum." |
Clemi-nt is known chiefly as the author of
the " redagoous" and the " Stromata."
The latter (the name means " hangings,"
" tapestries ") is a multifarious treatise, in
which he professes to fashion a web of
Christian philosophy, discussing the con-
duct and the sentiments which shoidd
belong to a Christian in all the more
important relations and emergencies of
life. The rise of Arianism, and the con-
flicts to which it led, checked the pro-
sperity of the School of Alexandria. St.
Athanasius writes rather as a worker
than as a thinker, and after him no great
name occurs till that of Cyril of Alex-
andria, who, though not inactive as a
writer, employed his stern will and
vigorous intellect chiefly in repressing all
dissent from the creed of Ephesus (430).
AIiXiECORZCAI. SENSE. [See
Mystical Sense.]
AitXiEIiTTXA. From two Hebrew
words imited by a hyphen, meaning
" praise Jah," or " praise the Lord." It
occurs frequently in the last fifty psalms,
but nowhere else in the Old Testament,
except Tobias, c. 13. In the Apocalj-pse,
St. John mentions that he heard the
angels singing it in heaven. The early
Christians kept the word in its original
Hebri-'AV form, and we know from St.
Jerome tliut children were taught to pro-
nounc(_: it as soon as they could speak,
while it was sung during his time by the
Christian country-people in Palestine, as
they drove the plough.
According to Sozomen, the Roman
Church did nob use it in her public
services, except on Easter Sunday. At
present, it constantly occurs in the Roman
Mass and ottice ; indeed, it is always used
in the Mass between the Epistle and
Gospel except at certain times when the
Church omits it altogether, as a sign of
mourning. It is thus omitted from
Septuagesima to Holy Saturday ; in ferial
Masses during Advent ; on the feast of the
Holy Innocents, unless it falls on a Sunday ;
on all vigils which are fasting-days, if the
Mass of the vigil be said, and in all
Requiem Masses. It is, however, used in
the Mass on the vigil of Easter (Holy
Satiu-day) and of Pentecost, because the
Masses were anciently said at night, and
belonged to the solemnity of the respec-
tive feasts. (Benedict XIV. " De Miss."
ii. 5.)
AX.I. SAZSTTS. As early as the
fourth century, the Greeks kept on the
first Sunday after Pentecost the feast of
all martyrs and saints, and we still
possess a sermon of St. Chrysostom de-
livered on that day. In the West,
the feast was introduced by Pope Boni-
face IV. after he had dedicated, as the
Church of the Blessed Virgin and the
Martyrs, the Pantheon, which had been
made over to him by the Emperor Phocas.
The feast of the dedication was kept on
the thirteenth of May. About 781 Gregory
III. consecrated a chapel in St. Peter's
Church in honour of all the saints, from
which time AU Saints' Day has been kept
in Rome, as now, on the first of Novem-
ber. From about the middle of the ninth
century, the feast came into general ol>
servance throughout the West. It ranks
as a double of the first class with an
octave.
AX.I. SOirx.S 3>AV. A solemn
commemoration of, and prayer for, all the
souls in Purgatory, which the Church
makes on the second of November. The
Mass said on that day is always the Mass
of the dead, priests and others who are
under obligation of reciting the breviary
are required to say the matins and lauds
fi-om the office of the dead in addition to
the office which is said on that day ac-
cording to the ordinary course, and the
vespers of the dead are said on the first of
November, immediately after the vespers
of All Saints. This solemnity owes its
origin to the Abbot Odilo of Clugny,
who instituted it for all the mnuiistcri.vs of
his congregation in the y ar '.tits. Some
authors think there are tiaccs :it lo;[>t^ of
a local celebration of this day lirfore
Odilo's time. With the Greeks Saturday
was a day of special prayer for the dead,
particularly the Saturday before Lent and
that which preceded Pentecost. (Thoma.s-
sin, "Traite des Festes," liv. ii. ch. 21.)
AXiMS (from f\er]fio(Tvvrj), originally
a work of mercy, spiritual or temporal,
and then used to denote material gifts
bestowed on the poor.
Almsgiving is frequently and urgently
enjoined in the Old Testament.' So
highly did the Jews think of this duty,
that in Chaldee almsgiving is expressed
1 E.g. Levit. xix. 9, 10 ; xxiii. 22 ; Deut
XV. 11.
ALMONER
ALTAR
21
by a word which sijfnifies justice or |
rigliteousness, and in the LXX the word
(ktrjfioaim) or " aliiiseiN in;: " is iifteii ]
used to translate thr lli lin u l-n- justice ,
or rig;hteousness. In tlir Ni w 'ri-.-tameiit
Christ ninkes almsdceds in those wlmare
able to perform them an ahsi )lnti'C(in(lil ion
of salvation.' St. Paul rxlmi-t^ tlif faitli-
fulto lay by everj-wi'i'l; s..niot hnii; for- the
needsof the poor ; and tlir nuniri-ou-. ri-W-
gious orders which (h'\otc thcin>rl\es
chiefly or in part to the can' of the poor,
prove that the >pirit of Cin-ist and His
Apostles still animates the (Jliiircli.
All are of course strictly bound to re-
lieve the poor, when they are in extreme
necessity — i.e. when they are in proximate
danger of death, or grievous sickness |
through want. I5esides this, St. Liguori
teaches that persons are l.iound, out of
that ]i;irt of tln ii' income \vhi(di remains
over when thrv haxe made suitahle jiro-
yision lor themsehes and tiieii- families,
to relieve the ordinar}- necessities of the
poor. The sum whicli a rich man is
strictly bound to eive in charity must
vary in varying circiimst ance^, and can
never be fi.\ed exactly ; hut. \\\nw{ iVom
strict obligation, the blessing- ]iromi>ed
to generous alnw^^ixinn for the love of
God will al\\;i\- ]m o\i- a strong incentive
with the C'liri-.tiaii soul. Ecclesiastics
are bound to spend all the revenues of
their benefices, except what is required for
their own maintenance, in pious uses.
The poor of the place, if they are in i
serious need, must be considered tirst,- and i
if the cure of souls is attached to the
benefice, the cleric who holds it is bound
to seek out the poor in his district. (St.
Liguor. " Theol." lib. iii. 31 seq., lib. iv.
497.)
AXiMOBTER {eleemosynarius). An
ecclesiastic at the court of a king or
prince, or in a nohle mansion, having
the charge of the di>i rihul ion of alms.
From the fourteentii century tlie otlice of
Grand Alnioner in Fi-anc- lose into e\en
greater im])ortance, hecaii>.' tei> olhcer
had the charge of the kine'> i ccle^ia.-i ical
patronage. The Revolution swept it
away; inider the Second Em])iri> it re-
appeared; but it has not sn7-\ i\fd S:-dan.
One of the Anglican bi-lio],. has the
title of Lord Ilitjh Almone,', and di.s-
penses the sovereign's alms. Cluqihiius
of anykindare commonly called almoners
in France. The finmonicr dc l<i Jlntte is a
functionary of considerable importance,
1 Matt. XXV. 34 seq.
' So at least some ;;rave authors say.
on whose nomination chiiplains are ap-
pointed to ships, and also to hospitals.
AXiOCZ. A name 'j-ix en l,v I'.piiihaiuus
to heretics who denied llie dni trine of the
Word (.\oyoy) and rejected St. ,John's
writings {i.e. the Ai)oealvi)se as well as
the (iospel) on the ground that they did
not agree with the rest of Scrijilure.
Epiphanius speaks of Theodotus of By-
zantium as an oflshoot of this sect. This
man, known as Theodotus the tanner,
held that Jesus was a mere man. born,
however, miraculously of a virgin : that
Christ was united to him at his baptism,
descending on him as a dove and confer-
ring supernatural powers. Artemon
taught the same doctrine. The heretics
claimed to have the early Roman Church
on their side, alleging that it had been
corrupted by Zephyrinus, an assertion,
as a contemporary writer quoted by Euse-
bius observes, abundantly confuted by the
writings of the first ( 'Iwistians, and the
hvmns in which "from the beginninu"
Christ had been called (lod, Theodotus
was e.xcommunicated by Pope Victor at
the end of the second century. Thi'od( itus,
the money-changer, taught similar doc-
trine, with the acldition of certain Gnostic
extravagances. He made Christ an a>on
who had descended on Jesus, Melchisedec
an awn superior to Christ.'
Eusebius, with other ancient autliori-
ties, .speaks of Paul of Samosata as renew-
ing the error of Artemon. Paul, bishoj) of
Antioch, was notorious for his avarice,
love of worldly pomp, and irregular life.
He conceived of the Word and Holy
Ghost as mere attributes of God, not
divine Persons. Jesus Avas a mere man,
born ofa virgin and enlightened in an extra-
ordinary degree by the Word or Wisdom
of God. After twice deceiving the bishojis
assembled in council at Antioch by false
statements and false promises, he was
deposed at a third Antiochene council in
269.'^ [See Antioch, par. 7.]
Similarly Berylhis, bishoji of Po>fra
in Arabia, denied the pre-existence and
divinity of Jesus Christ. The l)isho])s
who met in council against him called in
Origen to their lielji, and the latter suc-
ceeded in bringing back Reryllus to the
truth.'
AX.TAR. Th(> Hebrew word n:irp
which is usually translated "altar," means
literally "a ]>lace for sacrifice:'" and in
the New Testament its equivalent is
' Kiisob. v. -JS ; Flnlo^ophnm. vii. .30.
^ Ilefelc, Concilitiigesihichtt, 1. 135 ieq.
s Euseb. Hist. vi. 33.
22
ALTAR
ALTAE
6v(na<TTrjpLov. The sacred writers avoid
the commou Greek word for altar, 3ti)/io'r,'
"a raised place," adopting the unclassical
word Ovaiaa-Trifuop, because by doing so
they avoided the lieathen associations con- I
nected with the common Greek term, he-
sides expressing much more distinctly the
purpose of sacrifice for which an altar is
built. Whether the Christian altar is
mentioned by name in the Bible is doubt-
ful. There is some ground for supposing
that it is referred to in Matt. v. 23, and
in Hebrews xiii. 10. It has been argued
that when our Lord imposes a precept of
forgiveness before the gift is presented at
the altar, he did not mean to give the Jews
a new law with regard to their sacrifices,
which were soon to pass away, but to
establish the indissoluble connection be-
tween the Eucharist Sacrifice of His
Church and brotherlj' love. Similarly, it
is urged thatwheu the writer of the Epistle
to the Hebrews asserts "we have an altar,
of which they have no right to eat who
serve the tabernacle," he is setting altar
against altar, and declaring the impossi-
bility of partaking in the Jewish sacrificial
feastings and joining at the same time in
the sacrificial banquet of the new law.
It is certainly difiicult to understand the
"altar" as the altar of the cross, which
is never once called an altar in the New
Testament, and though, of course, an altar
it indisputably is, still nobody ate of the
sacrifice offered on it. At the same time,
these interpretations are by no means held
by all Catholic commentators.^
However it may stand with the name,
the existence of the thing is implied in the
New Testament doctrine of sacrifice [see
Mass], and the name occurs in the very
earliest Christian writers. "There is one
flesb," says St. Ignatius the disciple of St.
John, " one flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ,
and one chalice for union with His blood,
ove altar (Svaiao-Tripiov), as one bishop."^
So TertuUian describes Christians as stand-
ing at the "altar of God;"* and the same
word "altar" is used in the Apostolic Con-
stitutions and in the ancient liturgies.
These testimonies are in no way weakened
by passages in Minucius Felix and Arno-
bius, who in their controversies withPagans
deny the existence of Christian altars.
Obviously, they deny that altars such as
the Pagan ones were in use among Chris-
• Ba3/j.6s occurs only once in the X.T., and
then of a heathen altar : Acts xvii. 23.
'■^ Maldonatus ignores that given above, of
Matt. V. 2.-). Estius, following: St. Thomas,
(listinctlv rejects that of Heb. xiii. 10.
3 Phi lad. 4. * De Orat. 19.
tians; just as one of these authors allowg
tliat there were no temples among Chris-
tians, though churches are distinctly re-
cognised in the edicts ofthe Diocletian era,
and are known to have existed at a stiU
earlier date.'
In early times the altar was more
usually of wood; and an altar of this kind
is still preserved in the church of St. John
Lateran at Rome, on which St. Peter is
said to have celebrated Mass.'' But the
tombs of martyrs in the Catacombs and
elsewhere were also used for the Holy
Sacrifice, the slab of marble which covered
the sepulchre serving as an altar-table;
and for almost fourteen centuries, that
part of the altar on which the Eucharist
is consecrated has always been of stone or
marble. After the time of Constantine,
when sumptuous churches were erected,
careful arrangements were made for the
position of the altar. It did not lean, as
it often does now, against the sanctuary
wall, but stood out with a space round it,
so that the bishop when celebrating Mass
looked towards the people. Thus the
altar looked in the same direction <is the
portals of the church, and often both
were turned towards the oast. This an-
cient arrangement is still exemplified by
the "Papal " altars in the Roman basilicas,
but particularly in St. Peter's, where the
Pope still says Mass on the great Festivals,
looking at one and the same time to the
people, to the portals of the church, and
to the east.' The altars in the Catacombs
were still employed, but even new altars
were sanctified by relics, a custom to
which so much importance was attributed
that St. Ambrose would not consecrate an
altar till he found relics to place in it.
Then, as now, the altar was covered with
linen cloths, which, as appears from a
rubric in the Sacramentary of St. Gela-
sius, were first blessed and con.secrated.
It was surmounted by a canopy, supported
by columns between which veils or cur-
tains were often hung, and on great festi-
vals it was adorned with the sacred vessels
placed upon it in rows, and with flowers.
The cross was placed over the canopy, or
else rested immediately on the altar itself.
The language and the actions of the early
Christians alike bespeak the reverence in
wliich the altar was held. It was called
• Cardinal Newman's Development, 27.
2 It is enclosed in the Papal altar of this
church, except a portion of it, which is pre-
served in the church of St. Pudonti.-ma : so, at
least, savs the writer of the article " Altar " in
Kraus' Real Encydnpiidie.
3 Rock, Hierurgia, 497 seq.
ALTAR
ALTAR, STRIPriNG OF 23.
"the holy," "the divinp tablo," "t1i<- altnr
of Christ," " the tnblo of the Lord." The
faithful bowed towards it as they entered
the church ; it was known as the aa-vXos
TpatTf^n, or "table of asylum," from
which not even crimiTials could be forced
away. ' Fina 1 ly, before the altar was used,
it was solcnuily consecrated by the bishop
with the cliriMn. The date at which this
custom was introduci'd cannot be accu-
rately deteniiined : but the Council of
Agde, or Apatha, in Southern Gaul, held
in the year 500, si)eaks of this custom as
familiar to everybody .'-
The rubrics preiixi'd to the Roman
Missal contain the present law of the
Church with regard to the altar. It must
consist of stone, or at least must contain
an altar-stone large enough to hold the
Llost and the creater part of the chalice;
and this altar, or the altar-stone, must
have been consecrated by a bishop, or by
an abbot who has received the requisite
faculties from the Holy See. [See Con-
secration OF Altaks.'] The altar is to
be covered with three cloths, also blessed
by the bishop, or by a priest with special
faculties. One of these cloths should reach
to the ground, the other two are to be
shorter, or else one cloth doubled may
replace the two shorter ones. If possible,
there is to be a " pallium," or frontal, on
the altar, varying in colour according to
the feast or season. A crucifix^ is to
be set on the altar, between two candle-
sticks: the Missal placed on a cushion, at
the right-hand side looking towards the
altar: under the crucifix there ought to
be an altar-card,'' with certain prayers
which the priest cannot read from the
Missal without inconvenience.
With regard to the number of altars
in a church, Gavantus says that originally,
even in the ^\'est, one church contained
only one altar. On this altar, however,
tlie same author continues, several Masses
were said on the same day, in proof of
which he appeals to the Sacranientary of
Leo. He adds that even in tiie fourth
century the church of Milan contained
several altars, as appears from a letter of
1 Synod of Orange, anno 441. Hefele, Con-
ciliengeschiclite. ii. p. 293.
I Hcfe:e. ;V»V/. p. 653.
3 The rubric says only a cross, but a cruci-
fix is prescribed by subsequent decrees of the
Congregation of Kites. Liguor. Theol. Mor. vi. n.
S93.
* Tahdla secretarum, in use since the six-
teenth century. The rubric mentions one under
the cross, but now two others are placed, one
at each end of the altar.
St. Ambrose, and lie quotes otheroxamples-
from the French Church in the sixth
century.
AX.TAR-BREASS are round wafers-
made of tine wheaten flour, specially pre-
pared lor eiiuM'ci-atioii in tlie Mass. The
altai-lnr.ids according to the Latin use
(followed alM) by the Maroiiites and Ar-
menians) iiiiisl 1)0 unleavened. They are
usually stain]ied with a figure of Christ
crucili'ed, or with the I H S. They are-
of two sizes : one larger, which the ])riest
himself consecrates and receives, or else-
reserves for the Benediction with the-
Blessed Sacrament; the other smaller,,
consecrated for the communion of the
faithful.
The practice of stamping altar-breads
with the cross or IH S seems to be ancient,
and is widely diffused. Merati mentions
the fact that the cross is stamped on the
altar-breads used by Greek, Syrian, and
Alexandrian (Coptic F) Christians.
AXiTAR-CARBS. As mentioned
under Altae, the rubric requires that an
altar-card be placed in the centre under
the crucidx ; custom has introduced two
others, one on each side, the object of
all three being to aid the priest's memory,
should it fail at any time during the
celebration of Mass, though he is expected
to have the prayers committed to memory.
The centre card contains the " Gloria in
excelsis," the " Credo," the Olfertory
prayers, the " Qui pridie," or beginning of
the Canon, the form of consecration, the
prayer before Communion, and the
" Placeat," or last prayer. That at the
Epistle side contains the prayer said while
putting the water into the chalice, and
the " Lavabo," said at the washing of the
fingers. That at the Gospel side contains
the prologue of St. John's Gospel (i. 1-14).
AXiTAR-CXiOTHS. The rubrics of
the Missal require three fair cloths to be
placed on the altar, or two cloths of which
one is doubled. They must be blessed by
the bishop, or by a priest with special
faculties. In the fourth century St. Opta-
tus speaks of the linen cloth placed on the
altar as usual in his time, and Pope Sil-
vester is said to have made it a law that
the altar-cloth should be of linen. Men-
tion, however, is made by Paulus Silen-
tiarius of pui ]>le altar-cloths, and, in fact,
both the material and the number of these
cloths seem to have varied in early times.
(See Rock, " Hierurgia," p. 503 ; Kraus,
"Archfeol. Diet.," Altartiicher.)
AX.TAR, STRXPPZN-G OF. fSee-
IIOLY WilKK.]
24
AMBO
ANAGNOSTES
AMBO (Qr. ava^aiveiv, to ascend).
A raised platform in the nave of early
Christian churches, surrounded by a low
wall ; steps led up to it from the east and
west sides. The place on it where the
Gospel was read was higher than that
used for reading the Epistle. All church
notices were read from it ; here edicts and
excommunications were given out ; hither
came heretics to make their recantation ;
here the Scriptures were read, and sermons
preached. It was gradually superseded by
the modern pulpit. A good example of
the " ambo " may be seen in the church of
San Clemente at Rome. (Ferraris.)
aiffiBBOSZAM' CHANT. [See Plain
Chant.]
AlvxBilosZAir X.ZTVBCY. An an-
cient Liturgy still used in the church of
JNIilan instead of the Roman Mass, from
which it differs in many striking points.
[See Liturgy.] We read in Walafrid
Strabo, an author of the ninth century,
that St. Ambrose regulated the Mass and
Office of his church at Milan, but some
parts of this rite are older than St. Am-
brose, while, on the other hand, the
Ambrosian Missal contains greatadditions
which date from St Gregory the Great.
According to the Ambrosian rite, there is
no Mass for the Fridays in Lent ; and the
oflfering of bread and wine by the people
for the sacrifice is still retained in solemn
Masses. The Ambrosian rite was con-
firmed by Pope Alexander VI. in 1497,
and is still retained. (Oeillier, " Auteurs
SacrSs," torn. xiii. c. 1.)
AMBRT (Lat. armarium, whence
almarium; Ft. armoire). A closet or
cupboard, place for tools, chest. " In the
form almery corruptly confused with
almonry, as if a place for a/m« " (Murray's
Dictionary). The same authority explains
an ambry in a church as " a cupboard,
locker, or closed recess for books, sacra-
mental vessels, vestments, &c." In its
corrupt use the word was applied, Stow
tells us, to the old almonry of West-
minster Abbey, " for that the alms of the
abbey were there distributed to the poor."
AMEM'. A Hebrew word signifying
" truly," " certainly." It is preserved in
its original form by the New Testament
writers, and by the Church in her Liturgy.
According to Benedict XIV., it indicates
assent to a truth, or it is the expression of
a desire, and equivalent to yivoiro, "so
be it." '
' De Miss. ii. 5. He adds a third sense —
viz. consent to a request — but gives no clear
instance of this use.
"Amen" signifies assent when used
at the end of the Creeds. In the ancient
Church the commuuicants used it as an
expression of their faith in the Blessed
Sacrament. Thus we read in the Apo-
stolic Constitutions ■ — *' Let the bishop
give the oblation, saying, ' The Body of
Christ,' and let the recipient say, 'Amen.'"
St. Ambrose explains the " Amen " used
thus in communicating as meaning " it is
true."
At the end of prayers " Amen "signi-
fies our desire of obtaining what we ask.
Thus it is said by the server, after the
collects in the Mass, as a sign that the
faithful unite their petitions to those of
the priest. In Justin's time, the people
themselves answered " Amen " as the priest
finished the prayers and thanksgiviugs in
the Mass, and was about to distribute the
Holy Communion.*
AMZCS {Amictus. Called also '*' kn-
merale," " superhumerale," " anaboladi-
um," from avaiiaXkeiv, and, in a con-upt
form, " anabolagium "). A piece of fine
linen, oblong in shape, which the priest
who is to say Mass rests for a moment on
his head and then spreads on his shoulders,
reciting the prayer — " Place on my head,
O Lord, the helmet of salvation," &c.
For many centuries priests celebrated
with bare neck, as may be seen from
many figures in the Roman Catacombs,
and from the mosaic at San Vitale in
Ravenna. The amice, however, is fre-
quently mentioned after the opening of the
ninth century.^ Originally, as Innocent
III. expressly testifies, it covered the head
as well as the neck ; and to this day Fran-
ciscan and Dominican friars wear the
amice over their heads till they reach the
altar. It also was not at first concealed
by the alb, as is now the case, and it was
often made of silk and ornamented with
figures. At present it is made of linen,
and only adorned with a cross, which
the priest kisses before putting on the
amice.
Mediaeval writers have given very
many and very difi'erent symbolical mean-
ings to this vestment. The prayer already
quoted from the Roman Missal speaks of
it as figuring the " helmet of salvation,"
and a similar prayer occurs inmost of the
ancient Latin Missals.
AN-ACsrosTES. [See Lbotob.]
> viii. 12.
» Apol. i. 67.
* " It was introduced in the eighth," sayt
Dr. Rock ; but see Hefele. Beitraqe zur Kirchem-
geschichte, &c., 11.
ANAGOGICAL
ANGEL
26
AM-ACOGlCAli (literally, "leading
up "). A name given to things typical of
Christ in the Old, or to the actions of
•Christ in the New, Testninent, so far as
they signify the eternal glory which awaits
the elect. The anagogical is a subdivision
•of the spiritual or mystical senses. {See
St. Thomas, S. i. I, 10.)
ANAPHORA. Greek word for Offer-
tory, in the Mass.
ANATHEIVIA. A thing devoted or
given over to evil, so that " anathema sit "
means, "let him be accursed." St. Paul
at the end of 1 Corinthians pronounces
this anathema on all who do nut love our
blessed Saviour. The Church has used
the phrase " anathema sit " from the ear-
liest times with reference to those whom
she excludes from her communion either
because of moral oHences or because they
persist in heresy. Thus one of the
earliest councils — that of Elvira, held in
306 — decrees in its fifty-second canon that
those who placed libellous writings in the
church should be anathematised ; aud the
First General Council anathematised those
who held the Arian heresy. General
•coxmcils since then have usually given
solemnity to their decrees on articles of
faith by appending an Anathema.
Neither St. Paul nor the Church of
God ever wished a soul to be damned.
In pronouncing anathema against wilful
heretics, the Church does but declare that
they are excluded from her communion,
and that they must, if they continue obsti-
nate, perish eternally.
ABTCHORXTE. [See Hermit.]
ANCEXi. The word (ayyfXos, a
translation of ^X^O) means messenger,
and is applied in a wide sense to priests,'
prophets,- or to the Messias ^ as sent by
God. Specially, however, it is used as the
name of spiritual beings, created by God
but superior in natuie to man. The ex-
istence of sucli sujit iliuman intelligences
was conjectured even by heathens such as
Plato ; and although the Sadducees * be-
lieved " neither in angel or spirit," angels
are mentioned so frequently in the Old
and New Testament that it would be idle
to allege Scriptural jiroofs on the matter.
When they were created, Scripture does
not distinctly tell us. " The most ancient
Fathers," says Petavius, " especially the
Greeks and such Latins as are used to
' iMal. ii. 7. 2 A'^ix, j. 13.
5 Is. xlii. 19. There are diflerent views held
on this passage, but this is not the place to
'4i:icu8S them.
* Acts xxiii. 8.
I follow the Greeks," held that the angels
j were created " before the heavens and all
j material things." The contrary' opinion,
that the heavens were first created and
the angels in the heavens, is that of St.
Thomas, and has been commonly held since
his time among the Latins. The Fourth
Lateran Council declares that God created
angels and material 1)eings "at the same
time from the beginning." Butthecoun-
cil had no intention ol' deciding this ques-
tion, which stdl remains open, as has been
pointed out by St. Thomas himself, by
Vasquez, Petavius, and others.
With regard to the nature of angels,
numy early Fathers believed that they
w ere corporeal. This opinion is not dith-
cult to account for when we consider such
a history as that of the marriages between
the " sons of God " and " the daughters
of men," given in the sixth chapter of
Genesis.' At the Seventh General Coun-
cil, the Patriarch Tarasius argued that
angels might be painted, because they
were "circumscribed (eVeifii) nepiypanTol
da-iv) and had appeared to many in the
form of men ; " nor did the council censure
his words, limiting itself to a simple de-
cision that it was lawful to represent
angels in pictures. However, our Lord's
words ^ imply, that angels are incapable of
marriage, and so exclude the interpreta-
tion which regards the " sons of God "
in Genesis vi. as a synonym for angels.
INIany of the Fathers deny that angels have
bodies; so do all modern theologians.
The Fourth Lateran Council separates an-
gelic from corporeal natures, and Peta-
vius rightly characterises th'e contrary
opinion as "proximate to heresy." At
the same time, angels are capable of as-
suming bodies ; to which they are for the
time intimately united ; which they move
and which they use to represent either their
own invisible nature or the attributes of
God. Passages of Scripture, which imply
this, will readily occiu- to the reader.
The angels, then, are purely spiritual
intelligences and, for that very reason,
superior to man, who is composed of body
and soul. They are immortal, since death
consists iu the separation ol'soul and body,
nor could they be destroyed, except by the
omnipotence of God. Their knowledge,
unlike that of man, which is slowly ac-
• But that the " sons of God " may nie;m
pious men is proved by Ps. Ixxiii. 15 (Ixxii. iu
Vulg.), Oseeii. 1, &c.
2 The 7a|ti€iv of Matt. xxii. 30 exactly cor-
responds to the " took to themselves wives " in
the Hebrew of Genesis vi. 2.
26
ANGEL
ANGEL
quired by means of the senses, depends
upon images received from God along
with the nature He has given them. They
do not reason, as we do, for the keenness
of their intellect enables them to see by
intuition the conclusions which are in-
volved in principles. Their intelligence
is in perpetual exercise, and although the
future, the thoughts of the human soul,
and above all the mysteries of grace, are
hidden from them, except so far as God
is pleased to reveal them, still they can
know and understand many things which
are hidden from us. They can move from
place to place with a swiftness impossible
to man. Finally, they are endowed with
free-will and are able to communicate
with each other.'
To a nature so noble God added sanc-
tifying grace. They received power to
know God as revealed by faith, to hope
in Him, to love Him, and afterwards, if
they were worthy, see Him face to face.
But, during the time of their probation,
Lucifer and many other angels fell. It
is hard to determine the precise nature of
their sin, but we may quote Petavius,
who places it in "a desire of absolute
dominion over created things, and in
hatred of subjection." The rebel angels
were at once deprived of all supernatural
gifts and thrust into hell without hope of
pardon; the angels who had persevered
were at once rewarded with everlasting
bliss. The very greatness and perfection
of angelic nature, says St. Gregory the
Great, made their sin unpardonable.
Holy -^Tit represents the number of
the good angels as exceedingly great*
They are, according to the common teach-
ing of theologians, divided into three
hierarchies, each of which includes three
orders. The first triplet consists of Sera-
phim, Cherubim, Thrones; the second of
Dominations, Principalities, Powers ; the
third of Virtues, Archangels, Angels.
This enumeration occurs for the first time
in Pseudo-Dionysius, from whom it was
adopted by St. Gregory the Great, and
so became current in the Church. But
it is founded on the mention of seraphim
and cherubim in Isaias and Ezechiel ; of
angels and of archangels throughout
Scripture ; and of the other orders in St.
Paul's Epistles to the Ephesians and Oolos-
Bians. The meaning of St. Paul is much
1 The text contains a summaiy of the teach-
ing of theolofjians. It is contained in Scripture
or deduced from it, as may be seen by consult-
ing St. Thomas, pt. i.
2 Dan. vii. 10.
disputed. But we may remark that very
early writers divide the angels into orders,
and count thrones, domi7iiitions, &c.,
among them,' though it is well to re-
member that the existence of these par-
ticular classes of angels is no article of
faith.
As to the employment of the angefe,
we read in the Epistle to the Hebrews
that they are " all ministering spirits."
They serve God continually in heaven,
and they also defend countries, cities,
churches, &c., besides offering to God the
prayers of the faithful, particularly, ac-
cording to the Fathers and ancient litur-
gies, those which ascend to heaven during
the Mass. Further, each man has an
angel who watches over him, defends him
from evil, helps him in prayer, suggests
good thoughts, and at last, if he is saved,
presents his soul to God.''
The Church, on her part, shows to the
angels that veneration or inferior honour
which is their due, and, knowing from
Christ's words ^ that they are acquainted
with things which })ass on earth, she
begs their prayers and their kind offices.
It is true that St. Paul condemns the
dprjo-Kela, or religion of angels, in writing
to the Colossians (i. 16), but every scholar
is aware that he is warning them against
the Gnostic error which regarded angels
as the creators of the world ; and with
equal reason, the same passage might be
alleged as in condemnation of humility.
It is true also that, when St. John in the
Apocalypse bowed down before an angel,
the latter said, " See thou do it not, for
1 also am thy fellow-servant. . . . Adore
God.""* But if Protestants think the
veneration of angels idolatrous, or at
least unlawful, they ought not to sup-
pose the holy Apostle so ignorant as to
offer it — not to speak of his shortly after
repeating the crime. Rather, surely, the
angel refused the homage out of respect
to the honour which human nature has
received from the Incarnation and to the
apostolic dignity ; just as a bishop might
out of humility decline the homage of
one whom, although inferior to himself
in ecclesiastical rank, he venerated for
his great virtue. The Catholic may
answer those who accuse the Church of
idolatrs^ for her cultus of angels, as St.
Augustine and St. Oyi'il answered long
1 See Bp. Lightfoot's note on Coloss. i. 16.
2 Gen. xlviii. 16 ; Matt, xviii. 10.
3 Luc. XV. 10.
Apoc. xix. 10 ; xxii. 8. Another inter-
pretation is also given by Petavius.
ANGEL
ANGLICAN OliDERS 27
ago, that we adore God alone with latria
or supreme adoration, and that to Him
alone we offer the sacrifice of the Mass.
Ai«i-cx:x.s, fivzx.. [See Devil.]
AM'CEX.S, FEAST OP. Since the
fifth century churches were dedicated,
both in the East and West, to the holy
angels. In the West, there was a famous
apparition of St. Michael on Mount Gar-
ganus, an event which Baronius places
in the year 4n.j ; and this apparition gave
occasion to the feast of St. Michael which
the Roman Church keeps on September
29, and which is mentioned in the mar-
tyrologies of Jerome, Bede, and others,
as the Dedication of St. Michael. There
was another apparition of the same arch-
angel in France during 706. " It is this
apparition," says Thomassin, "on Mount
Michael, or In Periculo Maris, which was
once so celebrated in France, and of which
the commemoration is still observed in
some dioceses."
In the East, the constitution of Manuel
Comnenus mentions a feast of the ap-
parition of St. Michael on September 6,
and a feast of the angels in general on
November 8.
The feast of Angel Guardians was in-
stituted under Paul V., at the request of
Ferdinand of Austria, afterwards emperor.
(Thomassin, "Traite des Festes.")
AirCEX. GVARSZAN'S. [See An-
GEL.]
AIirCEI.ZCAX.S. An order of nuns,
following the rule of St. Augustine,
founded by Luigia di Torelli, Countess of
GuastaUa, about 15-SO. She had been
married twice, but being left a second
time a widow when only twenty-five
years of age, she resolved to devote the
rest of her life and her large fortune to
the divine service.
She founded her first convent at Milan.
Her religious took the name of Angelicals
in order to remind themselves whenever
they uttered it of the purity of the an-
gels. Every nun adopts the name of
"Angelica," prefixing it to that of a
patron saint and her family name — e.g.
"Angelica Maria Anna di Gonzaga."
Their constitutions were drawn up by St.
Charles Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan.
ANCEliirs. By this name is de-
noted the Catholic practice of honouring
God at morning, noon, and evening, by
reciting three Hail Mary's, together with
sentences and a collect, to express the
Christian's rejoicing trust in the mystery
of the Incarnation. The first sentence
begins "Angelus Domini nuntiavit
Marife ; " whence the name of the devo-
tion. A bell, called the Angelus bell,
rings at I lie several hours. Tlie evening
Angelus was introduced by Pope .John
XXII. in the fourteenth century; that
at noon, according to Mabillon, arose in
France, and received Papal sanction at
the beginning oi the sixteenth centurj'.
In Paschal time the "Regiua Coeli" [q.V.]
is recited instead of tlie Angelus.
ATrcx.iCAN' ORDERS. The vali-
dity of Anglican orders is a subject of
controversy or not, according to the view
taken of the nature and effects of ordina-
tion. The late Archbishop Whately (see
his treatise on the " Kingdom of Christ,"
passim) held (1) that the Church of
Christ consisted of many separate com-
munions having nothing necessarily in
common but the profession of belief in
Jesus Christ as the Redeemer of mankind;
(2) that Christ's kingdom was "not of
this world," i.e. not intended to be sus-
tained by temporal coercion, as earthly
kingdoms are ; (3) that every Christian
Church or sect, while repudiating all
coercive means either for or against itself,
had the right to organise itself and
manage its internal aff'airs; (4) that a
necessary part of such organisation was
the appointment of office-bearers and
ministers. Considered thus, Anglican
orders are undoubtedly " valid ; " for no
one doubts that the Anglican Church has
a separate corporate existence, and laws
and a government of its own, nor that its
clergy are regularly appointed in con-
formity to those laws. Nor would any
one holding this view justly object to the
ordination of Anglican clergymen who
have submitted to the Roman Church
and desire to become priests ; for he
would admit that his view of ordination
and that held in the Catholic Church
were totally distinct things, so that to
treat an Anglican clergyman as if he
had not been previously ordained would
merely imply a radical difference of con-
ception as to the nature of ordination,
and convey no slur on the rites or
formalities by which his admission as an
office-bearer in the Anglican Church had
been prefaced.
But it is well known that there is a
large and increasing section of Anglicans,
who hold much the same theory as to the
nature and effects of ordination that
Catholics do — viz. that in virtue of
authority derived in an unbroken chain
[ from the Apostles [Oeder, Holy] the
j bishop who ordains a priest confers on
28 ANGLICAN OEDEES
ANGLO-SAXON CHUECH
him the right and the duty of offering the
sacrifice of the New Law by celebrating
the Eucharist, and of absolving- penitents
from their sins. If Anglican ordina-
tion really conferred these powers, the
consideration of the manner in which
they have been used for the last three
hundred years, and of the manner in
which they are used now, would be one
of the most painful and perplexing sub-
jects of thought on which a Catholic
could enter. At the same time, the
Anglican party referred tohaVe no choice
but to claim for their ordinations nothing
less than the potency above described,
for they hold, as we do, that a priest in
the Cathulic Church is either all this, or
he is — nothing. Hence an earnest and
searching conti-oversy has arisen of late
years, with the view of sifting and testing
the validity of those orders of which the
consecration of Parker by Barlow in 1559
was the fountain-head.
The subject is encumbered with in-
numerable details, and we have only
space for a few important propositions in
connection with it.
1. The Eonuui Church, though it has
never pronounced a formal decision on
the validity of Anglican orders, has in
practice treated them as invalid, since
Anglican clergy men have to go through
all the usual stages before being admitted
to the priesthood, as though they were
simple laymen.
2. No record of the consecration of
Barlow (who consecrated Parker) is in
existence, and it is doubtful whether he
was ever consecrated at all.
3. The ordinal used at Parker's con-
secration— that of Edward YI. — shows a
manifest intention of rwt making a Catho-
lic bishop, as then and now understood,
but of appointing a sort of overseer, who,
deriving his power from the sovereig-n,
should administer discipline, teach, and
preach.
4. Similarly, the Anglican ordinal for
making priests, at any rate down to the
time of Charles II., bore on its face the
intention, not to make sacrificing priests,
but " a Gospel ministiy."
0. Even if their orders were valid,
Anglicans would not any the more belong
to the true Church. " Cathdlics believe
their orders are valid, because they are
members of the true Church, and Angli-
cans believe they belong to the true
Church, because their orders are valid." '
' Cardiual Newman's A'.vsoys Crit. and Hist.
(1877), vol. ii. 1). 87.
(Canon Estcourt's "Question of Anglican
Ordinations discussed," 1873; A. Button's
" The Anglican Ministry," 1879, a lumi-
nous and able treatise.)
Axrci.o-SAxoiir church, his-
tory or. [See E^'GLISH Chuech:
ANGL0-S.iXoN Period.]
AirGi.o-SAXosr church (Faith
AND Discipline of). We have thought
it well to devote a separate article to show
how truly Roman, and how identical with
the Catholic creed and worship of to-day,
were the Anglo-Saxon creed and worship.
When Aethelheard, archbishop of Canter-
bury, demanded of the bishops assembled
in council at Cloveshoe (803) an exposi-
tion of their belief, they unanimously
answered : " Know that the faith which
we profess is the same as was taught by
the Holy and Apostolic See when Gregory
the Great sent missionaries to our fathers."
In theory, then, the Anglo-Saxon faith was
identical with the Roman. We proceed to
show that it was also identical in practice.
1. Tfie Sacrifice of the Mass. —
Everywhere, both in the East and in the
West, we meet with the priest who
officiates at the " sacrifice of the body
and blood of Christ," the altar on which
the victim is offered, and the liturgy or
form of prayer with which that offering
is accompanied. The Britons, before the
arrival of the Saxons, had " their altars,
the seats of the heavenly sacrifice,' and
" their priests who stretched out their
hands over the most holy sacrifices of
Christ"; (Gildas, pp. 37, 76, ed. Steven-
son, 1838) and the Scots, in the remote
isle of Icolmkille, " celebrated the sacred
mysteries of tlie holy sacrifice, and con-
secrated, according to custom, the body of
Christ." (Cumiuian, "Vita S. Columb."
pp. 29, 32.) With some accidental varia-
tions, especially in the parts preceding the
Canon, the form of the service was
substantially the same as in all Churches,
Eastern and Western, each carefully pre-
serving the Trisagion or Tersanctus, the
invocation, the consecration of the ele-
ments, the commemoration of the living
and the dead, the fraction of the host, and
the communion of the faithful. The
several improvements which the Pontiffs
of the fifth and sixth centuries had intro-
duced in the preparatory part remained
for a time unknown to certain ancient
Churches which originally had received
their liturgy from Rome; hence the variety
of rites. Our native writers describe the
Mass as the "celestial and mysterious
sacrifice, the offering of the victim of
ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH
ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH 20
salvation, tbe sacrifice of the body and
blood of Christ " ; they tell us that at the
consecration " the elements of the bread
and wine are, through the ineflable
hallowing of the Spirit, made to pass into
the mystery of Christ's flesh and blood " ;
that " the bread and wine are then conse-
crated into the substance of His body and
blood " ; " that the holy and precious Ixuly
and blood of the Lamb, by whom wt-
have been redeemed, are again immolated
to God for the benefit of our salvation."
(Beda, " Hist.", ii. c. 5 ; iii. c. 2. ; iv. cc. 14,
22, 28 ; " Hist. Abb. Gyrven.," inter Redse
opera minora, p. 331, ed. Giles, 1843;
Thorpe, " Eccles. Instit." ii. p. 22 iind p.
376, quoted by Liiigard; Bedii, "Horn,
in Vig. Pusch." p. 31 ; " Horn, in Epiph."
p. 272 ; Alcuin ad Paulinum, xxxvi.)
Numerous canons and rubrics regulated
the celebration of Holy Mass. An altar,
a paten or dish, and a chalice, all three
previously consecrated by a bishop, were
required ; the offlete, or bread for the
consecration, was to be made of the tinest
flour, without the admixture of any kind
of leaven : the wine was to be pure, and
to be mix(>d, according to the practice of
every CInistian Church, with a small
quantity of water. On solemn festivals
the clergy in attendance were dressed in
their richest apparel; the altar, with its
furniture, presented the most gorgeous
appearance ; the sanctuary was illumi-
nated with a profu.sion of lamps and wax
lights ; the air was perfumed with clouds
of incense ; to the voices of the choir was
added the harmony of the organ and of
musical instruments. The Italian mis-
sionaries would, of course, establish the
Roman liturgy in the new Churcli, but
Augustine and his companions had been
instructed by St. Gregory not to confine
themt^elves e.xclusively to the Roman
ritual : " Whatever practice you may dis-
cover, whicli in your opinion will be more
acceptable to God, establish it in the
new Church of the Angles, witliout con-
sidering tlie place of its origin, whether it
be Roman, or Gallican, or anv other
Church." (Bedii, I. c. 27.) How far the
missionaries availed thcnisflvc^ of this
permission is uncertain. Neither liavcwe
means of judiring how far tlic sacrificial
service of tlie Scotti.^li missionaries varied
from that of tlie Romans. One thing,
however, is certain: the discrepancy was
of no importance, for it never became a
subject of controversy between the two
parties, like the time of Easter and the
form of the tonsure.
I 2. The " order or cour.^e of daily
prayer" had in view to supply matter for
prayer at the canonical hours, and was
therefore more su.sce])tible of variety of
form and arrangement than the Mass.
Not only in national Churches, but in
neiglibouring Churches of the same nation,
considerable discrepancies existed in the
perforaiance of the choral .service. In
England, however, these discrepancies
never led to controversy among the
missionaries. In 747, tlie Council of
Cloveshoe, under Archbisliop Cuthbert,
confirmed the ascendency of the Roman,
and efl'ected the abolition of the Scottish
forms by the following decree : " The great
solemnities of our redemption shall be
everywhere celebrated according to the
written ritual which we liave obtained
from Rome, in the administration of
Baptism, the celebration of Mass, and in
all things thereunto pertaining ; moreover,
the feasts of the saints through tlie course
of the year shall be kept on the days fixed
in the Roman Martyrology, with the
chant and psalmody appointed thereto ;
and nothing sliall be permitted to be read
or chanted but what is taken from the
authority of the Holy Scriptures and
allowed by the custom of the Roman
Church." After this Council we hear
nothing more of the Scottish forms iu the
Southern province, but in the North they
appear to have kept their ground till a
much later period. Exact uniformity
was never obtained. Discrepancies existed
in breviaries of the Churches of Sarum,
York, and Hereford until the Reformation ;
and even at the present day the English
Benedictine monks make use of the
monastic breviary approved by Paul V.,
while the English Catholic clergy use the
breviary of the Churcli of Rome.
3. Public IVarsMp. — Among the An-
glo-Saxons, both at tlie celebration of the
s.acrifice and during the canonical hours,
tbe whole service, with the exception of
certain prayers during the Mass, was
chanted by the choir. For the instruc-
tion of the people, the Epistle and the
Gospel were read, and the sermon was
deliveied in their native tongue, but God
was publicly addressed by the minister of
religion iu the language of Rome (see art.
Language of the Church). On Sun-
days and festivals the church service was
performed with full solemnity. All servile
works — hunting and hawking, travelling,
trading, the prosecution of family feuds,
litigation, the execution of criminals —
were prohibited. Transgressors were
30 ANGLO-SAXOX CHURCH
ANGLO-SAXON CHUECH
liable to the punishments prescribed in
the doombook. The clerp:v were ordered
by the Council of ('love-ihoe to devote
Sunday to the worship of God exclusively
and employ themselves in teaching their
dependents the rules of a holy life. The
duties expected from the laity may be
gathered from the following- injunction :
" It is most right and proper that every
Christian man, who has it in his power to
do so, should come on Saturday to the
church [the Sunday was reckoned from
sunset on Saturday to sunset on the
following day] and bring a light with
him, and there hear the vesper soug, and
after midnight the uht-song (matins) and
come with his oil'ering in the morning
to the solemn Mass . . . and after the
holy service let him return home and
regale himself with his friends, and neigh-
bours, and strangers, but, at the same
time, be careful that they commit no ex-
cess either iu eating or drinking." They
were expected not to break their fast or
to take any meat before the service of
High Mass was ended (Thorpe, ii. 440-2).
4, Private Prayer. — The practice of
jtjrivate prayer is thus taught to the Saxon
laity : " It is also to be made known to
Christian laymen that every one pray, at
least, twice in the day — that is, in the
morning and in the evening. In thiswise
■shall you teach them to pray : First they
shall sing ( = recite) the Creed, for it is
most likely to open to them the foundation
ef their true faith ; and after he shall
have sung the Creed let him say thrice,
*0 God that madest me, have mercy
•upon me,' and thrice, '0 God, have mercy
upon me, a sinner.' And this being done,
and his Creator alone being worshipped,
let him call upon God's saints, that they
intercede for him with God ; first on St.
Mary, and then on all God's saints. And
then let him arm his forehead with the
sign of the holy rood — that is, let him
sign bimpelf, and then, with upraised
hands and eyes, let hiiu in his heart thank
God for all He has given him, pleasant or
unpleasant.' (Tliorjx', "Eccles. Instit."
ii. 418, 4l'0, 4l'4; xxii., xxlii., xxix.)
5. Baptii^m. — The regular manner of
administering this sacrament was by
immersion ; the time, the two eves of
Easter and Pentecost; the place, the
baptistery, a small building contiguous
to the church, in which had been con-
Btructed a convenient bath called a font.
All the preparatory ceremonies prescribed
by tiie Roman Ritual at this day were in
wfie in England. In the course of time,
convenience or necessity led to several
changes iu the regulations concerning the
administration of Baptism. The mis-
sionaries baptised their converts in i i\ tT8.
As single baptisms continued to increase,
a font was placed iu the church ; the time
fi.xed for the rite was, in Northumbria,
nine days after birth, in the South thirty-
seven days after birth.
6. Confirmation was administered to
the children at a very early age. \'ene-
rable Bede tells howcliildren were brought
to St. Cuthbert for confirmation on his
episcopal visitations, and how he minis-
tered to those who had been recently born
again in Christ the grace of the Holy
Spirit by the imposition of hands," placing
his hand on the head of each, and anoint-
ing them with the chrism which he had
blessed." (Inter Bedse opera minora, p.
277 ; " Vita S. Cuthb." p. 100.) This and
similar passages prove both the grace
attributed to this sacrament and the
manner in which it was conferred tiefore
700, and are in perfect accordance with
the form described in the Pontifical of
Archbishop Egbert of York (beginning of
8th century).
7. The' Holy Eucharkt. — From the
arrival of Augustine till the Reformation,
the English name for the Eucharist was
the housel. To administer the Eucharist
was to housel ; to rec<'ive it was to go to
the housel or to be hanselled. We find
the word housel under the form of hunsle
in the Moeso-Gothic version of the
Gospels made by I'lphilas about the year
370, twice as translation of dvaia, a sacri-
fice or victim, and once as rendering of
\aTpela, worship of God iu general.'
With Beda the Eucharist is the saving
victim of the Lord's body and blood — the
victim without au equal — the victim of
His blood, the body that was slain and
the blood that was shed by the hands of
unbelievers. Similar language was used
in the Scottish Church. The faiti^fnl
partook of the housel during Mass, im-
mediately after the communion of the
celebrant. The Roman niis.sionaries most
probably introduced the cust(un of weekly
communion among their converts; but in
the North, the Scottish missionaries had
appointed the feasts of Christmas, Epi-
phany, and Easter for general communion.
This arrangement, by directing the devo-
tion of the pniple to those jiarticular
seasons, had led almost to the extinction
of frequent communion. The conditions
1 "The original sense [of Housel] is sacri-
fice." (Skeat, Etym. Diet., suO voc.)
ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH
ANGLO-S.IXON CHURCH 31
required of the communicaut were that
he should come fasting, and that, if he
had fallen into sin, he should have con-
fessed it, have submitted to the penance
•enjoined, and have received the permis-
sion of his confessor. (Thorpe, ii. A'iS,
440.)
8. Tfte Sacrament of Penance. — " Xo
man can be baptised twice ; but if a man
«rr after his baptism, we believe that he
may be saved if he sorrow [behreowsiath]
for his sins with tears, and do penance for
them as his teacher shall instruct him." [
(iElf. "Hom." i. p. ;292, "De Fide Ca- j
tholica.") Penance in the Anglo-Saxon
theology comprised four things : sorrow \
for sin, confession of sin, penitential works,
and reconcilement or absolnti'Mi. SmTow
(behreowsung = a rueing or lamenting)
was a real sorrow of heart. Of confe>siiMi
the Saxon homilist says: " We cannot be
saved unless we confess sorrowfully what
through our negligence we have done
unrighteously. All hope of forgiveness
is in confession. Confession with true
pemmce [doedbote] is the angelic remedy |
of our sins."' ..." No man will obtain i
forgiveness of his sins from God, unless
he confess to some of the ministers of
God, and do penance according to his
judgment. . . . Without confession there
IS no pardon." (Thorpe, ii. p. 2.'50.) "By
confession the venom has been extracted:
it now remains for the leech to prescribe
the manner of cure"' (Alcuin, "De Usu
Psalmorum," tom. ii. p. '27S), which he
did by apportioning the measure of punish-
ment to the degree of guilt of the penitent.
The penitential, or doom-book, guided the
confessor in the imposition of penitential
works. There still remained the prayer
of reconciliation or absolution. Inlighter
and secret cases, it was generally given
after confession : but where the otFence
was more heinous, or called for public
example, the absolution was deferred for
a considerable time, until a great part or
the whole of the penance had been per-
formed. (See Shrovetide, Penance,
Penitential Books.)
9. The Sacraments of Order, Matri-
mony, and Extreme Unction were all
administered according to the Roman
custom as laid down in the Sacramentaries
of Gelasins ami St. ( iregnry, whence they
were Iranscribrd into tli-- rituals of the
Anglo-Saxon Church. The benediction
of virgins who entered the cloister, the
coronation of kings, the consecration of
churches, are all alike drawn from the
same source. These rites are in substance
and almost in every detail identical with
the form prescribed in the " Rituale
Romaimm" still used throughout the
Catholic Church.
10. Prayer for the Dead. — The .\nglo-
Saxons had inherited from their teachers
the practice of praying for the dead — a
practice common to every Christian
church before the Reformation. They
believed that " some souls proceed to rest
after their departure — some go to punish-
ment for that which they have done, and
are often released by alms-deeds, but
chiefly through the Mass if it be offered
for tiiem — others are condemned with
the devil to hell." (" Sermo ad Pop. in
Oct. Pent." apud Whelock, p. 386.) Pray-
ing for the relief of the souls in Purgatory
was a favourite form of devotion with our
ancestors. But they did not only pray
for others, they were careful to secure
for themselves after their departure the
prayers of their friends. This they fre-
quently solicited as a favour or a recom-
pense, and for this they entered into
mutual compacts by which the survivor
was bound to perform certain works of
piety or charity for the deceased. Such
covenants were not confined to the clergj-
or to persons in the higher ranks of
life. The numerous gilds, whatever may
have been their immediate object, all
imposed one common obligation, that of
accompanying the bodies of the deceased
members to the grave, of paying the soul-
scot for them at their interment, and of
distributing alms for the repose of their
souls. The clerical and monastic bodies
ottered gildships of a superior description.
They admitted honorary associates with
a right to the same spiritual benefits after
death to which the professed members
were entitled. To some the favour was
conceded on account of their piety or
learning ; to others it was due on account
of their benefactions. It belonged of
right to the founders of churches, to those
who had made to them valuable benefac-
tions, or had rendered to them important
services or had bequeathed to them a
yearly rent-charge for that purpose. Of
all these individuals an exact catalogue
was kept, the days of their decease were
carefully noted, and on their anniversaries
a solemn service of Ma.sses and psalmody
was yearly performed. For the benefit of
the dead money was distributed among
the poor, and slaves were set free. The
devotions in behalf of the dead consisted
in the frequent repetitiim of the Lord's
Prayer, technically called a belt of Pater-
32 ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH
ANIMALS, LOWER
nosters (containing probably 50) which
was in use with individuals ignorant of
the Latin tongue ; the chanting of certain
psalms followed by the Collect still in use
in the Catholic Church : in the sacrifice
of the Mass, which was offered as soon as
might be after death, again on the third i
day, and afterwards as often as was re- !
quired by the friends of the deceased. :
11. Veneration and Invocation of the
Saints. — This practice the Anglo-Saxons
^ad received with the rudiments of the
Christian religion. It formed an integral
part of their public and private worship.
In public they were frequently called upon
to celebrate the anniversaries of individual :
saints, and yearly to keep the festival of '
All-hallows as a solemnity of the first
rank and importance. In private, at their
morning and evening devotions, they
were instructed to worship God, and then
" to pray, first to St. Mary and the holy
.\p'>stles, and the holy martyrs, and all
God's saints, that they would intercede
tor them to God." (Thorpe, ii. p. 426.) !
A high pre-eminence was allotted to the
" most blessed Mother of God, the per-
petual Virgin St. Mary." (Beda, " Horn. |
in Purif." p. 173.) Next in rank was
St. Peter, to whom Christ had given the
keys of the kingdom of heaven " with the !
chief exercise of judicial power in the
Church, to the end that all the faithful
throughout the world might know that 1
whosoever should separate himself from
the unity of Peter's faith or of Peter's
fellowship, that man could never obtain ^
absolution from the bonds of sin, nor ad-
mis^on through the gates of the heavenly
kingdom." (Beda, "Horn." p. 199.) Both
laity and clergy were solicitous to secure
his patronage. They crowded to the
churches and altars dedicated to his \
memory, pilgrimages were made to his
tomb, and presents were annually sent to I
the church in which were deposited his 1
remains, and to the bishop who sate in his '
chair. Among the other saints, particular i
honours were paid to Pope Gregory and
to Archbishop Augustine as the friends
and patrons of the nation. (This sketch
is taken almost word for word from
" The History and Antiquities of the
Anglo-Saxon Church, containing an ac-
count of its origin, goverument, doc-
trines, worship, revenves, and clerical and
monastic institutions," by John Lingard,
U.D. In this learned and most con-
scientious work the reader will find ample
confirmations and further developments of
the facts here stated,)
AirxMAXiS, XiOWER. The doc>
trine of St. Thomii.- on the nature of the
brutes stands midway between the ex-
treme doctrine, held in ancient and re-
vived in modern times, that the brutes
have rational souls, and the equally
extreme doctrine of Descartes, that they
are mere machines. St. Thomas admits
that the brutes have souls, by which they
live and feel, and know and desire the
particular objects which are presented to
them. They can store up past impres-
sions in their memory; they can recall
absent images hy imagination. Further
they cannot go. They are incapable of
forming abstract ideus, and they have no
free will. " In the works of brutes,"
St. Thomas says, " we see certain in-
stances of sagacity, inasmuch as the
brutes have a natural inclination to pro-
ceed with the most perfect order, and,
indeed, their actions are ordered with
supreme skill." He explains that this
skill comes from God, the supreme arti-
ficer, and he continues, "On this account
certain animals are called prudent and
sagacious, although they themselves have
no reason or free will, as is clear from the
fact, that all animals of one species go to-
work in the same way." ^
From this it follows, as will be plain
to anyone who has learned the elements
of the Thorn ist Philosophy, that all the
operations of the brute soul are performed
through the bodily organs. The imagina-
tion and the memory are sensitive powers,
no less than sight and hearing : it is only
the intellect and the will which deal with
immaterial ideas, and which act without
material organs ; and intellect and will
are wanting in brutes. From the opera-
tions of the soul in brutes St. Thomas
infers its nature, in accordance with the
philosophic maxim, " essence and opera-
tion correspond to each other." ^ As their
souls operate through matter, so they
spring from matter and perish with it.
They are not created by God, but are
derived with their bodies from their
parents by natural generation.^ With-
out matter, they are utterly incapable of
operation, and therefore of existence, for
nothing can exist unless it acts in some
way or other. Hence, their soul is ex-
tinguished with the dissolution of the
body.'
These philosophical principles deter-
mine the morality which regulates the
conduct of man to the brutes. As the
Sum. i. 2, 1.3, 2.
ll,„l. i. 118, 1.
2 Ihid. i. Ih, 3.
•* Ibid. i. 75, 3.
-\:sNATES
AJsXUXCIATION
03
lower animals have no duties, since they
ai-e destitute of free will, without which
the performance of duty is imjios^ible, so
they have no rights, for right and duty
are con-elative terms. The brutes are
made for man, who has the same right
over them whicli he has over plants or
stones. lit" may, according to the e.xpress
permission of God, given to Xoe, kill
them for his food, and if it is lawful to
destroy them for food, and this without
strict nece^^sity, it must also be lawful to
put them to death or to inflict pain on
them, for any good or reasonable end,
such as the promotion of man's know-
ledge, health, &c., or even for the pur-
poses of recreation. But a limitation
must he introduced here. It is never
lawful fur a man to take pleasure directly
in the pain given to brutes, because, in
doing so, man degrades aiul brutalises
his own nature. Hence the touching
rules in the Old Testament which pre-
scribe mercy on man's part to the beasts.
Moreover, we are bound for our own
sakes not to inflict long and keen suffering
on the brutes, except some considerable
good results. If we accustom ourselves
to .see animals tortured, we are apt to
become callous even to human sufferings,
and we do wrong in exposing ourselves to
such a danger, unless on the weighty
grounds of a higher benevolence. " A
man," says Billuart, " who puts brutes to
death in a cruel manner, and delights in
their torments, sins venially, by abusing
his power as master and lord. For by
such cruelty a man accustoms himself to
be cruel to his fellow-men ; whence we
read in Prov. xii. ' tlie ju^t man knoweth
Ei.e. considers and regards] the souls of
lis beasts, but the heart of the wicked is
cruel.' " '
ANlffATES {Annatee) or FIRST
FXtVXTS. According to the definition
of FeiTaris, "Annates are a certain por-
tion of the revenues of vacant benefices
which ought, according to the canons
and special agreements, to be paid to the
Roman Pontiff and the Curia." The por-
tion due in the case of inferior benefices
seems to have been, before the Council of
Constance, onehalf of the gross revenues of
1 Billuart, De Justil. Diss. x. a. 1. For the
spirit i)f the O.T. on this matter, see Exod. xx.
10. xxiii. 12. where the beasts, like men, have a
day of rest provided for them ; Ueut. xxv. 4.
■'thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadetli
out thy corn ; " xxii. 6, where the Jews are for-
bidden to take the bird with the brood on
which she is sittiiii;.
the first year, and in the case of bishoprics
and abbeys, a sum regulated according to
"the ancient taxation." At that council
a decree was passed after much disciis.*ir>n.
of which the general efl'ect was to allow
to the Roman Pontiff" the first year's in-
come of all dignities and benefices in his
gift. The Council of Basle complained of
1 the burden of the " annat'^s." yet when it
j was a question of niaiutainluu- the anti-
j pope Felix, whom they had -4 uj), they
. imposed a still heavier burden, in the
shape of " first fruits," on the nations
adhering to them.
In England the annates were finally
transferred t'rnm tlip Vnjif to the KiiiL;' liy
a statute passrd in 15-'U. Tln'v are still
payable to the sovereign in the case of
I Anglican bishoprics and Crown livings.
[ ingto the revolutions which within
j the last ninety years have so completely
I altered the face of 1jii-->]" . annates form.
[ at the present day, a scarci K apjireciable
portion of the revenues of the Holy See.
\ Their place is supplied more or less im-
1 perfectly by the voluntary contributions
I usually called " Peter's Pence " [see that
1 article].
Zahlwein remarks : — " Annates (1) are
paid for the support of thf Pope, the
Cardinals, and other otiicinU. (I'l They
are applied to defi-ay the cv]H-nsev ,if the
legates and apostolic luuu ii.s. whom the
Popes find it necessary to -end \ti various,
nations and the Courts ol' ]irinces. (.o j!y
means of these annates, aiil is extended ro
bishops who have been ex])elle(l from their
sees, and to princes unjustly (lislii<lged
^ from their thrones." It was probably by
means of this fund that the Po])es were
enabled to extend a generous hospitality
for many years to the son and grandson
of our James II.
ANITZVERSART. An "anniver-
sary " is defined as " that which is done
for a deceased person on the expiration
of a year from the day of death," and is
especiallv understood of tin- celebration
j of Massforthel,, n. ni ..fhis >,,ul. When
a testator diieci,- that such an auniver-
i sary shall be celehrated, without S])ecify-
] ing " hethiT once or oftener, the canon
j law interprets his intention as being that
the foundation shall be /// prrpi^tinnn. If
I the anniversary falls on a eieater <liiuble,
j the -Mass of Requiem nia\ he sung; if
on a double of the second class, it must
be antici]>ated or postponed. (Ferraris,
Amiirermriinn.)
ANiVtrTffCIATION' OP THE
BX.£SSZ:i> VZaCIN- {Annimtiati' .
U ANNUlsCIATION
ANTHONY, ST., ORDER OF
fvuyyf\ia-n6s, '^^^ word
signifies " declaration," or " announce-
ment"— i.e. of the fact that God the Son
was to be born of Mai-y — but at the very
moment in which the fact was announced,
<t sexually took place ; so that, in com-
memorating the " Annunciation," we
really commemorate the Incarnation of
Ciod the AVord.
St. Luke tells us, that the Angel
Gabriel was sent by God to Nazareth,
where he saluted Mary with the words,
" Hail, full of grace." The Evangelist
speaks of Mary as "espoused" to Joseph,
and Calmet, on this ground, thinks that
.she was still unmarried. But the great
majority of Catholic writers believe that
the word " espoused " must not be pressed ;
that Mary, when the angel came, was
already St. Joseph's wife, and was living
in his house. St. Ambrose, in his com-«
mentary on Luke, lib. ii., remarks that
the salutation, " Hail, full of grace," was
unknown before. " It was reserved for
Maiy alone. For rightly is she called
full of grace, who alone obtained a gi'ace
meritcil liv none, save only her, that she
should \ir iiUed with the Aiithorof Grace."
At iirst, Mary was disturbed by the .■<alu-
tation, and even when told that slie was
to be the Mother of our Lord, she replied,
" How shall this lie, sinee I know not
man?" Catholic divines point out that
slie did not, like Zaeliarias, show want of
faith. She accepted the fact, and only
inqvured about the manner of its accom-
pli.shment. According to the common
explanation, she had made a vow of
A irgluity, wliich she was anxious to keep,
though, as St. llrru.-ird says, she was
willing to surrender it at God's bidding.
The angel told her the child was to be
conceived by the operation of the Holy
Ghost. Mary herself was to supply all
which an ordinaiT mother supjilies for
tlie formation of her child's bodv, so that
.Mary is truly the Jlother of God. The
rest was diiiie by the operation of the
Trinity, llioiinh it is attributed specially
to the Holy (i host, because it was a work
of grace and love — grace and love being
particularly appropriated to the Holy
Ghost. This mystery was accomplished
when the Jllessed Virgin said, "Behold
lhr li;iiiilin;ii(l of the Lord; be it done unto
nic acniidiii^ to thy word." Then God
till' .Son was hypostatically united to
human nature.
The Annunciation, as a feast, belongs
both to Christ and to His Blessed Mother;
but Suarez says, that as the gift of Christ
to man was not perfectly accomplished
till the moment of His birth, therefore
the feast of the Annunciation is to be
regarded chiefly as a feast of Mary, that
of Christmas as a feast of Christ. The
feast of the Annunciation is celebrated on
March 25. Some authors — e g. Thoniassin
and Tillemont — think that this date was
chosen simply because it is nine months
before Christmas ; nine months being the
usual period which elapses between con-
ception and birth. Benedict XIY., on the
other hand, contends that the i'-")th ot
March was known by ancient tradition
to have been the actual day. Certainly,
St. Augustine, in the fourth book of his
work on the Trinity, cap. v., speaks of an
ancient tradition to that effect, while the
same day is marktxl for the Annunciation
in the Greek Menologies and Men«a, in
the Calendars and Martyrologies of the
Copts, Syrians, Chaldeans, as well as in
the Sacramentary of St. Gregory, and
generally in the Missals, &c., of the West.
It is true that a Council of Toledo, in the
seventh century, ordered the feast to be
kept on January 18, but the object of the
council was, not to fix the true date, but
to provide against the inconvenience of
celebrating the Annunciation in Lent.
' We do not find any certain and express
[ mention of the feast in early writers,
though Martene rightly infers from St.
Augustine's words, already alluded to,
that the custom of celebrating it is very
ancient. We find it mentioned by the
Council in TruUo (692), in an ancient
Martyrology falsely attributed to St.
Jerome, and in homilies which pass under
the name of Gregory Thaumaturgus, and
which may belong to the beginning of the
fifth century. The Bollandists even argue
from the general diflusion of the feast,
that it may have been of Apostolic insti-
tution.
ATTonKEAir. [See Aeianism.]
AWTEPEnrsiiTSX. As mentioned
under Alt.\r, a "pallium," or frontal,
varying in colour according to (lir si ason,
is to be placed on the altar. Tlie rubric
especially requires this when the altar
is not entirely of stone. It is commonly
called the antependium, from ante, before,
and pendcri', to hang.
AiTTifEni. [See Antiphon.]
ANTHOWV, ST., ORDER OP. Pro-
perly speaking, there is no such Order.
For although, as we have seen [AiiBOr],
Anthony was the patriarch of the mon-
astic family, still he composed no rule ;
and if certain schismatic convents of
AXTITROPOMORPIIITES
AIs^TICHRIST 35
Armenians and Copts boast that they
possess such^a rule, it is always found on
examination that it is the rule of St.
Basil, or some modification of it.
The Antonines, an order of monks to
serve ;he sick, were founded by Gaston,
a gentleman of Dauphine, towards the
end of the eleventh century, when the
terrible and mysterious disease called St.
Anthony's fire was causing great mor-
tality in the valley of the Rhone. In 1040
Jocelyn, a pilgrim, had brought relics
of St. Anthony to the Church of St.
Didier la Mothe, near Yienne. Praying
before these relics in 1095, Gaston, his
son being then dangerously ill, vowed to
give his goods to found a hospital if his
son got well. The son recovered, and
eagerly joined his father in the fulfilment
of his vow. They took the monastic
habit, and established a hospital for the
reception of persons ill of St. Anthony's
fire. The order flourished greatly. Bene-
dict Till, in 1297 ordained "that the
Antonines should live as canons-regular
under the rule of St. Austin. The order
subsisted till the Revolution, at which
time there were sixty-si.\ Antonines in
France : of this number only three be-
came asserntentes ; the rest preferred per-
.-ecution, exile, and death.
AXTTBROPOMORPHZTSS. An
insignificant sect of the fourth century,
called also Audians, after their founder
Audius, a native of Mesopotamia. Ground-
ing their heresy on many passages in Scrip-
ture, especially in the Old Testament, they
maintained that God had a human shape.
They died out before the end of the fifth
century. When Cassian, towards the year
400, travelled among the monks of Egypt,
he found that anthropomorphism, though
with a complete absence of heretical in-
tention or perversity, was rife among
them ; but whether they inherited the
tenet from the Audians, or derived it from
some other source, is uncertain.
ASTTZCHRXST. A word which, so
far as the New Testament is concerned,
only occurs in St. John's Epistles. In itself
it might mean — " like Christ," or " instead
of Christ," as dvrideos signifies Godlike,
or dvOvnaros pro-consul, but the Anti-
christ of St. John is Christ's adversary. "Ye
have heard," he says, "that Antichrist ' is
coming, and now there have been many
Antichrists. . . . This is the Antichrist
1 1 Ep. ii. 18. The readin:: i dv., "that the
Antichrist comes," is that of the received te.xt,
but Lachtnann, Tischendorf, and Tregelles omit
the article.
who denies the Father and the Son." In
the fourth chapter he makes the charac-
teristic of Antichrist (ro rov avrtxpiarov)
consist in not confessing Jesus; ' and more
fully in the seventh verse of the Second
Epistle, he places the guilt of Antichrist
in his denial that Christ has " come in the
flesh." Thus St. John identities the Anti-
christian spirit with the Docetic heresy,
though he seems also to allude to a single
person who is to come in the last days.
St. Paul, in the Second Epistle to the
Thessalonians is more explicit. He does
not, indeed, use the word "Antichrist,"
but he speaks of a person whom he de-
scribes as the "man of sin," "the son of
perdition who opposeth and raiseth him-
self over all that is called God, or is an
object of awe, so as to sit in the temple of
God, exhibiting himself as God." At pre-
sent, there is a power which hinders his
manifestation. The Thessalonians looked
on the " day of the Lord " as already
imminent. Xot so, St. Paul replies : three
things must hajipen first — an apostasy or
defection must occur; the hindrance to
the manifestation of Antichrist must be
removed, and then Antichrist hunself re-
vealed. This " man of sin " is usually
called " Antichrist," and to this termino-
log\- we shall conform during the rest of
the article.
As to this Antichrist, we must dis-
tinguish between what is certain and what
is doubtful.
It is the constant belief of the whole
Church, witnessed by Father after Father
from Irenseus downwards, that before our
Lord comes again, a great power will
arise which will persecute the Church,
and lead many into apostasy. All that
is "lawless," all that oppose "lawful au-
thority " in Church or State, partake so
far of his spirit, who is called, in the
words of the Apostle, the " lawless one "
by pre-eminence. But this must not lead
us to treat Antichrist as a mere personifi-
cation of evil, or to forget the universal
belief of Fathers and theologians that he
is a real and individual being who is to
appear before the end of the world.
So much for what is certain. When
we come to details, the Fathers, Bossuet
says, "do but grope in the dark, a sure
mark that tradition had left nothing de-
cisive on the subject." All, or nearly all,
are agreed in considering that the "mys-
1 " Every .spirit wliich does not c()tites.<»
Jesus." So the Greek, .according to the editions
just quoted. The Vulgate has "every spirit
which dissolves Jesus."
d2
56
AI^TICHEIST
ANTIOCH
tery of iniquity already worked " in Nero,
that the power which hindered the ap-
pearance of Antichrist was the Roman
Empire, and that he was to appear as the
Messias of the Jews, and to possess himself
of their temple. Further, from very early
times, St. Paul's "man of sin" was iden-
tified with one of the two Apocalyptic
beasts, in Apoc. xiii., and with the
little horn, in Daniel vii., which roots out
the other ten horns, or kings, speaks
blasphemies and destroys the saints. A
time was expected when the Roman power
would be divided into tenkingdoms. Anti-
christ was to destroy three of these, to
subdue the rest, till, after a reign of three
and a lialf years, he, in turn, was de-
stroyi'il liy ( 'jirist . It was also commonly
helfi iliat Am iilirist was to be a Jew, of
the tiilie of Dan, liecause that tribe is
described as a serpent by the dying Jacob,'
and is omitted from the list of tribes in
the Apocalypse. ' Many other features in
the picture might be given. Some re-
garded Antichi-ist as generated bj' Satan;
others, as actually Satan incarnate. The
Arian persecution in Africa, the domina-
tion of Islam, were looked upon as likely
to usher in the reign of Antichrist. Among
other curious beliefs we may mention that
of some among the B^guines, who sup-
posed tliat as Lucifer had come from the
higliest ordi'!- of angels, so Antichrist
Would spriiii; I'rom the most perfect Order,
viz. the Franciscan. In contrast with
these al)errations of fancy, St. Augustine
in the West, and St. John Damascene in
the East, preserve a marked moderation
of tone in discussing this subject.
At the I*rotestant Reformation, an en-
tirely new view appeared on the field.
Even heretics had not ventured to assert
that St. Paul, in the "man of sin," meant
to describe the Pope. Wyclif, indeed,
had called the Pope " Antichrist," while
the name was applied to Pope Silvester
by the Waldensians, to John XXII. by
the B^guines ; but the word was used in
that vague sense in which everyone who
does or teaches evil is an Antichrist.
Indeed, till Luther's time it was generally
agreed that Antichrist was to be an indi-
■\ idual, and this fact, which the plain sense
of St. Paul's words implies, is enough of
itself to refute the absurd opiiuon that
Antichrist means the line of Popes. All
Protestant writers of respectalde attain-
ments have now rejected this monstrous
interpretation. Yet it is well not to for-
get that it was once almost an article of
1 Gen. xlix. 17. * Apoc. vii. 6.
Protestant faith, and it was actually made
a charge against Archbishop Laud on his
trial that he refused to recognise Anti-
christ in the Bishop of Rome.
(Chiefly taken from Dijllinger's" First
Age of the Church," Appendix I.)
ANTZSXCOniA.RZA.M'ZT&S (lit-
erally " opponents of Mary "). A sect of
heretics in Arabia, to whom St. Epipha-
nius directed an epistle and of whom he
gives an account in his work on heresies.
They held, that, after Christ's birth, Mary
had other children by St. Joseph. They
are said to have derived this error from
disciples of Apollinaris. The Collyridians,
a sect of the same time and country,
also mentioned by Epiphanius, went to
another extreme. Women of this sect
offered cakes or rolls (xoXXv/j/Sfj) in
Mary's honour and afterwards partook of
them. This superstition first arose in
Thrace and Scythia. Against these here-
sies St. Epiphanius lays down the Catholic
principle, that Mary is to be honoured,
but God only to be adored. (See Fleury,
xvii. 26. Hefele in Wetzer and Welte.)
ATTTXOCH. The city in which the
disciples of our Lord were first called
Christians. It was the chief centre of the
Gentile Church and here the chie f apostles,
St. Peter and St. Paul, and other apostolic
men, such as St. Barnabas, laboured.
Besides this, Antioch had a title to
special pre-eminence in the fact that it
was for a time the act ual see of St. Peter,
who founded the Church and held it, ac-
cording to St. Jerome, for seven years.
He was succeeded by St. Evodius and St.
Ignatius. Moreover, the civil greatness
of the city combined with its traditional
glory, as St. Peter's see, to give it a high
rank among the Churches of the world.
It is no wonder, then, that Antioch should
have been regarded in early times as the
third among the episcopal cities of the
Catholic world. The diilicnlt y rather lies
in the fact that the third, instead of the
second, place was assigned to it, and that
it ranked after Alexandria, the see of St.
Mark. This apparent anomaly may be
explained by the civil superiority of Alex-
andria, and this is the solution actually
given by Bai'onius; or, again, it may be
said that St. Peter only fixed his see at
Antioch for a time, wliereas he placed
his representative St. Mark as the per-
manent l)ishop of Alexandria.
However, the bisliops of Antioch did
not even maintain their I'ank as third
among Christian bishops, though it was
theirs by ancient privilege. At the
AIS'TIOCH
AXTIOCH 37
Second and Fourtli Councils, they per-
mitted the bishop of Const untinople to
assume the next place after the Roman
bishop, so that Antiocli became the fourth
amonp- the patriarchates. Shortly after
the Fourth General Council, Antioch fell
lower still. Anatolius, bishop of Con-
stantinople in St. Leo's time, ordained a
patriarchof Antioch,and thisinfrincrement
of the independence which belonged to
Antioch as a patriarchate came to be re-
garded as a settled custom.
The patriarchate of Antioch em-
braced the following provinces: Phoe-
nicia prima et secunda, Cilicia, Arabia,
Mesopotamia, Osroene, Euphratesia, Syria
secunda, Isauria and Palestine It is
doubtful whether Persia was subject to
it. Antioch claimed jurisdiction over
Cyprus, but the latter asserted its inde-
pendence at the Council of Eph^stis, and
at a later date Anthimus, metropolitan of
Cyprus, resisted Peter the Fuller, who
claimed authority as patriarch of Antioch.
Autliimu? professed to have found the
body of St. Barnabas in the island and so
to have proved the apostolic foundation
of his Church. The territory of Antioch
was abridged further by the rise of the
patriarchate of Jerusalem. At Cliulcedon,
Juvenal of Jerusalem secured the three
Pale-tines as his own patriarchate. This
he did by an agreement with Maximus of
Antioch, which was ratified by the coun-
cil and th? Papal legates.
The bishop of Tyre held the first
place among the metropolitans subject to
Antioch ; he was called npcoToOpovos, and
he had the right of consecrating the new
Satriarch, though in the middle of the
fth century, as we have seen, this privi-
lege wasusuqied by Constantinople. The
patriarch consecrated the metropolitans ;
they consecrated the bishops, though
Pope Leo wished that even bishops should
not be consecrated without the patriarch's
approval.
Under the Emperors Zeno and Ana-
stasius at the end of the fifth century,
Monophysite patriarchs were placed at
Antioch, and this Monophysite patriarch-
ate la.sts to the present day, though the
patriarch's residence was removed to Tag-
rit and later to Diarbekir. There was a
Greek orthodox patriarch, who generally
resided at Constantinople, but he too fell
away in the general defection of the
Greeks from Catholic unity. This schis-
matic patriarchate of the orthodox Greeks
still continues. At the end of the
•eleventh century, the conquests of the
crusaders led to the establishment of a
Latin patriarchate.
Atpresent, besidesthe Syro-Monophy-
site or Jacobite, and the Greek schi.smatic
patriarch, there are — the Latin Catholic
patriarch, who, at present, does not really
govern any Church in the East ; the Greek
Melchite patriarch, for the united Greeks ;
the Syrian patriarch, for those of the
Syrian rite who returned in the seven-
teenth century from Monophysite error to
the Church ; the Maronite patriarch, who
has authority over all Maronite settle-
ments. (From Le Quien, " Oriens Chris-
tianus," torn. ii. De PatriarchntH Antio-
cheno ; except the last paragraph, which
is from Moroni, " Dizionario, " sub voc.)
Among the many councils assembled
at Antioch, special importance belongs (1)
to three councils held between 264 and
269 against Paul of Samosata. At the
third council, in 260, Paul was deposed
and his formula that the Smi was of one
substance (ofjioovaios) with the Father
condemned, probably because Paul meant
by it, that the Son pre-existed only as an
attribute of the Father, not as a distinct
Person, just as reason in man is a mere
faculty, not a distinct person. The
fathers of the council addressed an en-
cyclical letter to Diouysius of Rome,
Maximus of Alexandria, and to the other
bishops. Dionysius died that same year,
but his successor, Felix I., pulilished a
decisive statement of the ( 'atlmlic faith
against the errors of theheresiarch. Paul,
however, maintained posse.<sion of the
episcopal house; whereupon the orthodox
applied to the emperor Aui-elian, who de-
creed that thebishop's house was to belong
to him " with whom the Italian bishops
and the Roman see were in communion."
(2) To the Synod in enca-niis, held in
341. It consisted of 97 bishops, met to
consecrate the "Golden Church" begun
by Constantine the Great ; whence the
name eV iyKaiviois. The luajority of
the fathers held the Catholic faith, and
had no thought of betraying it; and hence
their 25 canons relating to mattei-s of
discipline attained to great authority
throughout the Church. Rut they were
deceived by the Eusebian party [see
Aeianism], renewed the sentence of de-
position against Athanasius, and put firth
four Creeds, which though they approach
the Nicene confession, still fall short of it
by omitting the decisive word " consub-
stantial."
Apart from its influence as a patri-
archate and as the meeting-place of coun-
38
A^"TIPHON
ANTIPOPES
oils, Antioch also wielded great powers
over the Cliurcli as a school of theology
and of Scrijitiiral e.ie(/esi.s. Tliis school
already existed in the fourth century,
^vhen Dorotbeus and Lucian — who died,
as a martyr, in 311 — were its chief orna-
ments. The Antiochenes were learned
and logical, the enemies of allegorical in-
pretation and of mysticism, but their
love of reasoning- and their common sense
degenerated at times into a rationalistic
tendency, so much so that Theodore of
Mopsuestia has ever been regarded as
the forerunner of Nestorius. But un-
doubtedly, Antioch rendered great ser-
vices in the literal interpretation of Scrip-
ture. Unlike the Alexandrians, the
great scholars of Antioch turned aside
from allegorical interpretations, and were
distinguished for their critical spirit and
grammatical precision. Among their
foremost commentators were — Diodorus,
bishop of Tarsus ( + about 3!I4), for-
merly priest of Antioch, whose writings,
though vehemently denounced for their
Nestorian tendency, and no longer extant,
once enjoyed a vast reputation; John
Chrysostom, the greatest of all literal
expositors ; Theodore of Mo])suestia ( +
429), like Diodorus, inclining to Nes-
torianism, but gifted with talents which
can still be discovered even in the frag-
ments and I^atin translations of his com-
mentaries which survive, and known
among the Nestoriaus as " the commen-
tator" par excellence; Theodoret ( +
about 458), whose commentaries on St.
Paul are "perhaps unsurpassed" for
"appreciation, terseness of expression and
good sense." '
ATTTZPHOiir. The word signifies
"alteniatc utt-'rance." St. Ignatius, one of
the Apostolic Fathers, is believed to have
first instituted the method of alternate
chanting by two choirs, at Antioch. In
the time of Constaiitiiu-, according to
Sozomen, the monks Flavian and Dio-
dorus introduced it among the Greeks.
In the Lat in Church it was first employed
by St. Aiulirose at Milan in the fourth
century, and soon became general. But
in process of time the word came to have
a more restricted sense ; according to
which it signifies a selection of words or
verses jirefixed to and following n jisalra
or psalms, to express in brief the mystery
which the Church is contemplating in
that part of her otHce.
In the Mass, the Introit (introduced
by Pope Celestiue I. in the fifth centiiry),
I Lightfoot on Galatians, p. 230.
the Offertory, and the Communion, are
regarded as Antiphons. But it is in the
canonical hours that the use of the Anti-
phon receives its greatest extension. At
vespers, matins, and lauds, when the
office is a double [see Feasts], the Anti-
phons are doubled — that is, the whole
Antiphon is said both before and after the
psalm or canticle. On minor feasts, the
Antiphons are not doubled; then the
first words only are said before the
psiihn, and the whole at the end of it.
Liturgical writers say that the Antiphon
means charity ; and that when it is not
doubled, the meaning is that charity, be-
gun in this life, is perfected in the life to
come ; when it is doubled, it is because
on the greater feasts we desire to show
a more ardent charity. Except the Alle-
luias, few Antiphons are sung in Paschal
time, for the joy of the season inflames
of itself, and without extraneous sugges-
tion, the charity of the clergy. On most
Sundays the Antiphons at vespers are
taken from both Testaments, but in
Paschal time only from the New. On
the greater Antiphons, see the article
Advent.
The Antiphons of the B. V. M.
formed no part of the original Church
office ; they came into the breviary later.
They are four in number, one for each
season of the year. The first, " Alma
Redemptoris," sung from Advent to
Candlemas, was written by Ilermannus
Contractus, who died in 1054 Chaucer's
beautiful use of this in the Prioresses Tale
shows how popular a canticle it must
have been with our forefathers. The
second, " Ave Pegina," sang from Candle-
mas to Maundy Thursday, was written
about the same time, but the autlioi- is
unknown. The third, ''llrMim Culi,
hetare,"is used in Paschal time ; uml the
fourtli, " Salve Regina " (to w hich, as is
well known, St. Bernard added the words
" O clemens," &c.), written either by
Pedro of Compostella or Hermannus
Contractus, is sung from Trinity to
Advent.
AM-TIPHOWARY. The book in
which the antiphons of the breviary,
with the musical notes belonging to them,
are contained.
AITTIPOPES. In the first twelve
cenluriesof her existence the Church was
disturbed some tw eiiiy-five times by rival
claimants cif t In I'ii | iaV\ . The Strife thus
originated \\as always an occasion of
scandal, sometimes of \ iolence and blood-
shed, but in most cases it was easy for
A^■Tl^o^ES
.\^•TI^OPES 39
uipn of honest will to distinguish between
the true Pope and the Antipope or false
claimant. It was very ditierent in the
great schism of the fourteenth century'.
For forty years two and even three pre-
tenders to the Papacy claimed the allegi-
ance of Catholics : whole countries,
learned men and canonised saints, ranged
themselves on ditl'erent sides, and even
now it is not perhaps absolutely certain
•who was Pope and who Antipope.
It is usually said that Xovatian, who
became the leader of a schiMiiati( al ]iarty
at Rome in '2iA, was the tirst Autip >])f,
but Dollinger (" Hippolytus and Oallis-
tus," Engl. Tr. p. 1)1 seg.) argues with
weighty reasons that he was anticipated
thirty years before by Hippolytus, the sup-
posed author of the " Philosophumena."
In the election of Felix II. (a.d. 355-0)
a new element appears which was often
to manifest itself again — viz. the influence
of the Court. The Arian Emperor Cou-
stantius, after removing Pope Liherius
from Rome, compelled three disreputable
bishops ()car(i(r/to7rovf • ov yhf) av riy f'tnoi
iwia-KOTrovs) " to establish as bishop in the
palace a certain Felix, who was worthy
of them." So Athanasius writes (" Ad
Monach. et Hist. Arian." 75) only three
years after the event, and we can scarcely
doubt that his account is accurate in the
main. It is accepted, e.(/., by Natalis
Alexander (Diss, xxxii. a. 3 in Sffic. iv.),
Hefele (" Concil." i. p. 661), and many
other Catholic authorities. But Felix is
commemorated as a saint in the Latin
Church on July 29, and Pagi (" In Annal.
Baron." ad ann. 357, n. 3, ad 357, n. 16
seg.) tries to show that he was no Arian
intruder, but succeeded Liherius upon his
resignation. After Felix, we meet with
no more heretical Antipopes, although
Laurentius (498) w^as supported by the
Byzantine Court in the belief that he
would approve the Henoticon of the
Emperor Zeno.
Indeed, for many centuries Anti-
popes were upheld simply by factions
among the clergy and people, who had
the power of election. Thus Eulalius
(418-19) was supported by a minority of
clergy and people, and by the Prefect
Symmachus ; he was finally expelled by
the Emperor Honorius (Fleury, " H. E."
xxiv. 7 seq.). Laurentius (498) had a
party of the people and Festus the pa-
trician on his side ; the case was decided
against him by the Arian king Theodoric
(lb. XXX. 48). Dioscorus (530) was raised
by popular faction and died a mouth j
afterwards (ib. xxxii. 21). Pascal (687-
692) gained a party among the people and
the favour of John, Exarch of Ravenna,
by bribery {ib. xl. 39). The tumultuous
mob which chose John (844) abandoned
him almost immediately {ib. xlviii. 15).
The deputies of the Emperor Lothair and
the arms of the Frankish soldiers enabled
the usurper Anastasius to defy the true
Pope Benedict III. for a brief space in
855 ' {ih. xlix. 26). A new complication
occurred in 964. Benedict V. does not
<leserve to be called Antipope. He was
duly elected by the Roman people. But
the Romans had sworn in the previous
year that they would not proceed to elect
a Pope except with the Emperor's con-
sent and according to his wishes. Benedict
was degraded and humbly confessed hi»
sin (Hefele, " Concil." p. 619 seq.) In the
; two following centuries we find a number
of Antipopes raised to this bad eminence
by the violence of popular and baronial
factions in the darkest age of the Church's
history. Such were Franco, a deacon of
the Roman Church, who took the title of
Boniface YII. and usurped the Roman
bishopric in 975 and again in 984 (Fleury,
Ivi. 3H, Ivii. 12) ; John XVI. (Philo-
gathus), who won his place by bribery in
997 {ib. Ivii. 49) ; a certain Gregory who
headed a party after a contested election
in 101 2 {ib. Iviii. 35). It was believed till
quite lately that the Church in the middle
of the eleventh century w^as distracted
for the first time by the claims of three
rival Popes. The recent investigations
of Steindorfl' have shown this supposition
to be inaccurate, and his conclusions are
accepted by Hefele in his second edition.
The following seem to be the facts of the
case. In 1033 the Count of Tusculum
raised his son, a boy of twelve, to the
Papal throne. He called himself Bene-
1 At this time the fabulous Pope .loan is
said to have reigned. The story tirst appeared
in a book bv the French Dominican Stephen de
Bourbon (d". 1261) ; then in early MSS. of the
history of Martinus Polonus, also a Dominican
(d. 1279). The work of Polonus was the popu-
lar history of the middle ages, and obtained
universal 1 elief for the legend. It found a
place in the Mirabilia Urbis Romce, a sort of
handbook for strangers visiting Rome. N'ay,
acquiescence in the fable induced John XX. to
style himself " John XXI." It was not till the
fifteenth century that doubts arose, and the
Calvinist Blondel {Joanna Papissa, Amstelo-
dam. 1657) lirst demonstrated the unhistorical
char.acter of tlie legend. He was followed by
Leibnitz {FIoiks Sparsi in tumidum Papissee,
Goetting. 17.58), and by nearly all historians-
since. (Dollinger, Papstfabeln, 1 stq.)
40 AIS'TirOPES
ANTIPOPES
diet IX. In 104-4 this "devil on the
chair of Peter " was overthrown in a
popular iijirnar, and i-!ilvester 111., not
witliDut >im()ny. Micceeded to liis place.
He in turn, after the lapse of a year,
resigned in favour of Gregory VI., an
excellent man, though apparently he
bribed Benedict to resign. Althougli
therefore there were not three rival
Popes, still there were three parties in
the Roman Church and some reason to
fear that a triple schism might arise. It
was this fear which induced the German i
King Plenry III. to interfere. A council
of Sutri deposed Gregory and Silvester,
Benedict was deposed the same yi'ar in a
synod of Rome, and Suidger of ISaniherg,
at the recoumiendation of tlie king, was
canonically elected. He took the title of
Clement II. (Ilefele, " Concil." iv. p.
706 seq.)
The election of the Anti]>ope Cada-
laus (the name is spelt in many ways),
known as Ibnioriu.. II., has greater and
wider interest, connected as it is with
the general history of the Churcli. Tlie
party of rei'orm chose Alexander 11.
Beatrice of Canossa was zealous in his
cause, and he was acknowledged as true
Pope in 1002 at a synod of Augsburg.
But many feared the strong measures a
good Pope might take against the simony
and concubinage prevalent among the
clergy. The Lombard liisliops were de-
termined to lun e a l'o]ie who came from
the Paradise of Italy Lomhardy), and
who would have ]i,it lenci.' ^\ ith human
weakness. A ])o\\ei-lul party at Rome
was at one with them, at least on the
latter point. Thus it came to pass that
Cadalaus, bishop of Parma, a man of
licentious life, was chosen Pope at a
council of Basle by the Lombard prelates
and Roman dejiuties in lOtjl, took the
title of Ilonorins IL, and was invested
by the young King Henry 1"\'. with the
insignia of the Papacv pist twentv-eight
davs after the eanHnal'l.i>l,Mii- had ;.lerte<l
Alexander 11. The sclii^in was a ior-
midalile one. The < in inaii Coiii-t ahan-
doneil the (Miise of Cadalaus at the synod
of AiiLi-hiiie. hut he found favour even
after that tlie Ihiijiress Agiies and
with the kinu, and he had money and
amis at his conmiand. He died in 107 1'.
(Ilefele, " Coiu-il." IV. J). 870 s<'(j.)
^'e\t eonie> a s.Ties of Aiitipoiies in
the Ion- str.le ]„■}^^r,■n llie f;,,,|„re and
the rapaey. t.iuliert of l;a\eiina, the
fa\ourite of Henry IV., was recognised
by the Ghibelliiie party as Clement III. ;
he was followed by the Antipopes Theo-
doric and Albert. In like manner Biir-
dinus of Braga, under the Emperor Henry
v., became the Antipope Gregory VIII.
(Hergenrother, " Kirchengeschichte," i. p.
707). Anacletus II. , a son of Peter Leone
and of Jewish family, was chosen by a
party among the cardinals in l\'-'>0. but by
means of simony. His opponent, Innocent
II., won the allegiance of the Catholic
world as a whole, but Anacletus was
upheld by the Normans in Calabria, by
the Duke of Aquitaine, and others. After
his death in 1138, his party transferred
their homage to another Antipope, Victor
ly. {i/>. 771-3). Once more under
Frederic I., the war between the Imperial
and I'apal parties called new Antipo])e3
into existence. The hrst of these, also
called A'ictor IV., had won the votes of
the Ghibelline majority among the car-
dinals. He was acknowledged by a synod
of Pavia in 1160, and the true Pope,
Alexander III., took refuge in France.
Another Antipope, Paschal III. {Guido
('lii)icnf), followed in 1164, and another
Calixtus III. (John de Struma), in 1168.
Frederic ceased to maintain the schism
after the peace of Venice in 1177. and
the Anti])ope himself submitted to Alex-
ander III. Some of the Barons tried to
continue the schism by declaring Lando
Siterio Pope, but the attempt failed
utterly and at once, and I'ope Alex-
ander, who died in 1181, had seen the fall
of no less than four pretenders to the
Papacy.
For about two centuries no Antipope
disturbed the Church's peace, but in 1378
the election of Urban VI. occasioned a
schism rightly called the great, since it
was the most grievous ever known.
Gregory XL had just brought the " Baby-
lonish cai)tivity " of Avignon to an end.
It is said that, as he received the sacra-
ments of the dying, he warned others
against certain persons who advanced
ideas of their own as divine ins]iirations,
Lnin iil I'd t lie step they had induced him
to tal»e, and expressed his dread of the
consequences to the Church. There were
sixteen cardinals present at Rome, of
whom eleven were Frenchmen, four
Italians, and one, Peter de Luna, a
Spaniard. Gregory, a few days before
his death, had empowered them to hold a
conclave at any place and without waiting
for their colleagues (Ravnald. ad. ami.
1378, n. 2). On April' 7, 1378, they
assembled in the Vatican. Their task
was far from easy. It would have been
ANTIPOrES
ANTIPOPES 41
natural for them to elect a Frenchman,
but on the other hand, the Romans ear-
nestly demanded a Roman or at least an
Italian Pope. An April 8, Bartholomew
of Prignano, archbishop of Bari, was
•elected, and he was crowned on Easter
Sunday under the title of Urban VI.
French contemporary writers with scarcely
an exception represent the cardmals as
constrained by violence. They were told
by the populace that they must elect an
Italian or die; nor were signs wanting
that the Roman mob meant to keep their
word. There are, however, very strong
reasons for refusing belief to these French
accounts. Dietrich of Niem, a German
and an official in the Papal Court at the
time, assures us that the election was pei-
fectly free, that the people did indeed beg
the cardinals to promote an Italian, but
used no force or threats, and that the
tumult did not occur till the election was
over. Dietrich must have known the
truth, and there is everj- ground to think
he told it, for he was by no means an
enthusiastic admirer of Pope Urban. The
testimony of St. Catherine of Sweden,
^iven at length by Ravualdus (ad ann.
1379, n. 20) is to the same effect. She
was present in Rome at the time, and
talked over the matter with many of the
cardinals. 15ut the most conclusive
document is the letter also given in full
by Raynaldus (ad ann. 1378, n. 19),
which the sixteen electors addressed on
April 19 to their brother-cardinals at
Avignon. They declare that they had
■chosen Urban freely and unanimously,
and we know that they acknowledged
him for several months without a pro-
test.
However, Urban's harshness and im-
prudence alienated the Sacred College,
and in August of that same year the
French cardinalsdeclared that the elect i. >n
had been constrained, and renouncril all
allegiance to Urban, whom they called
"an apo.'^tate" and "an accursed Anti-
christ " (Raynald. ad ann. 1-37&, n. 48
seq.) They persuaded three out of the
f(uir Italian cardinals to join them at
Fondi, where, on September 20, the Car- |
dinal of Geneva was elected, and became
Clement VII. Urban found himself
•deserted by every cardinal, for the fourth
Italian member of the college (Tebal-
deschi) was dead. All the cardinals at
Avignon accepted Clement, who soon after
established himself, and was acknow-
ledged Pope in France, Lorraine, Savoy,
"Scotland, Naples, and Spam. The rest
I of the Catholic world belonged to the obe-
! dience of Urban. St. Catherine of Siena
I was eager in the cause of Urban ; St.
i Vincent Ferrar equally so for the Pope.*
I of the other line. Urban was followed
by Boniface IX. (1389-1404); Innocent
Vn. (1404-6) ; Gregory XII. 1407-9.
j On Clement's death in 1394, he was re-
placed bv the famous Peter de Luna,
Benedict 'Xin.
The Council of Pisa in 1409 tried to
remove the scandal of a double line of
Popes anathematising each other and
dividing the allegiance of Christendom.
I In Session XV. both Popes were deposed,
I and in the nineteenth. Alexander V. was
I elected. For a time this made matters
worse, for neither Gregory nor Benedict
ailmitt'-d the validity of the sentence, so
that tliire were now three claimants of
the Papacy — viz. Gregory XII., Benedict
XIII. and Alexander Y. Still, Alex-
ander's successor, John XXIII. was ac-
cepted by the Emperor Sigismund, and by
I the greater part of the Church.
I Another attempt at peace was made
I by the Council of Constance. It annulled
j the pretensions of all three Popes. Of
these, Grec'orv resigned wiUinalv. John
was dep.jsed "in .-r.Mon xii.. 'May 141.5,
and Benedict XIII. in sc-^lou xxvii.,
two years later. Martin A', was then
chosen Pope by the twenty-three cardinals
and six deputies from each of the four
nations into which the council was
divided.
Here the schism virtually ended, and
Martin Y. ruled over all Catholics.
Nevertheless, Benedict XIII. held out at
the Castle of Peniscola, on the Catalonian
coast. He had received the deputies who
brought him the sentence of deposition
with solemn protest; he maintained to
the last that the little church of his
obedience was the nrk of salvation, and
that he hini.-elf was the centre of unity.
A\'ith his last breath in 1423 he bade his
cardinals provide for the election of a suc-
cessor, which they did by promoting the
Canon Muhoz ' as Clement VII. He,
however, resigTied the tiara in 1420, and
allowed his cardinals to elect " Otto
Colonna, known in his obedience as
Martin Y." Munoz became Bishop of the
Balearic Isles.
Amadeus, Cotint and afterwards first
1 There were only four "cardinals " in
Benedict's obedience. Three chose Muiioz; a
fourth elected himself, and took the title
" Benedict XIV." He was defended by the
Count of Armagnac.
42
ARTISTES
APOCRYPHA
Duke of Savoy and Count of Geneva, was
the last of the Antipopes. He was
chosen by the Council of Basle, then
schismatical, in 1439, and crowned at
Basle in the following year. He sub-
mitted in 1440 to Pope Nicolas V., who
madf him cardinal and pei-petual vicar of
the Hilly See in the territories of Savoy,
Basle, Stnisburg, &c. He died at Ripaille
in 14.-,1.
AirTXSTES. A title frequently ap-
plied in ecclesiastical history, and in the
prayers of the Church, to a prelate or
bishop.
APOCRXSZARIVS {dirOKp'ivecrdai,
to answer). Ecclesiastical, but chiefly
Papal, emissaries to the Court of the
Emperor were designated by this name
from the fourth to the ninth century. So
long as the civil power persecuted the
Church, there was no place for such offi-
cials ; but after the conversion of Con-
stantine, the recognition by the Roman
emperors of the divinity of Christianity
and the claims of the hierarchy gave rise
to numberless questions, within the bor-
derland of the civil and the ecclesiastical
jtu-isdiction, which it was important for
the Popes to press on the notice of the em-
perors, and obtain definite anstvers upon,
so that a practical adjustment might be-
come possible. The Apocrisiarius, there-
fore, corresponded to the Nuncio or
Legate a latere of later times, and was
usually a deacon of the Roman Church.
Gregory the Great resided in this charac-
ter for three years at Constantinople in
the reign of the Emperor Mauricius.
After the middle of the eighth century
we hear no more of such an emissary,
because the adoption of the extravagances
of the Iconoclasts by the imperial Court
led to a breach with Rome. But when
Charlemagne revived the Empire of the
West, similar diplomatic relations arose
between him and the Holy See, which
again reqtiired the appointment of Apocri-
siarii. It appears that under the first
Frankish emperors the imperial arch-
chaplain was at the same time Papal
Apocrisiariu.-. Sulj^^ei^uently the name
was given to nlliciul- ut Court nomination,
who held im comniis.-iun from Rome ; and
in this way the title in its old sense came
to be disused, and was replaced by Legatus
[q. v.] or Nuntius.
APOCRYPHA (from dn-o/cpiK^oy, hid-
den). It corn'>])onds to the Jewish word
wliich the .Jews applied to books with-
drawn from public use in the synagogue,
on account of their unfitness for public
I reading.' But the later Jews had also
the notion that some books should be
withdrawn from general circulation be-
cause of the mysterious truths they con-
tained.'^
I The early Fathers used " apocrj'phal "
j to denote the forged books of heretics,
borrowing, perhaps, the name from the
heretics themselves, who vaunted the
" apocryphal " ' or " hidden " wisdom of
these writings. Later — e.ff. in the " Pro-
logus galeatus " of Jerome — apocrj-phal is
used in a milder sense to mark simply
that a book is not in the recognised canon
of Scripture ; and Pope Gelasius,'' in a de-
cree of 494, uses the term apocryphal in
j a very wide manner, (1) of heretical for-
geries ; (2) of books like the " Shepherd
of Hermas," revered by the ancients, but
not a part of Scripture; (3) works by
early Christian writers (Arnobius, Cas-
sian, &c.) who had erred on some points
of doctrine. We need scarcely add that
the Protestant custom of calling Wis-
dom, Machabees, &c., " Apocrypha," is
contrary to the faith and tradition of the
Church. [See Canon of the Sckiptuke.]
The name is now usually reserved by
Catholics for books, laying claim to an
origin which might entitle them to a
place in the canon, or which have been
supposed to be Scripture, but which have
been finally rejected by the Church. In
the Old Testament the most important
apocryphal books are — 3 and 4 Esdras,
both of which are cited by early writers
as Scripture, the latter being also used in
the Missal and Breviary ; 3 and 4 Jlacha-
bees ; the prayer of Manasses, which is
found in Greek MSS. of the Old Testa-
ment, and is often printed, in a Latin
version, in the appendix to the Vulgate ;
the book of Enoch (cf. Jude 14), which
Tertullian regarded as authentic (it only
e.xists at present in an Ethiopic version) ;
a I51st Psalm attributed to David, which
is found in Greek MSS., and in the
Syriac, Ethiopic, and Arabic versions of
the Psalms; eighteen psalms attribtited
to Solomon, written originally, according
to some scholars, in Hebrew, according to
others, in Greek. ^
There is a great mass of New Testa-
ment apocryphal literature. Some books,
such as the "Epistle of Barnabas," the
1 Buxtorf. Lev. Cliald. et Rabbin, sub voc.
2 4 Esdr. xiv. 4G.
5 Tertull. De An. 2. Clem. Alex. Strnm.
iii. 4. 29 ; Euseb. Hist. iv. 22.
* Fleury, Hist. xxx. 35 ; but see also Hefele^
Conciliengeschickte, ii. G18.
5 See Reusch, hinkit. in das A. T. p. 176.
AroCRYPIlA
APOLLIXARIAMSM 43
two "Epistles of Clement," the "Shep-
herd of Hermas," may in a certain sense
be called ajxicryphal, because, thou<rh not
really belonginfr to Scripture, they were
guoted as such by ancient writers, or were
inserted in MSS. of the Xew Testament.
Some other books mentioned by Eusebius
— ^viz. the " Acts of Paul," the " Apo-
calypse of Peter," the " Teachings of the
Apostles " {liiSaxai T(bv 'ATToa-ToXcov), seem
to have belonged to this better class of
apocrvphal literature. Besides these,
Eusebius mentions apocryphal books in
circulation among heretics — viz. the
" Gospels " of Peter, Thomas, Matthias ;
the " Acts " of Andrew, John, and the
rest of the Apostles.^ Fragments remain
of the ancient Gospels " according to the
Hebrews," " of the Nazarenes," " accord-
ing to the Egyptians," of the preaching
and Apocah-pse of Peter, &c., and have
been repeatedly edited.^
Later times were no less fruitful in
apocryphal literature, and we still possess
a great number of these later forgeries,
entire and complete. They have been
edited by Fabricius in the work already
named; by Thilo, "Codex Apocrypbus
Novi Testament!," 1831, of which work
only the first volume, containing the
apocryphal Gospels, appeared; by Tis-
chendorf (" Evangelia Apocrypha," 1876,
second edition enlarged ; " Acta Aposto-
lorum Apocrypha," 1851 ; " Apocryphal
Apocalypses," 1866), and by other scho-
lars. This is not the place to attempt an
enumeration of these apocryphal books,
but we may mention some which enjoyed
a special popularity in the Church, and
exercised a marked influence on Catholic
literature. A number of apocryphal
Gospels treat of the infancy and youth of
our Lord, and of the history of his
blessed Mother and foster-father. Among
these the " Protevangelium of James"
holds the first place. It describes the early
history of Mary, our Lord's birth at
Bethlehem, and the history of the wise
men from the East. This gospel was
much used by the Greek Fathers ; portions
of it were read publicly in the Ea.-;teni
Churcli, and it was translated into Arabic
and Coptic. It was prohibited for a
time among the Latins, but even in the
West it was much used during the middle
ages. Other Gospels, such as the Arabic
I Euseb. H. E. in. 2r>.
« By Fabricius, Cwlex Apocryphus N. T.
170o-i9) ; Grabe. Spicilegium Patrum, Oxoniae
nOO) ; Hiliienfeld, N. T. extra Canonem. re-
ceptum (18t)5).
"Evangelium Infantim Salvatoris," con-
tain legendary miracles of our Lord's
infancy. We have a second class of
apocryphal Gospels which treat of the
Passion and Resurrection of Christ. Of
this class is the " Gospel of Nicodemus."
It is probably of very late origin, but it
was a favourite book in the middle ages.
The Greek text still exists, but it was also
circulated, before the invention of print-
ing, in Latin, Anglo-Saxon, German, and
French. Closely connected with this
Gospel are a number of documents which
ha\-e sprung from very ancient but spuri-
ous " Acts of Pilate." These ancient
Acts which were known to Justin and
Tertullian, have perished, but they called
forth several imitationswhich still survive.
The one which is best known is a letter
of Lentulus to the Roman senate describ-
ing the personal appearance of our Lord.
It is a forgery of the middle ages.
Further, apocrj'phal literature is rich
in " Acts of the Apostles," and here, as
in the apocryphal Gospels, we find early
but spurious Acts, revised and enlarged,
and so originating fresh forgeries. Thus
the " Acts of Paul and Thecla," in their
existing form, are the recension of a veiy
early work — forged as early at least as
TertuUian's time. The fullest of all these
"Acts" is the "Historia Certaminis
Apostolorum." It can scarcely be older
than the ninth century, but it is of con-
siderable value, because the author has
made diligent use of earlier Acts, some of
which have perished.
Of apocryphal Epistles we have, among
others, a letter of St. Paul to the Laodi-
ceans (only existing in Latin), which,
though rejected by Jerome, was accepted
as canonical by many great Latin theolo-
gians of a later day, won a place in many
copies of the Latin Bible, and for more
than nine centuries " hovered about the
doors of the sacred canon." ' We may
also mention a letter of St. Paul to the
Corinthians, and another of the Corinthi-
ans to St. Paul (both only in Armenian) ;
letters supposed to have passed Ijetween
St. Paul and Seneca (known to Jerome
and Augustine); spurious letters of the
Blessed Virgin, to St. Ignatius, to the in-
habitants of Messina, &c. &c.
Lastly, we have apocryphal Apo-
calypses of Paul (called also avaiiariKov ;
see' 2 Cor. xii. 1), Thomas, Stephen —
nay, even of St. John himself.
" APOX.X.XM'A.RZA.M'ZSnX. Apollin-
aris was the son of a grammarian, also
1 Lightfoot, Ep. to Colos. p. 305.
44 APOLLIXAEIANISM
APOSTASY
called Apollinaris, -who migrated from
Alexandria to Laodicea, where the
younger Apollinaris was born, and of
which city he afterwards became bishop.
He was distinguished, not only for his
great literary knowledge and skill, but
also for his austerity of life. He was a
voluminous author. He wrote in defence
of theChristian religion against Porphyry,
and showed like zeal against the Arians,
who in revenge inflicted a cruel wrong
upon him. He was dear in his youth to
St. Athanasius, and he was in friendly
relations with SS. Kpiphanius, Basil,
Gregory of Nazianzus. Hence, for a long
time the Catholics were unwilling to
believe that the errors attributed to him
were really his. Athanasius wrote against
his heresy without mentioning his name,
and at the Alexandrian Council of 3G2,
the Apollinarians seem either to have
retracted their errors for the moment, or
else to have deceived the Catholic bishops. '
But " towards 375 or 376," says Fleury,
"their errors manifested themselves so
plainly as to make further toleration
impossiljle. The Egyptian bishops exiled
in Palestine for tlie laith opposed [Apol-
linaris] vigoniiisly,'"- and St. Basil wrote
against the heresiarch. Apollinaris was
condemned in a PiOniuu synod under Pope
Damasus in 374. Two years later, the
same Po])c, in anndnT lloman synod,
anathematised the litresy and deposed
Apollinariswith his tA^o disciples Timothy
and Vitalis, Apolliiiarist bishops at Alex-
andria and Antioch.^ They were con-
demned again in the first cinion of the
Second rieneral Council and their assem-
blies wcir l'oi l)i(lden by Theodosius.
A])(illiii,i) is was not always consistent
with himself, and it is not easy to dis-
tinguish his doctrine from later accretions,
which it may have received through his
followers. A full account of his doctrine
so far as it can be ascertained will be
found in Petavius,' from whom we have
taken the lollowing summarv : —
First, Apollinaris, like "llie .Brians,
denied that our Lord bad a human intelli-
gence. He admitted tlial Christ had a
soul by which He liv.d and l"elt, but he
said that the placf ot the intellect and
spirit were supplied by the eternal Word.
A human intelligence, he argued, would
have been useless to our Lord, and incon-
sistent with His sinlessness, because a
' Hefele, Concillengeschichte, i. 729.
' Hist. xvii. 25.
' Hefele, ConcUiengeschichle, i. 740, 742.
* De Incarnat. i. 6. |
created intelligence must needs be pecca-
ble. Here -Apollinaris virtually denied
that Christ is perfect man, and destroyed
all real belief in the Incarnation.
Next, he, or at least his followers, held
that our Lord's flesh Avas of one substance
with His divinity, so that the divinity
actually suft'ered and died. They denied
that He took flesh from the Blessed
Virgin, asserting that Christ brought His
body with Him from heaven, and that
this body existed " before the ages." On
this point, the Apollinarians repeated an
old Gnostic error, and were the fore-
runners of the Monophysites. They ob-
jected to the Catholic doctrine, according
to which Christ is true man, because they
thought it introduced a fourth person
over and above the three Persons of the
Trinity. As Apollinaris denied the hu-
manity of Christ by depriving Ilim of an
intelligent soul, so he did in reality deny
His divinity, for a Godhead which can die
or suffer is no Godhead at all. (See Petav.
loc. cit. ; Fleury : Newman, " Tracts The-
ological and Ecclesiastical," 257 seq.)
APOXiOCZST. The word is used
genei-ally to denote %vriters who defend
Christianity and the Church from attack.
It is also applied in a special sense to
those Christian writers of the first four
centuries, who vindicated the faith and
discipline of Christ from the torrent of
obloquy to which they were exposed in
Pagan society. Such were J ustin Martyr,
Minucius Felix, Tertsllian, Theophilus,
Clement of Alexandria, Lactantius, &c.,
besides others, such as Quadratus, Ari-
stides, and Melito, whose works have not
come down to us.
APOSTASY. It is of three kinds :
that from the Christian faith ; that from
ecclesiastical obedience ; and that from a
religious profession, or from holy orders.
An apostate from the faith is one who
wholly abandons the faith of Christ, and
joins himself to some other law, such as
Judaism, Islam, Paganism, &c. It is a
mistake, therefore, to brand as apostasy
any kind of heresy or schism, however
criminal or absurd, which still assumes to
itself the Christian name. While the
Turks were in the heyday of their power,
and had great command over the Medi-
terranean, the captivity of Christians
among them, and apostasy resulting Irom
such captivity, were matters of everyday
occurrence ; hence a great number of
decisions and opinions respecting the
treatment of apostates, on their wishing
to return to Christianity, may be found
AroSTLE
APOSTLE
45
in the writings of canonists. The second
kind of apostasy, that from ecclesiastical
obedience, is when a Catholic wllfiilly
and contumaciously sets at nought the
autliority of the Church. Such apostasy,
it persisted in, becomes Schism [^.i'.].
The third kind is that of those who
abandon without permission the rolioious
order in which they are professed : as when
Luther abandoned his profession as an
Augu5tiuian,aud married Catherine Bora.
He is also an apostate who, after having
received majororders, renounces his cleri-
cal profession, and returns to the dress
and customs of the world, " an act which
entails ecclesiastical infamy, and, if there
is marriage, excommunication." (Ferraris,
Apostasia : Mack's article in Wetzer and
Wehe.)
iiPOSTXiE (from dn-ooToXor, one
who is sent). The word is not much used
in classical Greek except to denote " a
naval expedition." In the LXX it occurs
only once, 3 Kings xiv. 6, where Ahias
says to the wife of Jeroboam, "I am a
hard messenger (uTrdoroXoy) to thee."
It was, however, in common use among
the later .Tews, who applied it to the
emissaries sent by the rulers of the race
on any foreign mission. These " apostles "
formed a council round the Jewish
patriarch, and executed his orders abroad.
Probably our Lord adopted the word
from the current language of his time.'
The name is given in the New Testa-
ment first of all to the twelve whom our
Lord chose. " The names of the twelve
apostles," St. Matthew says, "are these:
the first, Simon," &c. But it is by no
means restricted to them : Mntthias and
Paul were of course Apostles, though not
of the twelve ; so was 13arnabas.'- More-
over, St. Paul seems to bestow the name
on the seventy disciples and also upon
Andronicus and Juiiias.^ Certainly, in
the writings of the Fathers and in the
ofiice of the Church the word is used of
persons like Silas, Timothy, Luke, and
others wlin were associated with Paul in
his work.'' Finally, the word .\postle in
the New Testament still retains its wide
and original meaning of messenger.-''
It is plain, however, from Sci'ipture
and tradition, and from the very fact that
the Church was an organised body, that
the office of Apostle was something
1 LighttViot on G.il.nt. p-2 xcq.
Acts xiii. -'^ n : (;.ilat. ii. 9 ; 1 Cor. i.x. 5.
* 1 Ciir. .\v. , : R..m. xvi. 7.
See Lightfoot. /()c. cit., and Estius on Rom. 1.
5 Philipp. ii. 25.
I definite and distinct. It has been argued
that an Apostle, in the strict sense, had
to be taken from those who had seen our
Lord, and that the ofiice of the Apostolate
I was always accompanied with the power
of working miracles. Neither of these
points can be proved. No doubt, it was
providentially arranged that the twelve
■■should be able to give personal witness to
the resurrection, and St. Paul himself
appeals to his having seen our Lord as
proof of his equality with the older
Apostles. No doubt, God did confirm the
teaching of the Apostles by giving extra-
ordinary efficacy to their words, and
setting his seal to it by miracles. But
this is no proof that the essential charac-
ter of the Apostolate depended either on
the gift of miracles or on having seen
our Lord. There are, however, three
marks of the Apostolic office which
necessarily belong to it, and which, taken
together, separate it from all other eccle-
siastical dignities. First, the Apostles
j were bishops, and so had the sacrament
I of order in all its fullness ; they were
able to consecrate and ordain, to con-
firm, S:c. Next, either mediately, through
the ministry of man, or immediately from
God Himself, they had received a com-
mission to preach the Gospel throughout
the world. They were to be witnesses to
Christ "even to the end of the earth."
I Thirdly, they received full and perfect
i power of binding and loosing, of founding
Churches, of ordaining bishops and other
ecclesiastics, throughout the world. This
universal jurisdiction, however, they were
I obliged to exercise in union with St. Peter,
who was the centre of unity and head of
the Church, and in subordination to huu.
Further, this universal jurisdiction was
I peculiar to themselves : they could not —
except in a certain modified sense, which
j will be explained presently — transmit it to
j their successors. It is Peter only, who
had any individual successor in his
primacy and his universal jurisdiction.
Accordingly, if we are asked how far the
Apostolic office continues in the Church,
we may answer briefiy as follows : — In
episcopal order and in universal jurisdic-
tion {i.e. in two out of the three notes of
an Apostle) the bishops of Rome are the
successors of .St. Peter, (^ther bishops
succeed the A])ostles in order only, not in
^ universal juriMliction. But the episcopate
i conjointly have universal jurisdiction, and
j so together represent the .\postoliccollege.
i This jurisdiction they exercise in sub-
ordination to the Pope, as the Apostles
46 ArOSTLES' CREED
APOSTOLIC CANONS
exercised theirs in subjection to St.
Peter. (See Petav. " De llit'rarcli." i. 5
and 6.)
APOSTLES' CREED. [Ser Creed.]
il.POSTX.ES, FEASTS OF. liefure
the fifth centiuy the Iloman calendar
contained no festivals proper to any of
the Apostles except that of SS. Peter and
Paul, on June 29. Low Sunday — the
Gospel of which recalls the grant of
spiritual powers by the risen Christ to
the assembled Apostles — was often called
in antiquity "the Sunday of the Apos-
tles " ; it was one of the chief feasts in the
Ethiopian calendar. In the Sacramentary
of Pope Leo all the Apostles are com-
memorated on June 29 ; for in the Mass
for that day there is a collect which runs,
" Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, qui nos
omnium apostolorum merita sub una
tribuisti celebrltate venerari." Hence
the " Festival of the Twelve Apostles,"
(Svi/a^ir Tcov bdiBeKa ' ATToaruXoyv) came
to be, and is stiU, observed in the Greek
Church on June 30. St. Jerome gives as
a reason for having but one festival for
the Apostles, "ut dies varii non videantur
dividere quos una diguitas apostolica in
ccelesti gloria fecit esse sublimes." The
feast of the " Division of the Apostles,"
referring to their final dispersion from
Jerusalem thirteen years after the Ascen-
sion, occurs in the Iloman calendar on
the 15th of July. The feast of SS.
Philip and James was fixed on the 1st of
May, after the translation of their relics
into the "Basilica omnium Apostolorum"
at Rome in the sixth century; November
30th was fixed as the feast of St. Andrew
by a bull of Boniface VIII. in 12ii5.
APOSTOI.XC CAVOHS. A tradi-
tion (accepted because unexamined) long
prevailed that these Canons were dictated
by the Apostles themselves to St. Cle-
ment of Rome, who committed them to
writing. Accurate research has dispelled
this notion. Yet although all are agi-eed
that they do not come to us with the
weight of A])nstolic sanction, their real
value and the antiquity that should be
assigned to them are still nuich disputed,
and they have been, and still are, appealed
to as an important witn(>ss in many
modern coni r(i\ I'l-sies. Daillc the Cal-
vinist, asldiiii.Ird ;ii important, or
rather, I'.-vriii ],h\rr which they assign
to ))i,^lin|)s in till' (Christian economy,
strove to i)rove thai ilicy were a ^^•ork of
no earlier date than tlic tilth rcntuiy.
The AngUcan divines Heverldge and j
Pearson, especially the former, having |
as they conceived a deep interest in prov-
ing the acceptance by the primitive Church
of high views of episcopal power, examined
with great learning aud power the ques-
tion of the origin of these Canons, and
endeavoured to prove that they must
have been compiled not later than the
end of the second or beginning of the
third century. The latest German re-
searches (see Kraus' "Real Encykl.") tend
to the conclusion that, as collections, that
of the first fifty Canons [see below] cannot
be dated earlier than the middle of the
fourth, while the remainder must be
assigned to the sixth century. Bunsen,
in his work on "Hippolytus and his Age,"
printed a translation of the Canons and
also of several versions of the Constitu-
tions, with a voluminous commentary,
the intent of which is to show that these
ancient documents " know of no sacrifice
of the Mass, acknowledge no definltlou of
the Catholic Church," and, generally, are
in "flagrant contradiction" with the later
canon law. That one of the authors of
that strange hybrid the "Evangelical
Church of Prussia " could have persuaded
himself that the spirit which breathes
from the Canons resembles in any way
that which dictated the ecclesiastical
legislation of the Prussian Government,
is surely a singular instance of self-decep-
tion ! The temperate statement of Soglia
seems to come much nearer the truth.
From these Canons, he says, it may be
clearly seen aud pmvfd, "that the ordin-
ations of bishops, ii i>. and other
clerics are no growtli of a hitor discipline,
that the dogma of the oblation and sacri-
fice of the Mass is not new, nor the dis-
tinction between clergy and laity, nor the
power of a bishop over his clergj', nor
excommunication, nor many other similar
institutes, which have been assailed by
heretics on the score of novelty."
After briefly describing what the
Canons are, we shall reproduce the
judgment wliich competent theologians
have formed of their contents.
The Apostolic Canons are usually found
in MSS. appended to the last or eighth book
of the Apostolical Constitutions. In some
copies they are but fifty in number, in
others eighty-five. The collection of fifty
exists in a Latin form, having been trans-
lated by Dionysius Exiguus from the
original Greek towards the end of the
iiftli century. These fifty were always
regarded in the West as autlioiitative iu
a sense in which the remainlngCanons were
not ; in the East no such distinction was
APOSTOLIC CANONS
APOSTOLIC FATHERS 47
made between them and the other thirty-
five. From the analysis made by Drey
(" Neue Untersuchungen," &c.) it would
appear that twenty-two out of the whole
number substantially embody injunctions
and rules contained in the extant apostolic
epistles ; ten are closely connected, both
in time and import, with these ; twenty
date from the age of the great persecu-
tions ; and the remainder are assignable
to the Nicene and post-Nicene periods.
With regard to their contents, "the
greater number, 76 out of 85, relate to
the clergy, their ordination, the conditions
of consecration, their official ministrations,
orthodoxy, morality, and subordination,
also to their temporalities, and to the
relation of the diocese to the province; so
that it is clear that the regulation of the
discipline aflecting ecclesiastical persons
was the main object of the ci)llection."
With regard to the authority that
should be assigned to them, while on the
one hand the Emperors Constantine,
Theodosius, and Justinian, the Council
of Ephesus, and especially St. John
Damascene, who ranks them with the
Canon of the New Testament, are all in
their favour, the consensus of opinion
against them, since the sixteenth century,
when they were first critically examined,
is very strong. It is urged that Eusebius
and St. Jerome are silent, though if such
a collection of Canons had come down
from the Apostles, they must have known
of them; also that in the controversy
(third century) between Pope Victor and
St. Cyprian, rteither party appealed to
them, though, had they been generally
known, and believed to be genuine, they
would at once have decided the point in
dispute. Again, it is plain that many
things mentioned in them — e.<j. metro-
politans, division of dioceses, distinction
of Church from episcopal property, &c. —
are of post- Apostolic age. Thirdly, they
teach in many places a doctrine which it
is impossible to ascribe to the Apo.stles,
as when (No. 17) they forbid only that a
man who has been twice married after his
baptism should be admitted into the ranks
of the clergy, whereas the letter of Inno-
cent I. (404) to Victricius, bishop of
Rouen, proves that a second marriage dis-
Sualified from ordination, even when the
rst had been contiactcd liefore baptism;
or (No. G6) when tlioy lay down an un-
wise rule on fasting: or (Nos. 46, 47)
enjoin as to the re-baptism of heretics the
contrary of that which Victor, following
the true apostolic tradition, maintained in
the dispute with Cyprian. Either there-
fore it must be said that the Church
teaches a doctrine and discipline repug-
nant to what the Apostles taught — an
assertion which would be impious — or it
must be allowed that these Canons, in
their entirety at least, cannot be ascribed
to the Apostles.
That Bunsen should have thought
that these Canons bi-eathed a spirit alien
from that of the Roman Church is extra-
ordinary. In them we view the Catholic
Church as one body, attaching great
importance to unity, knowing its own
mind, imposing a strict discipline on all
its members lay and clerical, just as we
see the Chm-ch in communion with Rome
doing at this day. The thirty-fifth Canon,
enjoining on bishops obedience to their
metropolitans in the interest of that
" unanimity " by which God is glorified,
foreshadows — one might almost say,
suggests — the language of the Leos
and the Gregories concerning the chair
of Peter, for what could prevent dissen-
sion among the metropolitans, unless
they, too, had some one to look up to
and obey F
APOSTOI.IC F.&TBERS. A name
given to Christian authors who wrote in
the age succeeding that of the Apostles.
Hefele's edition of the Apostolic Fathers
(4th ed. Tubingen, 185.5) contains: —
(1) An epistle, falsely ascribed to St.
Barnabas. Ilefele places it between
107-120. (2) Two letters (so-called) of
Clement, Bishop of Rome. The former
of the two (genuine), is assigned to the
close of the first century. The second
(spurious), is not a letter, but a homily of
uncertain date. (3) The letters of St.
Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch. Seven
letters in the shorter Greek recension
are genuine ; they belong to the early
part of the second century. (4) A letter
of Polycarp, Bishop of Smyrna, and
disciple of St. John. (5) An anonymous
epistle to Diognetus. Hefele and many
others suppose, that the author lived
shortly after the Apostles. (6) The
"Shepherd of Hermas," an apocalyptic
book, dating probably from the middle of
the second centui-y. (7) An account of
the martyrdom of St. Polycai-p, given by
the contemporary Church of Smyrna.
(8) Early Acts of the Martyrdom of St.
Ignatius. The great edition of Cotelerius,
appeared at Paris, U5(!2. It does not
give the epistle to Diognetus, and on the
other hand contains the Pseudo-Clemen-
tine writings, with the Apostolic Canons
4S APOSTOLIC FATHERS
APPEAL
and Constitutions. An elaborate account
of the -whole literature of the subject will
be found in the new edition bv Gebhardt,
Harnack and Zahn (Leipsic, 1876 serj).
AFOSTOXiZCAX. COirSTXTTT-
TZ07TS {^luTd^ets or diarayai). Eight
books, devoted to the discussion of eccle-
siastical affairs. They profess to contain
the words of the .\postles written down
by St. Clement of Rome. The first Greek
printed text was edited by Turrianus, and
published in 1663.
The spurious character of the book
was soon evident to Catholic scholars,
such as Baronius, Bellarmine,and Peta vius,
who were at one, at least on the main
point, with Protestants like Dailli? and
Blondel. But it is more diflicult to say
when the foundation of the book was
laid, and when it took its present form.
Eusebius mentions the " so-called teach-
ings of the Apostles '' {tS>v anoaroXoiV a'l
Xeyd/ifi/ni 6iSa;^<)t), and similarly Atha-
nasius speaks of the " teaching of the
Apostles," but it is doubtful whether they
refer to some work of which the present
•'Constitutions" are a later recension.
Epiphanius quotes the " Constitution of the
Apostles" {hmTn^is), but his quotations
never exactly correspond to, while one of
them difters widely from, our present text.
Pearson assigns the work, as it stands.
In the middle of the fifth century.
Lagarde, one of the leading modern
authorities on the subject, says it is now
the general opinion of the learned, that
the book "grew up secretly" in the third
century, and that, the last two books,
(7th and 8th) were added afterwards.
Their is an excellent edition by De
Laganl-, 18,;l>.
APOSTOXiXCX. A sect of Gnostics
described by St. Epiphanius in his work on
heresies; they called themselves by this
name because they pretended to imitate
the Apostles in absolutely renouncing the
world. They held matter to be altogether
corrupt and im])ure, and consequently
rejected marriage, though they appear
not to have been averse to irregular
connections. They were at no time
numerous, and were dying out when
Epiphanius wrote. In the twelfth century
a sect appeared in Rhineland, and also in
France, which took the same name, and
held to a gi-eat extent the same doctrines;
but these Apostolics allowed of marriage.
St. Bernard preached two sermons against
them. They were always reviling the
hierarchy, the corruption of which they
declared to be so great as to have vitiated
all the sacraments of the Church except
that of Baptism. A similar sect, calling
themselves " Apostolic Brethren," ap-
peared in North Italy towards the end
of the thirteenth century ; their leaders,
Segarelli and Dulcino, both suffered at
the stake. For an account of their wild
fanatical tenets, see Milman's " Latin
Christianity," vii. 360.
APOSTOX.XCVS. The word was
applied to bishojis generally in the ancient
Church, rather, however, as an epithet
than as a title. Then it was restricted
to metropolitans or primates ; thus Pope
Siricius writes (about a.d. 300), " ut
extra conscientiam sedis apostolicae, id
est, primatis, nemo audeat ordinare."
Even Alcuin, writing at the beginning of
I the ninth century, uses the word in this
I sense. Yet long before this the use of
the term " sedes apostolica " kut i^oxj)v,
for the see of Rome (comp. Beda's "Hist.
' Eccl."^as.«?»i), had laid a foundation for
the restriction of the tenn Apostolicus to
j the Roman Pontiff. From the ninth cen-
, tury onwards we find it applied only to
the Popes, and in course of time it came to
be used of them as a title and official
designation. The Council of Rheima
(104'.l) recognised the right of the Pope
to this title, "([uod solus Romanae sedis
pontilex universalis ecclesife primas esset
I et Apostolicus," and excommunicated an
! arcliljishop of Compostella for assuming
j to himself " culmen Apostolici nomini.?,"'
! the eminence of the Apostolic name. In
the middle ages, Apostolicus (in Norman
French apostoile) became the current
name for the reigning Pope. (Kraus'
"Real Encykl.;" Smitli and Cheetham.)
APPEAIi. He who appeals has re-
course to the justice of a superior judge
from what he conceives to be the unjust
sentence of an inferior judge.
Appeals may be either judicial or
extra-judicial. A judicial appeal is from
the sentence of a judge acting as a judge.
! An extra-judicial appeal is from the in-
I jurious action of any superior, whereby
the appellant thinks his rights are in-
fringed— e.g. in a case of disputed patron-
age, or abusive exercise of power. In
these eases, as the extra-judicial appeal is
not in the cause, but hrr/ins or lays the
foundation for the cause, it is not, pro-
perly speaking, an appeal at all. But
there is one kind of extra-judicial appeal
which is really such ; it is when the
appeal is made from a judge who has not
decided judicially— p.//. who has given
sentence without hearing the arguments
APPEAL
APPELLANTS 49
of counsel or the evidence of witnesses
■when tliese were required or allowed by
thp law. In this case the appeal is extra-
judicial (for it is made against an arbi-
trary act, rather than a motived judg-
ment), yet it is a true a]ipeal, for it is
made from a judge to a judge.
The oliject of appeals is the redress of
injustice, whether knowingly or ignorantly
committed. An appeal need not imply
that the original sentence was unjust, for
the production of new evidence in the
superior court uniy change the aspect of
a case, and cause a decision which was
just on the assumption of one set of facts
to be justly set aside on the discovery of
further facts.
Appeal can he made from any judge
recognising a superior ; thus no appeal is
possible, in secular matters, from the
decision of the sovereign power, or the
highest secular tribunal, in any country,
for these, in such matters, recognise no
superior. Again, there can be no appeal
from the Pope ; " for he, as the vicar of
Christ, recog-nises no superior on earth,
and it is of the essence of an appeal that
it be made from a lower to a higher
judge, by whom the sentence of the first
may be corrected." ' Those who appeal
from the judgment of the Pope to a future
general council, of whatever rank or
condition they may be, are formally ex-
commimicated in the bull "In Crena
Domini." Nor can appeal be made from
a general council legitimately convened
and approved, "because it, being in union
with the Roman Pontiff who approved
it, represents the whole Church, from
the sentence of which there can be no
appeal."^
As a rule, appeals should proceed
regularly, through all the intermediate
jurisdictions, to the supreme tribunal;
but canon law admits of many exceptions
to this. " In the first place, all persons are
at libei-ty to appeal to the Pope imme-
diately, passing over all intermediate
judges, in ecclesiastical and spiritual
causes ; and those subject to his tem-
poral rule can do so in temporal causes
also." ^ The reason is, that the Pope is
"the ordinary judge of all Christians,
having concurrent power with all ordi-
narie>." ^Mauy other ca>i>- arc spiM ltifd
in the canon law, in which ajipcUants are
authorised to appeal to a higher court at
once, passing over the intermediate j uris-
dictions.
1 Ferraris, Apptllatin. art. iii.
2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. § 10.
At the same time there are numerous
causes in which no appeal is permitted ;
these are summed up in the following
lines, which are a sort of memoria
tvchnica : —
Subliiiiis judex, scelus, exseoutio, pactum,
Contenipttis, et res mininiiE, dilatio nulla,
Clausula quae reniovet, res qua? niitoria constat,
Et textus juris clarus, possessio, latum.
There can be no appeal from a " sublimis
judex," such as the Pope, or the sovereign
authority in a state. " Scelus : " that is,
those convicted of criminal otiences and
who have confessed their guilt have no
appeal. "Exsecutio: " that is, when the
cause has become a "res judicata," the
execution of the sentence cannot be
stayed by appeal; this seems to be a
particular case of " fatum." " Pactum : "
if the parties have consented to a com-
promise during the progress of the suit,
there can be no appeal. Contempt of
court by a contumacious refusal to appear
to the judge's citation is another cause
which deprives a litigant of the right to
appeal; as is (in civil causes) the utterly
insignificant nature of the point raised,
according to the maxim, de mhiimis non
curat led-. " Dilatio nulla : " that is, in
things which do not admit of delay, there
can be no ajipeal — at any rate, no such
appeal as would have the efiect of sus-
pending the execution of the sentence;
as in a case about 0])ening a will, or
is.^uiug supplies of food to soldiers, and
the like. " Clausula qure removet :" that
is, when the original suit was conducted
by delegation from the supreme tribunal
under the clause " appellatione remota,"
the ordinary right of appeal is annulled.
The next two cases explain themselves ;
by " possessio " is meant that brief enjoy-
ment of the subject of litigation which
does not prejudice in an appreciable
degree the right of the other party ; and
by " fatum " those prescribed terms and
dates which are otherwise named " fata-
lia," and the exact observance of which is
necessary in order that an appeal may
proceed. For instance, unless an appeal
against a sentence be lodged within ten
davs from its deliverv, it cannot be made
at all.
Finally, no appeal having suspensive
efiect lies from a sentence of excommuni-
cation, nor from legitimate disciplinary
correction of a superior J)aternally ad-
ministered without legal process. (Fer-
raris, Appellatio.)
A.PPEXiXtA.lO'TS. This was the name
given to the party among the French
-60 ArmOBATION
ARCHBISHOP
clerg)', Leaded by the Cardinal de
Noailles, archbishop of Paris, and four
bishops, who appealed to a future general
•council against the constitution IJmyenitm
(1733), by which the Holy See had con-
demned a hundred and one propositions
of a more or less Jansenistic character,
extracted from the writings of the Pere
Quesnel. [Jansenism.]
APPROBATZOxr. The formal judg-
ment of a prelate, that a priest is fit to
hear confessions. It does not involve
jurisdiction — i.e. a bishop does not neces-
sarily give a priest power to hear con-
fessions in his diocese, because he pro-
nounces him fit to do so, though in fact a
bishop always or almost always gives a
secular priest jurisdiction at the time he
approves him. This approbation by the
bishop, or one who has quasi-episcopal
jiu-isdiction, is needed for the validity of
"absolution given by a secular priest, un-
less the said priest has a parochial bene-
fice.' The bishop who approves must be
the bishop of the place in which the con-
fession is heard and this approbation may
be limited as to time, place, and circum-
stances.
Regulars, in order to confess members
of their own order, require the approval
of their superiors; to confess seculars,
that of the bishop of the diocese.
APSE (Greek, h^'n, a wheel or
arch). Nothing is known of the shape of
the Christian churches which were built
before the time of Constantine. As-
suming, therefore, that ecclesiastical
architecture dates from the fourth century,
the apse may be considered as one of its
primitive features, for it already existed
in many of the basilicas or halls of jus-
tice or commerce, which, when Christi-
anity rose into the ascendant, were freely
placed at the disposal of the bishops by
the civil power. It was the semicircular
termination of the basilica, in which sat
the judges; the same construction may
often l)e seen in French courts of justice
at ihis day. "When utilised for Christian
worsliip, its extreme end was occupied by
the ))islio])'s chair; the seats of the clergy,
following the semicircle, were on his
right and left ; the altar was in the middle
of the apse, or just in front of it; and
beyond the altar was the choir. In the
By/ant ine style, which arose in the East
after Constantine had transferred the seat
of em])ire to his new city on the Bos-
phorus, the apse was retained; a notable
instance of this may be seen in the church
' Concil. Trident, xxiii. 15,
of St. Sophia at Constantinople, built in
the sixth century. It appears also in the
old Byzantine churches at Ravenna, and
also in several churches on the Rhine, of
later date but in the same style. In France
and England the Byzantine architecture
received that splendid development which
is called Norman; but the apse, in all large
churches at least, still held its ground,
though it occasionally took a triangular
or a polygonal form. Norwich Cathedral
is perhaps the finest example of the
round apse that we have in England.
The cathedral of Durham, of which the
nave and choir were finished, much as
we now see them, about the beginning
of the twelfth century, had originally an
apse, but on account of a failure in the
masonry, this was taken down and the
present magnificent chapel of the Nine
Altars substituted in the thirteenth cen-
tury. In the later styles which followed
the Norman, the French builders as a
rule retained the apse, while the English
generally abandoned it for the rectangu-
lar form. (Oudin, " Manuel d'Arch^olo-
gie.")
AQVARZX. [See Enceatit^.I
ARCBAN-CEi.. [See Angel.]
ARCHBISHOP (Gr. apxifnlcTKmros).
The word first occurs in the fourth cen-
tury; St. Athanasius speaks of himself
and also of Alexander, his predecessor in
the see of Alexandria, under this name.
In earlier times those bishops who had
suffragan bishops depending on them,
and exercised spirit ual jurisdiction within
a certain geographical area which was
their ^roymce, were called metropolitans.
As Christianity extended itself, the
bishops of the more important cities under
the metropolitans came themselves to
have suffragan bishops under them, to
whom t?iei/ were metropolitans. It be-
came necessary, therefore, to find some
new title for the old metropolitans, and
the terms priniate, e.varch [see those
articles] and archbishop came into use.
In the West the name "archbishop" was
scarcely heard before the ninth century.
For a time the words patriarch and
archbishop appear to have been used in-
terchangeably. At present the terms
"archbishop" and "metropolitan" have
the same meaning, except that the latter
implies the existence of suffragans, where-
as there may be archbishops without suf-
fragans, as in the case of Glasgow.
In the middle ages the archbishops
possessed an ample jurisdiction: they had
the right of summoning provincial coun-
ARCHBISHOP
ARCHDEACON 51
cils; thev could j iidge their suffragans aa
a tribunal of first instance, and hear on
appeal causes referred to them from the
episcopal courts within the province.
The jurisdiction of a metropolitan over
his suffragans in criminal causes was trans-
ferred by the Council of Trent (sess. xiii.
De Ref c. 8) to the Holy See; in civil
cavses it remains intact. Provincial coun-
cils, owing to the difficulties of the times,
have been less frequent in recent times
than formerly ; but, by the Council of
Trent (sess. xxiv. 2, De Ref), metropoli-
tans are bound to convene them every
three years. An archbishop can receive j
appeals from his suffragans in marriage
cases, and (with the authority of the pro- j
vincial council) visit any suffragan's
diocese. The right also devolves upon [
him of appointing a vicar capitular on i
the decease of a suffragan bishop, if the
chapter fail to appoint one within eight
days. Two venerable insignia still mark
his superior dignity — the pallium with
which he is invested by the Holy See, and
the double cross borne on his " stemma "over
his ai-ms. An archbishop has the right
of carrying his cross throughout his pro-
vince, except in the presence of the Pope
or a Cardinal Legate. Until the arch-
bishop has received the paUium he can
only style himself /i.e^ec^Ms; and, although
confirmed and consecrated, he cannot con-
voke a council, consecrate chrism, or exer-
cise any other acts of higher jurisdiction
and order.
Gregory the Great, while giving to
St. Augustine personally jurisdiction over
all English and British sees, designed to
make London and York metropolitan sees,
with twelve suffragans under each (Bed.
" Hist. Eccl." i. 29). But the priority of
Kent in receiving the Gospel led to the
primatial see being fixed at Canterbury,
not at London; and the troubled state of
the North long deferred the arrangement
proposed for York, and never even in the
end suffered it to attain the dimensions
contemplated by Pope Gregory. For a
short time in the eiglith century, while
Mercia was a powerful kingdom, Lich-
field was raised by the Holy See to metro-
politan rank. Similarly the see of St.
David's in Wales received the pall for a
brief period in the twelfth century. At
that time there were two archbishops, at
Canterbuiy and York, with thirteen and '
two suffragans respectively. (Henr. Hunt. !
" Hist. Ang." i. 5.) After the change of ,
religion the archiepiscopal dignity re-
mained in abeyance in England, till re- |
vived in our days in the person of Nicholas
Wiseman, who was created the first
archbishop of Westminster, in 1850.
ARCBBEACOIf (Gr. apy^i^iaKOVOi),
At a very early period it was the prac-
tice for a bishop to select one of the
deacons of his church to assist him both
in the divine worship and in the ad-
ministration of the diocese. As was
natural, his choice fell, not necessarily
upon the senior deacon, but upon him in
whose ability and firmness he could most
confide. Thus we read of Eleutherus as
the deacon of Pope Anicetus, in the second
century ; of St. Lawrence the deacon of
Sextus II. in the third ; and of St. Atha-
nasius, who as the deacon of Alexander,
the bishop of Alexandria, attended him at
the Council of Nicsea. The name "Arch-
deacon" first occurs in the writings of St.
Optatus of Milevis (about 370). The im-
portance of the office continually grew, and
we learn from St. Jerome that in his time it
was considered a degradation for an arch-
deacon to be ordained priest. It was the
duty of the archdeacon, under the bishop's
direction, to manage the Chm-cli property ;
provide for the support of the clergy, the
poor, widows, orphans, pilgrims, and
prisoners ; to keep the list of the clergy,
&c. An able archdeacon, as was to be
expected, often succeeded to the see on
the death of the bishop who had ap-
pointed him. At first there was but one
archdeacon, but in the immense dioceses
which the conversion of the We-stem
nations caused to arise, the episcopal
duties could not be effectually performed —
so far as the temporal side of them was
concerned — without the appointment of
several archdeacons as the bishop's dele-
gates. That they should gradually be
invested with the jurisdiction possessed by
the bishop, and ultimately even receive
independent powers, was a natural conr
sequence of this state of things. In the
eleventh and twelfth centuries their
power rose to its height. About 1100
Eemigius, upon transferring his episcopal
throne from Dorchester to Lincoln, di-
vided his vast diocese into seven arch-
deaconries, in each of which the arch-
deacon resided in the chief town of his
province with quasi-episcopal state, and
exercised a jurisdiction which was often
formidable even to laymen. Armed with
such high privileges, the archdeacons be-
gan to encroach on ilir authority of the
bisliops, and this led to their downfall.
Long before this the Church had ordered
that archdeacons on their appointment
52 ARCHES, COURT OF
ARIUS AND ARIANISM
must receive priestly consecration ; now a
series of councils in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries occupied themselves
with limiting their powers and bringing
them back into a due subordination to
the liishops; finally, the Council of Trent
continiied and extended these restrictions,
takii)<;- from the archdeacons and giving
back to the bishops that jurisdiction in
matrimonial and criminal causes which
Iiad been the chief source of their in-
fluence. Amongst ourselves the ofKce of
archdeacon was not revived on the re-
storation of the hierarchy in 1850; tlie
functionary who now most nearly corre-
sponds to the archdeacon of the primitive
Church is tlie bishop's vicar-general [see
that article].
ARCHES, COURT OT. An ancient
court, in which the jurisdiction of the
Archbishop of Canterbury is still exer-
cised by a judge known as the Dean of
Arches. It received its name from Bow
Church in Cheapside (S. Maria de Arcu-
bus), in which its sittings were wont to
be hold. (See Hook's " Church Diction-
ary.") By a clause in the Public Wor-
ship Act (1877) the office of Dean of
Arches is merged in that of the judge
appointed under that Act. Tliere is an
appeal from the sentence of this court to
the Judicial Committee of the Privy
Council, which now represents the old
Court of Delegates, and practically, as
representing the Crown, upholds the doc-
trine of the royal supremacy by deciding
without ap])eal all spiritual causes that
may be brought before it.
ARCHXivxAirDRiTE. [See Abbot.]
ARCHIVES, ARCHIVIST (Greek
apx^iti). The utility of the preservation
of public records was fully understood by
the ancients ; the record office at Rome,
which Virgil alludes to (" populi tabu-
laria vidit "), was an enormous building.
Episcopal archives have probably been
kept from the very beginning of the
Church. The archivist or Proto-scrini-
arius of Rome was an important per-
sonage : besides having cliarge of a large
portion of the records, he was the head of
all the secretaries and notaries of the
Roman Court. A decree of the Congre-
gation of the Council of Trent (1626)
specifies what oug:ht to be preserved in
an episcopal archive — namely, the pro-
cesses and proceedings in all causes tried
in the bishop's court ; episcopal sentences,
precepts, decrees, mandates, &c. ; reports
and registers of all kinds relating to
ecclesiastical affairs within the diocese ;
and complete inventories of Church pro-
perty, movable and immovable. (Ferraris,
Ai-c)iivimn.)
ARCHPRXEST (Gr. dpxnrpea-^vre-
poi). The chief of the presbyters, as the
archdeacon was the chief of the deacons.
The name dates from the fourth century.
The archpriest was usually the oldest of
the priests attached to the cathedral;
yet instances are not wanting of their
being chosen by the bishops for special
qualifications, without regard to seniority.
The principal function of the archpriest
was, during the illness or absence of the
bishop, to replace him in the Church
offices. He occupied the place of the
bishop in the ceremonies of public wor-
ship, as the archdeacon did in the ad-
ministration of the diocese. Aspopidation
increased, a rural archpriest was placed
in each of the larger towns, who was to
the local clergy what the archpriest of
the cathedral was to the cathedral clergy.
In course of time the latter came to be
called the dean, tlie former 7-urnl deans.
The privileges of archprie.sts, like those
of archdeacons, were often usui'ped by
laymen in the ages after Charlemagne.
Great divergences grew up in different
countries, with regard to the duties,
rank, and privileges assigned to them.
In later times they appear to have been
superseded to a great extent by vicars
forane (q.v.).
Towards the end of the reign of
Elizabeth, the Holy See, finding that the
Catholic clergy in England were much in
need of a recognised head, yet unwilling
to send a bishop, lest the government
should take it as an excuse for fresh
cruelties against the Catholics generally,
appointed George Blackwell superior of
the English mission, with the title and
authority of " Archpriest." A consulta-
tive body of twelve assistant priests was
nominated at the same time. This was
in 1598. After some years Blackwell
took a course abniit Iho new oath of
allegiance which (li-jilciM-d i [„■ Holy See,
and he was supersede, I by Birk-
head. Towards the end of the reign of
James, and after Birkhead had been suc-
ceeded ))y a third archpriest, Harrison,
the violence of the persecution being now
much abated, Gregory XV. decided that
the time was come to send a bishop to
England. The first vicar-apostolic was
accordingly appointed, in 162;J.
ARXSTOTI.E. [See Philosophy.]
ARIVS AND ARIANISM. The
heresy of Arius consisted in the denial
ARIUS AND ARIANISM
ARIUS AND ARIANISM
53
■of the Son's consubstantiality wltli the
Father, and so virtually of Christ's true
and eternal Godhead. In ojiposilion to
this error, the first Nicene Council de-
fined that the Son is " only-ljptrotten,
born of the Father, i.e. of the Father's
substance ; " that He is " not made," as
creatures are, but that He is "consulj-
stantial" with the First Person of the
Blessed Trinity. The council added a
condemnation under anathema of certain
Arian propositions, in which this heresy
Tvas summed up. To understand them,
"we must know something- of the way in
which Arianism arose and spread; and
this, again, we cannot do tiU we have
acquainted ourselves with the teaching
on the mystery of the Trinity which
prevailed in the early Church. A^'e shall
take the points in order, reserving for the
close of the article an account of Arianism
in its later developments.
1. It might seem as if there could be
little need of dwelling on the doctrine of
the Trinity, as held by the Ante-Nicene
Fathers. Every Christian is bound to
know and believe the doctrine of the
Trinity, and it cannot be supposed, that
the early Fathers and Martyrs of the
Church were ignorant of a fundamental
doctrine of the faith. Scripture, too,
sets the matter at rest. Our Lord pro-
claims the unity of His nature with that
of the Father. "I and the Father are
one." "The Father is in me and I in
the Father." " The Word was with God,"
St. John says, " and the Word was God."
Kow, in one sense it is true that Arius
could find no support for his heresy in
the Ante-Xicene age. Scripture declared
and the Church taught from the begin-
ning three propositions from which the
"whole of the Xicene definition follows by
logical consequence : viz. first, that the
Son is distinct from the Father : next,
that the Son is God ; and, thirdly, that
there is but one God. All this is certain,
but it is also true that the Ante-Nicene
Fathers often used inaccurate language
on this subject ; that we do not find in
them the fuU and developed doctrine of
the Trinity, as the Nicene Council defined
it; and that this explains to a certain
extent the success of Ai-ianism and the
calamities it brought upon the Church.
Nor need we wonder at these defects in
the teaching of the early Fathers. They
■were not and could not be content with
the simple enunciations of the proposi-
tions enumerated above : they endeavoured
(and how could they do otherwise ?) to
reconcile the apparent contradictions
which they involve, and to recommend
them as reasonable to those outside the
Church. And in this part of their work
they were not secure from error. One or
two leading instances will be given of
the errors into which many of them fell
when, instead of merely delivering the
tradition which they had received, they
began to speculate and reason about it.
A difficulty met them the moment they
began to consider the eternity of the Son.
A son is generated, and generation pos-
tulates a beginning: how, then, could
the Son be eternal ? They did not cut
the knot, as Arius did, by denying the
eternity of the Son, because the Catholic
faith saved them from such an error;
but stiU. many of them did introduce a
theory inconsistent with the unchange-
able simplicity of God. The Word, they
admitted, was eternal, but many of them
— aU, indeed, except St. Irenaeus and
the Fathers of the Alexandrian school-
denied that He had always been Son.
With us, the word is conceived first of
aU in the mind and then comes forth as
articulate sound. So, they maintained,
the Word had always been in the bosom
of the Father (Xdyoj eVSin^^ros) ; after-
wards lie issued forth as the first-begotten
of all creation (Xoyoy Trpo(f>optK6s), and by
this procession or generation became the
Son. They w^ere led into similar error
in considering the relation of the Word
to creatures. Down to St. Augustine's
time the Fathers generally attributed the
divine apparitions in the Old Testament
to God the Son, and this interpretation
led some into erroneous ideas on the
subordination of the Son to the Father.
Thus Justin speaks of a " God itndei- the
maker of the universe," and argues that
the "maker and Father of all" could not
"have left the region above the sky and
appeared in a little comer of the earth." -
TertuHian speaks of a "son visible ac-
cording to the measure of his deriva-
tion,"' while language of the same im-
port was used by Origen and Novatian.'
Another source of erroneous language
arose in the third century. The Sabellians
denied a real distinction between Father
and Son, and in his anxietj- to estal)lish
the distinction between these divine Per-
sons, Dionysius of Alexandria, in the
year 260, compared the relation of the
Father and the Son to that between a
> Justin. Did. 60.
» Adv. Prax. U.
* Petav. De Trinit. viii. 2, 4 seq.
54 ARIUS A^^D ARIANISM
ARIUS AND ARIANISM
vine-dresser and the vine, asserted that
the Son was " made by God " (n-oifj^ua
Tov deov) that he was "foreign to the
essence of the Father {^evnv kut ovo lai'),
and "did not exist till he was made."
In the same year, another Dionysius,
bishop of Rome, on account of charges
brought by certain orthodox prelates
against his namesake of Alexandria,
summoned a synod at Rome, and issued
a memorable document to the bishops of
Egypt and Libya. " Had the Son," the
Pope argues, " been created, there would
have been a time when He was not ; but
the Son always was." Thereupon, the
Alexandrian bishop, in two letters which
he sent to Rome, explained away his for-
mer inaccurate language, showed that
his adversaries had taken a one-sided view
of his teaching, and distinctly confessed
the Son's etei-nity. This case is instruc-
tive in several ways, It shows that early
Fathers, who used words which sound like
Arianism, were very far from the Arian
belief ; and it is evidence of the vigilance
with which the successor of St. Peter
watched, as his supreme office required
him to watch, over the deposit of the
faith.i
2. The orthodox doctrine had been
maintained in Alexandria bj- subsequent
bishops, when, about the year 318 or
820, Arius began to put forward a heresy
which engaged all the energies of the
Church for more than half a century.
He is said to have been a Libyan by birth ;
he had twice joined the Meletian schism,
but had been reconciled to the Church,
and was exercising the office of a priest
in Alexandria. The bishop Alexander,
Socrates tells lis, was discoursing to his
clergy on the Trinity in Unity. Arius,
who was distinguished for his learning
and logical skiU, contradicted the bishop,
urged that the Son, because begotten,
must have had " a beginning of existence ; "
that there was a time when he did not
exist (rju ore ovK rjv) ; and that he was
made, like other creatures, out of nothing
(f^ OVK ovToiv e'xfi TTjV vnoo-Taa-w). If
we add to this that, according to Arius,
the Son was liable to sin in his own
nature, and that his intelligence was
limited, we have a complete statement of
the Arian doctrine. He not only held
that the Fatlier was separated from the
Son by a priority of time— or i-ather like
■ Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, i. 2,55 seq. See
on the whole subject, Petavius, De Trin. ; New-
man, Hintory of Arianism, and Causes of the
Success of Arianism.
time, since time in the proper sense began
witli tlic Son— but he denied that the Son
Avas from thr FatlwrV >ubstance. He
did not im i-i ly irjccl till' word o^ioovaios
or oonsuli>t;iiit iui, as an orthdox synod
at Antiocli had done in 269,' but also the
otlii r language in which early Fathers
had expressed the same idea.
Arius won many to his side : in par-
ticular he was supported by the famous
Eusebius of Nicomedia, who had great
influence on Constantine. He had friends
among the other bishops of Asia, and
even among the bishops, priests, and nuns
of the Alexandrian ])rovince. Meanwhile,
he was condennied in two Alexandrian
synods and obliged to leave the city. He
took refuge first in Palestine, afterwards
in Nicomedia; he gained the favour of
Constantia, the em])eror's sister, and he
disseminated his doctrine among the pop-
ulace by means of the notorious book
which he called 6d\eia, or " entertain-
ment," and by songs adapted for sailors,
millers, and travellers. At first Constan-
tine looked on the whole aifair as a strife
of words, and sent Hosius of Cordova
to Alexandria, that he might restore
peace between Arius and his bishop.
This attempt failed, and the First General
Council met at Nic;ea. It anathematised
Arius, with all who afiirmed " that there
was a time when the Son of God was not ;
that he was made out of nothing; that he
was of another substance or essence [than
the Father] ; that he was ci-eated, or alter-
able or changeable." This symbol was
adopted after many di.sputes, in which
the deacon Athanasius, then only twenty-
five years old, was the great champion of
the faith. Arius and those who refused
to anathematise him were banished.
However, when the cause of Arianism
seemed desperate, it suddenly revived.
Constantia pleaded this cause with her
brother on her death-bed. Constantine
asked Athanasius (bishop of Alexandria
since 328) to restore Arius to Church
communion. This great confessor firmly
refused, and, though the Emperor did not
insist, Athanasius was grievously calum-
niated, and exiled to Treves. Other
opponents of the heresy met with like
treatment. Eustathius of Antioch and
Marcellus of Ancyra were deposed. The
Emperor called Arius to Constantinople,
with the view of restoring him to the
1 Hefelo, Conc'diengeschichte, i. 140. We are
of course aware that the fact of this rejection
has been doubted, but we cannot believe there
is any serious ground for questioning it.
ARIUS AND ARIANISM
ARIUS AND ARIANISM 55
communion of tlie Cliiirch. It is right to
add, that Arius luul assured the Emperor
on oath, that the doctriue for w hich he had
been exeommuuicated wa-s not really his.
Before, however, he had attained his end,
a sudden death struck liim down as he
•^valked through Constantinople escorted
by his followers. He died in the year
336, the eightieth of his age.
Arius was dead, but his heresy still
prospered. Constantius, who came to the
throne in 337, recalled Athanasius next
year to Alexandria. Soon, however, a
charge ofSabellian ism was broufiht a<;iiin>t
the saint; he fled for his life froin his
episcopal city, and took refuge in liome,
when Pope Julius in a synod solemnly
acquitted him. But a council at Antioch
confirmed his deposition, and drew np
four confessions of faith, in which the word
" consubstantial " was studiously omitted.
Through favour of Constans, who ruled
the "West, a council met at Sardica in 343
or 344, declared their adherence to the
Nicene Creed, and restored Athanasius,
with Marcellus and others, to their sees.
In spite of the fact that the Arian or
Eusebian bishops held a counter-council at
Philippopolis, the Sardican decrees en-
joyed an almost oecumenical authority,
and Constantius permitted the return of
Athanasius to Alexandria. However,
after the death of his brother Constans,
Constantius renewed his persecution of
the Catholics. At Aries and Milan synods
condemned Athanasius, while Pope Libe-
rius and other bishops who woidd not sub-
scribe the condemnation were exiled.
Again an intruder seized the episcopal
throne of Alexandria, and Athanasius, in
356, sought an asylum with the Egyptian
monks.
This temporary triumph of Arianism
proved its ruin. The heretics presented
an a])]iearance of unity so long as they
were engaged in a struggle for life or
death with the orthodox. No sooner did
they feel themselves secure than they
began an internecine conflict with each
other. The strict Arians, led by Aetius,
a deacon and a bishop Eunomius, taught
that the Father and Son were unlike, and
that the latter was made out of nothing.
They were also known as Eunomians,
Anomceans (from di/d/xoior, unlike), or
Exucontians, because they said the Son
sprang from nothing (e'f ovk ovtcov).
Another party, known as Semiarians, a
name they received about 358, when
they held a famous synod at Ancyra,
confessed that the Son was "like in sub-
I stance to the Father {ofioios kut ovalav).
r>asil dl' Ancyra, Eustathius of Sebaste,
Macrddiiius, and Auxentius of Milan,
were llir uKist noted among them. A
third ]iarty, led by Ursacius, Valens and
Acacius (from whom they are sometimes
called Acacians), rejected the phrase "like
in substance or essence," and contented
themselves with the vague statement that
the Son was "like" the Father. The
Council of Ancyra, as we have seen, was
Semiarian. The second Sirmian synod, in
357, condemned the Semiarian as well as
the orthodox formula, while Semiarianism
secured a fresh victory in the third council
held at the same place. Pope Liberius,
under fear of death, is believed by many
to have subscribed this third Sirmian
formula, while at the same time he anathe-
matised those who denied that "the Son
is in essence and in all things like to the
Father." [See Liberius.] In 350 the
Emperor did his utmost to establish Semi-
arianism, but his efforts were in vain.
The hjastern bishops, 160 in nundjer, met
at Seleucia; 400 Western bishops at
Rimini. The latter stood firm at first to
the faith defined at Niceea, but they were
overcome by threats and by bodily suffer-
ing. At last both the Eastern and
Western council subscribed a formida, in
which the word " essence " was rejected
altogether as unscriptural, and the Son
was defined to be "like the Father in all
things."
This defeat of the Semiarians by
Arians inclined the former to accept the
Nicene faith, and at a council held at
Alexandria in 362 Athanasius, who had
returned to his see on the accession of
Julian the Apostate, received many of
them into communion. The Acacians, on
the other hand, allied themselves with
the strict Arians. Arianism found a
powerful sup])orter in the Emperor Valens
(364-378), who expelled Athanasius from
his see. This was his fifth exile. But the
palmy days of the heresy were over. His
people insisted on the recall of Athanasius
to his see, in which he remained till his
death, in 373. Ambrose in the West,
and in the East the three Cappadocian
Fathers, Basil the Great, Gregory of
Nazianzus, and Gregoiy of Nyssa, fought
the battle of the faith. The orthodox
Emperor Theodosius secured the peace of
the Church, and the Nicene decrees were
enforced again by the General Council of
Constantinople (381).
So much for the history of Arianism
among the subjects of the Roman Empire.
66 ARLES, COUNCILS OF
It liad still a great ]iai-t to play amoiiff '
the Barbarians. The AVest Goths'receivrll
Christianity in the Arian form tlirougli
their great niissimiarv Ulfila (consecrated
bishop hy iMisehius of Nicomedia in -'Ul),
and A'alens allowed a part of their nation
to settle in Thrace on the condition that
they became Arians. Soon after, the j
East Goths in Italy, the Vandals in '
Africa, the Suevi in Spain, the Burgun-
dians in Gaul, the Lombardians who
emigrated to upper Italy, became Arians.
The Vandal persecution of the Catholics,
which rivalled that of Diocletian in
severity, began under Genscric in 427
and lasted till 533, when the Byzantine
general Belisarius conquered Africa. In
Spain, which had fallen under the power
of the West Goths, llermenegild, son of
the king, fell a sncriiic' to th,- Ariun
fanaticism of his fat hoi-, in r>S4. Her- j
menegild's brother Iti ccarcd, who began
to reign in 586, became a Catholic and
established tlie faith in Spain, with the
help of a great council which met at
Toledo in 5S9. About a century earlier,
Clevis, with 3,000 of his Franks, had
received Catholic baptism, and the
triumph of the Frankish arms sealed the
fate of Arianism.
ARXiES, COVKTCZIiS OF. (1) In
314, assembled chi(;fly to settle the Dona-
tist disputes. This council represented the
entire Western Church. The number of
the bishops who met is unc(>rtain, and the
acts have perished. But we know that the
Holy See was represented there by two
priests and two deacons, and Constantine
himself says he assembled " very many
bishops from diverse and almost innu-
merable districts." It appears from the
letter of the Council to Pope Silvester,
that the Donatists were condemned, and
Caecilian, the orthodox bishop of Carthage,
acquitted. A synod at Home in the pre-
vious year had given the same decision.
The council also decreed that Easter
should be observed on the same day
throughout the world, the day to be
notified by tlie Pope (Cnn. i); that
baptism conferred with the proj)er form
was valid even if given Ijy heretics
(Can. 8) ; that a bishop should be con-
secrated by three others (Can. 20) ; that
a married priest or deacon who lived with
his wife should be deposed (Can. 29) (see
Hefele, " Concil." p. 201 seq.).
(2) In 353 a council at Aries was ten-i-
fied by the Emperor Constantius into a
condemnation of St. Athanasius (Hefele,
i/>. p. 652.) Various otlier synods which
ARMENIAN CHRISTIANS
met in the same place are mentioned hy
Hefelr.
ARMEirZATr CHRZSTZAirS. The
native legends recount the preaching of
the Gospel to the Armenian nation by
Thaddeus, one of the seventy disciples,
but the conversion of the Armenian
people as a whole was brought about by
their great Apostle, Gregory the Illumi-
Jiator, whose efforts were supported by
King Tiridates III., just at tlie begin-
ning of the fourth century. It is clear
from Eusel)ius (" H. E." i'x. 8) that the
work of conversion was verj- rapid. Gre-
gory established the chief see at Etch-
miazin, near Mount Ararat: he and his
successors were consecrated by the Metro-
politan of Ctesarea in Cappadocia, and
the title they took — viz. Catliolicos — sig-
nified that they were the general procu-
rators and representatives of the see of
Cresarea in Armenia (Le Quien, "Oriens
Christianus," i. 1355). Early in the
fifth century the golden age of Armenian
literature began. Isaac the Great and
Mesrob (both Catholics) in\euted the
Armenian alphabet and translated the
Bible from the Syriac Peshitto into
Armenian, afterwards improving their
work by collat ing it with good MSS. of
the LXX (Hexaplar text) and the Greek
New Testament. The work of trans-
lating Fathers, as well as works of Ari-
stotle, Philo, Poqihyry, &c., from Greek
and Syriac was carried on with great zeal.
This literary aetix it y was aceom])anied by
other changes of a very different kind.
The brave Armenian nation had preserved
its independence, but in 31)0 Armenia
was divided between the Byzantine and
Persian empires, and I'>ast Armenia, the
larger and more fruitful part of the
country, fell to the portion of the latter
Power. In 430 the very shadow of a
national monarchy disappeared, and ever
since the Armenians have been subject in
succession to Persians, Arabs, Turks, and
Russians. They were scattered far and
wide by the Mongol invaders, and their
unity, like that of the Jews, has consisted
in the common bond of race, language,
literature, and religion. After the Per-
sian conquest the Ai-menian Catholicos
became independent of Csesarea, and this
change was followed by another of much
greater moment. The opposition of the
Armenians to the Council of Chalcedon,
mainly due to the mission of Samuel,
whom the Syrian Archimandrite Bai-su-
mas sent to the Armenian church, was
clearly displayed in the synod of Vagars-
ARMENIAN CHRISTIANS
ARMENIAN CHRISTIANS 57
■liiabnd, A.D. 491. The schism was con-
fcummated at the Synod of Dovin in 596
(see Ilefele, "Concil." ii. p. 717, 2nd
ed., where the statements of Pagi, Mansi,
&c., are corrected from the National llis-
torj' published at Venice in 1785), and
has endured ever since, though Greek
influence induced the Iberian and Colch-
ian bishops to sever themselves from the
Armenian Catholicos. True, a union
between the Armenians and the orthodox
Greeks was effected at a council of Karin
(the modern Erzeroum) in 628, but it
did not last long. The Armenians held
fast to the Monophysite doctrine — viz.
that in Christ there was but one nature —
and external differences increased the
opposition between them and the Greeks.
Some of these, such as the addition of the
words "Who wast crucified for us" in
the Trisagion, and probably the use of
pure wine, without the addition of any
water, in the Mass, were connected with
their theological views. Besides this,
they maintained the old Eastern custom
of celebrating Christ's birth and His epi-
phany on one day— viz. January 6. They
use leavened bread at the altar, eat lac-
ticinia in Lent (Syn. in Trull, can. 32,
56). They were also charged by the
Greeks with making the priesthood into a
caste, and only ordaining sons of priests
(ib. can. 32) ; and fui'ther, with a semi-
Jewish practice of cooking flesh in the
sanctuary and giving portions of it to the
priests {ib. can. 99).
The Catholicos lives at Etchniazin,
which has belonged since 1828 to Russia.
He is chosen from the metropolitans by
the synod, with the consent of the
Armenian bishops and of all Armenians
present at the place, and the election
must be confirmed by the Czar. He is
enthroned in his cathedral by the IMetro-
politan of Siunic. It is his ofiice to
watch over religion and discipline ; he
consecrates the chrism for his bishops,
which he does only once in seven years,
and he can convene a national council.
In matters of importance he must consult
his synod. He is Bishop of Ararat. His
distinctive dress consists in a silk veil,
with gold fringes, which covers his head
and shoulders, and is called kuff/i, and in
a pallium folded five times over Ids breast.
The patriarchal cross and torch are car-
ried before him, and he uses everywhere
the staff of the vartabed or doctor. He
is chiefly supported by a poll-tax on
all adults within his diocese, contribu-
tions, stole-fees, &c. from the revenues of
the monastery at Etchniazin, and the
gifts of pilgrims to the shrine of St.
Gregory. There are twelve archbishops
and bishops, four vartabeds or doctors,
sixty monks in priest's orders, and 500
other monks in the great monastery just
mentioned. The archbishops, bishops,
and archimandrites residing there form
his synod. Deputies from the Armenian
nation are added to their number at the
election of a patriarch.
I Next come the patriarchs, who are
now almost independent of the Catho-
licos. The patriarchial sees arose from
I the constant change of the chief see
I during the disasters of the nation, and also
from the dispersion of the Armenians after
the Mongol invasion in the fourteenth
century. The Patriarch of Constanti-
nople ( bishopric since 1307, title of patri-
arch since 1481) holds the first rank
amongst the patriarchs, and is only in-
ferior in name to the Cathiilicos. He is
chosen by the Armenians, lay as well as
clerical, at Constantinople, and gets his
berat from the Porte. He can conse-
crate the holy oil, and can appoint and
consecrate metropolitan bishops through-
out the Turkish dominions except at Jeru-
salem. The church property is under his
control, but he must administer it with
the advice of a synod of twenty lay
members chosen by the Porte. He has
also a synod of ecclesiastics for spiritual
matters. He has secular jurisdiction
over the members of his church, and he
represents not only the Armenians but
also the Syrian "Jacobites before the
I Turkish Government. The Patriarch of
Sis (title granted 1441) is supposed to
be chosen by the twelve neighbouring
bishops, who, however, really follow the
popular choice, which takes place under
the influence of the Turkish Government.
His jurisdiction extends over Lesser
Armenia, Cappadocia, and Cilicia. He
receives the holy oil from the Catholicos.
The Patriarch of Jerusalem (title since
the middle of the seventeenth century) is
chosen by his suflfragan bishops, with the
consent of the clergy. He has very
limited power, for he leaves the conse-
cration of bishops and of the holy oil to
the Catholicos, and he can be called to
the court of the Patriarch of Constanti-
nople. The Patriarch of the island of
Aghtamar (1114) has little power, and
his jurisdiction scarcely extends beyond
the shores of the lake of Van. He is
chiefly maintained by the monastery on
the island.
58 ARMENIAN CHRISTIANS
ARMENLAN CHRISTIANS
The metropolitans, accordiug to the
canons, are empowered to consecrate
their sufl'ragans and the holy oils, but
these rights are now reserved to the
Catholicos, or else to the patriarch, and
the metropolitans only difi'er from other
bishops by wearing a gold mitre, a triple
pallium, a longer staft', and an archi-
episcopal eiriyovaTtov, which the Arme-
nians call goncher, suspended from the
girdle. A monk cannot, except by dispen-
sation, become a bishop, and the bishops
are usually chosen from the unmarried
vartabeds or doctors. The patriarch may
nominate, but usually the bishops are
chosen by the clergy and fathers of
families. The election is confirmed, and
the bishop consecrated by the Catholicos
or patriarch. The rite of consecration
closely resembles that of the Greeks, but
the Armenians anoint the head and
thumbs of the elect with chrism, and he
receives a ring as one of his insignia.
Bishops also wear a mitre ' like that of
the Latins, and they do not use the aciKKos
of the Greeks (see Vestments of the
Greeks). The bishop appoints the chor-
episcopi ; convents, schools, hospitals,
&c., are subject to him ; no altars may be
set up or relics exposed for veneration
without his leave.
The priests are divided into two
classes, that of the vartabeds or doctors,
who are again subdivided into many
grades and who remain unmarried, and
the parish priests. The former are far
more highly esteemed. A staff is the
mark of their office, and their chief duty
consists in preaching. They live by col-
lections made after the sermon. The ordi-
nary clergy are married, taken from the
humbler classes and trained either by a
parish priest or at a monastery. The
Armenians have the same minor orders
as the Latins, and, like them, they reckon
the subdiaconate among the greater
orders. A priest is elected by the people,
who, however, invariably accept the can-
didate proposed by the lay administrator
of the church property ; he must then
be approved by the bishop. The priestly
vestments are alb, girdle, maniple, stole,
chasuble ; but they also have a collar of
gold or silver stuff called vagas, from
which a sort of metal amice is suspended,
with the figures of the twelve Apostles
upon it, and they wear a high cap
with gold or silver crosses. The priest
says Mass with covered head till the
> Introduced in 1084 (Neftle, Eastern Church,
i. 313.)
Trisagion, when he removes his cap
amice, and sandals. Priests live by stole-
fees and by offerings in kind at Epi-
phany and Easter. Tliey al.<o get
subsidies from the fund for pious uses.
But they are very poor, and generally
have to follow some trade.
The Armenian schismatic monks fol-
low the rule of St. Basil, but their fasts
are stricter than those of the Greek re-
ligious. They have many monasteries,
and at least one large convent of nuns —
viz. on Mount Sion. Silbernagl enumer-
ates between sixty and seventy dioceses,
of which fourteen are in Russia, five in
Persia (including the see of the Ar-
menian Bishop of Calcutta), the rest in
the Turkish territory. He estimates the
number of schismatic Armenians in Tur-
key at 2,400,000, of whom 400,000 are in
Turkey in Europe. There are 500,000
in the Russian Empire. Add to these
the Armenians in other lands, especially
Egypt and the principalities of the
Danube, in which last the chief settle-
ment of the Armenians was made in
1342, and we may calculate the whole
number as about three millions.
United Armenians. — Some of the
Armenians in Cilicia were united with
the Catholic Church by Latin mission-
aries sent there by John XXII. But
much more was done by Jesuit mission-
aries and the Mechitarists among the
Armenians scattered from the fourteenth
century onwards throughout other coun-
tries, and at present there are about
100,000 Catholics of the Armenian rite.
In 1742, Benedict XIV. appointed a
patriarch for the Armenians in Cilicia
and the Lesser Armenia. In 1830 Pius
Vni. nominated a primate at Constanti-
nople for the Armenians in European
Turkey; and owing to the progress of
Catholicism in the nation, Pius IX. in
1850 empowered the Primate Anthony
Hassun to erect six suffragan dioceses.
The Pope himself nominated the bishops,
and a schism seemed likely to ensue. In
1866 Ilassun was chosen patriarch by
the bishops of the Cilician patriarchate.
Pius IX. confirmed the election, united
the patriarchal and primatial dignities,
transferred the patriarchal residence to
Galata, near Constantinople, provided for
the election of the patriarch by the bishops
to the exclusion of the laity, and regulated
the affairs of the Armenian church by the
bull " Reversurus," of July 12, 1867.
Some Armenians thought the rights of
the nation injured by this bull, and a
ARTICLE OF FAITH
ASCENSION OF CHRIST 59
formal schism arose iu 1870 ; more than
thirty-five of the clergy and many of the
laity were excommunicated by the Pope.
The schism, however, won about 4,000
adherents ; a schismatical patriarch was
elected, and most of the church buildings
and goods passed into their hands. They
repudiated the decrees of the Vatican
Council. In 1879 the scbisiuatical patri-
arch Kuppelian made his submission to
Leo XIII. Many of the clergy and laity
followed his example, and Monsiguor
Hassun was acknowledged as patriarch
by the Porte till he was made cardinal in
1880, and replaced by Monsignor Azarian.
At present seventeen dioceses are subject
to the .^menian Patriarch. He has no
authority over Armenians in Russia and
Austria. Russia has many Armenian
inhabitants in the Crimea, Kasan, and
the Ukraine. Pius VII. sent them a
vicar-apostolic in 1 809, and the Concordat
of 1847 provided for the erection of Ai-
menian bishoprics at Cherson and Kami-
uiek. This arrangement, however, owing
to the troubles with the Russian Govern-
ment, has not been carried out. Austria
has about 14,000 United Armenians.
Those in Slebenbiirgen, who came there
in 1671, and continued for a time Mono-
physites, are under the Latin bishops.
The archbishopric of Leni))erg was
erected for the Armenians of Gallicia in
1635; and Pius VII., by a brief in 1819,
agreed that the em])eror should nominate
one of three candidates proposed by the
Armenian people. The Ai-menians who
settled in Hungary after the capture of
Belgrade by the Turks in 1521 are
placed under the Mechitarist monks.
The United Armenian monks belong
to the order of St. Antony. The Me-
chitarists will be described in a se- |
parate article. (Chiefly from Silbernagl,
"Kirchen des Orients," with the addi- ;
tion of the facts regarding the recent
schism from Ilergenrother's article in the
" Kirchenlexikon," edited by Kaulen.)
ARTZCXiZ: OF FAZTH. [See
Dogma.]
ilSCSSrSZON-, FEAST OF. This
feast had been kept from time immemorial
in St. Augustine's day, and he attributes
its institution to the Apostles. We have ;
a sermon amon? the works of St. Chryso- '
stom preached on Ascension Day. St.
Augustine calls it Quadragesima, because
tept forty days after Easter ; the Greek
name Tessarocostes or Tetracostes was
given for the same reason. Gregory of
Tours mentions a procession which used
to be held on this day, in memory of that
which the Apostles made from Jerusalem
to Bethany and the Mount of ( )livt'^. It
was also the custom in anci. nt tlnu^s to
bless the bread and new fruits m the -Mass
of this day.
The practice of lighting the paschal
candle in solemn Mass till the feast of
the Ascension was establish 'd thrnugout
the Franciscan Order bv a decree dated
126.3. In 1607 the Congregation of Rites
ordered that the paschal candle should be
lighted when 3Iass is sung and in vespers,
on Easter Sunday, Easter Monday, Easter
Tuesday, on Saturday in Low '\\'eek, and
on Sundays till Ascension Day, when it
is extinguished after the Gospel. The rite
symbolises Christ's departure from the
Apostles. (Benedict XIV. " De Festis.")
ASCSIJ-SZOia- OF CHRZST. Our
Lord ascended into heaven forty days
after His resurrection, and therefore, ac-
cording to the common reckoning, on a
Thursday. The opinion of Chiysostom
that the Ascension took place on a Satur-
day, is quite singular. He ascended by
His own power — not indeed, St. Thomas
remarks, by the power proper to a natural
body, but by the virtue proper to Him as
God and by that which belongs to a
blessed spirit. Such an ascension, St.
Thomas continues, " is not against the
nature of a glorified body, the nature of
which is entirely subject to the spirit."'
Christ ascended from Mount Olivet in
the presence of His disciples, whom He
blessed as He parted from them. He took
His seat at the right hand of God, the
sitting posture symbolising His rest from
toil and His judicial power; the "right
hand " of God denoting according to many
of the Fathers, the equaUty of Jesus Christ
God and man with God the Father : ac-
cording to some other writers, signifying
that as man He holds the next place to
God in heaven. Angels, as has been
generally inferred from the sacred narra-
tive, attended Him in His ascent, and the
souls of the just, who had been detaiiu'd
in Limbo, entered heaven with Him. Thus
"ascending on high, he led captivity
captive."
Theologians give many reasons for
our Lord's ascension. The glory which
He receives in heaven is due to the merits
of His sacred humanity. For Christians,
too, it was " expedient that he should go."
Faith is exercised by tlie fact that we can
no longer see our Lord : His ascent into
heaven is the pledge that we shall foUow
Him if we are worthy. Above all, accord-
CO
ASH WEDNESDAY
ingtothe constant teaching of the Fathers,
Christ exercises His priestly office in
heaven. Just as the high-priest on the
day of Atonement ofl'ered sacrifice with-
out on the brazen altar, and then with
the blood of the sacrifice and with burn-
ing incense, entered the holy of holies, so
the high-priest of the new law, having
oifered Himself as a sacrifice on Mount
Calvary, continually presents His merits
and exhibits His sacred woimds before the
Eternal Father. Whether He as man
actually prays for us, is uncertain. Of
course He does not pray as the saints do,
for they are creatures, and ask of God
what they cannot give by their own
power. And the words " Christ, pray
for us," could not be lawfully used, on
account of the scandal and confusion
they would create. But it is quite pos-
sible that Christ, as Petavius ' expresses
it, by " a voluntary condescension " still
prays for us, as He did while on earth.
(Benedict XIV. " De Festis.")
A.SCETJE (Gr. daKta, daKrjTrjs). The
belief that through bodily "exercise,"
and a strict discipline imposed on the
senses, it was in the power of man to per-
fect his moral nature and rise to spiritual
heights not othei-wise attainable, had
been common both among Jews and
Pagans for some time before the coming
of Christ. Philo's account of the Essenes
is well-known — a Jewish sect of mystical
and ascetic tenets, much difi"used in
Palestine in the first century before
Christ, with its initiations, grades, and
secrets, living in villages because of the
luxury and immorality of the towns,
renouncing marriage, and following rules
of strict temperance in regard to food,
sleep, and whatever else nature craves.
The Therapeutse in Egypt were a similar
sect. Their name — and that of the
Essenes is said to have the same meaning
— signifies healin(j, for they believed that
their discipline healed the concretam
labem of the soul's impurity.
In the Pagan world similar doctrines
were widely held by the Stoics. Both
among them and the Essenes the doc-
trine of the two principles, the persuasion
that matter was essentially evil, and
that he was most perfect who was
freest from the blasting touch of animal
existence, coloured largely both their
theories and their practice. The Christian
Ascetes could not so deem of that fJeshly
nature of which Christ their divine Lord
had deigned to be a partaker : to master
• De Incamat. xii. 8.
! the lower nature was their aim, not tO"
' eradicate it ; desire and fear, joy and
' grief, they did not regard as in themselves
evil, but as to be brought by discipline
into a strict subordination to the true end
of man, which is to know and love God,
I and do His will. The means which they
j employed were voluntary chastity, fast-
ing, perseverance in prayer, voluntary
poverty, and maceration of the flesh. In
the Apostolical Constitutions (Kraus, p.
96) the Ascetae are mentioned as an in-
termediate order of Christians between
the clergy and the laity. As a general
rule, they did not go out of the world,
like anchorites and monks, but strove to
live a perfect life in the world. Abuses
after a time appeared, particularly in
regard to the ywaiKts a-wda-aia-oi, wo-
men who lived under the same roof with
Ascetes for the benefit of their instruc-
tion and example.
Modern life, especially when permeated
with Baconian ideas respecting the true
task of man in the world, is pointedly
unascetic. If we turn over a series of
pictures of eminent modern men, there is
one common feature which we cannot fail
to notice, whether the subject of the pic-
ture be artist, or literary man, or man of
action, and whatever intelligence, power,
or benevolence may breathe from the face
— namely, the absence of an expression of
self-mastery. A similar series of por-
traits of men who lived in the middle
ages, when law was weaker than at
present, but the sense of the necessity of
self-control stronger, reveals a type of
countenance in which the calmness of
self-conquest, gained by the Christian
acrKr)ais, is far more frequently visible
than in later ages.
ASCETZCAIi THEOI.OCY. A
name given to the science which treats of
virtue and perfection and the means by
which they are to be attained. Whereas
mystical theology deals with extraordinary
states of prayer and imion with God,
ascetical writers treat of the ordinary
Christian life. The number of ascetical
writers has at all times been great in the
Church, but during the last three centuries
special attention has been given to the
life of secular, as distinct from religious,
persons. St. Francis of Sales and St.
Alphonsus Liguori may be mentioned as
modern saints whose ascetical works are
most esteemed.
ASH -w-EDsrESBAY. The first
day, according to our present observance,
of the forty days' fast of Lent. But that
ASH WEDNESDAY
ASSUMPTION 61
it did not come within the quadragesimal
period in primitive times we know from
the testimony of Gregory the Great, who,
in speaking of the fast, describes it as of
thirty-six days' duration — that is, as ex-
tending over six weeks, from the first
Sunday in Lent to Easter Day, omitting
Sundaj-s. Thirty-six days are nearly a
tenth part of the year, and thus, by ob-
ser\ ing the fast. Christians were thought
to render a penitential tithe of their lives
to God. Lent, therefore, at the end of
the sixth century, began on the first
Sunday, and we know ficmi the Sacra-
mentary of Gelasius that the practice was
the same at the end of the fifth century.
At what time Ash Wednesday and the
three following days were added to the
fast has not been precisely ascertained.
It is true that in the Sacramentary of
Pope Gregory there is a Mass for Ash
Wednesday, under the heading " Feria IV.,
caput jejunii " (beginning of the fast) ;
whence it might be inferred that Pope
Gregory, in spite of the words cited above,
had himself before his death sanctioned
the alteration in question. But this
would be an unsafe conclusion, for one of
the best MSS. of the Sacramentary does
not contain this heading. However this
may be, a Capitulary of the Churcli of
Toulon (714) and the liturgical work of
Amaury (about 820) describe the Lenten
usage as identical with our own. There
can be no difficulty in understanding tlie
motive of the change ; for by the addition
of the four days preceding the first Sun-
day, the number of fasting days before
Easter (the Sundays being omitted) be-
comes exactly forty, and accords with
the fasts recorded of Moses and Elias,
and witli that of our Saviour in the
wilderness of Judea.
The office for Ash Wednesday opens
with the solemn ceremony which has
given the day its name.' After an in-
troit and four collects, in which pardon
and mercy are implored for the penitent,
the faithful approach and kneel at the
altar rails, and the priest puts ashes upon
the head of each, saying. " Memento,
homo, quia pulvis es, et in pulverem rever-
teris" (Remember, man, that thou art
dust, and shalt return to dust). The
ashes are obtained by burning the palms
of the previous year. The Lenten pas-
torals of Bishops, regidating the obser-
vance of the season, usually prescribe that
the fast on Ash Wednesday shall be more
1 In French, Mtrcredi <hs Cenilres ; in Ger-
man, Aschermittwitch.
' rigorously kept than on any other day in
Lent except the four last last days of Holy
Week.
I The administration of the ashes was
not originally made to all the faithful,
j but only to public penitents. These had
to appear before the church door on the
first day of Lent, in penitential garb and
[ with bare feet. Their penances were there
j imposed upon them; then the}" were
brought into the church before the bishop,
who put ashes on their heads, saying,
j besides the words " Memento," &c., "age
poenitentiam ut habeas vitam seternam "
j (Repent [or, do penance], that thou mayst
I have eternal life). He then made them an
j address, after which he solemnly excluded
I them from the church. Out of humility
j and affection, friends of the penitents,
though not in the same condition, used to
join themselves to them, expressing ia
their outward guise a similar contrition,
and offering their foreheads also to be
sprinkled with ashes. The number of
these persons gradually increased, until
at length the administration of ashes was
extended to the whole congregation, and
the rite took its present form. ("Diet, of
Antiq " Smith and Cheetham; Kossing,
in Wetzer and Welte.)
ASPERCES. A name given to the
sprinkling of the altar, clergy, and people
with holy water at the beginning of
High Mass by the celebrant. The name
is taken from the words, " Asperges me,"
" Thou shalt wash me, 0 Lord, with
hyssop," &c., with which the priest begins
the ceremony. During the Easter season
the antiphon "Vidi aquam " is substi-
tuted. This custom of sprinkling the
people with holy water is mentioned in
the Canon of a synod quoted by Hincmar
of Rheinis, who lived at the beginning of
the ninth century.
ASFERSZOig-. [See Baptism.]
ASSVAlPTlOsr. After the death of
her divine Son the Blessed Virgin lived
under the care of St. John. It is not
quite certain where she died. Tillemont
conjectures from a passage in a letter of
the Fathers assembled in the General
Council of Ephesus that she was buried
in that city, but the common tradition
of the Church re]uvsi>nts her as having
died at Jerusalem, \\ here her empty tomb
was shown to pilgrims in the seventh cen-
tury. In any ciise, it is certain that she
really died, and that her exemption from
sin original and actual did not prevent
her paying this connnon debt of humanity.
The verj- fact that she had received a
62
ASSUMPTION
ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
passible nature rendered Ler liable to
death. Except for the special gift of
immortality which he received from God,
Adam would have died in the course of
nature, even if he had never sinned ; and
St. Augustine declares that our Blessed
Saviour would have died by the natural
decay of old age, if the Jews had not laid
violent hands upon Him.'
Still, although the Blessed Virgin
tasted of death, her body was preserved
from corruption and it was united to her
soul in the kingdom of heaven. The
Church signifies her belief in this fact by
celebrating the feast of her Assumption
on the fifteenth of August. There is no
distinct assertion of the corjmj-al assump-
tion in the prayers of the feast, but it is
plain that the Church encourages and ap-
proves this belief from the fact that she
selects for the lessons during the octave
a passage from St. John Damascene in
which the history of this coi-poral as-
sumption is given in detail. This pious
belief is recommended by its intrinsic
reasonableness ; for surely it is natural to
suppose that our Lord did not suffer t hut
sacred body in which He himself had
dwelt and from which He had formed
His own sacred humanity to become a
prey to corruption. It is confirmed by
the testimonies of St. Andrew of Crete,
of St. John Damascene, and of many
ancient Martyrologies and Missals, cited
by Butler in his note on this feast. It is,
moreover, a striking fact that, notwith-
standing the zeal of the early Church in
collecting and venerating relics, no relics
of the Blessed Virgin's body have ever
been exhibited. Much weight, too, must
be given to the common sentiment of the
faithful. "Admirable," says Petaviiis,
"is the admonition of Paulinus of Nola,
an author of the greatest weight, who
bids us adhere to the common voice of the
faithful, since the spirit of God breathes
upon them all.'"^
The corporal nssimiption isnot an article
of faith. Still ^Iclchior Canus sums up
the general tfachiiig nf theologians on
this head wlien lif says: — "The denial
of the Blessed Virgin's corporal assump-
tion into heaven, 1 hough by no means con-
trary to the faith, is still so much ojiposed
to the common agreement of the Church,
that it would be a mark of insolent te-
merity." *
The feast, according to Butler, was
• Billuart, De Myster Diss. xiv. a. 1.
2 Petav. De Incarnat. xiv. 2.
' Melchior Canus, De Locis Theohg. xii. 10.
celebrated before the sixth century in the
East and West. The Greeks called it
KoifjLTja-ii or neTtia-Taa-is ; the Latins, dor-
mit.to, paiLsatio, transitus, assuiiq)t io.
A.STROI.OGY. The doctrme of the
Church on this matter is clearly laid down
by St. Thomas. There is nothing contrary
to the faith in holding that the stars
affect the bodies of men, and so indirectly
cause passions to which most men will
give way. Taking this influence of the
heavenly bodies for granted (and its ex-
istence or non-existence is a questi(jn of
physical science, not of theology), an
astrologer may make probable guesses at
the truth. But he cannot predict with
certainty our future actions, for it is of
faith that the will in all cases remains free.
Astrology was forbidden to the early
Christians. A law of the emperor Hono-
rius condemned astrologers to banishment.
The practice of astrology was condemned
in 15S6 by a bull of Sixtus V.i
A.SYI.VIVX. A place to which a
criminal, pursued by the ministers of
justice, may escape, and where so long as
he remains he cannot be arrested. Such
asylums, the inviolable character of which
was nearly always connected with some
notion of the religious sanctity of the spot,
were common among the nations of anti-
quity. Rome, says the legend, grew out
of an asylum for malefactors of every
description ; and Moses (Deut. xix. 2)
appointed cities of refuge, whither men
who had committed involuntary homicide
might flee and be safe. The same privi-
lege passed over to the Church, and was
sedulously respected by the Christian em-
perors. Theodosius punished the viola-
tion of the protective sanctity of a church
as a crime of lese-maji'sty. But the im-
munity from the consequences of crime
arising from the extended assertion of
the principle of sanctuary led to many
abuses, and by the legislation of Justinian
those guilty of certain specified crimes
were to find no right of asylum in the
churches.
For particulars as to the immunities
long enjoyed by certain famous English
sanctuaries — e.//. St. Cuthbert's franchise,
Beverley, and Westminster — see the ar-
ticle Sanctuaey.
ATHAN-ASIAN CREED. [See
Creed.]
ATOXTEMEM'T. [See Redemptio^j-.]
ATTRIBUTES OF COD. [See
God.]
1 Summ. i. 115, 4 ; Fleury, Hist. vi. 20 ; xxii.
19 ; clxxvii. 06.
ATTRITION
AUGUSTINIAN CAjS'OXS 63
ATTRXTZOxr, as distinct from con-
trition, is an imperfect sorrow for sin.
Contrition is that sorrow for sin which has
for its motive the love of God whom the
sinner has offended. Attrition arises from
a motive which is indeed supernatural —
that is to say, apprehended by faith — but
which still falls short of contrition. Such
motives are — the fear of hell, the loss of
heaven, the turpitude of sin. By this
last, we understand the turpitude of sin
as revealed by faith. We may also, for
the sake of clearness, exclude from our
definition that kind of sorrow which theo-
logians call serviliter servilis — the sorrow
which makes a man renounce sin because
he is afraid of hell, while at the same
time he would be ready to offend God
if he could do so without incurring the
penalty.
All Catholics are bound to hold that
attrition, as explained above, is good and
an effect of God's grace. This is clear
from the words of our Lord, " Fear him
■who can destroy both body and soul in
hell ; " from the declaration of the Tri-
dentine Council, that attrition which pro-
ceeds from considering " the baseness of
sin or from the fear of hell and punish-
ment, if it excludes the purpose of sinning
and includes the hope of pardon, ... is a
true gift of God and an impulse of the Holy
Spirit;"' and from subsequent pronounce-
ments of the Popes, particularly of Alex-
ander VIII. The council put forward
this Catholic truth against Luther, and
succeeding Popes against the Jansen-
ists.
Further, the Council of Trent teaches*
that attrition does not of itself avail to
justify the sinner. Sin which separates
the soul from God is only annulled by
love -which unites it to Him.
But a question was long keenly de-
bated among Catholic divines, viz, whether
if a man comes with attrition to the
sacrament of penance and receives abso-
lution, this avails to restore him to God's
grace. The negative opinion was held by
the French clergy in their assembly gene-
ral of the year 1700, and prevailed in the
universities of Paris and Louvain. On
the other hand, the affirmative, according
to which a sinner who receives absolu-
tion with attrition is justified through
the grace which the sacrament confers,
has always apparently been the com-
moner tenet in the scliools. It rests on
the strong argument that as perfect con-
1 Concil. Trident, sess. xiv. cap. 4. De Poenit.
» iWd.
trition justifies without the actual re-
ception of the sacrament of penance, it is
hard to see why this sacrament should
have been instituted, if perfect contrition
is needed to get any good from it. Alex-
ander VII. in 1667 forbade the advocates
of either opinion to pronounce any theo-
logical censure on their opponents. But
at present the opinion that attrition with
the sacrament of penance suffices is
universally held. St. Liguori' calls it
"certain."
A.VDZA.iarS or iXITDEAXTS. [See
Antheopomoephites.]
AVBZTOR or ROTA. [See Rota.]
AVCVSTZN-ZAMT CA.N01TS. The
pretensions to high antiquity made by
this order, or on its behalf, have involved
the history of its origin in much obscurity.
Their commencement has been ascribed
to some supposed resolution taken by the
Apostles to renounce all private property
and live in common. This being difficult
of proof, the foundation of the order was
at least confidently referred to St. Au-
gustine of Hippo, whose rule, it was said,
the regular canons had never ceased to
follow. But it cannot be shown that St.
Augustine ever composed a rule, properly
so called. He did, indeed, write a treatise
" De Moribus Clericorum," and he also
wrote a letter (No. 109) in which he laid
down a rule of life for the religious women
: under his direction, not binding them to
strict enclosure, but requiring them to re-
nounce all individual property. But when
and by whom the injunctions contained in
this letter were adapted to communities
of men, are points which have never been
cleared up. Moreover, it has been urged,
that if St. Augustine promulgated a rule
and founded congregations which have
had perpetual succession ever since, it
seems impossible to explain how St.
Benedict should have been universally
regarded for centuries as the founder ot
Western monachisra
j In one sense, indeed, the regular
I Canons of St. Austin may lay claim to an
antiquity with which no other order can
compete ; for, as canons, they grow out
of an institution and a way of life which
reachnearly totheapostolicage. [Caxox.]
Considered, however, as a particular in-
stitution, the mode in which they arose
has been thus explained. Discipline hav-
ing become much relaxed among the
canons of the various cathedrals in the
Frankish empire, a council held at Aix-
la-Chapelle in 816 drew up a rule for
1 Moral Tlieol. vi. n. 440.
64 AUGUSTINI.^' CAXO>:S
AUGUSTIXIAX HERMITS
their observance. But as this rule did
not absolutely prohibit the acquisition or
enjoyment of private property, abuses
again crept in ; and the Popes Nicholas
II. and Alexander II., strenuously assisted
by St. Peter Damian, held councils at
Rome in 105'.) and 1063, by the decrees
of which the rule of Aix-la-Chapelle was
amended, and in particular the canons
were bound to a community life and to
the renunciation of private property
(Fleury, " Hist. Eccl." Ixi.). Even after
these councils, the canons of many
churches lived in much the same v^-ay as
before ; those, therefore, who obeyed the
rule prescribed, by way of distinction
from the recalcitrants, were called regular
canons. The rule itself after a time was
commonly described as the rule of St. Au-
gustine, apparently because it was held to
be in conformity with his 109th letter and
the general spirit of his teaching-. The
adoption of this rule facilitated the for-
mation of independent bodies of regular
canons, neither connected with cathedrals
nor with collegiate churches, as had
hitherto been the case ; accordingly, soon
after the beginning of the twelfth century,
we read of the foundation of societies of
canons, following the rule of St. Austin,
in several countries of Europe. In Eng-
land these canons — who were regarded as
monks, not as friars — were very popular
and had many houses ; they were called
Black Canons. At the time of the Disso-
lution there were about 170 of their
houses in England; two out of their
number, Waltham and Cirencester, were
presided over by mitred abbots. Newstead
Abbey, the birthplace of the poet Byron,
was originally an Augustinian house.
In Ireland this order was even more
popular than in England, holding there,
in fact, much the same prominent position
that the Benedictines held amongst our-
selves. D'Alton puts the number at 223
monasteries and 33 nunneries. The
Augustinian priors of Christ Church and
All Hallows, Dublin, and of the monas-
teries at Conuell, Kells, Louth, Athassel,
Killagh, Newtown, and Ivaphoe, had
seats in the Irish parliament. (H^lyot,
"Ordres Monastiques ; " Dugdale's "Mon-
asticon.") *
• List of English Souses of Austin Canons
existing at date of suppression.
Nunneries and cells are indicated by n and c.
Aldebury (Surr.) Bamburgh
Anglesey (Cambr.) (Northumb.)
Ashby Canons Barlynch (Som.)
(Northonts.) Barnwell (Cambr.)
AVCVSTZN-XAN- BERMZTS. The
remarks made in the foregoing article on
Beeston (Norf.)
Berdon (Essex)
Bethgelert (Caem.1
10. Bilsington (Kent) '
Bissemede (Beds.)
Bliburgh (SufE.),
c. to St. Osith
Bodmin (Com.)
Bolton in Craven
Bourn (Line.)
Bradenstoke
(Wilts.)
Bradley (Leic.)
Bradley Mayden
(Wilts.)
Breamore (Hants.)
20.Bredon (Leic.)
Bridlington (York)
Brinkburn
(Northumb.)
Brooke (Rutl.)
Bruton (Som.)
Buckenham (Norf.)
Buckland Mincbvn
(Som.), n.
Burcester, Bices-
ter (Oxf.)
Burnbam (Bucks.),
n.
Burscough (Lane.)
SO.Butley (Suff.l
Bvshiun, or Bisham
'(Berks.)
Caldwell (Beds.)
Calke (Derb.),
c. to Repton
Calwich (Staff.)
Campsey (^Suff.),
n.
Canterbury, St.
Gregory's
Cartmel (Lane.)
Cbacomb
(Nortliants.)
Chich St. Osith
(E^sex)
40. Chirbury (Salop)
Cirencester
(Glouc.)
Cokesford (Norf.)
Colchester
Conishead (Lane.)
Combury (Heref.),
Comworthy
(Devon.), n.
Crabhouse (Norf.),
n., c. to Castle
Acre
Cumbwell (Kent)
Darley (Derb.)
50. Dorchester (Oxf.)
Drax (York)
Dunmow (Essex)
Dunstable (Beds.)
EUesham (Line.)
Erdbury (Warw.)
Felly (Notts.)
Ferriby, North
(York)
Fineshade
(Northants.)
Fiskerton (Notts.),
c. to Thurgarton
60. Flanesford (Heref.)
Flixton (Suff.)
Flitcham (Norf.)
Fristoke (Devon.)
St.GermaJi's(Com.)
Gloucester, St.
Oswald
Goring (Oxf.), n.
Grace Dieu (Leic),
Gresley (Derb.)
Guisborough
(York)
70. Haghmon (Salop)
Haltem Price, near
Cottingham
(York)
Hartland (Devon)
Harwood (Beds.),
Hastings (Suss.)
Haverfordwest
(Pemb.J
Helagh Park, near
Tadcaster (York)
Hempton (Norf.)
Herringfleet (SufE.)
Hexham
(Northumb.)
80. Hickling (.Norf.)
Huntingdon
Hyrst in Axholme
(Line.)
Ipswich, Trinity
Ivychurch fV\'ilta.)
Ixworth (SufE.)
Kenilwortb
(Warw.)
Keynsham (Som.)
Kirkby BeUer
(Leic.)
Kirkham (York)
90. Kyme (Line.)
Lanercost (Cumb.)
Latton (Essex)
Launceston (Corn.)
Launde (Leic.)
Laycock (Wilts.), M.
Leedes (Kent)
Leicester, St.
Mary Pre.
Leigh (Devon), n.
Leighs, Little
(Essex)
lOO.Letheringham
(SufiE.), c. to
Ipswich
Lilleshall (Salop)
Llanthony Abbey
(Blonm.)
Llanthony (Glouc.)
London, St. Barth.
London, Trinity
London, Elsing
Spittel, now Sion
College
AUGUSTLS'IAN llKli.MITS
the Canons apply equally to the preten-
sions to !Ui historical descentfrom St. Aus-
tin niiide by the Hermits who bear his
nanie. lu point of fact the order orifji-
nated in a union of sevci-al existing con-
gregations ell'ectfd in 1 L' •'>•") under the
direction of I'oiu' AlrxaiuJt r Their
houses soon ln'rami' vi rv numerous, and
the usual variat Kins iu regard to the strict
obsen'ance of thnr rule, followed by re-
formations of grfutcr or less fame, made
their appearance. Thev were regarded
as friars, not as luduk,-, and were expressly
aggregated to the otlier cirders of friars
by Pius V. in 15(57. Their house at
Wittenberg had the dubious honour of
counting Martin Luther among its mem-
bers. The Augustiniau Hermits are said
to have possessed in the sixteenth century
three thousand convents with thirty
thousand fi-iars, besides three hundred
nunneries following a similar rule. But
during the French Revolution an immense
number of their houses were dissolved;
and at the present time scarcely a hundred
are left.
In England, according to Tanner,
Stafford, St.
Thomas a Becket
140.Stone (Staff.)
Stonley (Huuts.)
Studley (Warw.)
Tandridge (Surr.)
Taunton (Som.)
Thornholm (Line.)
Thornton Curtis
(Line.)
Tliremhall (Essex)
Thurgarton(Notts.)
Tockwith (York)
150.Torksey (Line.)
Tortington (Suss.)
Trentham (Staff.)
Ulverscroft (Leie.)
Wayboiirne (Norf.)
Waisinghara(Norf.)
"Waltham (Essex)
Warter (York)
Warwiek
"Wallow, near
Grimsby fLinc.)
IGO.Westaere (Norf.)
Weybridge, near
Acle (Norf.)
Wigiiiore (Heref.)
Wombridge (Salop)
Woodbridge (Suff.)
Woodkirk, or West
Avdslev (York),
c. to Nostell
Worksop (Notts.)
Wormegay (Norf.)
Wormsley (Heref.)
Woi'spring ( Som.)
ITO.Wroxton (Oxf.)
Wtmondlev, Little
(Herts.) "
AUREOLE
C.>
Lymbroke (Heref.),
n.
Mark-by (Line.)
ilarsh (Devon.)
('. to Plynipton
llO.ilarton (YorkI
Maxstoke (Warw.)
Merton (Surr.)
Mickleham (Suss.)
Missenden (Bucks.)
Mottisfont (Hants.)
Newburgh (York)
Newenham (Beds.)
Newstead (Line.)
Newstead (Notts.)
laO.Nocton (Line.)
Northampton, St.
James'
Norton (Chesh.)
Nostell (York)
Oseney (Oxf.)
Ouston iLeic.)
Oxford, St. Mary's
CoU.
Pentiiey (Norf.)
Plympton (Devon)
PoVcluster(Hant8.)
130.Ratli7igliope
(Salop), c. to
Wigniore
Ecigate (Surr.)
Reptou (Derb.)
Rocester (Staff.)
Pvonton Abbey
(Staff.)
Rovston (Herts.)
Shelford (Notts.)
Southampton
Southwark, St.
Mary Overy
there were about thirty-two houses of
Augustiniau Hermits at the Dissolution.
The most celebrated was the friary at
Oxford, which educated many dis-
tinguished men ; here Erasmus lodged
with his friend Prior ( 'lianim k when he
visited Oxford. A <^ rev ei imibling gate-
way in New Inn ILdl Lane alone is left
to mark the spot. Capgiave, the well-
known hagiogi apher, was an Augustinian
Hermit. At the present time there is one
house of Augustiniau friars in England (at
Iloxton, London, N.), none in Scotland,
and twelve in Ireland — viz. Drogheda, in
the province of Armagh ; Dublin, Rath-
farnham, Callan, New Ross, and Grants-
town {to which community belonged the
illustrious Dr. Doyle); Eethard, Cork,
Limerick, and Dungarvan, in the province
ofCashel; and Ballyhaunis and Galway
in that of Tuam. The house in London,
as well as one in Rome, form part of the
Irish province, which now numbers about
forty-five Fathers and twenty clerical
students, and whence Augustinians have
gone out who have founded a new and
separate province in the United States of
America, where there are several fine
churches, convents, and colleges. (Dug-
dale's " Monasticon.") '
AVREOKE (from aureolus, golden,
gilt, of golden colour). 1. In Christian
art it is the gold colour surroiuidiiifi' the
whole figure in sacred pictures, and repi e-
sentingtheglory of tlie persmi repi-esented.
It is distinct frlim tlie uimbiis, which only
covers the head. The a ureole (also called
scutum, vesica, J) isci.^, itc.) was usually re-
served for pictures of the three divine
Persons, of Christ, and of the Blessed Vir-
gin along with the Holy Child. (Kraus,
"Archseol. Diet.")
2. In theology, it is defined as a cer-
tain accidental reward added to the
1 bliss of heaven, because of the
of Austin Hermits
suppression.
Norwich
Orford (Suff.)
Oxford
.Penrith (Cumb.)
Rye (Suss.)
Shrewsbury
Stafford
Stamford (Line.)
Stoke Clare (Sufif.)
Thetford (Norf.)
Tickhill (York)
Warrington (Lane.)
Winchester
. Woodhouse (Salop)
York
' List of English Houses
existing at date of
Atherston (Warw.)
Boston (Line.)
Bristol
Canterbury 20
Droitwich (Wore.)
Gorleston (Suff.)
Hull (York)
Huntingdon
Leicester
10. Lincoln
London
Ludlow (Salop)
Lynn (Norf.)
Newark (Notts.) 30
Newcastle-on-Tyne
Northampton
66 AUTOCEPIIALI
BAIUS
excellent victory wliich the person who
receives it has attained durinor his warfare
upon earth. It is given, accordinpr to St.
Thomas/ to virgins, martyrs, and to doc-
tors and prcacliers. Virgins have tri-
umphed with 8]iecial glory over the flesh ;
martyrs, over tlie world, which persecuted
them to deatli ; preachers, over the devil,
whom they have driven, not only from
their own hearts, but also from those of
others.
AITTOCEPHiLXiZ (avroKf^aXot). A
name given by Greek canonists to metro-
politans who were not subject to a patri-
arch. Such were the metropolitans of
Cyprus, who contrived to free themselves
from subjection to the Patriarch of An-
tioch ; or, again, the archbishops of Bul-
garia, who were independent of Constanti-
nople.
AUTO DA FE. [See Inquisition,
Spanish.]
A.VXIX.ZARY BISHOP. [See
Bishop Auxiliary.]
AVE MABZA. This familiar prayer,
called also the Angelical Salutation, con-
sists of three parts — (1) the salutation of
the Archangel Gabriel, Ave [Maria] ^ra^/a
plena, Dominies tecum ; henedicta tu in
mulieribm ; (2) the words of Elizabeth to
our Lady, et henedictus fructus ventris tui ;
(3) an addition made by the Church,
Sancta Maria, Mater Dei, ora pro nobis
peccat.oribus nunc et in hora mortis nostrce.
Parts 1 and 2 seem to have come into
common use as a formula of devotion to-
wards the end of the twelfth century;
the use of them is enjoined by the Con-
stitutions of Odo, bishop of Paris, in 1196.
1 Supplem. qu. xcvi.
The third part gives a compact and
appropriate expression of the feelings
with which Christians regard the Blessed
"Virgin. The words wmtic. . . . nostrcesLTQ
said to have come from the Franciscans ;
the rest of the verse is believed to have
first come into use in the middle of the
fifteenth century. The whole Ave Maria
as it now stands is ordered in the brevi-
ary of Pius V. (1568) to be used daily
before each canonical hour and after com-
pline.
AVE RECZM'A. [See Hymns.]
AZYAXZTES (a priv. ({ijxrj). By this
term the Greek Schismatics designate
Christians of the Latin Church, because
the latter use unleavened bread in the ad-
ministration of the Eucharist. In the
Western Church the point has never been
regarded as of vital importance ; the priest
is only enjoined smZ» graviio use unleavened
bread; and the Council of Florence de-
clared (1439) that after consecration the
body of our Lord was really present {vera-
citer confid) whether the bread used were
made with or without leaven. But the
Greek ecclesiastics who assented to this
article were ill received by their country-
men on their return to Constantinople
(Gibbon, ch. Ixvii.), and this point of
using or not using leaven is still one of
the marks of difference between East and
West. The arguments either way are
well summed up by Fritz (art. Azymites,
Wetzer and Welte). The original pro-
priety of using or not using leaven turns
mainly on the question whether Maundy
Thursday was within the period of the
Azymes ; on which see Holy Week.
BACCAXrAKZSTS (or Paocana-
EiSTs), or Regular Clerks of the Faith of
Jesus. The object of this congregation,
founded at the end of the last century by
one Baccanari or Paccanari, a native of
the Trentino, was to revive the suppressed
Society of Jesus under another name. In
1798, having obtained ecclesiastical ap-
proval for his project, Baccanari with
twelve companions took possession of a
country house near Spoleto, and com-
menced a monastery. They wore the
Jesuit habit, and made the three simple
vows, to which they afterwards added a
fourth vow of unconditional obedience to
the Pope. Many others joined them, and
they had branches in France and even in
Holland. But as the prospect of a speedy
revival of the Society of Jesus grew
brighter, members of Baccanari's congre-
gation began to desert him, some joining
the Jesuit colleges which had never ceased
to subsist in Russia, others repairing to
the kingdom of Naples, where the Society
was re-established in 1804. Finally, in
1814, the Jesuits being everywhere re-
stored, the remaining Baccanarists applied
for admission into the order, and the con-
gregation of the Faith of Jesus came to
an end.
BAZVS. A famous theologian of the
University of Louvain, who anticipated
the errors of .Tansenius. His real name
was Michael Bay. He was born at Melin,
BAIL'S
BANNER
07
in the Low Countries, in 1513. He
studied at Louvain, whore he taught
philosophy and took his Doctor's degree.
In 1551 he became Professor of Scripture,
and in 1563 he was sent to the Council
of Trent by the King of Spain, returning
in the following year to the university.
He won great repute by his undoubted
learning and by his blameless life, and
honours were Leaped upon him. In 1578
he was made chancellor of the university,
and, at a later date, General Inquisitor
for the Netherlands. He continued to
teach till his death, in 1589.
However, his life was a stormy one.
Baius deserted the scholastic method and
did much to revive the study of the
Fathers. No one, of course, could justly
blame him for promoting patristic learn-
ing. But he marred the services which he
might well have rendered to the Church,
by exaggerating and misinterpreting
the Augustinian doctrine on grace. His
lectures excited opposition especially
among the Franciscans, and several pro-
positions taken from his oral teaching
were delated to the Sorbonne and con-
demned there. In 1563 and 1564 he
published various treatises on free will,
original justice, justification, &c. Three
years later, Pius V. condemned 76 pro-
positions, representing on the whole the
opinions of Baius, although some are not
actually contained in his works. These
propositions were condemned " in globo et
respective," as heretical, erroneous, sus-
picious, rash, scandalous and ofl'ensive to
pious ears — i.e. each of these propositions
merited one of these censures, but no
particular censure was attached to any
one proposition. The name of Baius was
not mentioned in the bull, which was
communicated privately to the theological
faculty at Louvain, without being pro-
mulgated. Various disputes arose on the
authority and sense of this bull which
need not detain us here. Gregory XIII.
confirmed the bull of his predecessor, and
agam condemned the propositions. The
famous Jesuit Toletus took the constitu-
tion of Gregory to Louvain, where it was
read before the assembled university.
Thereupon Baius acknowledged that many
of the condemned propositions were to be
found in his writings. " I condemn them,"
he said, " according to the intention of the
bull, and as the bull condemns them."
Tolet<is, it is reported, frequently declared
that he had never met a more learned or
more humble man.
The following are the chief heads of
the erroneous system which Baius main-
tained. He regarded original justice,
including the perfect subjection of the
lower nature, as a part of human nature,
not as a free gift of God to our first
parents. Starting from this principle, he
held further that eternal life would have
been due to Adam, in the event of his
perseverance, as a matter of rigorous
justice, excluding grace and mercy al-
together. Consequently, man, after the
fall, was, till restored by grace, mutilated
in nature and capable only of sin. Baius
did not deny the freedom of the will in
terms, but he did so in efi"ect, for he made
it consist in the mere absence of external
restraint. Man chose to sin, but he could
not choose anything else. The Benedic-
tine Gerberon published the works of
Baius with the documents relating to the
controversy in a quarto volume at Cologiie
in 1696. (See Kuhn, " DogTnatik,"vol. iv,
p. 319 seq.; and his article Baius in
Wetzer and Welte. Linsenmann, " Mi-
chael Baius und die Grundlegung des
Jan.*enismus," Tubingen, 1867.)
BAKSA.CCBZN'O. A canopy, such
as is often suspended over the high-altar,
usually hanging from the roof of the
church, though sometimes, as at Rome,
it rests on four pillars.
From the time when Constantine
began to build sumptuous churches, the
altar-table was overshadowed by a
canop}- made in the form of a cupola and
surmounted by a cross. It was adorned
with sculptures and rested on columns of
precious material. This canopy was
named ciborium, Ki^icpwv, from its resem-
blance to the bowlof acup, and the Blessed
Sacrament was placed in a vessel sus-
pended by a cord from the interior of this
canopy.
The name Baldacchino is said to have
come into use in the middle ages and to
be derived from Baaldak, the name by
which Babylon (Bagdad ?) was known
during the time of the crusades. Baaldak
or Babylon was celebrated for the manu-
facture of fine silken stufl's, and with these
the canopy was frequently hung. (Rock,
" Hierurgia," p. 506 seq.)
Baldacchino is also used as the name
of the canopy which is carried over the
priest who bears the Blessed Sacrament in
procession on Holy Thursday, Corpus
Christi, &c. (Gavantus.)
BAlffTTEIt. An ecclesiastical banner
is one in which the stufi', whether of silk
or linen, on which religious persons, ob-
jects, or mottoes are depicted, is not nailed
€8
BANNS
BAPTISM
to the staff, as in the case of an ordinary
flag, but to a transverse bar which is
attached to the staff and -with it forms
the figure of a cross. Of this kind were
the cavalry standards {ve.rilla) used in
the Roman army. At the head of the
staff, above the banner, and also in those
siffna militai'ia which were without a
banner, was fixed some emblem possos.sing
significance in the eyes of the soldiers, as
an eagle, or a serpent, or a ball, or a bronze
figure of Victory, or of Mars, or of the
reigiiing emperor. Constantine, after his
vision, and the victoiy which followed
over Mnxentius, ordered that the sacred
standard {laharutn; q. v.) which had been
shown to him should be adopted through-
out the army, the eagle or other figure at
the head of the staff being replaced by the
sacred monogram ;3j<; or -p , representing
the first two letters of the Greek XPI2T02.
The Christian apologists — e.g. Minucius
Felix and TertuUian — are fondof drawing
attention to the resemblance which a
Roman military standard bore to a cross.
The adoption of the laharvm would at
once satisfy the large and ever increasing
number of Christians in the im])erial
armies, and not displease the I'agan
soldiers, because the traditional shape
was not departed from.
As the soldier in battle looks to the
colours of his regiment, and while they
float aloft knows that the day may still
be won, and is animated to do valiantly,
so should Christians, as the Church by
her sanction of banners reminds us, fix
their gaze on that Cross of Christ which
is the standard of their warfare, and be
continually animated by the thought to
fresh courage.
Banners are chiefly used in processions,
but they are also hung round or near the
altar, their prime significance being in all
cases that they show forth the victory of
Christ.
In the military orders [see that article]
a practice was introduced for each knight
at the time of his admission to hang up
his banner in the church; hence the
mouldering relics which may be seen in
Heniy VII.'s Chapel, "Westminster, in St.
George's Chapel, Windsor, and other
places. ("Diet, of Greek and Roman
Antiq.," Smith; Smith and Cheetham;
Schmid in Wetzer and Welte.)
BATria'S. The proclamation of in-
tended marriage, in order that if anyone
is aware of an impediment, he may state
it to the ecclesiastical authorities, and so
prevent the celebration of the wedding.
Such proclamations were introduced first
of all by the custom of particular places,
but it was not till 1215 that they were
imposed, at the Fourth Lateran Council, by
a general law binding the whole Church,^
The CouncU of Trent orders the banns to
be proclaimed by the parish priest of the
persons who intend to marry, during
Mass on three continuous festivals. At
the same time, it permits the ordinary to
dispense from the obligation of proclaim-
ing the marriage, for a grave reason.
According to theologians and the S.
Congregation of the Council, the banns
must be proclaimed in the parish church
of the contracting parties, and in each
parish church if they live in different
parishes, at the principal Mass on three
continuous Sundays or holidays of obliga-
tion— or at least on days when there is
sure to be a concourse of people in the
church. It is generally held that if the
marriage does not take place within two
months, or at most four, of the last
publication, the banns must be proclaimed
anew.
BAPTISM (from /3a7rTi(r/ioy, dipping,
or immersion' in water). A spiritual
meaning was given to baptism by St.
John the Baptist, who baptised or im-
mersed his disciples in the Jordan, to
signify the repentance and renewal by
which the whole man was to be cleansed
and purified. The Tabnud of Babylon *
mentions a baptism of Jewish proselytes,
but it is impossible to say when this rite
arose. In any case, it is certain that
when our Lord made baptism the rite
of initiation into His Church, He employed
a symbolism already familiar to the
Jews. But Christ exalted the act to a
dignity beyond the baptism of John,
changing the "baptism of penance"
into the sacrament of regeneration. The
Gospels do not tell us when Christian
baptism was instituted, and a great
variety of opinions has prevailed upon
this point among the Fathers and theo-
logians of the Church. We may, how-
ever, safely assume that Christ instituted
baptism before His Passion, for since bap-
tism is, as we shall see further on, the gate
1 Fleury, Hist. Ixxvii. 62.
2 Sess. xxiv. c. 1.
5 Tingere is the corresponding Latin word
used bv Tertullian.
* Dollinger, First Age of the Church, p. 318.
The Jewish baptism is fully described by Bux-
torf, sub voc. "ij. See also Ewald, Geschichte
del Volkes Israel, vol. viL p. 255.
BArilSM
60
-of the sacraments, the Apostles could not
have received Holy Communion at the
Last Supper, unless they lunl hten previ-
ously made Christians by liaj)! i-ni. Christ
himself did not as n pt'iuTul rule ba])tlse:
Still He did, :icroi-.linu an ancient tradi-
tion, baptist- >r. r. t, r, who conlVned the
sacrament on fSt. Audivw, St. Andrew on
St. James and St. John, and they on the
rest of the twelve. ^ After "Christ's
Passion and Resun-ection, or at latest
after Pentecost, the precept of receiving
baptism became binding on all human
beings.
After this sketch of the history of the
institution and proiiiulfiation we may go
on to consider the sacrunieut as it ex-
ists in the Church. A\'e shall treat
-of the following points in order: viz.
the essentials in the administration of
the sacrament, its effects, its necessity,
and the ceremonies with which it is
given.
I. Under the first head questions occur
as to the matter, the form, the minister,
and the sulyect of baptism, (a) The
matter is water, poured on the head of
the candidate. The Scripture makes it
clear enough that water is to be used, but
it is not so plain at fi,i-st sight that the
sprinkling or pouring of water will sufKce.
In Apostolic times the body of the bap-
tised person was immersed, for St. Paul
looks on this immersion as typifying
burial with Christ, and speaks of baptism
as a bath.^ Immersion still prevails
among the Copts and Nestorians, and for
many ages baptism was so given among
the Latins also, for even St. Thomas, in
the thirteenth century, speaks of baptism
by immersion as the common practice
(communior ufivs) of his time.' Stdl the
rubric of the Roman Rituale, which states
that baptism can be validly given by
immersion, infusion, or aspersion, is fully
Justified by tradition. Persons on a sick-
bed, in danger of death, were baptised
where they lay without immersion. This
baptism was always considered sufficient,
and in case of recovery they had only to
1 See a fragment of Clem. Al, from his lost
•work Hypotyposes (Clem. Al. torn. iii. p. 494, in
Dindoif s ed.).
2 Rom. vi. 4 ; Ephes. v. 26 (Xovrpf).
3 It is not true that the Greeks and' all other
-Orientals baptise by immersion. The child is,
indeed, accordiuf; to the common Oriental rite,
placed in the font; but the actual baptism is
by infusion of water ou its head. Billuart,
jbeBapt. i. 3, where Goar is quoied. Denzinger,
Jiitus Orientalium, p. 17. St. Thorn. Sum. iii.
66, 7,
get the ceremonies supplied and to be
confirmed.' It is only necessaiy for the
validity of the sacrament to pour the
water once — for although a threefold in-
fusion or immersion has been given from
the earliest times, still here, too, we meet
with exceptions, for Gregory the Great
allowed the Spanish Chiu-ch to contin ae its
custom of baptising by one immersion.
(3) The foi-m or words used in the
sacrament are "I baptise thee in the
name of the Father, and of the Son, and
of the Holy Ghost," or words equivalent
to these. Thus the Greek form "The
servant of Christ N. is baptised in the
name," &c., is valid, as appears from the
instruction of Eugenius IV. to the Ai-me-
nians, and from subsequent decisions of
the Holy See. A form similar to that of
the Greeks is used by all the Orientals,
except the Copts, Abyssiuians, and
Maronites, who approximate to the Latin
form." Many great theologians suppose
that the Apostles, for a time, in virtue of
a special dispensation, baptised simply in
the name of Christ ; but this opinion
seems to rest on a very questionable
interpretation of passages in the New
Testament.
(y) The minister of baptism, says
Eugenius IV., in the instruction quoted
above, " is a priest, to whom in virtue of
his office it belongs to baptise." The
Roman Rituale prescribes that baptism
should be given by the parish priest of
the place, or by another priest appointed
by him, or by the ordinary. A deacon is
the extraordinary minister of solemn
baptism. The Pontifical mentions bap-
tising as one of his duties, a duty, however,
which he can lawfully exercise only by
delegation from the bishop or priest.
But besides this, in case of necessity, any-
one, even a heretic or Jew, may baptise if
he uses the proper matter and fonn, and
intends to do what Christ ordained ; and
even if no such necessity exist, baptism so
given, although imlawful, is still valid.
That one who is not a priest may baptise
is clear from the fact that Philip the dea-
con did so, as we learn from the Acts of the
Apostles. Tertullian expressly says that
baptism can be given " by all." ^ The
38th Canon of the Council of Elvira, in
306, assumes the same truth. There was,
however, a difficulty in early times about
baptism given outside of the Church — viz.
' Euseb. Hist. vi. 43, with the notes of
Valesius.
2 Denzina;er, loc. cU. p. 18.
» De Bapi. 17.
70
BAPTISM
BAPTISM
by heretics. St. Cyprian and Firinilian de-
nied, St. Stephen, the contemporary Pope,
affirmed, its validity. The Pope appealed
in favour of his view to Apostolic tradi-
tion. It is needless to say that the Pope's
teaching prevailed. The great Council of
Aries in 314 decided for the ^•alidity of
heretical baptism, and the Fourth Lateran
Council defined it. The 18th Canon of
the Council of Nicipa in no way contra-
dicts this article of faith, for, though it
orders the disciples of Paul of Samosata
to be rebaptised, these heretics had in aU
probability corrupted the form of bap-
tism.'
(S) The Recipient of Baptism.— AU.
human beings, even infants and adults
who have never had the use of reason,
are capable of receiving this sacrament.
Adults are bound by the precept of
Christ to come and be baptised ; parents
and guardians are bound by the same pre-
cept to bring their children, or other
persons in their cl large, who have not
come to the use of reason, and to have
them baptised. In the middle ages and
in modem times various sects have re-
pudiated infant baptism. It is difficult to
give strict proof from Scripture in favour
of it, nor can it be denied that in the
early ages persons often deferred their
own baptism or that of their children,
except in danger of death, from a dread
of incurring the responsibilities of the
Christian life. At the same time the
Catholic doctrine that children are to be
baptised may be inferred from Scripture,
and is abundantly justified by tradition.
Thus we read of the Apostles baptising
whole houses ; and the very fact that our
Lord promises Ilis kingdom to children
shows that He did not mean to exclude
them from the sacrament of regeneration.
The early Fathers supply the needed
comment on Scripture. We have an
explicit testimony for infant baptism in
St. Ireneeus. "Christ," he writes, "came
to save all — all, I say, who through Him
(17-6 born again to God, infants and little
ones, and boys and young men, and the
aged."''^ In a letter written by St.
Cyprian and sixty-four bishops assembled
in council, an answer is given to the
question whether the baptism of children
must be deferred, on the analogy of cir-
cumcision, tiU the eighth day. The
bishops answer unanimously in the nega-
tive. If, the saint argues, adults are
1 Hefele, Cnnciliengeschichte, i. p. 417, where
an alteruative explanation is given.
2 Iren. ii. 22, 4. '
admitted to the font, how much more
should those be baptised at once who
have not sinned, except so far as by
natural doemt from Adam they have
contrartfd in the moment of birth the
infection of ancient death, who for this
very reason come more easily to the le-
niission of sins, because it is the sina
of another, not their own, which are
remitted to them.^
II. T/ie Effects of Baptism.— (a) It
remits all sin, original and actual,
"Be baptised, ' St. Peter said,^ "everyone
of you in the name of Jesus Christ for
the remission of your sins." " I believe in
one baptism," says the Nicene Creed, "for
the remission of sins."
(3) It remits all the penalties due for
sin before God, whether temporal or
eternal. A temporal punishment often
remains due to sin, even after its guilt
has been removed by absolution. Baptism,
as the Church defines, leaves no such
penalties, and the apostolic origin of thia
iaelief is proved by the practice of the
early Church, which imposed no penance
for the gravest crimes if committed before
baptism. The rebellion of the flesh does
of com-se remain after baptism, but this
rebellion is not sin, unless the will fully
consents to it.' (y) It bestows sanctify-
ing grace and the infused virtues. A diffi-
culty was felt even among Catholic divines
with regard to the case of children. All
admitted that children received the for-
giveness of sins, but how could they have
grace and the infused virtues imparted to
them ? How, for example, could a child
receive faith in baptism, when it plainly
remains unable to exercise faith till the
age of reason ? The answer is that the
capacity is one thing, the actual exercise
another. A man in sleep may have the
capacity for or habit of faith, though he
cannot exercise it till he wakes. More-
over, the very fact that baptism gives a
title to the possession of heaven proves
that it always confers grace, since it is
the grace of God, not the mere absence of
sin, which enables us to enter there. The
Council of Vienne contented itself with
pronouncing the opinion that grace is con-
ferred in baptism " more probable." Since
then, the Council of Trent defined that all
the sacraments of the new law confer
grace on those who rightly receive them.*
1 Episi. Ixiv. ed. Hartel. ^ Acts ii. 38.
5 Decret. pro Armen. in Bulla Eugen. IV.
Concil. Trident, sess. vi. cap. 14 ; sess. v.
Decret. de Peccat. Orig.
* Sess. vii. De Sacram. in. gen.
BArTlSM
BAPTISM
71
(8) It imprints a "character" or in-
delible mark on the soul, whence it can-
not be reiterated. [See underCHARACTEE.] j
(f) It makes the recipient a member of
Christ and of the Church, and makes it
possible for him to receive the other
sacraments.
An infant is unable to put a bar in the
way of sacramental piace, and therefore
must receive the full flirct of baptism
rightly administered. With adults it is
difl'erent. In tliciii i>o>iiivc dispositions
are called foi-. In oidrr \o n-rt-'wo baptism
validly, an adult is only required to have
the intention of doing so. If the inten-
tion be there, he receives the character
and incurs the responsibilities of a Chris-
tian; but in order to obtain the grace of
the sacrament, he must come with faith
and with contrition perfect or imperfect —
i.e. he must from a supernatural motive
detest his sins, and resolve to begin a new
life.' Thus a person who comes without
at least attrition for all his mortal ^ins,
and the purpose of ameiuhiient, would
receive neither grace nor forgiveness. If,
however, he afterwards sup;. lied the re- i
quisite dispositions, the grace of the
sacrament would revive, and he would
receive remi.ssion of original sin, and of
all actual sins (including the temporal
punishment annexed) which he had com-
niiMed u]) to the date of his baptism.^
III. r/ie y<'crf,<lf!/ af £aj)tL^»i.~The
"passage'" (fioni death to life), saj-s the
Council of Trout, "cannot be made since
the pronuilgation of the Go.spel except by
the laver of regeneration, or by the desire
of it, as it is written, ' Unless a man be
born of water and the Holy Ghost, he
cannot enter into the kingdom of God.'"
It is interesting to notice that Tertullian
makes precisely the same application of
this text against the heretics of his day.^
Accordingly, infants dying unbaptised are
excluded from the kingdom of heaven,
although, according to the opinion now
universally held, they do not undergo
suffering of any kind in the next world.
[See Limbo.] Protestant ditticulties on
this point arise from inadequate ideas on
grace and the sovereignty of God. Heaven
is a reward which is no way due to human
nature, and God can withhold it, as He
pleases, without injustice. In adults the
baptism of desire or of blood may supply
the place of baptism by water. Thus an
» Calich. Rom. ii. cap. 2, 40.
2 Billuart, De Baptism, iv. 2.
' Concil. Trid. sess. vi. cap. 4, Tertull. De
Baptism. 13.
I act of the perfect love of God remits sin,
original and actual, and confers sanctify-
I ing grace. Our Lord in St. John's Gospel
promises that He will love those who love
Ilim, a promise which would not be ful-
filled if a man who loved God above all
things and for His own sake, were still
allowed to remain God's enemy in conse-
quence of iinfcirgiven sin. The baptism of
blood — i.e. martyrdom — not only forgives
sin but romits the temporal penalties of
sin al>o. St. ( '\ priau s:n s ot' catechumens
who di.'d lioforo hoiii,-- liaptis(>d with
water, that they had in fact lieen baptised
"with th(> most glorious and greatest
ba]itism of lilood," ' and Tertullian wit-
ne.'-ses to the belief of the earlj- Church
that the Holy Innocents were sanctified
by tlu'ir blood. -'
IV. Coiidifional Baptism is given
when there is some doul)t whether a
]ior>on has been vallillv liaptisofl. The
i'oriu procrilied in tlio llouian Itituale is
\i rhoii ha.-t not beni baptifed, I baptise
thoo." \-c., and in I'^ngland this form is
u>eil in the case of all persons who have
reeclved ba])tism from a Protestant
minister, when they are reconciled to
the Church.-' In early times the condition
was not expio>sed in words. Fleury
could not find any trace of the conditional
form hei'oie the time of Alexander III.,
and St. Thomas alleges a decretal of this
Pope for its use.'
V. The Cereynonies of Baptism. — The
following is a summary of the ceremonies
jirescribed by the Koman Itituale, with
their sifiiiification as given in the Roman
Catechism. The sacrament is to be ad-
ministered, apart from cases of necessitj',
in the church or baptistery near the
church. However, the children of kings
and princes may be baptised in their private
chapels. Baptismal water is in all cases
to be used. The person baptised is to
receive a baptismal name, and the Rituale
recommends the parents to impose the
name of a saint, that the child may profit
by his example and patronage. The
1 Ej>. Ixxiii. ed. Ilartel.
- "TcstiiiKinium Christi sanguine libave-
runt," Adv. I'ulmtin. 2.
5 An order was issued by the Vicars Apo-
stolic nt the befjinning of this century, that all
converts from Protestantism born after 1773,
should be conditionally baptised. This order
was re-enacted by tlxc first provincial synod of
Westminster, cap. xvi. The water used is to be
holy water, not water taken from the font, and
all the cpremoiiies are to be omitted.
4 Fleury. J/isl. xciv. .31. St. Tli.im. iii. lUJ,
9. The form 8t. Thomas quotes is fuller than
the one in present use.
72
BAPTISM
BAPTISTERY
priest meets the child at the door of the
church ; drives the devil from him ;
breathes thrice upon his face, to signify
the new spiritual life -which is to be
breathed into his soul : puts salt into his
mouth, as a sign that he is to be freed
from the corruption of sin ; signs him on
the forehead and breast with the sign of
the cross, and leads him into the temple
of God. Then the priest solemnly exor-
cises the child ; anoints his ears and
nostrils with spittle — after our Lord's
example, who thus restored the blind
man's sight — and asks him in thi-ee
separate interrogations whether he re-
nounces Satan, all his works and all his
pomps. He next anoints him with the
oil of catechumens on the lireast and be-
tween the shoulders. The aticient athletes
were anointed hefoi-e their cimtests in the
arena, and in the same way the voung
Cliristian is i.i epare.l fni- the " gdod h-ht"
which lies before hini.' The recijiient
then, through his spmi-ors, jirotesses liis
faith by reciting the ( 'reed, and the jn-est
pours water three times on his head, in
the form of across, at the same time pro-
nouncing the words "I baptise thee," &c.
After baptism, chrism is put on the top
of his head, to signify his union with
Christ, the head of his Church ; he re-
ceives a white garment, and a burning
light in his hands, symbols of innocence
and of the light of faith and charity.
These rites are recommended as well
by their beautiful symbolism and the
majestic words which accompany them
as by their venerable antiquity. Ter-
tuUian^ mentions the triple renunciation
made in baptism, the unct ion, the triple
immersion. The Sacramentary of Gela-
sius ^ (died 496) contains almost every
ceremony of baptism to l)e found in the
present Itituale. Two dill'erences, how-
ever, must be noted. In the West
solemn baptism was given as a rule only
at Easter and Pentecost ; in the East it
was also given at the Ejjiphany.* Again,
the ceremonies now in use were intended
primarily for adults, and instead of being
given together were spread over three or
four weeks. Thus in the Gelasian Sacra-
mentary, the ceremonies of baptism begin
on the third Sunday in Lent, although
the bajitism itself did not take place till
' "Quasi athleta ; " Billuart, De Baptism.
V. 2.
^ De Coron. 3, where he also mentions the
custom of tasting milk and honey after bap-
tism ; J)e Baptism. 7.
3 Fleuri-, Hist. xxx. 62.
^ Thoiiiassin, Traite dea Festes, ii. 7.
Holy Saturday. (See Chardon, " Histoire
des Sacremenls.")
BAFTZSM OF SKZPS. Baptism,
or, more correctly, blessing, of ships, a
foi-m in the Roman Rituale. Certain
prayers are said, in which God is asked
to bless the ship and those who travel in
it, as He blessed the ark of Noe and helped
Peter when he was sinking in the deep.
I This form is not found in the older " Or-
dines." The practice of blessing ships
seems to have become common during
the time of the Crusades.
BA.PTXsnxii.1. urAitiE. A name
given in baptism, to signify that the baj)-
tised person has become a new creature
in Christ. The Rituale forbids heathenish
names, and advises, though it does not
enjoin, the taking of a saint's name.
The custom of taking a new name in
j baptism was not usual in the early Church
— tliDUgh we find instances of it from the
third centuiy onwards. Then, and long
after. Christians bore not only the names
of saints, but also those (1) of feasts — e.f/.
Epiphanius, Natalis (from Christmas),
Paschasius, &c.; (2) of virtues — e.ff. Eaith,
Imiocent, Pius, &c. ; (3) animals —
Leo, Columba, Ursula, &c. (Ilefele,
" Beitriige," im.)
BAPTZSiaAX. -WATER. Water
blessed in the font on Holy Saturday
and the vigil of Pentecost, which must
be used at least in solemn baptism. The
priest signs the water with the cross,
divides it with his hand, pouring it to-
wards the north, south, east and west ;
breathes into it, and places in it the pas-
chal candle, after which some of it is
spriniled on the people and some removed
for private use. The priest then pours
oil of catechumens and chi-ism into the
water.
The origin of this custom of blessing
the water is lost in immemorial antiquity.
A form for blessing the water is found
even in the Apostolic Constitutions,' in
ancient Western and in all the Oriental
liturgies.''
BAPTISTERY (called also in Greek
(fxtiTca-TtipLov, the place of illumination).
That part of the church in which solemn
baptism is administered. Anciently, when
ba])tism was constantly given to adults
and the rite of immersion prevailed, it
was inconvenient to baptise in the church
itself, and hence after the conversion of
Constantine separate buildings for the
administration of baptism were erected
I Apost. Constit. vii. 43.
* Denzinger, Sitvs Orient, p. 24.
BAREFOOTED ERIAKS
RASILIANS
73
and attached to the cathedral church.
Eusebius ' mentions a baptistery of this
kind in the basilica at Tyre, and exanijih's
of such buildinos still exist at Rome,
Pisa, Pistnia, Mnd.-ua. Padua, &c. It
was only L;i-ailnaily that l)a]itisiii was nd-
The ancient liapt i>t itv was siuiiet iiues
round, sometimes it had tour, eight, or
twelve sides. Cyril of Jonisalcm distin-
guishes the outer part of the baptistery
{npoavXios oikos), in which the catechu-
mens renounced Satan, kc, from the inner
portion (JaaTtpos oiKos), in which they
were baptised.
The modern baptistery is merely a part
of the cliurch set apart for baptism. Ac-
cording to the Rnmau Rituale, it should
be railed off, it should have a patf fas-
tened by a loel{, and be adorned, if possi-
ble, with a picture of Clirist's baptisui by
St. John. It is convenient that it should
contain a chest with two compartments,
one for the holy oils, the other for the
salt, caudle, &c., used in baptism. (See
De Montault, "Construction desEglises,"
p. 105.)
BARSFOOTED FKXARS. [See
DlSC.\I.CED.]
BARXiAASX. [See Hjestchasts.]
BARSTABXTES. The proper desig-
nation of the religious of this order is
that of " Regular Clerks of the CongTe-
gation of St. Paul ; " they are popularly
called Barnabites on account of a chm-ch
of St. Barnabas at Milan which belonged
to them in the sixteenth century. Their
principal founder was the holy priest
Antonio Maria Zaccaria (died 15.30) ; with
liim were joined Bartolommeo Ferrari and
Giacomo Antonio Morigena. The fre-
quent wars by which the north of Italy
had been devastated ; the influx of Lu-
theran soldiers, whose example tended to
propagate a spirit of contempt for the
sacraments and the clergy ; and the fre-
quency of pestilential disorders caused by
the famine and miseiy of the population,
had produced about 1530 a state of things
which powerfully appealed to the charity
and pity of the true pastors of Jesus
Christ. It occuiTed to Zaccaria that a
better way of combating these evils could
not be found than by organising a con-
gregation of secular clergy, not going out
of the world but living in it and working
for it, and bound by a rule — that is, dili-
gently attending to their own sanctifica-
tion whilepreachingreformationto others,
— " who should regenerate and reTive the
» U. E. X. 4, 46.
I love of the divine worship and a truly
Christian way of life by frequent preach-
j ing and the faithful administration of the
Sacraments." In 15.'?.'! the foundation of
such a congregation, under a special rule
approved by the Holy See, was sanctioned
l)y Clement VII. Thememberspronounced
their vows before the Archbishop of Milan,
and chose Zaccaria for their su])erior. The
order soon spread into France and Ger-
many. In 1579 their constitutions were
examined by St. Charles Borromeo, Arch-
bishop of Milan, protector of the congre-
gation, and being approved by him were
finally confirmed. They called, and still
caU, their establishments colleges. They
are governed by a General residing at
Rimif, clpcted for three years, and capable
of rf-i'lrctiou once. Besides the three
usual vows they take a fourth, never to
seek any office or ecclesiastical dignity,
and to accept no post outside of their order
without the permission of the Pope. The
habit is merely tlie black soutane worn
by secular priests in Lombardy at the time
of their foundation. Their principal
house is now at Pome ; and they have
about twenty colleges in all, one in
Paris, and others in various parts of
Italy and Austria. There is no house
of these religious either in England or
in Ireland. Among the eminent men of
this order may be mentioned Sauli, called
the Apostle of (^orsica; Bascape, the
biographer of St. Charles Borromeo; and
Gavanti, the well-known writer on ru-
brics and ceremonies. (H^lyot, "Ordres
Monastiques.")
BASHilAHS. This order takes its
name from the great St. Basd (died yrO),
bishop of Cfesarea in Oappadocia. On
his return to his own country after a long
journey through Egypt, Palestine and
Mesopotamia — made that he might collect
the experience of monks and solitaries
living under many different rules — Basil,
still thirsting for the perfect life in which
self should be subdued and union with
Christ attained, withdrew into a desert
region of Pontus, where his mother
Emelia and his sister Macrina had already
established monasteries, and laid the
foundation of the great order which bears
his name. To those who placed them-
selves under his direction he gave two
rules, the Great and the Little — the for-
mer containing fifty-five, the latter thi-ee
hundred and thirteen articles. This 1 wo-
fold rule became so famous and p(q)ular
in the East as to sujiplant all others ; and
at this day it alone is recognised and fol-
74
BASILICA
BASILICA
lowed by the monks of tlie Greek Church. I
The order never penetrated into France or
Eiip-hmd ; hni in southern Itah' there j
wereniiuiy Hasilian convents in existence,
even hetore the time of St. Benedict, who |
regarded both the rule and its author with
great veneration, and a | pears to have had
it before him when framing his own rule.
In Russia, the first missionaries to which
were (^reek monks, the Basilian order re-
ceived an immense development. Nearly [
all of them have, since the division of the 1
ninth century, adhered to the Photian
schism ; there are, however, in Austrian
Poland and Hungary several communities
of Basilian monks which are in com-
munion with Rome ; the monks of these
call themselves Ruthenians. In Spain
there were several Basilian monasteries,
reformed and unreformed, up to the date
of the suppression in 1835. The habit of
the Basilians is scarcely to be distinguished
from that of the Benedictines. Nearly
all the convents of Basilian nuns, founded
by St. Macrina, like those of the monks,
have embraced the l""astern schism.
(Helyot, " Ordres Monastiques.") '
BASZIiZCA {^aa-iKiKT)). This name
began to be applied to Christian churches
about the beginning of the fourth century.
The earlier expressions were " house of
prayer " (o?ko9 wpocr(VKTijpios), " oratory "
(TTfjoa-evKTripLov), and " Lord's house "
{KvpiaKov, dominicum), besides the loosely-
employed term " ecclesia."
It has been commonly held that the
ancient Roman basilicas (large halls, like
the "Basilica Portia" built by Cato about
180 B.C., used for the purposes of justice
or commerce) passed in considerable num-
bers into Christian hands, after the con-
version of Constantine, and were used for
Christian worship ; that new churches were
built after the model of these, and that the
name " basilica " was naturally applied to
buildings of either class. Closer investiga-
tion has furnished grounds for a somewhat
different view. In a learned paper contri-
buted by Prof. Kraus of Freiburg to the
" R. Encykl. d. christl. Alterth." the follow-
ing conclusions are given, as, in the opinion
of the writer, solidly established by the
evidence. ( 1 ) All that the Romans meant
by " basilica " was a fine, stately, splendid
building ; no notion of what was kingly or
'princely connected itself in their minds
with the term. (2) Christian congrega-
tions used buildings or rooms set apart for
1 There is at present (1891) a Basilian
house, the College of St. Mary Immaculate, at
Plymouth.
divine worship, from the first. (3) Before
the time of Constantine, these were, at
Rome, ordinary chanibei sin |ii i\ !tte houses,
the triclinia, or other lai >i>' niciiis ui the
dwellings of the wealthy, and, specially,
the private basilicas of Roman palaces.
Such a basilica is mentioned in the Cle-
mentine " Recognitions " (a work wh ch,
apart from all question as to its genuii;e-
ness, is certainly of a date not later than
the third century) as having formed part
of the mansion of Theophilus, a wealthy
citizen of Antioch, even in the Apostolic
age, and been used by the Christians as a
church. (4) The form of these private
basilicas probably Lore a considerable re-
semblance to that of the pre-Augustan
forensic basilicas, such as the Portian basi-
lica already noticed; this point, however, is
not at present determined with absolute
certainty. (5) It is not probable that,
apart from the chambers or halls and
private basilicas above mentioned, the
Christians of the pre-Nicene period pos-
sessed, at least in Rome, any churches
properly so called within the city. (6)
Besides the private basilicas, sepulchral
buildings were used for Christian worship
in the period referred to — exceptionally,
and in times of persecution, those under
ground (Catacombs); regularly, the "Me-
mories" and Cells of Martyrs built above
ground. Both parts of this proposition
can be proved by abundant evidence.
(7) The Christian basilica of the age of
Constantine is not a simple adaptation or
imitation of the forensic basilica of the
preceding period. For the forensic basilica
appears to have had no one determiiuite
shape; sometimes it had an apse, some-
times not, and it was entered either from
one end or from the side — whereas the
Christian basilica, faithful to the form of
the crypt, or "Memory," of the earlier
time, had always an apse, and was always
entered from the end opposite the apse.
At the same time, the forensic basilica,
with its constant in^emaZ feature of a space
divided by rows of columns into three
aisles — a form very suitable to the needs
of a large congregation — was certainly not
overlooked by Christian architects. (8)
The final conclusion is that the Christian
basilica of the age of Constantine arose
out of the combination of two factors — one
the sepulchral " Cella," terminating in one
or three apses ; the other, the great three-
i aisled hall, so familiar to Roman eyes,
whether in the forensic or in the private
I basilicas.
The origin of the Christian basilica
BASILIDIANS
haying been considered, it remains to show
what were its parts, structural features,
and arrangements for wor^hij). .Vs a
general rule, it was hiiilt in an cast and
west direction, the altar or table being
sometimes at one end, .-.(uiit l inies at the
other. It was UMiallv Minnunded by
an outer wall. Through a ]iortico or
colonnade, forming a ve>tibulc', admission
was obtained into a quadrant: (i/friian),
round which ran an arcade, si ]iarated by
a low partition from the enclosed space
(m-ea), which was open to the air. In
tlu' middle of the "area" was the "can-
thanis," or water-basin, where the faith-
ful washed their faces and hands before
entering the church. The right-hand
arcade was for men; that on the left,
for A\-omen ; here penitents must remain
during the service ; those, however, whose
ofl'ences were of a very heinous ty])c ^\rvi'
excluded even from the>f, and bad to
stand in the open area. (Jn the o])p()site
side of the atrium was an oblong hall,
formed by rows of pillars, which was
sometimes called the "narthejc" or
" ferula." Passing through this, the wor-
ship])fr ent.'i-ed tlif church bv a door which
was callc.l tlic IVautifui ( iate." He
found hini-i If in a iia\r (rnof) with two
t)ankiiigai.-lc>(li-,,ni « hadnt wass<:>])arated
by pillar>), Imt without a traiisejit ; as he
firoceeded, lie came upon the " ambo "
see that article] ; beyond which were
the " cancelli," or rails, parting off" the
choir — which was for the clergy — from
the rest of the church. At the end of
all was the semicircular vaulted apse [see
Apse], with the bishop's chair in the
centre, and seats for the clergy on either
hand ; just in front of the apse was the
altar or table. Dui-ingthe divine worship,
the men occupied the south, the women
the north, aisle ; the space between was
left free.
At Rome thirteen churches still retain
the name of " basilicas " — five larger, and
eight smaller. Those of the foriiier class
are 8t. Petei's, St. .John Lateran, St. Mary
Major, St. Paul ^^■ithout the Walls, and
St. Lawrence. Among the smaller basili-
cas, San Clemente (beneath which an
older church was discovered in 1858 by
the Irish Dominican, Father MuUooly),
Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, Santa Sabi-
na, and San Sebastiano, are of great interest
and beauty. (Kraus, " Real-Encyklo-
padie." Platner, " Beschreibung der Stadt
Rom," 1829, vol. i. p. 417.)
BASZx.xsxA.irs. [See Gnosticism.]
BA.SX.X:, coVN-gzx OF. The schism
BASLE, COrXClL OF 75
! in the Papacy, iirab'd with ditliculty at
the Council of Constance t iirougii ' t he
election of Martin produced in the
fifteenth century a prevalent sentiment
that the most ellectiial safeguard against
the recurrence oi' so tcrril)lc an evil lay in
the frequent assmiblagc of general coun-
cils. It was ])7-o\ idcd accorilinglv, bv one
of the decree,- of (.'on-nince (1414 1418),
that a geneial couned should in future
be held every li\t' years. Martin Y., in
pursuance of the decree, convoked a
council for 1423, to meet at Pavia ; but
various difficulties arose, and it was finally
an-anged that Basle should be the place
of meeting, and the time, July 1431.
Martin also named Cardinal Julian
Cesarini papal legate and president of the
assembly. But before the day of meeting
the Pope died; and a doubt as to the
int ent i<uis of his successorinfluencedmany
bishops, so that there was but a slender
gathering at the formal opening of the
council. Cesarini, however who had
himself been absent on the opening day,
having been sent into Bohemia to endea-
vour to efi'ect a reconciliation with the
Hussites, sent out messengers and letters
in all directions ; and soon a great number
of French and Geniian bishops — most ot
whom sincerely desired to carry out a real
reformation, both " in the head and the
members " of the Church — was assembled
at Basle. The new Pope, Eugenius IV.,
was deeply impressed with the importance
of taking advantage of the humiliation of
the Eastern Empire (which, owing to the
encroachments of the Ottoman power,
was now reduced to a small district round
Constantinople) to open negotiations —
earnestly desired by the Greeks them.selves
— for the healing of the Photian schism,
and reunion of the East and West. The
joint council which would be necessary
for this pui-pose could not, the Pope saw,
be held at Basle, because the Greeks
would never consent to cross the Alps.
Again, the Hussites in Bohemia having
recently gained some important military
successes, the Pope considered that bishojis
could not safely proceed to a city which
seemed, in Italian eyes, to be within the
reach of the di-eaded Procopius. Other
special objections were alleged in the bull,
which transferred the council to Bologna.
The bishops at Basle, headed by Cesarini —
who wrote to the Pope, endeavom-ing to
show that the particular reasons alleged
for the transfer were founded on mistake,
or had little weight — vehemently opposed
the removal of the council, and continued
7U BASLE, COUNCIL OF
their sittings. They came chiefly from
France and Gemianv ; Italy, England,
and Spain, furnished each a very slender
contingent. The number present, even
at the most important sessions, does not
appear to have exceeded fifty. According
to the relative importance which good
men might attach to the project of re-
union with the Greeks or to the reform of
. rcloia.-tical abuses, they might honestly
pi i'tV-r a city south or north of the Alps
as the place of meeting for the council.
The general opinion, however, seems to
have been at this time in favour of Basle.
The Pope himself, finding in 1432 that he
could not bring over the Emperor Sigis-
mund to his opinion, began to waver, and
sent a legate, Christopher, Bishop of
Cervia, to Basle with authority to nego-
tiate with the council on the question.
By February in the following year, he
had come to the conclusion that it was
expedient to yield still further; a bull
iip])eared, explaining the reasons why the
I'lipe had hitherto objected to Basle, and
the considerations which now induced him
to witiidraw his opposition and send
legates to tlic council. This he did ; but
his Ifgiitcs, who were to agree to the dis-
cussion only of certain subjects prescribed
by the Pope, w^ere ill received at the
council. Several other decrees and bulls
wfie issued on one side and on the other
in this controversy; at last, in February
1 4.S4, a letter from the Pope was read at
the council, with the terms of which they
declared themselves satisfied, and they
admitted the papal legates.' But before
long a breach occurred, which proved to
lie irreparable. At its twenty-first session
(June 1435) the council adopted a decree
for the reform of the Roman Chancery —
abolishing first-fruits, cutting down fees,
and regulating official charges and per-
quisites. The Pope might well complain
that a measure so important had been
adopted without previous consultation
with him. He refused his sanction, and
the council launched an angry decree
against him. Meantime the Eastern em-
peror, John Palaeologus, had been in ne-
gotiation both with the Pope and the
council on the subject of the proposed re-
union of East and West ; one consequence
of which, the Emperor fondly hoped,
1 A consideration of these dates shows how
unfounded is the view of Gil)l)on {Decline and
Fall. ch. Ixvi.) that the revolt of the Konians
against the Pope, and his consc(|iient Hinht —
an event which happened in May 1484 — com-
pelled Eugeuius to make a humiliating subniis-
«on to the CounciL
BASLE, COUNCIL OF
would be the efleetive armed intervention
of Western Europe to roll back the tide
of Ottoman invasion. A synod can seldom
hold its own with a single ruler in such
transactions ; moreover, the envoys of the
council were empowered to propose to
the Emperor and the Greeks no place of
meeting more acceptable than Avignon,
to which Ferrara, ofi"ered by the Pope,
would appear to them infinitely preferable.
A division hereupon sprang up in the
council itself, the minority — among whom
was the excellent and able Nicholas of
Cusa, a theologian from Coblentz — voting
for the removal of the council to Italy,
while the majority were in favour of
Avignon. In October 1437, Eugenius
published a bull in which he formally
transferred the council from Basle to
Fen-ara ; and although, at the first ses-
sion held in the last-named city, in Janu-
ary 1438, the number in attendance was
scanty, the Papal influence gradually as-
serted its ascendency, and defections from
the coiincil at Basle began to be of fre-
quent occurrence. In his famous work,
written some years before, " Concordantia
Catholica," Nicholas of Cusa had said,
" Where there is no true oecumenical
council, the most certain synod is that in
which the Pope is found ; " and agreeably
to this maxim, Nicholas himself now
abandoned the cause of the council, and
repaired to Ferrara. From the time of
the publication of thebull of October 1437,
the acts of the Council of Basle are con-
sidered as of no authority. Before that
date, in the years between 1431 and
143H, their most meritorious and success-
ful work was the pacification of the
Hussites, whom they succeeded to a great
extent in 7'econciling to the Church, by
conceding the demand of the more mode-
rate party— the Utraquists — for com-
munion under both species.
The recalcitrants at Basle, headed now
by the Cardinal of Aries, exasperated by
the desertions from their ranks and the
growing influence of the Council of Ferra-
ra, proceeded to extreme measiu-es. They
erected into a universal axiom that theory
of the subjection of Popes to General
Councils which, as enunciated by the
Council of Constance, had been a parti-
cular proposition, refei-ring only to one
Pope and a special complex of circum-
stances. Next (May 14.")9), they pretended
to depose Eugenius, in whose stead they
chose Aniadeus of Savoy. This anti-pope
took the title of Felix V. But he was
I feebly supported, and after playing his
BEARD, CLERICAL
BEATIFIC VISION
77
miserable part for five years, abdicated in '
April 1445. At the same time, the Council
of Basle, which, after lingering on for ,
several years in almost entire obscurity,
had transferred its sittings to Lausanne,
gave a last sign of life by recognising the
pontificate of Nicholas V. Nothing more
is heard of them aftenvards.
Bsa.HS,cx.z:RZCAX.. In the earliest
times the shaving of the hair on the face
was considered efl'eminate (Clem. Al.
" Pffidagog." iii. 11), and the board was
worn by clergy and laity alilie. Early,
however, in the middle ages, ecclesiastics
in the West shaved otf the beard (Bede,
"H.E." iv. 14), and this custom furnished
Photius, in 867, with the grouiul for one
of the reproaches which he made against
the Latins. Pope Gregory TIL required
the Archbishop of Cngliari and his clergy !
to shave, and from the twelfth century |
onwards, all through the middle ages,
synods were constantly enforcing the rule,
" Clerici barbam ne nutriant.'" In the j
middle of the sixteenth century the cleri- j
cal beard again came into fashion, and |
the beard is seen on the portraits of the
Popes from Paul III. to Innocent XII.
Synods now simply required that the
beard should not be too long. At the j
end of the seventeenth century fashion !
changed again, under French influence,
and when some of the Bavarian priests
began to wear the beard, Pius IX., in a
brief dated 1863, commissioned the Nun-
cio at Munich to see that the bishojis put ■
a stop to the innovation. This rule, of
course, does not apply to an order like ;
that of the Capuchins, with whom the
beard is no novelty. (Talhofer, in the
new edition of the " Kirchenlexikon.")
BEATIFIC VISIOM-. The sight of
God face to face, which constitutes the '
essential bliss of angels and men. The
Council of Florence defines that the
" souls iif those who after receiving bap-
tism lia\ (■ incurred no stain of sin what-
soever, or who after incurring such stain
have been purified, in the body or out of }
the body, .... are at once received into |
heaven and clearly see God Himself as
lie is, in three Persons and one sub- !
stance, some, however, more perfectly
than others, according to the diversity of
their merits." "
Many passages of Scripture speak of
this vision as the reward of the just.
" When He shall appear," St. John says,
" we shall be like to Him, because we ,
shall see Him as He is." Similarly,
1 Deci et. unionii. i
St. Paul contrasts the seeing through a
glass in an obscure manner with that
vision " face to face " which is reserved
for the life to come.' Petavius adduces a
multitude of patristic testimonies on this
point, and explains passages from other
Fathers who seem to affirm the absolute
impossibility of seeing God as He is. At
the same time, he confesses frankly that
some ancient Catholic writers >poke am-
biguously and others erroneously with
regard to the vision of God. They had a
difficulty in supposing it possible even
for the blessed to behold the divine
essence.
It is with the eyes of the soul, not
with the bodily eyes, that God is seen.
This follows from the very fact that God
is incorporeal. Nor can any created
intellect in its own strength or by the
force of its nature enjoy the beatific vision,
for there is no proportion between the
divine nature and any created intelligence.
In order that the blessed may see Him,
God infuses a supernatural quality which
elevates and perfects tlu^ intellect and
makes it capable of the beatific vision.
Just as the natural eye, in order that it
may see, requires first the presence of the
object, and then light, in order that the
image of the object may be received, so
the intellect, in order to see God, re-
qnirrs not only the proximity of the divine
c.-si iici', liut alxi an interior disposition
by wliich it is elevated to an act above
its natural powers.* The schoolmen fitly
call this quality in the intellect of the
blessed the " light of glory," a term
which occurs in the Fathers — e.g. in St.
Augustine, though not in the same definite
seuM>. The Council of Vienne adopted
the t'xpre^>ion in its condemnation of the
error "that the soul does not need the
light of glory, which elevates the soul so
that it beholds God and enjoys Him in
bliss." The word "light" is of course a
mere metaphor, for the light of glory is
immaterial. Nor is it anything outside
the intellect, or again an object which the
intellect perceives. It is in the intellect
and enables it to see God.
By the ordinary law of God, this
vision is not given in the flesh, since no
man can see God's face and liA e, although
great authorities maintain that it has
been bestowed in exceptional cases even
during this life. St. Thomas, for instance,
maintains that Closes and St . Paul enjoyed
the beatific vision before their death,
1 1 John iii. 2 ; 1 Cor. xiii. 12.
2 St. Thorn, i. 12, 5.
78
BEATIFIC VISION
BEATITUDE
though the gift was not a permanent one.
On the other hand, it was a question long
discussed in the Church, whether the
paints saw God fact^ to face before the day
of judgment. The Council of Florence,
quoted above, closed the controversy, and
this definition is the true developnunit of
patristic teaching. From the first it was
held that martyrdom, as the perfect purga-
tion of the soul, admits to the immediate
possession of glory, a tenet which logically
involves the belief that heaven since
Christ's ascension has been opened to all
who are fitted by perfect purity for the
vision of God. St. Gregory ' places the
difi'erenee between the saints of the Old
and New Testaments in this very point,
that whereas the former had to wait for
the vision of God till Christ's descent into
limbo, the latter, when "their earthly
house of this habitation is dissolved," have
a "house not made with hands, eteriuil in
the heavens." The words of the council,
with which we began, explain what it is
that the beatific vision implies. The saints
and angels see God — i.e. His essence, His
attributes, and the three Persons of the
Trinity. Further, seeing God, they see
creatures in Him, who is the supreme
cause, in whom all things live and move
and exist. The saints do not, indeed,
know all that God can do, because even
to the blessed He remains in a certain
sense incomprehensible, and it is one
thing to see an object before us, quite
another to know that object in the utmost
extent to which it can be known. Such
perfect comprehension of the divine nature
belongs to God Himself, and cannot be
communicated to any creature. But the
saints see in God all the facts concerning
creatures which it is suitable for them to
know. They have, for example, a special
knowledge of those who are placed under
their patronage; they are aware when
souls on earth implore their prayers; they
are acquainted with the best means of
helping their clients. The most plausible
objection which is made to the invocation
of the saints falls to the ground if this
point, which St. Augustine sets forth with
great fulness, is well understood. We
ask the saints to pray for us, not because
we believe them omniscient or omni-
present, but because, seeing God, they see
in Him all that He wishes them to see.
Lastly, though all the bl.-^s,..l s,.,. God,
they do so with dilfcrent .-i _ ■ -i.. ,it' per-
fection. The vision of (i.i.l ihr iv\s ard
of merit, and as (iod repays exery man
» Petav. IJe Deo, vii.' 1.3.
according to his works, as the crown pro-
mised in heaven is a crown of justice,
therefore the vision of God cannot be
given in precisely the same manner to all.
This truth was denied by Jovinian in
ancient, by Luther in modem, times, and
the anathema of the Council of Trent —
sess. vi. cap. 16, can. 32 — is directed
against the latter. (See Petavius, " De
Deo," lib. vii.)
BEATirxcATZOW. [See CixoNi-
SATION.]
BBATXTVDE, or bliss, is defined by
St. Thomas as that perfect good which
completely appeases and satisfies the appe-
tite.^ God alone can constitute man's per-
fect bliss, for man's will seeks the fulness
of all good, and this cannot be found e.\-
cept in God. Had man been left without
grace, then he would have found his natu-
ral beatitude in knowing God most per-
fectly as the author of nature, and in
adhering to Him by natural love, sweetly
and constantly.- He would have at-
tained thishappiuess, after passingsucces.s-
fully through his probation in this mortal
life. As it is, man has been raised to a
supernatural state, and his bliss consists
in God, seen face to face in the heavenly
country. [See Beatific Vision.]
So far all the Catholic theologians are
at one. All admit that God is man's last
end and that he attains this end through
the l)eatific vision. But if we que.stion
theologians more closely and wish to know
the precise manner in which the blessed
reach perfect hap])iness, various answers
are given, of which tliree may be rejjeated
hei'e. The Thomists, following apparently
the clear teaching of their master,-' place
the essential hap])iness of the blessed
{beatitudo formalis) in the act of the in-
tellect by which the saints see God as He
is. They argue that while the will is an
appetite which tends to its object and
rests in it, it is by the intellect that an im-
material object actually becomes present
to the soul. Thus while the will of the
blessed rests in God, it is the intellect
which actually apprehends, acquires and
possesses Him. The delight which the
will takes in good attained does not con-
stitute the possession of this good, but
presupposes it. The Thomists allege fur-
ther that the intellect is the nolilest of the
faculties, and that the bliss of man must
consist in the exercise of this power.^
1 Sep l"! 2«, 2, S.
2 Billuart, De Grnt. Diss. ii. 1.
3 See 4. -2.
* liilluait, De Ultimo Fine, Diss. ii. 2.
BEATITUDES, THE EIGHT
BEGUINES AND BEGIL\KDS 79
Here, we may add, they make a legiti-
■mate application of Aristotle's principles.
■''That wbieli is proper to each by nature,"
says this philosopher,' "is best and sweet-
est for each ; sweetest, then, for man is
the intellectual life (6 Kara rbv vovv
^ios), since this [_i.e. reason] chiefly con-
stitutes man. Such a life, therefore,
is most happy." St. Basil, St. Cyril
•of Alexandria, and St. Augustine (con-
sciously or unconsciously) made a similar
application of the Aristotelian princi-
ple.^
The second opinion is that of Scotus,
which places beatitude in the act of the
■will by which it loves God with the love
•of friendship; a third, that of fevciril
Jesuit theologians, who make it rmisi-t ii;
the e.\ei'cise of intellect ami w ill vmi-
bined. It is scarcely necr>-ary to >ay
that the Tliomists only j)la< r thf o-fnc-'
•or spring of beatitude in ihr \ dt
God by the intellect. Ili'iicr How the
full satisfaction of the will, tlu' liaiJpy
necessity of lovino- God, the luiowlrdi^c
■which the saints have that then- lia])])i-
ness is eternal. After the reMin-fit mn
this bliss will overflow into the liody, lie-
stowing upon it the four gifts of i>/,j>'issi-
bility, subtleti/ (by which it will ))(• aMc to
penetrate other bodies, as the rl^en (_'lu i>t
penetrated the closed duors), cK/ilitij
(which will make it capable of the swiftest
motion), darity (through which it will
become luminous or transjiarent).
BEATZTUBES, THE EIGHT. The
blessiiiii> iininiiuuced Ijy our Lord at the
beginniiii: of the .Serimin on the Mount
•(Matt. \. .-3-10). In the so-called Sermon
on the Plain (Luke vi. only four
•are enumerated. \'arious reasons are
eiven by the Fathers for this ditl'erence
•(see St. Thomas, 1« qu. Ixix. a. 3).
BECVZirES and BEGHARSS. The
Bdguiues of Handers are an interesting
and ancient foundation. An attempt, in-
deed, was madeinthe seventeenth century
to trace their origin to St. Begg:,, the
mother of Pepin of Herstal, who flour-
ished about A.D. 700; but in the judg-
ment of Ilefele ^ the attempt failed. That
they can be traced back to the twelfth
centui-y, and are consequently older than
either the Franciscans or Dominicans, is
unquestionable. The scandals caused by
the conduct of a dissolute Bishop of
Liege, about 1180, aroused the zeal of a
holy priest of the diocese, Lambert le
I Eih. Nicnm. x. 7.
» Petav. De Deo, vii. 8.
" Art. "Beghines " in VVcUcr and Welte.
Beghe, who spent his fortune in founding
an institution at Liege for widows and
single women desirous to consecrate their
lives to God, and opened it in 1184.
The associates calledtheniseh es 15egliines,
corrupted to Beguines, after their founder,
and the name of Ijeuinnai:'' \va> given to
the abode, or rather grcnip of aliodes, in
which they lived. For the lir^uiiiiiaL;.'. re-
sembling in this respect tlieaiu iei,t imird,
is not a convent, but a collect ion of Mnall
houses (each inlialiited Ijy om- or two
Beguines, who do 1 heir ow n housekeeping),
surrounded Ijy u wall, and with a cha))el
in tlie centre. ThelJeguines do not take
])' r]ietual \ows, nor do they renounce
]iri\ all- projierty : they can leave theasso-
ciation wheue\er they desire it, and re-
claim the capital which they may have
contriliuted to it. But each Beguine on
admission to the habit makes a vow, in the
jirer-eiice of the Cure who has the s])iritual
charge of the community, of obedience
and chastity so long as >he remains in the
lieguinage. They eni])loy theniseU es, ac-
cording to tlie strength or capacity of the
several members, in educational work
( including large Sunday-schools for girls)
and corporal works of mercy of various
kinds, besides taking part in the di\ ine
othce. Some of their communities in the
fourteenth century fell into the eiTor of
the Fraticelli, or brethren of the free spirit,
and incurred condemiuition on that ac-
count from the Council of \'ienne (Itill).
At the ]>re-ent day, they are >till lloui isli-
mu 111 ]leli;iiuu, their oi'in'inal seat ; there
are r.e--iiinages at (ihent. Drug.-. Aiit-
werj), Mechlin, and other ])lac.'^. the
great ]5eguinage at (ilidit t her.^ w . i.' in
1857 six iiundred pr.ife.>5.ed 1 ieguiiu'.-, and
two hundred locaiaires — that is, ladies liv-
ing within the enclosure, paying a certain
pension, and to some extent participating
in the religious life of the sisters. There
are Ijc'guinages in Germany, and one was
lately founded at Castelnaudary, in the
south of France, by a zealous priest of
Carcassonne, M. Soubiran-la-Louviere,
which promised to be eminently success-
ful and useful.
The Beghards had no special founder,
but were associations of laymen living
together in imitation of the Beguines.
They first appear in the early part of the
thirteenth century. Heresy and anti-
nomianism made great ravages in their
ranks in the following ag.-, and the sev.:-
rities of which they wen' con,-.>(juenlly
the object caused the gi-eater number to
pass into the third orders of the Mendicant
80
CELLS
BENEDICTINES
fraternities. They were finally suppressed
by Innocent X. in ] 050.
BStliS. Nothing certain is known
as to the date of their introduction, which
has been attributed sometimes to St.
Paulinus of Nola, sometimes to Pope
Sabinian. During- the heathen persecu-
tion it was of course impossible to call
the faithful by any signal which would
have attracted public notice. After Gon-
stantine's time, monastic communities
used to sig-nify the hour of prayer by
blowing a trumpet, or by rapping with
a hammer at the cells of the monks.
Walafrid Strabo, in his celebrated book
on the divine otlices, written about the
middle of the ninth centuiy, speaks of the
use of bells as not very ancient in his
time, and as having been introduced from
Italy. However, we learn from the his-
tory of St. Lupus of Sens that church-
bells were known in France more tlian |
two centuries before Strabo's time.' For
long tlie Eastern Church employed instead
of bells clappers, such as we still um' on
Good Friday, and bells were not known
among the Orientals till the ninth cen- j
tury.'- Even then their use cannot have
become universal among them, for Fleury 1
mentions the ringing of church-bells us
one of the customs which the ^laroniti's
adopted from the Latins on their reunion
with the Cathohc Church in 1183.^ The
classical words for bell are, Kd>8o}v and
tintinnahulum. From the seventh cen-
tury onwards, we find the names ccanpana
(from the Campanian metal of which they
were often made), nola (from the town
where their use is said to have been intro-
duced), and cloccce * (French cloche).
Originally church bells were compara-
tively small. Large ones of cast metal
first appear in the eleventh and twelfth
centuries; those of the greatest size in
the fifteenth. In the tenth century the
custom began of giving bells names.*
Before the Church sets aside bells for
sacred she blesses them with solemn cere-
monies. The form prescribed in the
Pontifical is headed " the blessing of a
bell," though it is popularly called "the
baptism of a bell," a title by which the
office is mentioned as early as the eleventh
century.* The bishop washes the bell
with blessed water, signs it with the oil
» Fleury, Hist, xlviii. 42.
2 Kraus, Kirchengeschichte, p. 172.
S Ixxiii. 46.
•» First occurs in Bonifacius, Ep. 134 ; per-
haps from the old German chlachan =frangi.
Kraus. p. 288.
5 Kraus, /«c. cit. » Fleury, lix. 20.
of the sick outside, and with chrism inside,
and lastly places under it the thurible
with burning incense. He prays re-
peatedly that the sound of the bell may
avail to summon the faithful, to excite
their devotion, to drive away storms, and
to terrify evil spirits. This power of
course is due to the blessings and prayers
of the Church, not to any efiicacy super-
stitiously attributed to the bell itself.
Thus consecrated, bells become spiritual
things, and cannot be rung without the
consent of the ecclesiastical authorities.
Hitherto, we have been treating of the
large church-bell. Small bells are also
used during Mass, and are rung by the
server at the Sanctus and at the Eleva-
tion. The object of this rite is to excite
the attention and devotion of the faithful.
The practice of ringing the bell at the
Elevation was introduced after the custom
of elevating the Host [see Elevation]
had become common in the Church. The-
Elevation-bell is mentioned by William
of I'aris. In England it is the custom to
ring the bell also as the priest spreads his
hands over the Host and chalice before
the consecration, and at the Domine, non
sum dii/'iNs, before the priest's commu-
nion. 'Phis bell is not rung when Mass is
^aiil liil'iirr the Blessed Sacrament exposed,
nor a>:ain in the private chapel of the
Apostolic Palace if the Pope says or
hears :Ma^s.'
BESIESZCAMVS DOMZITO, i.e.
"Let us bless the Lord," a form used in
the breviary at the end of each hour ex-
cept matins, and at the end of Mass in-
stead of Ite, 3lissa est on days Avhen the
Gloria in e.vcelsis is not said. "N'arious
reasons are given for the use of J!<ne-
dicamus Domino for the usual Ite, Missa
est. Cardinal Bona thinks that the Ite,
Missa est was omitted first of all during
penitential seasons, such as Advent and
Lent, because then the people did not im-
mediately leave the church, but waited
for the recitation of the hours, and that
gi-aduaUy the Benedicamus Domino came
to be used in ferial Masses generally. In
Masses for the dead, Ilequiescant in pace
took the place of the Ite, Mis-m est, per-
haps because the people often had to
remain for the funeral rites. (Benedict
XIV. "De Miss." 11, 24.)
BSlffEBZCTZSrES. The patriarch
of monks in the West, St. Benedict,
having first established his order at
Subiaco, removed it to Monte Cassino, on
which Apollo was in those days stiU
1 Benedict XIV. De Miss. ii. 11, 19 '; 16, 31.
BENEDICTINES
BENEDICTINES 81
•worshipped, in 529. The rule which he
compiled for his monks was regarded as
frauo:ht with sincfular wisdom, and dic-
tated by a marvellous insight into human
nature, neither prescribing to aU an
asceticism only possible to a few, nor
erring on the side of laxity. It regulated
with great minuteness the mode of cele- j
brating the divine office at the canonical 1
lii>ur#; and, eschewing all idleness, ordered
that the monks, when not employed in
the divine praises, or in taking necessary
food and rest, should engage themselves
in useful works, either manual labour, or
study, or copying books, or teaching.
Every monastery was to have a library,
and every monk was to possess a pen and
tablets. The clothing, of which the pre-
vailing colour was black, was to vary in
material and warmth at the discretion of
the abbots, according to the exigencies of
different climates and circumstances. The
abstinence from meat enjoined by the
rule (except in the case of the sick) is
perpetual ; but there is some doubt
whether the prohibition was meant to ex-
tend to poultry and winged game, as well
as the tlesh of four-footed animals. A
singular clause in the rule, and one which
was fruitful in results, was that which
ordered that all persons whatever, with-
out distinction of age, rank, or calling, '
should be admissible to the order of St. j
Benedict. If parents offered a son to the
service of God in a monaster}^, even if he
were but a boy of five years old, the
monks were to receive and take full
charge of him. Thus our own Beda was
given over when only seven years old to
the monks at Wearmouth and Jarrow,
and the good Orderic, the historian of
Normandy, was committed by his father
in his tenth year to the kind hands of the
monks of St. Evroult, and saw his native
land no more. Out of this practice of
offering young boys to the monasteries a
great system of monastic schools naturally
arose.
St. Maur, a disciple of St. Benedict,
founded the first Benedictine monastery
in France, in his master's lifetime, at
Glanfeuil, near Angers. In Spain they
were introduced about 633. "We in
England have special caaise to be grateful
to the Benedictine order, for it was by it
that Christianity was first taught to our
Saxon forefathers. The monastery on
Monte Cassino was destroyed by the Lom-
bards towards the end of the sixth cen-
tury, but the monks took refuge at Rome,
where Pope Gregory gave them St.
Andrew's Church. The Benedictine
abbot of St. Andrew's was the person
chosen by the Pope to head the mission
which he sent to the Court of Ethelbert,
and he will be remembered through all
time as St. Augustin, the Apostle of
England. Benedictine monks from Eng-
land—St. Willibrord (699) and St. Boni-
face (750) — introduced Christianity in
the Low Countries and the Rhineland.
Volumes might be -RTitten on the mani-
fold services which the German Benedic-
tines, going forth from the tomb of St.
Boniface at Fulda, and settling themselves
down as welcome guests at numberless
points in the forests which then covered
the Teutonic land, rendered to their halt-
savage country men, accustoming them by
degrees to the restraints of religion and
law, and training and cultivating both
the land and the people. But all human
institutions are liable to change, and even
this famous order, chiefly through the
intrusion of ambitious laymen into the
office of abbot, witnessed before the end
of the eighth century a great decline of
monastic virtue. St. Benedict of Anian
then appeared as a reformer and re?torer.
So, when the fierce Danish and Norman
barbarians in the ninth and tenth cen-
turies had destroyed many monasteries in
France and England, and murdered great
numbers of monks, while those who were
spared lived with little regularity, the
reformation of Cluny by St. Peter the
Venerable, and tliat earned on by our
own St. Dunstan in England, caused the
old life, in its lovely peace and fruitful-
ness, to flourish again. It is said that, a
calculation being made in the first half of
the fourteenth century, it was found that
up to that time twenty-four Popes, two
hundred cardinals, seven thousand arch-
bishops, fifteen thousand bishops, and a
still greater number of saints, had been
given to the Church by the Benedictine
order.
In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
many relaxations and corruptions crept
into the Benedictine mona steries in various
parts of Europe. In France the reaction
against these led to the foundation of the
reformed congregation of St. Vanne, in
which the rigid observance of the rule
was revived (1550) ; and out of this pro-
ceeded the yet more celebrated congrega-
tion of St. Maur (1618), to which a great
number of French monasteries adhered.
This congregation, by its colossal patristic
and historical labours, directed by such
men as Mabillon, Martene, Ruinart,
82 BENEDICTINES
BENEDICTINES
Rivet, and D'Ach6ry, rendered incalcul-
able services to the learned world. Two
such works as the "France Litteraire" and
the"Recueil des Historiens," if they had
accomplished nothing else, would entitle
the congregation to the gratitude of all
men of letters. At the Revolution the
order was entirely suppressed in France.
In the present century it has again taken
root, and begun to bear fruit of the old
kind ; witness the new foundation at So-
lesmes, the residence of the pious and
gifted I)om GntSranger ; the community at
Pierre-qui-Vire (founded by the Pere
Muard, who died in 1854); and the
Benedictine nunneries of Pradines and
Flavigny. In S])ain and Germany also
the oidri- su])pressed during the re-
volui li ouliles: in the former coun-
try It li:is nut yet been re-introduced; in
Germany it has reappeared at Munich.
In England, at the dissolution, there
were one hundred and eighty-six Bene-
dictine abljeys, priories, and nunneries,
the revcnuesof which appear in tlie ""\'alor
Ecclesiiisticus,"and about a hundred otlier
cells and jiriories of less importance,
besides those jjreviously suppressed by
Wolsey (twenty-nine, of which the
majority were Benedictine) and the
"alien" priories— that is, those which
were cells of foreign abbeys. All these
were sup])ressed, with what ruinous
results to education, art, and learning,
all the world knows. Dom Feckenham,
the last abbot of Westminster, made a
noljlc >]i'rrli in the House of Lords
against tlic cliange of religion in the first
year of I'^lizabetli ; it may be read in the
Smiirrs Tracts. Fecki'nham was thrown
into ](i-isi)ii and kept there for the rest of
liis life. One of his monks, Dom Sigebert
Buckley, after forty years' imprisonment,
died at a gi-eat age in IGIO; before dying
he gave the habit to two Englisli Bi'ue-
dictines who had been prdii ^x il aliroad,
and was thus the luik betwiTn the niunks
of old and those of modern times. For
several generations the English Benedic-
tines were obliged on account of persecu-
tion to have their houses abroad, whence
tliey sent men to the Engli.sh mission.
Mr. Law's *' Calendar of English Martyrs"
(IHT't) contains the names of nine or ten
Bcnrdici nil' niissioners hanged, drawn,
and (iiiartfrrd between 1558 and 1681.
The old titles, abbot of Westminster,
Glastonbury, &c., are still kept up. At
the present time the Benedictines have
ten or eleven houses in England, the chief
of which are Downside, Belmont, and
Ampleforth. The English college at
Douai is also an English Benedictine
monastery. By recent Apostolic Letters
(October 31, 1890) the Benedictine missions
are placed under three abbeys. Downside,
Ampleforth, and Douai, and various
changes are made in the constitutions.
The abbey at Fort Augustus (in Scotland)
is an offshoot from the English province.
There is a monastery at Ramsgate belong-
ing to the Cassinese branch of the order.
An English colony. Western Australia,
furnishes a noble example of the old
civilising and colonising energy of tlie
order. Two Spanish Benedictines, Dom
Serran6 and Dom Serra, driven by the
Revolution from their own country, emi-
grated with Bishop Brady to Perth ; about
live-and-forty years ago they formed a
settlement on the Moore river, sixty miles
to the north of Perth ; where they gathered
the natives round them, learned their lan-
guage, instructed them in the truths of
salvation, and taught them how to till
the ground and to practise many useful
arts. They have changed hundreds of
these wild blacks from barbarous nomads
into civilised. God-fearing, home-loving
men. The name of their colony is New
Nursia. By a special Papal indult, the
head of their abbey is an abbot-bishop, like
St. Columba and his successors at lona.
(H6lyot; "Sketch of the Life and
Mission of St. Benedict," vsrritten for
the fourteenth centenary of the Saint by
a monk of Downside; Taylor's "Index
Monasticus," 1821 ; Cardinal Newman's
" Mission of the Benedictine Oi-der.") ^
1 List of English Benedictine Houses
existing at date of siipprfssion.
Nunneries and cells are inidcated by n and c
respectively.
Bardney (Line.)
Barking' (Essex), n.
Barrow lEsse.K),
c. to Cok-hester
Abbotsbury (Dorset) i
Abin'-'don (Berks.)
St. Alban's (Herts.)
St. Albau's de Pra-
tis, n.
Alcestpr (War\v.),
c. to Evesham
Aldeby iNorf.)
c. U\ Norwich
Anibrosbury, or
Amcsbury
(Wilts), n.
Ankerwyke, near
Wrayslmry
(Bucks.) n.
Arden (York), n,
10. Armathwuite
(Cumb.), n.
Arthinifton {Yk.),w.
Athelney (Som.)
Avecot (Wavw.),
c. to Malvern
Batb (Sojnerset)
Battle (Suss.)
St. Bees (Cumb.)
c. to St. Mary's,
York
20. Belvoir (Line),
c. to St. Alban's
St. Benet Hulme
(xXorf.)
Binhani (Norf.),
c. to St. Alban'a
Birkenhead
(Cbesli.)
Blarkborough
(Norf.), n.
BIyth (Notts.)
Boxgrave (Suss.)
Bradewell (Bucks.)
BENEDICTION, ETC.
BENEDICTION, ETC. 83
BEIffESZCTZOSr OF THE
BZ.ESSEB SACRAMEM-T. A rite
Brewood (Staff.), n.
Bromfield (Salop)
30. Bungay (Suff.), n.
Burnham (York), n,
Burton-on-Trent
(Staff.)
Burj- St. Edmund's
(Suff.)
Canterbury.Christ-
church
Canterbury, St.
Augustine
Canterbury, St.,
Sepulchre, n.
Canyngton (Som.),
n.
Cardigan,
c. to Cliertsey
Car. v,- Xorf.), n.
40. L .Ut ■^l.y (Xorth-
antsi, ((.
Ceme (Dorset)
Chatteris (Cambr.),
n.
Chertsey (Surr.)
Chester, St. Wer-
burgh
Chester, St. Mary,
M.
Cheshunt (Herts.),
Colchester (Essex)
Colne, Earl's
(Essex)
Coquet Isle
(Northumb.),
c. to Tynemouth
to. Coventry (Warw.)
Cowick (Devon.),
c. to Tavistock
Cranbourne (Dors.),
c. to Tewkesbury
Croyland (Line.)
Daunton (Kent), n.
Deeping (Line),
c. to Thorney
Dover (Kent)
Dunster (Som.)
Eastbourne (Sues.),
Evesham (Wor«.)
60. Exeter, S^. Cathe-
rine, n.
Exeter, St. Nicholas
Eye (Suff.).
Eynsham (Oxf.) i
Fame I.
(Northumb.) I
Feversham (Kent) |
Finchale (Durh.)
Flamstead (Herts.),
n.
Folkestone (Kent)
Fosse (Line), n.
70. Frieston (Line.)
Glannach (Angles.)
Glastonbury ( Som.)
Gloucester, St.
Peter
Godstow (Oxf.), n.
Grimsby (Line), n.
Halliwell (Midd.),«.
Hallystone
(Northumb.), n.
Haiidale (York), n.
HatHeia Peveril
(Essex), c. to St.
Alban's
80. Heanwood(Warw.),
Hedingham Cas.
(Essex), n.
Hertford
Hincliinbrook
(Hunts I
Horsham (Noif.)
Hortnn (Dors.),
c. to Sherborne
Hoxne (Suff.),
c. to Nonvich
Hoyland (Lane.)
Hunston (Line.)
Hurley (Berks.),
c.to Westminster
90. Hyde (Hants)
Jarrow (Durh.),
c. to Durham
IckletoiuCaiiil..),».
St. Ives iHuiiUi
Keeling l Yuiki, n.
Kidwelly (Caerm.),
c. to Sherborne
Kilbum (Midd.), n.
Kington (Wilts.), n.
Lamblev
(Northumb.), n.
Langley (Leic), n.
lOO.Leominster (Herf.)
C. to Read ng
Lincoln, St. Mary
Blagd., c. to St.
Mary's, York
Lindisfarne
(Northumb.),
c. to Durham
London, Clerken-
well, n.
London,
St. Helen's, n.
Luffield(Northants)
Lynn (Norf.),
c. to Norwich
Lytham (Lane.)
c. to Durham
Mailing (Kent)
Malvern, Great
(Worc.),c. to
Westminster
lO.Malvern, Little
(Wore), c. to
Worce.ster
Market-Street
(Beds.), n.
Marlow, Little
(Bucks.), n.
Marrick (York), n.
Marsh, Little
(York), n.
which has now become verj' common in
the Catholic Church. The priest takes
the Host from the tabeniach', plares it
in the monstrance, and then puts the
monstrance containing the Host on a
throne above the tabernacle. The priest
then incenses the Blessed Sacrament,
■while the choir (at least in England)
usually sing the "0 8alutaris Ilobtia."'
Meuresley, or
Ivinghoe(Bucks),
Michelnev (Som.)
Mid.llesburgh
(Yorki, c. to
Whitby
Milton Abbas
(Dors.)
Modney, near
Hilgay (Xorf.),
c. to Ramsey
120.Molesby (York), 7i.
Monkton Nun
(York), n.
Monmouth
Morfield (Salop),
c. to Shrewsbury
St. Neot's (Hunts.)
Neasham (Dur.) n.
Newcastle
(Xorthumb.), n.
Norwich, Trinity
Norwich, St. Leo-
nard's, c. to
the last
Oldbury ( Warw.1,
c. to "Pok-sworth
ISO.Oxn^^v iXoitiiants),
c. to Pfter-
borou-h
Pembroke,
c. to St. Alban's
Penwortham
(Lane.)
Pershore (Wore)
Peterborough
(Northauts.)
Pilton (Devon),
c. to Malmesbury
Polesworth
(Warw.), n.
PoUeshoo (Devon)
Ramsay (Hunts.)
Reading (Berks.)
140.Redburn (Herts.)
Bedlingfield (Suff.)
Rochester (Kent)
Romsey (Hants.), w.
Rusper (Suss.), n.
Sandtoft (Linc.),?i.,
c. to St. Mary,
York
Selby (York)
Seton (Cuml).), n.
Shaftesbury (Dors.)
Sheppey (Kent), n.
150.Shrewsbury
Snelleshall (Bucks)
Sopewell (Herts.),?!.
Spalding (Line.)
Stanford (Line),
c. to Durham
Stanford
(Northants.), n.
Stanlev (Glouc),
c. to"St. Peter's
Glouc.
Stratford le Bow
(Midd.), 11.
Stroguil. or Chep-
stow iJIonm.i
Stn.llrv I Oxf. I. II.
leO.Sudburv iSiilf 1,
c.to Westminster
Swaliham ( Cambr. I,
St. Sv
tn lie
I Corn.),
Tavistock (De
Tewkesbury
(Glouc.)
Thetfonl (Nor
Thukhr.llYnr
Thorn. v ((Ann
Tvne.noutli
iNoi
St. All
iffrou
Uske (Moi
.TO.AValdeu, ^
(Essex)
Wallingwells
(Notts.), n.
Wearmouth (Dur.)
c. to Durham
Wenuy (Glam.),
c. to Glouc.
Wetherell (Cumb.)
c. to St. Mary's,
York
Wherwell (Hants.),
)i.
Whitby (York)
Wilberf orce ( Yk.), 7K
Wilton (Wilts.), n.
Winchcombe
(Glouc.)
LSO.Winchester
Winchester, St.
Mary, n.
Winchester, New-
minster
Worcester, St.
Mary
Wroxall (Warw.), n.
Wymondham
(Norf.)
York, St. -Mary's
York, Trinity
York, St. Clement's,
62
84 BENEDICTIONALE
BENEFIT OF CLERGY
Next tte Te Deum, the Litany of the
Blessed Virgin, or some other canticle or
antiphon, is sung, followed by the "Tan-
tuui Ergo," during which the Blessed
Sacrament is again incensed, and the
prayer " Deus, qui nobis," &c., is recited.
Finally, the priest, mantled with the veil,
makes the sign of the cross with the
monstrance over the people. The Congre-
gation of Rites orders this Benediction to
be given in silence; probably to show
thai it is not the earthly, but the Eternal
Priest who in this rite blesses and sanc-
tities His people. If a bishop gives Bene-
diction of the Blessed Sacrament, he makes
the sign of the cross over the people three
times.
The rite is comparatively modem.
Processions and expositions of the Blessed
Sacrament date from the early part of the
fourteenth century, but at first, apparently,
the Host was replaced in the tabernacle,
w-itlu)ut any benediction being given to
the people. "The custom" [of benedic-
tion], says the learned Thiers, in a treatise
on the exposition of the Blessed Sacra-
ment, published in 1673, "appears to me
somewhat novel (assez nouvelle) for I have
found no Ritual or Ceremonial older than
about a hundred years which mentions it."
The same author tells us, that the custom
of singing the "0 SulutarisHostia" ' at the
Elevation in the Mass was introduced by
Loui.-^ XII. of France, a little before his
death, in 1515, at a time when he was
harassed by various enemies. Thiers also
mentions that the Carthusians still main-
tained the custom of replacing the Host,
after exposition, without giving benedic-
tion.'^
BSiTESZcTXOU'AiiX:. A collection
of forms of blessing, compiled for the con-
A (mience of priests, from the Roman Ritual,
I'ontifical, Missal, &c. Such books may
be lawfully published with the approba-
tion of the ordinary, but they possess no
authority in themselves. "Those books
only are to be employed, and those Bene-
dictions only to be given which conform
to the Roman Ritual." (Decree of S.
Coiigr.'g. of Rites, April 7, 1832.)
BBNEFZCE. An ecclesiastical bene-
fice is a pei-petual right, established by the
Church in favour of an ecclesiastical per-
son, of receiving the profits of Church
property, on account of the discharge, by
6uch person, of a spiritual office.
The term had iCs origin in a special use
1 Traite de I'exposition du Saint Sacrement
de I'auiel. iii. ch. 6.
» Ibid. m.7.
of the Latin word beneficium which arose
in the dark ages, and was connected with
the difi'erence between allodial and feudal
property. The aUodial estate of a Teuton
was his absolute, hereditary, freehold pro-
perty, which royal favour had not given,
and royal rapacity seldom dared to de-
prive him of. But a king could reward a
faithful follower by the grant, usually for
life, of lands belonging to the crown ; and
estates so granted were called henejicidj
as being pure emanations of the king's
grace and favour, though it is true that
military service was always an implied
condition of the tenure. As the landed
possessions of the Church increased, usur-
pations of them by unscrupulous laymen
became frequent. The clergy found that,
practically, they had no other defence
against this species of rapine but by
granting portions of Church property to
lay lords, on condition of military service
against those who might disturb them in
the quiet possession of the rest. The
tenure being much the same. Church
lands thus came to be called hmeficia;
and this name was graduallj' transferred
to the beneficial enjoyment of all Church
property, after the lands above descril^ed
had been, with the advent of more peace-
ful times, restored to ecclesiastical
hands.
According to the canonists, six things
are required in a benefice. First, that it
should be estiiblished by episcopal autho-
rity. Secondly, that it should have some
spiritual work annexed to it — thus the
function of an organist, or a verger, being
merely temporal, is incompatible with the
possession of a benefice. Thirdly, that it
should be conferred by an ecclesiastical
person. (Lay patrons are not projierly
said to confer, to present to, a benefice.)
Fourthly, that it should be conferred on
a clerk who has at least received the
tonsure. Fifthly, that it should be for
life. Sixthly, that whoever has the right
of conferring it should not keep it for
himself, but give it to another. Ferraris,
Benefidum.
BEXTEFXT OF CI.ERGV. By this
was originally meant the privilege enjoyed
by persons in holy orders of claiming, if
charged with any felony (unless it were
high treason, or arson), to be tried in the
bishop's instead of the king's court. The
ancient usage was, says Blackstone, " for
the bishop, or ordinary, to demand his
clerks to be remitted out of the king's
courts as soon as they were indicted."
Henry II. endeavoured to do away with
BENEFIT OF CLERGY
BERENGARIUS
85
the exemption, and to subject clerks
charged with felony to the jvirisdiction of
his o^v^l court ; but the reaction in popular
feeling which followed the munler of St.
Thomas a, Becket prevented the realisa-
tion of his intention. After much conflict
between the secular and ecclesiastical
courts, it was settled, in the time of
Henry VI., that a clerk charged with
felony should first be arraigned in the
king's court, after which he might either
plead his benefit of clergy at once, de-
clining thejurisdiction, or, after convict ion,
byway of an-e.^tingjudgment. Originally,
only persons who had the clerical di-ess
and tonsure were entitled to the privilege ;
but a laxer test was gradually accepted,
until it came to be a settled thing that
every prisoner who could read should be
allowed the benefit of clergy, even though
neither ordained nor tonsured. It was
found that too many laymen were thus
let in, and by a statute of 1487 it was
enacted that a layman might not claim
the privilege more than once, and, when
allowed it, he was to be burnt with a hot
iron " on the brawn of the left thumb "
— an effectual, if barbarous, mode of iden-
tification— so that he should not illegally
claim it a second time.
After benefit ofclergy had been claimed
and allowed, the culpz-it was remitted to
the bishop's court, and there tried. An
elaborate procedure was followed, of
which the ordinary result is said to have
been an acquittal. If, however, the tem-
poral courts suiTendered the accused to
the ordinary absque purgatione facienda,
he had to be imprisoned for life.
The later history of benefit of clergy
turns upon a statute of 1576. The govern-
ment of Elizabeth were resolved to take
away all criminal jurisdiction from the
bishops, but the principle of immunity to
the educated classes as compared with the
uneducated was inwoven by so long a
usage into judicial practice, and was so
convenient for the former, that it is easy
to understand why it should not readily
be relinquished. By the statute above
mentioned, it was forbidden to surrender
any prisoner to the ordinary ; but when
benefit of clergy had been allowed, and
burning inflicted in the usual way, the
prisoner was to undergone further punish-
ment— except that the judge might, at his
discretion, order him to be kept in gaol
for any period within a year. Acts were
afterwards passed, allowing Peers, even
though they could not read, to claim
benefit ofclergy, and extending the statute
to female defendants, on their being burnt
and imprisoned for less than a year. But
" those men who could not read, if under
the degree of peerage, were hanged." It
should be understood that not all felonies
were within benefit of clergy. High trea-
son and arson, as already mentioned, were
always excluded from it ; and other crimes,
such as murder, burglary, unnatural crime,
ifcc, were expressly withdrawn from it by
diflerent statutes.
As more and more criminals were
found able to read, the state of the law
was thought to tend too much to laxity.
Acts of 1718 and 1720 provided that any
person convicted who was entitled ti>
benefit of clergy, with consequent burning
and short imprisonment, might be, in
substitution for such burning, &c., sen-
tenced to transportation to America io\-
seven years. Benefit of clergy was finally
abolished in 1827. (Blackstone's "Com-
mentaries," book iv.)
BES^ciaGARZVS. A writer of the
eleventh century, celebrated for having
anticipated the Sacramentariaus of a later
age in assailing the mystery of the Eucha-
rist. He was bom, probably at Tours,
about A.B. 1000, and was about forty years
of age when he was made Archdeacon
of Angers. At this period of his life he
gave vent to the crude and novel theory
on the sacrament of the altar which an
inquisitive intellect, joined to a vain and
unstable character, suggested to him. His
former friends, Adelmann of Liege, and
Hugh, bishop of Langres, wrote to him
letters of earnest remonstrar.c ^ ; but being
at this time supported by the king of
France, Bruno, bishop of Angers, and
other persons of influence, he disregarded
their admonitions. The French king,
Henry I., seeing that a line of German
Popes was apparently firmly fixed in the
chair of Peter, and apprehensive lest the
Papal influence should be used to further
imperial designs against France, is said *
to have meditated the formation of a
Galilean schism, and in pursuance of this
design to have encouraged Berengarius to
resist the authority of Rome. The treatise
in which he set forth his peculiar teaching
has been lately discovered and printed. In
the judgment even of those who would be
most inclined to take a favourable view, - it
is described as "hard, harsh, and obscure."
It is certain that he denied any real or ob-
jective change, any trLUSubstantiatlon of
1 By Gfrorer, on no authority. See art.
" Berengar ' in Herder's Kirchenlex. 2nd ed.
2 Milman, Latin Christiatiity, iii. BOO.
86
BERENGARIUS
BETROTHAL
the bread and wine ; with Erigena he held
that the presence of the body of Christ in
the Sacrament was only real in so far as
it was spiritually conceived, and rejected
the opposite tenet of Paschasius Radbert.
A letter of his to Lanfranc, then Prior
of Bee, refeiTing to these views, found its
way to Rome ; the matter was immedi-
ately taken up, and in a council held at
Rome in 1050, the ancient faith of the
Church was emphatically reasserted, and
the tenets of Berengarius and Erigena
condemned. Again, in the Synod of
Vercelli (Sept. 1050), and shortly after-
wards at Paris, Berengarius was con-
demned. For some time, so long as
he was able to avoid attendance at any
of these i^ynods, he treated their decisions
with contempt. But the King of France,
who had now learned to form a truer
estimate of the great character and
apostolic aims of Leo IX., withdrew his
support of Berengarius, who was conse-
quently compelled to appear at a synod
held at Tours in 1054, over which the
legate Hildebrand (afterwards Gregory
Vll.) presided. Berengarius made and
signed the recantation required of him,
but not long afterwards he reasserted
the condemned error. This happened
several times over, Berengarius sub-
scribing whatever orthodox formulary
might be set before him, and then, in
some fresh publication, giving an inad-
missible turn to the subscription which he
had made. The last of his retractations
— from which he does not seem to have
subsequently receded — was pronounced
at the Council of Bordeaux, in 1080.
Malmesbury ^ declares that he changed his
views before his death (in 1088), and
lamented that he could not effect the
like change in all who had espoused his
opinions. The same writer — the passage
has been often quoted — professes to give
us his dying words. It should be men-
tioned that he died on the feast of the
Epiphany. "To-day, being the day of
his manifestation, my Lord Jesus Christ
will appear to me, either, as I hope, to
raise me to glory for my repentance, or,
as I fear, to punish me for the heresy
which I have been instrumental in spread-
ing."
It should be added that William of
Malmesbury quotes a long passage from
a Latin poem by HUdebert, bishop of Le
Mans, a former pupil of Berengarius, in
which he warmly eulogises the temper-
ance, charity, and self-denial of his departed
I Malm. Gest. Reg. lib. ill.
master, and that Malmesbury himself
writes of him in the same strain, though,
whether he is merely echoing the encomi-
um.- (if llildebert, or speaking from some
independent source of information, there
are no means of ascertaining.
BERRSTTA. A square cap with
three or sometimes four prominences or
projecting corners rising from its crown.
There is usually a tassel in the middle
where the corners meet. It is worn by
a priest as he approaches the altar to say
Mass, by ecclesiastics in choir, &c. The
berretta worn by the Pope is white ; that
of a cardinal is "red. Leo XIII. granted
to bishops the privilege of wearing a
purple beiTetta (Feb. 3rd, 1888). All
other clerics wear a black one. A four-
cornered berretta belongs to Doctors of
Divinity,' though Benedict XIV. men-
tions that in his time Spanish ecclesiastics
generally wore a berretta of this kind.
The word is derived from hirrm, a
mantle with a hood, and that again from
TTVjipos, flame-coloured. " At Rome," says
Benedict XIV., "and in most churches,
the berretta was unknown as late as
the ninth century. Its ecclesiastical use
began when priests gave up the ancient
custom of covering their heads with the
amice till the actual beginning of the
Mass." (Benedict XIV. " De Miss." i. 9.)
BETHXiEHEIVlZTES. 1. Matthew
Paris speaks of some " fratres Bethleem-
itse" to whom a house was gi-anted at
Cambridge, on the way leading to Trump-
ington, in 1257 ; their habit, he says,
was like that of the Friars Preachers, with
the addition of a red and blue star on
the breast. Of this foundation nothing
further is known.
2. An order bearing the same name
was founded by a noble Spanish gentle-
man of Teneritte, Peter of B6tencourt, at
Guatemala, in Central America, about the
year 1600. He founded a hospital, con-
vent, and school under the patronage of
Our Lady of Bethlehem, with an order of
monks to attend the sick and teach in the
school. The Bethlehemites were rapidly
propagated through every part of Spanish
America. In 1687 Innocent XI. placed
them under the rule of St. Augustine.
They are said to possess some forty houses
even now, the chief establishment being at
Guatemala.
BETROTBAXi. [See EsPOUSAL.]
1 Who, however, are forbidden to use this
peculiar berretta in sacred functions. S. R. C.
7 Dec. 1844. But there is some doubt as to the
precise force of this decree.
BIBLE
BIBLE
87
BIBKZ: (from ^i^Xiov, a letter or
paper, and that from 3l^>.osAhe inner bark
of pap_\Tus). A name given to the sacred
books of the Je-n s and the Christians. In
itself "Bible" might mean a book of what-
ever kind, just as its syiionTm " Scrip-
tures " {ypa^ai) means orifrinally ■writings
of any sort. Gradually the Jews who
spoke Greek employed the word "Bible "
as a convenient name for their sacred
books. Thus the Greek translator of
Ecclesiastieus, writing- soon after 132 a.c,
mentions the law and the prophets and the
rest of the Bible (ra
and a similar in^tauce might be quoted
from first Machabees.' Our Lord and
His disciples received the Jewish collec-
tion of the sacred books with the same
reverence as the Jews themselves, and
gave it the title usual at the time — viz.
•' the Scriptures." But after an interval
there Ciime a change. The Apostles and
their disciples wi-ote books professing
sacred authority. These writings ap-
peared in the latter half of the first ceu-
tury, and were quoted withiu the Church
with the same formulas — " it is written,"
Sec. — which had been used before to intro-
duce citations from the law and the pro-
phets. These books of Christian author-
ship were called, first of all, " the books "
or " scriptures of the new covenant," and
from the beginning of the third century,
the shorter expression " new covenant "
came into vogue. In Chrysostom and suc-
ceeding writers we find '"bible" (3t/3Xi'n)
as the familiar term for the whole collec-
tion contained in either " covenant," or, as
we should now say, in the Old and New
Testaments.^
Under the article Canon op the
Scripture the reader will find some ac-
count of the way in which and the au-
thority by which the list of sacred books
has been made, while the nature of their
inspiration is also treated in a separate
article. Here we take for granted that
the Bible consists of a number of inspired
books, contained in the Vulgate transla-
tion and enumerated by the CouncQ of
Trent; and we proceed to treat of its
1 EccIqs. Praef. ; 1 Mach. xii. 9. In Dan.
ix. 1, we find iv reus $i$Kois, a translation of
DnSDl-
"The scriptures of the new covenant,"
Euseb. iii. 25; " the books of the new covenant,"
by implication inMelitoof Sardis.about 170 a.d.
( apud Euseb. iv. 2ti). The " new document " and
Testament, Tertull. Adv. Marc. iv. 1 ("novum
iustruiiientum "). We have translated Smfl^/cTj
"covenant." It never means " testament " in the
Christian Scriptures except in Heb. ix. 15-17.
authority, its interpretation, and of its
use among the faithful.
I. The Church holds that the sacred
Scripture is thi> written word of God.
The Council of Trent, " following the ex-
ample of the orthodox Fathers, receives
with piety and reverence all the books of
' the Old and New Testament, since one God
' is the author of each." These words of
the council, which are an almost verbal re-
petitiiiu of many early definitions, separate
the Bible utterly from all other books. Of
no human composition, however excellent,
can it be said that God is its author. And
the divine origin of Scripture implies its
perfect truth. AVe know for certain, St.
Irenfeus argues, that the Scriptures are
perfect, since they are spoken by the
Word of God and by the Spirit.^ Some
few Catholic theologians have, indeed,
maintained that the Scriptures may err in
minimis — i.e. in small matters of historical
detail which in no way afiect faith or
morals. Nor in doing so do they contra-
dict any express definition of Pope or
council, though such an opinion has never
obtained any currency in the Church.
But of course the modern Protestant
theories which reduce the historical ac-
counts of the Bible to mere myths, or
! again which, while they allow that the
Scripture contains the word of God,
deny that it is the written word of God,
are in shai-p and obvious contradiction to
the decrees of the Church.
2. The Church, then, afiirms that aU
Scripture is the word of God, but at
the same time it maintains that there is an
imwritten word of God over and above
Scripture. Just as Catholics are bound
to defend the authority of the Bible against
the new school of Protestants who have
come to treat it as an ordinary book, so
they are compelled to withstand that
Protestant exaggeration, on the other side,
according to which the word of God is
contained in Scripture and in Scripture
alone. The word of God (so the Council
of Trent teaches) is contained both in
the Bible and in Apostolical tradition, and
it is the duty of a Christian to receive
the one and the other with equal venera-
tion and respect. The whole history and
the whole structure of the New Testa-
ment witness to the truth and reason-
ableness of the Catholic view. If our
Lord had meant His Church to be guided
by a book and by a book alone, He would
have taken care that Christians should be
at once provided with sacred books. As
1 Iren. ii. 28, 2.
88 BIBLE
a matter of fact He did nothing of the |
kind. He refers those who were to em- j
brace His doctrine, not to a book, but to
the living voice of Ills apo.^t Ics and of His
Church. " He who heareth you,'" lie
.said to tlie ajiosties, " lu'areth me." For
twi'uty years after our Lord's ascension,
not a'sino'le book of the Ni^w Testament
was written, and all that tiiiii' no Cbrislian !
could a])peal, as many I'l-ot e>t ~ do now.
to tiu> Bible and tli'e liible only, for the
simple reason that the New Testament
did not exist, and the faithful were evi-
dently called upon to believe many truths
for which no strict and cogent proofs
could be brought from the pages of the
Jewish Scriptures. Further, when the
writings of the New Testament were
issued, they appeared one by one, in order
to meet special exigencies, nor is the least
hint gi-^ en tliat the Ajioslles or tlieir dis-
ciples proMcledlhat tlMMV wrlliii-s shoul.l
contain tlie \\ liole sum ol' (,'lu isl i.-m truth.
St Paul wrote to \arioii> elimvlies in
order to give them insti'uelion on iiai-tiru-
lar points, and in order to jire-i i\e them
from moral or doctrinal errors to which
they were exposed at the mouu'ut. Far
from professing to communicate the whole
circle of doctrine in a written form, he
exhorts his converts in one of his earliest
ejiistles, to " liold the traditions which"
tliev "had le;n-ned, whether byword or
Ijy " his " epistle ; " a few year> later he
prai>es the ('orinthians for kei'ping the
traditions (TrapaSdtrfty) as he delivered
them, and towards the close of his life,
he warns St. Timothy to keep the " de-
posit" of the faith {napaBr^Ktiv) without
a syllable to imply that this deposit had
been committed to writing.' So, with
regard to the Gospel records, St. John ex-
pressly declares that they were from the
necessity of the case an incomplete ac-
count of Christ's life.- The Christians
who lived nearest to Apostolic times
believed, as the Apostles themselves had
done, that Scripture is a source, but by no
means the only source, of Christian doc-
trine. Tertullian constantly appeals to the
tradition of the Apostolic Churches, and
lays down the principle on which all his
arguments against heresy turn— viz. that
the Apostles taught both by word and by
letter.-' A little before Tertullian's time,
St. Iren;Teus actually put the imaginary
case that the Apostles had left no Scrip-
ture at all. In this case, he says, we
1 2 Thcss. ii. 14 ; 1 Cor. xi. 2 ; 1 Tim. vi. 20.
* John xxi. 2.') ; and see Acts xx. 35.
•5 Prescript. 2\.
BIBLE
should still be able to follow the order of
tradition, which [the Apostles] handed
down to those into whose hands they
committed the Churches.^
3. There is a controversy no less vital
between Catholics and Protestants as to
the interjn-etation of Scripture. A po])u-
lar Protestant theory makes it the right
and the duty of each individual to iuter-
]iret the 13ii)le for himself and to frame
his own relit;ion accordingly ; the Catho-
lic, on the contrary, maintains that it be-
longs to the Church, and to the Church
alone, to determine the true sense of the
Scripture, and that we cannot interpret
contrary to the Church's decision, or to
" the unanimous consent of the Fathers,"
without making slii])\vrecli of tlie faith.
The Catholic is fully jii>t ili. .l in b.-lieving
with jierl'ect confidence that the Church
cannot teach any doctrine contrary to the
Sen])tiire, for our Lord has promised that
the gates of hell will not prevail against
His Church. On the other hand, Christ
has made no promise of infallibility to
those who expound Scri])ture by the light
of private judgment. St. Peter tells us
distinctly that some parts of the New
Testament are hai-d to understand. More-
over, the exjiei-ience of centtiries has
abundantly coniiinied the Catholic and
disproNeil the l'ioie>tant rule of inter-
pretation. Unity IS the test of truth.
If each man received the Ilolv (iho.st,
enablinii' him to a>certain the sensi' of the
Bible, then pious Protestants would beat
one as to its meaning and the doctrines
which it contains, whereas it is notorious
that they have differed from the first on
every point of doctrine. The principle
of private judgment has been from the
time it was first applied a principle of
division and of confusion, and has led
only to the multiplication of heresies and
sects, ae-reed in nothing except in their
common disagTeement with the Church.
Nor does the authority of the Church in
any way interfere with the scientific ex-
position of Scriptiu-e. A Catholic com-
mentator is in no way limited to a servile
repetition of the interpretation already
given by the Fathers. He is not, indeed,
permitted to give to any passage in Scrip-
ture a meaning which is at variance with
the faith, as attested by the decision of
the Church or the unanimous consent of
the Fathers. But he may differ as to
the meaning of passages in Scripture, even
from the greatest of the Fathers ; he is
not bound to consider that these passages
1 Ircn. iii. 4, 1.
BIBLE
BISHOP
89
necessarily bear the meaning- given them by
general councils in the preambles to their
decrees ; he may even advance interjireta-
tions entirely new and unknowni before.
"When for example, God is said to have
hardened Pharao's heart, a Catholic com-
mentator cannot infer from this tliat the
book of Exodus makes (rod the author of
sin, but he may, if lie sees cause, give an
explanation of the words which differs
from that of St. Augustin or St. Thomas,
or, indeed, from that of all the Fathers and
Doctors of the Church taken together.'
4. AVe now come to the use of the
Bible, and the Catholic principles on
this head follow from what has been
already said. It is not necessary for all
Christians to read the Bible. Many na-
tions, St IrenjEus tells us, were con-
verted and received the faith without
being able to read.- Without knowli'due
of letters, without a Bible in their nwn
tongue, they received from the Churck
teaching which was quite sufficient for
the salvation of their souls. Indeed, if
the study of the Bible had been an indis-
pensable requisite, a great part of the
hui)ian race would have l)een kft ^vitllout
the means of grace till the invention of
printing. More than this, parts of the
Bible are evidently unsuited to the very
yoimg or to the ignorant, and lience
Clement XI. condemned the projiosition
that " the reading of Scripture is for all."
These principles are fixed and invari-
able, but the discipline of tlie Church
with regard to the reading of the Bible
in the vulgar tongue has varied with
varying circumstances. In early times,
the Bible was read freely by the lay peo-
ple, and the Fathers constantly encou-
rage them to do so, although they also
insist on the obscurity of the sacred text.
TSn prohibitions were issued against the
popular reading of the Bible. New dan-
gers came in during the middle ages.
When the heresy of the Albigenses arose
there was a danger from corrupt transla-
tions, and also from the fact that the
heretics tried to make the faithful judge
the Church by their own interpretation
of the Bible. To meet these evils, the
Councils of Toulouse (1229) and Tarra-
gona (1234) forbade the laity to read the
vernacular translations of the Bible. Pius
IV. required the bishops to refuse lay
persons leave to read even Catholic ver-
iiions of Scripture unless their confessors
' Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident, in
Miihler's Si/mbolik, p. 386.
» Iren. ill. 4, 2.
I or parish priests judged that such reading
was likely to prove beneficial. During
this centurj-, Leo XII., Pius VIII., and
Pius IX. have warned Catholics against
I the Protestant Bible Societies, which
distribute versions (mostly corrupt ver-
sions) of the Bible with the avowed pur-
pose of perverting simple Cathohcs. It
is only surprising that any rational being
could have thought it possible for the
Holy See to assume any other attitude
I towards such proceedings. It is right,
however, to observe that the Church dis-
' plays the greatest anxiety that her chil-
! dren should read the Scriptures, if they
[ possess the necessary dispositions. " You
judge exceedingly well," says Pius VI.,
"in his letter to Martini, the" author of a
translat ioTi ol' the llible into Italian, "that
the faitliiul >lio.iM be excited to the read-
ing of holy Scriptures: for these are the
most abundant sources, which ought to
be left o])ento everyone, to draw fromthem
purity of morals and of doctrine. This
you have >ea-onably effected .... by
])ublisliin2' the sacred Scriptures in the
hinguage of your country especi-
ally when you show that you have added
explanatory notes, which being extracted
from the holy Fathers preclude every
possible danger of abuse."
BZBX.IA PAUPERvni (the Bible of
the poor). A representation in between
forty and fifty pictures of events in the
Old and New Testaments, with short ex-
planations and Scriptural texts appended
in Latin or Gemian. The redemption by
Christ is the central idea of the collection,
so that the Old Testament subjects are
chosen for their typical significance. The
paintings were often copied from the
MSS. and represented in sculpture, or on
walls, glass, the antipendia of altars, &c.
At Vienna there is an antipendium thus
adorned which dates from the twelfth
century. The Court libraiy of the same
city contains two copies of the " Biblia
Pauperum," both of the year 1430. They
are block books. Copies printed on
movable types soon followed, but owing
to the popularity of the book, copies were
soon worn out, and are now very rare.
BZCAMT. [See Iereguxaritt.]
BISHOP. I. Meaning of the Name
and Divine Institution of the Office. — The
word bishop is derived from the Greek
inla-KOTTos, which latter occurs in writers
of the earliest age in the general sense of
" overseer," and was specially applied in
later Greek to the ofiicers whom the
Athenians sent to subject states. In the
90
BISHOP
BISHOP
LXX * fTTia-Kcmos is used for an officer
or prefect of any kind. The Christians
adopted the -word as the title of an eccle-
siastical dignitary who has received the
highest of the sacred orders and is in-
vested with authority to rule a diocese
as its chief pastor.
A bishop, therefore, is superior to
simple priests, and the Council of Trent
defines that this superiority is of divine
institution. " If anyone deny," says the
council, " that there is in the Church a
hierarchy instituted by divine ordinance,
which consists of bishops, presbyters, and
ministers, let him be anathema;" and
again, " if anyone affirm that bishops are
not superior to presbyters, or that they
have not the power of confirming and or-
daining, or that the power which they
have is common to presbyters also, let
him be anathema."'^
The Anglican Church, as is well
known, did not, at least formally, cast ofi"
Vielief in the divine institution of epi-
scopacy, and learned Anglican divines,
among whom Pearson is the most cele-
brated, have strenuously vindicated the
episcopal authority. With most of the
I'rotestant bodies it has been otherwise.
They do not pretend to have bishops, or
if they have superintendents whom they
call by that name, they attribute to them
no authority except such as has been
bestowed upon them by the Church. They
deny, in other words, that the episcopate
is of divine institution, and directly
impugn the definitions of Trent on this
subject. They admit, of course, that
bishops ((TTLa-KOTroi) are frequently men-
tioned in the New Testament, but they
urge that in the Acts and the Epistles
bishop and presbyter are two names for
the same office. They suppose that
originally there were three grades in the
hierarchy — viz. the Apostles, whose office
ended with their life-time, and who left
no successors ; the bishops or presbyters,
corresponding to the ministers or clergy-
men of the present day ; and deacons.
They defend their position chiefly on the
following grounds : —
We first find the word irricrKoiros in
the Acts of the Apostles, xx. 28. " Take
heed," St. Paul says, to the clergy of
Ephesus, " take heed to yourselves and to
the whole flock, in which the Holy Ghost
made you bishops." It is plain, however
(so it is urged), that these "bishops" were
mere presbyters, so that " bishop " and
» E.g. Num. xxxi. 14 ; 2 Par. xxxiv. 12.
* Concil. Trident, sess. xxiii. can. 6, 7.
presbyter in Ncav Testament language are
synonymous, for St. Luke tells us at the
beginning of the same cha]>tor that the
Apostle was addressiug " tlir presbyters
of the Church" whom he had suiniuoned
to Miletus. Towards the close of the
Apostle's life the Church was stiU with-
out bishops in the modern sense, for St.
Paul addressed an epistle to the faithful
at Philippi "with the bishops and the
deacons." Here the plural number and
the fact that no allusion is made to
presbyters as distinct from the "bishops"
are said to prove that in that age fVio-Kon-of
or "bishop" meant presbyter. Later
still, St. Paul writes to Titus that he had
left him in Crete to " appoint presbyters
in every city," and continues — "for the
bishop must be irreproachable," &c.
Presbyterian writers also allege certain
confirmatory evidence from antiquity —
some words of St. Jerome (who, however,
anxious as he was to exalt the priestly
dignity, expressly mentions the power of
conferring orders as marking the dis-
tinction between bishop and priest), and
the supposed tradition of the Alexandrian
Church. The reader who is cui-ious on
this latter point will find a full discussion
of it in Pearson's " Vindiciae Ignatiance."
But Presbyterian arguments from anti-
quity need not detain us here. Even on
their own showing, Presbyterians can but
produce one or two doubtful testimonies,
and they have against them a cloud of
witnesses dating from the sub-Apostolic
age. One additional remark, however,
must be made before we end our state-
ment of the Presbyterian case. We have
seen that there are plausible reasons for
holding that the words presbyter and
bishop are synonymous in the New Testa-
ment. It is right to add that Clement of
Rome, writing towards the end of the first
centui-y, does not seem to recognise any
distinction in meaning between the two
words.'
In spite of the objections just stated,
the arguments for the divine institution
of episcopacy are clear and cogent. We
need not deny that the same persons were
at first called indiflerently bishops and
presbyters. It is possible, as some ancient
writers suppose, that at Philippi and other
places, a number of persons received epi-
scopal consecration ; that they were occu-
1 Clem. 1 Ep. 42. He thrice mentions eVf-
(TKOTTOi Kol SiaKOVoi together, as in Phil. i. 1,
which is striking, because the object of his
epistle is to defend the authority of the pres-
byters. See Lightfoot, in loc.
BISHOP
BISHOP
91
pied for a time in administering the
sacraments and preaching at the place of
their consecration, and ready, as conve-
nience required, to be removed to such
other Churches as the Apostles should
empower them to govern with proper
episcopal jurisdiction. Or again, we may
suppose, with other great authorities, that
the Apostles did not at once provide the
newly-founded Churches with bishops, but
left them for a season under clergy of the
second order, who at that time were called
indifferently " bishops and presbyters.'
"VMiatever theory we adopt as to the
early use of the word "bishop," it is
certain that there are clear traces of the
episcopal office, as we now understand it,
within the lifetime of the Apostles, and
with the sanction of their authority.
For, first, St. James the Less was be-
yond reasonable doubt bishop of Jerusa-
lem. Thus, in the year 44, when St.
Peter was released from prison he desired
information to be given to James and the
brethren. At the Apostolic Council James
delivers judgment ("wherefore I judge ").
St. Paul in his Epistle to the Galatians
describes Judaisers from Jerusalem as
"certain who came from James," thus
naming the Church by its bishop ; in
Acts xxi. 18, St Pauf is said to have
made a formal visit to St. James and to
his presbyters. Moreover, in the middle
of the second century all parties were
agreed in regarding St. James as bishop
of Jerusalem.^ This is clearly proved by
Bishop Lightfoot, who rightly describes
St. James as " the precedent and pattern
of the later episcopate." We refer to
Dr. Lightfoot for this admission, not only
because of his great learning and high
ability, but also because he is perhaps
the very ablest writer who has ever
■written against the Apostolic origin of
episcopacy.
Next, St. Paul gave Titus power to
ordain presbyters ; he gives St. Timothy
directions for the way in which he is to
receive accusations against presbyters.
Clearly then both Timothy and Titus
I Petavins, De Eccles. Hierarch. lib. iv.
ad init., gives both theories as probable, qnotin;,'
Kathers of the Church for each. The latter
Beems much the more attractive on instrinsio
grounds. The former is recommended by the
language of the Council of Trent, where Acts
XX. 28, is interpreted of bishops in the proper
sense.
Lightfoot, Ep. to Philippiaos, " Essav on
the Christian Ministrv." Routh, Melt. Sacr. i.
p. 228.
were ecclesiastical officers superior to the
clerg\- of the second order.
Thirdly, tlie Angels of the Churches
in the Apocalypse cannot possildy be an-
gels in the ordinary sense, for some of
them are charged with serious faults.
Nor can the Angels be idcntitied witli the
Churches, since botli Angds and Churches
are represented by (li>tiiu't syniliol?.
"The seven stars," St. .Idhii >ay>. "are
the angels of the seven chur( iu'>. ami the
seven candlesticks are the seven churclu's."
TMiat, then, were the Ang.l> of the
Churches ? Each of them rf]>re>ent> the
Church of a city, and is responsible for
the purity of its doctrine and its morals.
They answer to the idea of diocesan
bishops and to nothing else.'
This inference from Scripture rises
to demonstration if considered in con-
nection with the earliest tradition. Poly-
carp, the disci [lie of St. John, writes as a
bishop and distinguishes himself from his
; presbyters. The Ignatian epistles no-
j toriously exalt the episcopal ofHce as the
I centre of unity, and insist on the necessity
laid both on presbyters and laymen of
submission to the bishop. St. Ignatius
wrote only a few years after St. John's
j death, and his letters prove that episco-
j pacy was established in his time, not
only at Antioch, where he himself was
bishop, but at each of the six Churches in
Asia Minor to which he writes, nor does
he hint that there was any Church with
other than an episcopal organisation.
True, the authenticity of these letters has
been disputed, but this on most inade-
quate grounds. Indeed, many eminent
German scholars, prejudiced as they are
against the Ignatian teaching on episco-
pacy, have been compelled by the weight
of evidence to admit the authenticity of
these epistles. The Clementine homilies
supply another important contribution to
the evidence. Their witness is all the
more valuable because they are deeply
marked with heresy. Still the author of
these homilies, differing as he does from
Catholics on other points, agrees with
them in affirming the Apostolic origin of
the episcopal office.'^ These homilii > cdme
from early times: they cannot be placed
later than the end, and should perhaps be
placed at the beginning, of the second cen-
> See the authorities for this interpretation
in Petav, op. cit. lib. i. 2. It was adopted by
Grotius, one of the most celebrated of Protes-
tant conunentators, and himself member of a
Presbyterian sect.
2 See, e.g., the Epistle of Clement to James.
92
BISHOP
BISHOP
tiiry. Now, if we allow the Apostolic
institution, this ancient evidence presents
no difficulty. It does but confirm the con-
clusion we had already reached from an
examinat ion ot'theNew Testament records.
If, on the cither hand, it is maintained
that bisliops in tlie modern sense beg-an
to be after the death of the Apostles, or
at least withdut tlieir sanction, it is im-
possible to understand how in so brief a
space Churclifs all over the world ex-
channvd presbytcrian for episcopal govern-
ment. Xor is tliis all. "\Ve must sup-
pose that in a very short time — with-
in a century at the most — all recollec-
tion of the original state of things had
perished. St. Irenseus cannot even un-
derstand tliat the name of " bishop " ' had
ever bei'u given to mere presbyters. We
say nothing of later Fathers, for in the
Church of the fourth century it is ad-
mitted to have been a settled maxim that
bishops only could ordain, and Epiphanius
describes the doctrine of Aerius, the first
presliyterian, as frantic.
1 1 . X(i t lire n ft lie EpixcojKtl Office. — We
may now dismiss tlie controversial part of
the subject, and proceed to explain the
duties, ri(/hts and potiition of a bishop in
the Church. A bishop is, according' to
the Council of Trent, the successor of the
Ajiostles. He has received the sacrament
f)f order in all its fulness. He can, like
the Apostles, confirm; he can ordain
])riests and consecrate otlier bishops. The
Pope liiuiself, so far as onler noes, is sim-
ply a bishop, .\liiien\er, the hishop is the
meudier of a liier.nchy \\ hich is divinely
constituted, and which coilecti\ ely repre-
sents the colh'ge of the Apostles. The
Holy Ghost lias appointed bishops " to
rule the Church of God," and although
the Pope can suppress sees or change their
boundaries, he cannot do away, through-
out the Churcli, with bishops governing
their sees witli ordinary jurisdiction,
because tliis woukl involve a change in
the divine const it u1 ion of the Church,
which is inalterabli'. Again, even an in-
dividual bishop has cei'tain chities to the
whole Church. It is his duty to bear
witness to the faith and tradition of his
predecessors and of his flock, and he sits
as a judge in general councils. Of course
all these rights are held and duties exer-
cised in union with and in submission to
the see of Peter.
■ iii. 14, 2. The pas.sage is very instructive.
St.Ircn.Tus says St. Paul at Miletus "convoked
the bishops and the pre.sbyters." He is evidently
unable to understand the interchange of names.
1. In his own diocese it is a bishop's
duty (a) to temh. He himself is required
by the Council of Trent to jjreach the
word of God, unless he be lawfully hin-
dered, nor can anyone, secular or regular,
preach in the diocese without his leave,
lie must watch over purity of doctrine,
especially in all schools public and pri-
vate, and a]i|io!iit professors in the semi-
nary and cieni-al cdUeges. No book
treating on religion (<le j-ebus sacris) can
be published till it has been examined by
the bishop's orders and received his
imprimatur.'
(6) To guard the morals of his flock,
and especially to maintain discipline
among his clergy ; to take measures for
the due performance of divine worship ;
to see that the people are provided with
the sacraments, &c. Hehimself (oranother
bishop, with his leave) must confirm, or-
dain priests, consecrate the holy oils,
churches, altars, chalices, &c. He must
also approve priests, and give them their
faculties to hear confessions, to adminis-
ter the other sacraments, &c., ifcc.
(e) To reside." (d) To make a visita-
tion of all the churches in his diocese at
least every two vears.^
2. In oriler tliat he may perform these
duties, a bishop i->r>,-es certain rielits : —
(a) He may make laws for his dio-
ce.se : not, however, such as are contrary
to the law of the Church.
(b) He decides in the first instance
all ecclesiastical causes, (c) He can in-
flict penalties, suspension, excommunica-
tion, and the like.
(d) He may dispense from the observ-
ance of his own laws, and altliough, gene-
rally speaking, a bishop cannot dispense
inlaws made hy those who hii\e power
superior to his own. still ihe ^viu'i-al law
of the Church eualiles him to dispense in
certain cases of irregularity, in the pro-
clamation of banns, in oaths (unless the
diiBpensation tends to the injury of a third
party), and in simple vows, except vows of
I chastitv and \ (i\\s to enter religion, or to
make ]ii Igrimages toll' mie, the IJoly Land,
I or St. .lames of Ccmijiostella, &c., &c.
I Some bishops have additional power to
dispense by virtue of lawful custom or by
delegation from the Pope.
(e) Certain other rights of bishops
are summed up imder the general head of
1 Concil. Trident, sess. v. cap. 2, De Reform.;
sess. xxiv. cap. 4, De Reform. ; sess. iv. De Edit,
et Usu SS. lib.
2 Jbid. sess. xxiii. cap. 1, De Reform.
» Concil. Trid. sess. xxiv. cap. 3.
BISHOP
BISHOP
93
"administration." A bishop may erect
or suppress churches or benefices, provided
he observes the canonical regulation re-
specting such matters. He collates to all
b.'nefices, parish churches, prebends in
his diocese, except such as are reserved to
the Pope. He assigns their duties to his
clergy, and determines the persons among
his subjects who are to be admitted to
the ecclesiastical state or to higher
orders. He watches over the manage-
ment of temporal goods pertaining to the
Church or to pious places. As Apo.^tulic
Delegate, he becomes in certain cu,-rs men-
tioned by the law jhe executor to carry
out the intentions of those who have given
or left money for pious uses. '
III. Titles, Imiynia, ifc, of Bishops. —
All priests saying Mass in the diocese
pray for the bishop by name in the Canon.
He is received by the priests and people
at the door of the church when he comes on
official visits. He receives certain titles
of honour. In the first ages he was called
Most Holy, Most Blessed, Lord {domi-
w««)," Your Holiness "'(.s«nc/«Vr/.s tua). Sec,
&C., some of which titles art- now reser\
to the Pope. Desidrrlu- ..t' CnUn>. almut
650, calls himself / > *. •/•»•»»/•///«.- At
present a bishop i^ called ■•iimst ilhi-ti lnus
and most reverend Lord;"" the Tope ad-
dresses him as ''veneraljle brdtbev/' "yoiir
fraternity," &c., while the bishop .-peaks
of himself as "N., by the grace of God
and of the Apostohc See, Bishop of X."
The insignia of his office are the pastoral
staff {pedum, haculus), the ring, pectoral
cross, episco})al throne, the niitre, ponti-
fical vestments, gloves and sandals. In
many cmuitries the liisliup has spreial
rights and titles of honour accorded to
him bv the laws of the State.
IV. Election, ii,-c..ofIlishni,<.—B[shoi>r,
were first of all chosen In" the Apostles.
St. Paul, for instance, left St. Titus at
Crete, with authority to ordain priests, &c.
In the third century bishops were
chosen, as Cyprian sa\s, -Miy the vote of
all the faithful and by thv- jmlgiiient of
the bishops " of the pro\ ince ^ — i.e. t he peo-
ple chose a bishop, but tRe Ijishops of the
province could put a veto on this choiee :
nay, the bishops could in extreme ea-es
actually choose the bishop. The fourth
canon of Xicaea recommends (Trpoo-tj/cei)
that a bishop be appointed {naBL n iktBul)
' Concil. Trid. sess. xxii. cap. 8, De Reform.
Chieflv from Card. Soglia, Instilut. Juris
Eccl. ■
- Kraus, Archwolag. Diet. Art. " Biscliof."
' Cyprian, Ep. l.wiii.
by the bishops of the province. If this
is impossible, three bishops are to con-
secrate him with the consent of the rest.
The confirmation of the whole matter {t6
Kvpoi tS)v yivofih'tiiv) is to rest with the
metropolitan. Two intei-pretations of this
canon were current in the Church. The
Greek canonists, following the lead of tlie
Seventh General Council, understood the
I Nicene canon as reserving the clioii f a
new bishop to the bislio]- of the province,
and so annulling the old form of election
by clergy and people. In the West, the
canon was iutei-preted as merely requiring
the presence of the bishops of the pro-
vince at the consecration. Hence in the
Latin Church jiopular election continued,
at least in ronii.till the eleven! h century.
Aft.'r that, tlie bi.hop was elected by the
clergy of the cathedral church, the conhr-
mation restm-.a- 1 irt'ore, with t]u> metro-
pohtan.' Gradually, from tlie eleventh
century onward?, the right of coutirniation
passed from the metropolitan to the Pope.'^
Later on, from the time of Clement V., the
Popes reserved the whole apjiointment of
bi.-liops in certain cases, ancl at last in all
t-ases, to themselves. This la>t state of
things, liowexer, did not continue. The
l'ope~ restored in some countrie.- the riuht
of electing bi.shops to the chapters,'' and
tile riLilit is still continued in ( iermany (ex-
]lu\ aria and ].art of Austria) and in
Switzerland. In other countries tlie Pope
has given to ( 'atholic sovereigns tlie right
of noininatini: to \ acaiit bishoprics. Such
rights hax e been coiu-eded to the Kings of
France, Portugal, Spain, Naples and
Sicily, Sardinia, to the l iuiperor of Austria
with certain exceptions, and by the Con-
cordat of 1817 to the King of i!a\aria.
Even Protestant Governments in ( ierinany
are jierniitted to inspect a list of names
proposed provisionally by th(> chapters and
to exclude such names as are displeasing to
them. In England the choice of bishops
belongs simply and exclusively to the Pope.
At tlie same time certain privileges have
been L;i anted in this respect to the I'higlish
(;iiurcli liy Pius IX. A week after the
see is vacant the canons are required to
eli-ct a vicar capitular. A month later,
under the presiclency of the metrojiolitan,
or, failing him, of tlie senior liislio]), they
l)y their separate ^ otes recoiniiiend tiiree
persons for the vacant see. Ivich of tiiese
persons must have obtained an absolute
majority of the votes of the chapter.
> Hefele, Concilien. i. p. 382.
- Kraus, Kirchengeschirhte, p. 326.
3 Soglia, Inslitut. Juris Jf rivat. v. 38.
94
Bisiior
BISHOP
The names are given or s. iit in alphabeti-
cal order to the metmpolitaii. The bishops
of the province {i.e. of I'.niiland) examine
the names, annex thcir jiKlu I iirnt upon each
of them, and transmit them to the Congre-
gation of Propaganda. It need scarcely
be said that this recommendation is wholly
different from true and canonical election.'
The person thus elected, nominated or re-
commended must be thirty years of age, in
holy orders, of Catholic parentage, of
good fame, able to produce the public
testimony of some university or academy
to his learning.'- If the person elected
accepts, he must Avithin a tixed time ask
for the ra]ial confirmation, by which the
person elected is approved and made bishop
of the see. This confirmation is given by
the Pope in a consistory of Cardinals,
and in virtue of it the bishop designate
contracts spiritual marriage with his see
and receives full jurisdiction within it.
He cannot, of course, previous to his con-
secration, confirm, ordain, &c., but he can
delegate power for the performance of these
and other acts of episcopal order to
another bishop.
It is evident from what has been said
that the discipline of the Church with
regard to the appointment of bishops has
varied from age to age, and that the
Holy See now exercises a more immediate
control over the matter than was usual
in the primitive or even the medineval
Church. From the first, however, the
Pope possessed the full power of governing
the whole Church. No one is, and no one
ever could he, a Catholic bishop, unless
either expressly or tacitly recognised as
such by the Pope. Varyinu circumstances
made it prudent for the Pope to exercise
his control in a less or in a greater degTee,
but the principle of government has re-
mained the same. The Pope, by the law
of Christ, is the head of the Church. On
the other hand, ])atriarchs and metro-
politans are of ecclesiastical institution;
they could therefore possess no inherent
right to confirm bishops, and they suffered
no wrong when the Pope withdrew it
from them.
V. Connecrationof Bishops. — The con-
secration of bishops used to be performed
by the metropolitan and two other bishops.
According to the present discipline, the
consecration of bishops is reserved to the
Pope, or to a bishop specially commis-
' See Synod. Prooinc. Weslmonuxl. decret.
xii. and the Instruction of l'rc>iiagamla in the
Appendix.
Concil. Trid. sess. xxii. cap. 2, De lleform.
sioned by him. The consecrator is assisted
by two other bishops, for which latter the
Pope sometimes permits mitred abbots, or
even simple priests, to be substit\ited.
The consecration should take place within
three months of confirmation, and on a
j Sunday, or feast of an Apostle. The
bishop-elect, who must already have been
ordained priest, takes an oath before the
bishop who is to consecrate him, that he
will be faithful to the Holy See, that he
will promote its authority, and that he
will, at stated intervals prescribed by law,
and different for different countries, visit
the city of Rome, and give an account to
the Pope of his whole pastoral office.
Afterwards, the elect is consecrated bishop
i by imposition of hands, the tradition
[ of staff and ring, the unction with the
j chrism, the imposition of the book of the
I Gospels on his shoulders, and other rites
; prescribed in the Pontifical. Thus the
fulness of the priesthood is received, and
the person consecrated acquires episcopal
order in addition to episcopal jurisdict ion,
which he already held. [See also Oudee,
HoltO
Vl. Translatiov , Resignation, Depo-
sition of Bishops. — Ho sacred is the con-
! nection between a Ijishop and his see, that,
1 as Innocent III. declares, the power to
i sever it belongs, "not so much by canoni-
cal legislation, as by divine institution, to
the lioman Pontiff"', and to him alone."
This follows from principles already stated,
i The Pope alone can make a bishop ; and
therefore the Pope alone can unmake
him.
Translation from one see to another
was absolutely forbidden by the Nicene
Council (Can. 15), and by the Council of
Antioch, which met in 341. This pro-
hibition was, however, modified by the
I4th of the Apostolic Canons, which per-
mits translation if the reasons are very
m-gent and approved by the judgment of
"many bishops.'" At first, such transla-
tion was eff'ected by provincial councils.
In the ninth century, Hincmar of Rheims
says a bishop might be tran.slated "by the
ordinance of a sjmod, or by the consent of
the Apostolic See ; " but by the law which
has pi-evailed from the twelfth century
the consent of the Pope is always required.
The Pope's leave is also required for re-
signation. Finally, the "grave causes"
against bishops such as deserve deposi-
tion or privation can only be examined
and terminated by the definitive sentence
I Hefele, Concil. i. p. «04 ; Neandcr, Kir-
chenffeichichte, iii. p. 233.
BISllOr AUXILIARY
BISHOP IN PARTIBUS, ETC. 95
of the Pope.' Less serious charges may
be examined and decided in a provincial
council.
BZSBOP AVXZX.ZART. When a
bishop is unable, for various reasons, to
perform all the functions nvjuired by his
office, it is usual to assign to him a
titular bishop to a^^i^t him. This aux-
iliary bishop, as such, has no jurisdic-
tion; he only performs those things which
belong to thi- e])i>t'()pal office and order.
He may, however, lie nominated by the
bishop as vicar "general : in which ca.se
he has the right to e.vercise jurisdiction.
Another name for an auxiliary is Bishop
Sufirag-an [q.v.].
BISHOP, COADJUTOR. [See CO-
ADJUTOR.^
BISBOP Zir PABTZBVS ZM-FZBE-
1Z1T2VI. A bisho]) coiiseci'ated to a sei'
which formerly exi-^ted, lii;f wliich has
been, chiefly through the dc- .i-tations of
thefoUowersof Mahomet, lo>t to I 'hn-ti'ii-
dom. Such a bishop may als(; be described
as a "Titular" bishop.
The creation of such titular bisliops
dates only from the pontificateof Leo X.,
but they existed de facto from the time
when the first Christian see as widowed
by the attacks of a foreign eiu'my oi- tin-
action of a hostile governnn'iit. ( ui iioiy
the Great provided for several lUyiiau
bishops, whom an inroad of the Avars had |
driven from their sees, by appointing them
to vacant sees in Italy, till they should be !
able to return home. The Moorish con-
quest of Spain widowed a great number
of sees, the prelates of which fled to the
parts still unconquered, chiefly settling at
Oviedo, which thence had the name of '
" the City of Bishops." But it was the
progress of IMohammedan arms in the
East, devastating numberless Cliurcbes in
Asia Minor, Syria, and Africa, which,
till then, had been flourishing bishoprics,
that caused a great and sudden rise in the
number of titular bishops, attached to no
special sphere of duty, but wan^iering
from place to jilne.', some liojiing our day
to return, other,- ,-oi long for suitable work
wherever it might be offered. Tiiis state
of things led to great abuses ; for a bishop
whose see was lyi jmrtihuii would often
enter some remote portion of tlie diocese
of a more fortunate brotliei- further west,
and there exercise in various w ays, with-
out the permission of the bishop of the
diocese, his episcopal ofllce. Clerks whom
their own bishop would not have promoted
to priest's orders often received through
' Concil. Trid. sess. xxiv. cap. 5, De Reform.
the agency of these wandering bishops
the ordination which they desired. This
abuse was condemned by a decree of the
Council of Trent,' which expressly forbids
these wandering bishops — "clero careutes
et populo Christiano" — to promote candi-
dates for ordination to any orders what-
ever, without the consent of the bishop
of the diocese.
"With the increasing eonij)lication of
political afl'airs in Europi', circumstances
could not but arise which should induce
the Pojies, while providing for Catholic
populations more or less at the mercy of
Protectant Governments pastors armed
with lull episcopal powers, to prefer in-
ve>tiiig them with the titles of ancient
sees, now extinct, to asserting their claim
to local titles and thus arousing the hos-
tility or suspicion of unfriendly Govern-
ments. Considerations of this nature were
the cause why Catholic affairs in our own
country were committed to the administra-
tion of bishops in partibus, from the ap-
])oiiitment of the first Vicar Apostolic
(1(>2.'^.) to the creation of a new hierarchy
in 18-")0. Besides the Vicars Apostolic in
a non-Catholic country, the Vicars of
Cardinal-bishops, auxiliary bishops in
countries where it is usual to appoint
them, and Papal Nuncios, usually have
their sees in partibus injidelium.
Bishops in partibus can attend general
councils. They are considered as truly
wedded to the Churches of which they
bear the titles, so that they cannot be
ajipointed to other sees except upon the
conditions common to all episcopal trans-
lations. They are not obliged, like other
bishops, to make periodical visits ad limina
apostolorum, because they have no dioceses
to report of. They are, however, expected
to inform themselves, so far as they may
have opportunity, of the condition of
affairs in their titular dioceses, and work
actively for their restoration to Christen-
dom, if any favourable opening should
present itself.
The political condition of the eastern
and southern shores of the Mediterranean
has for some time been such as to allow
of the existence of flourishing Christian
communities in many places where for-
merly Mussulman bigotry would have
rendered it impossible. These countries
are no longer "partes infidelium," in the
full sense of the words. His Holiness
Leo XIII. has therefore, by a recent
decision, substituted the phrase " Titular
» Sess. xiv. De Ref. ii.
06 lUSIIOP, SUFFRAGAN
BLESSING
Bishop " for " Bishop in Partibus Infide-
liiiiu."
BISHOP, SVFFRACAXir (Lat. mf-
fragari, to support.) This name is given
to a bishop in an ecclesiastical province,
relatively to the metropolitan [y.v.] in
whose province he is. Also to a titular
bishop or bi.shop in pnrtibm who is exer-
cising the pontifical functions and ordi-
nations for the ordinary bishop whom he
has been invited to assist.
BISHOP, TiTVXiAii. [See Bishop
ITS PAETIBUS INTIDELIUM.]
BX.ACK FRIARS. [See Domini-
cans.]
BXiASPHBMT (Gr. ff\a(T(i>r)fiia; ety-
mol. uncertain). Originally, injurious and
opprobrious words generally ; afterwards
it was restricted to language dishonouring
to God — contumeliosa in Deum locutio —
but yet so that the offence committed
against those known to be God's servants
was held to be committed against God
Himself; as when Stephen was charged
by the Pharisees with speaking "blasphe-
mous words against Moses;" finally, and
in modem use, the employment of such
language against, or concerning, God only.
In Matt. xii. 31, we read that, while every
other sin and blasphemy are pardonable,
" the blasphemy of the Spirit " shall not
be forgiven. Various explanations of this
passage have been given by theologians.
There is a chapter on "Blasphemy" in
the body of the Canon Law, which pre-
scribes the penalties to be awarded to the
various persons who may be guilty of it.
In England the statute 10 "William III.
ch. 32, modified by 52 George III. ch. 160,
contains the existing law in respect of
blasphemy. The code of Wurtemberg
punishes outrageous and offensive words
or acts against the customs, rites, &c., of
any recognised religion ; but the pain in-
dicted on the feelings of men, not the
dishonour to God, seems to be the motive
of such legislation. Similarly the French
code, while not punishing blasphemy,
as such, restrains it indirectly by severe
regulations repressive of anything like
what we should consider " brawling " in
church.
Protestant divines have often stigma-
tised the rapturous language in which
Catholics indulge in praise of the Blessed
Virgin as " blasphemous," on the ground
that God is indirectly dishonoured when
His creature is thus exalted. But this
seems to involve a misuse of the term
" blasphemy," which implies a conscious
and intentional use of language which the
speaker knows to be injurious to the-
Being of whom it is uttered. No excess
of "profane swearing," culpable as it may
be, can amount to blasphemy, because the
intentional conterojjt of God is not there.
In the same way, to speak of Mary a*
"negotiating our peace, not only is not
" blasphemous," but conveys an important
truth ; while to deny that her Son " nego-
tiated our peace " in a higher sense would,
of course, be blasphemous in the highest
degree.
B&ESSXM'C in its most general
sense, a form of prayer begging the favour
of God for the persons blessed. God is
the source of all His blessing, but certain
persons have special authority to bless in
His name, so that this blessing is mora
than a mere prayer ; it actually conveys
God's blessing to those who are fit to re-
ceive it. Thus in the old law God said
of the sons of Aaron, " They shall invoke
my name on the children of Israel, and I
will bless them;"' and Christ said to his
disciples, "Into whatsoever house you
euter, first say : Peace be to this house :
and, if the son of peace be there, your
peace shall rest upon him."' Accord-
ingly, the Church provides for the so-
lemn blessing of her children by the
hands of her ministers. Such bles.sings^
are given,
(1) By priests. "It is the part of a
priest to bless," the Pontifical says, in the
office for their ordination. This blessing
may be given privately, at discretion. It
is given by a form tolerated in England
to the penitent before confession ; to those
who have received communion out of
Mass ; on many other occasions, some of
which are determined by custom, but
above all at the end of all Masses except
those for the dead. The priest raises his-
right hand and makes the sign of the
cross once over the people. This custom
of priests blessing at .Muss is not very
ancient. The older writers on ritual
make no mention of it, and although it
was known to the author of the " Micro-
logus," a contemporary of Gregory VII.,
the custom does not seem to have beeu
universally received even then. At one
time priests used to make the sign of the
cross three times over the people. Pius
V. restricted them to a blessing with a
single sign of the cross, except in solemn
Masses; Clement VIII. made the rule,,
which forbids a priest to bless with th&
triple sign of the cross, absolute.
« Num. vi. 27.
* Luc. z. 6.
BLESSING
BOHEMIAN BRETHREN 97
(2) By bisshops. A bishop immediately
after his consecration is conducted round
the church, blessing the people ; and after-
wards, returning to the altar, blesses them
solemnly, making the triple sign of the
cross. lie uses the same rite of blessing
whenever he says Mass. An abbot,
according- to the decrees of Alexander
Vll., can give the blessing with the triple
sign of the cross only when he celebrates
Mass pontificallv. (See Benedict XIV.
" De Miss." ii. l4.)
(3) By the Pope. The Pope blesses
the people solemnly at Easter, on the
feast of St. Peter and St. Paul, and also
on other special occasions. To this papal
blessing ( Benedict io Pontijicia seu Apo-
stolica) a plenarj- indulgence is attached,
to be gained by the faithful on certain
conditions. Bishops in virtue of a special
indult sometimes receive the privilege of
bestowing the Papal blessing at stated
times. The bishop gives it after Mass,
first causing the Apostolic letters, which
confer the plenary indulgence, to be read.
The power of bestowing it is also some-
times conimunicatedtoslmple priests — e.g.
to regulars, at the conclusion of a mission,
&c.
Hitherto we have been occupied with
blessings bestowed upon the faithful in
general. But there are al?o lil('.~-inas
reserved for special persons or f.n- -jHcial
objects. Gavantus and other writers nn
ritual divide blessings of this kiiKl ' intu
two classes — viz. into benedict ione.? intyicc-
tiea, or blessings which merely invnkr the
blessing of God upon persons or things ;
and benedictiones constii utivff, or blessings
which set apart a person or thing for the
service of God. To the former class
belongs the blessingof houses, fields, ships,
candles, food, &c., &c. : to the latter the
blessingof sacerdotal vestments, coi-porals,
altar-cloths, &c. It is impossible to dis-
tinguish accurately between the use of the
word consecration and blessing when it is
used in the sense of benedictio constitutiva ;
but consecration denotes a more solemn
form of blessing, so that we speak of
blessing an abbot or a bell, but of conse-
crating a chalice or an altar. Of these
blessings some (such as that of the At/nm
Dei, and the rose sent to sovereigns) are
resened to the Pope; others {e.ff. the
blessing of a king or queen at their
coronation, of bells, vestments, &c.) are
1 This division really includes all lilessiners,
for such as are jiiven to the laitht'ul };enerally
tall under the head of Benedict hues invoca-
ticce.
roper to bishops; others (such as the
lessing of houses, fields, medals, crosses.
&c.) may be given by simple priests, though,
of course, for many blessings special facul-
ties are required.
"With regard to the rite employed,
the more ordinary blessings are given by
the priest in surplice and stole, with
prayer, accompanied by the sign of the
cross and very often by the use of holy
water. In other more solemn blessings
other rites are added, such as exorcisiiis,
incensation and anointing with th" Imly
oils. Theprinciples on which tlie,-e sp.-cial
blessings rest are very simple, (^od nunle
all things good, but altliuu-h niatier -till
remains good, it has lieeii marreij, and is
constantly aliased by the spirits of evil.
HeiK-e the L'hurcli, in the power and
name (it (_'lin>t, reseiies persons and things
from the power of the devil. Further,
she prays that the things which she
blesses may avail to the spiritual and
bodily health of her children. It may be
asked, how water, or medals, or candles,
can possibly help us on the way to heaven.
In theinseives ]ilaiuly they have no such
power, lint they tend to excite good
dispositi(.in,~ in tlmse who use them aright,
not iinly beeau.-e they remind us of holy
things, but also liecause they have been
blessed for our use by the prayers of the
Chinch. There is surely no superstition
in lielievingthat if the Church prays that
the sight or use of pious objects may
excite good desires in her children, God
will listen to these prayers and touch in a
sjiecial way the hearts of those who use
them aright.
BXiOOB. [See B.\PTisii, § III. See
also Precious Bi.ood.]
I BOBEMZAK ERBTHBEIir. The
gentleness with which the L'omicd of
: Basle dealt with the Hussites, ami the
; evident desire of the majority of the pre-
lates to go to the verge of lawful con-
cession in order to restore them to the
unity of the Church, deprived tin lii-ni
otmuch of rnison d'etre. The moderate
party (Calixtines) were disposed to lie
satisfied with the concession as to eoui-
munion under both species, joined to a
]iromise that clerical abuses should be
reformed; while the violent section
(Taborites), after a long succession of
victories over their German foes, were
signally defeated at Lalian (1434), and
after that found it necessary to abate
their pretensions. Some years pas.-ed ; a
[ Taborite remnant which had found shelter
at Lititz, on the frontiers of Moravia and
H
■98 BOHEMIAN BEETHBEN
BOLLANDISTS
Silesia, throve unmolested ; its leaders
plunged anew into the dreamy mysticism
which has such charms for the Slavonian
mind; they fraternised with some scat-
tered Calixtine pastors, who were dis-
contented with what they regarded as
the undue pliability of the mass of their
party, and the " Union of the Bohemian
Brothers' (1457) was the result. Three
of their leading men, Kunwald, Pre-
lautsch, and Krenov, were ordained (1467)
by a Vaudois bishop. Under the Bohe-
mian prince George Podiebi-ad (died 1471)
tliey were subjected to much persecution.
"Wladislav, his .successor, left them undis-
turbed, and in his long reign they grew
greatly in numbers and solidity; about
1500, they possessed two hundred churches
in Bohemia and Moravia. When the
Reformation came, the brethren, after
vainly endeavouringto extract an approval
of the " Apology " for their system which
they had drawn up from the wary
lu-asmus, made overtures to Luther.
These were well received; but the
brethren were scandalised at the lack of
discipline which prevailed amongLuther's
followers, and for a long time there was a
coolness; ultimately, however, sometliing
like a cordial understanding was estab-
lished. The toleration which the brethren
bad long enjoyed was withdrawn, about
the middle of the sixteenth century, by
Ferdinand, brother to Charles V. ; and
many of them emigrated in consequence
to Prussia and Poland. The Emperors
Maximilian and Rodolph (1564-1612)
w^ere favourable to them ; the latter gave
them permission to found an Academy
and a Consistory, to hold churches and
found new ones on the estates of their
adherents. With prosperity, says their
historian, Comenius, came the relaxation
of their peculiar discipline. They joined
the general rising of the Bohemian Pro-
testants against Ferdinand XL, and after
the battle of the White Hill (1620) were
implicated in the consequences of their
defeat. Many thousands of them aban-
doned their native soil; and of those who
remained, hoping against hope that the
old state of things would one day be
restored, the greater number, at last re-
nouncing that hope, quitted Bohemia in
1721 and found a refuge on the estate of
Count Zinzendorf, in Lusatia. Under the
name Herrn-huters or Moravians, the
new organisntion which these refugees,
aided by their patron Zinzendorf (who to
a my.stical and imaginative turn united
much quiet power and practical sagacity),
succeeded in forming, has gained a world-
wide notoriety. The Brethren who still
lingered on in Bohemia adhered under
Joseph n. (1780-1790) to the Helvetic
Confession, because that Emperor would
tolerate in his dominions no other Protes-
tant doctrine but either that or the
Confession of Augsburg. As a distinct
sect the Bohemian Brethren no longer
exist.
With regard to their doctrine and dis-
cipline, it is unnecessary to say that they
neither admitted the authority of the
chair of Peter, nor the unity of the visible
Church. After the Reformation period
they adopted Luther's opinions on most
other points, but would not follow him
in embracing the tenet of consubstantia-
tion : they would only allow of a mystical
union of the body and blood of Christ
with the elements, and denied anything
like a real presence. Their organisation
was the most remarkable thing about
them. They divided themselves into
three classes, the Beginners, the Profi-
cients, and the Perfect {incipientes, profi-
cientes, perfectt). From the ranks of the
Perfect were chosen the ministers, who
were also of tkree kinds, acolytes or dea-
cons, pastors or priests, and bishops or
presidents. They had four fu.-t days of
obligation in the year. In relation to sin,
the laity (if their oifences were of an open
nature — for such only, in the absence of
confession, could the system reach) were
subjected to three degrees of discipline :
warning, public reproof, and excommuni-
cation. (Ginzel's article in Wetzer and
Weltp.)
BOIiKAWDZSTS. A name given to
the Jesuit editors of the great "Acta
Sanctorum," or Lives of the Saints. The
first plan of the work came from the
Flemish Jesuit Rosweid, who calculated
the size of the whole work at eighteen
volumes. He, however, died in 1629,
without actually beginning the work.
His papers were entrusted to another
Jesuit, John BoUand (born in the Nether-
lands, 1596— died 1665), who settled at
Antwerp and opened a correspondence
with learned men over Europe, in order
to procure the documents useful for his
purpose. The plan grew in the hands of
Bollandus, and in 1635 his brother-Jesuit
George Henschen (born 1600— died 1681)
was appointed to help him. In 1643. two
large folios appeared, containing the lives
of the Saints who are commemorated in
January ; they were followed in 1658 by
three more folios, containing the Saints
BOLSEXA, MASS OF
BRASSES
99
for Ft'brxiary. Two years later a new
labourer was secured, the Jesuit Daniel
Pa pe brock (bom 16:^8 — died 1714), and, at
the wish of Pope Alexander VII. , Hen-
schen and Papebrock travelled through
France, Germany, and Italy, where they
found many precious MSS. A little later
Bolland died, but the number of those
w])0 laboured at the work was continually
recruited from the society ; indeed, even
at'ii'r the suppression of the Jesuits, the
BoUandist Lives were still continued by
ex-Jesuits, until in 1794 the French Revo-
lutionary troops entered the Netherlands,
and put an end for the time to this great
undertaking. At that date the Lives had
reached the o3rd volume, which was
priuted at Tongerloo in the very year the
French troops entered, and contained Lives
of the Saints from the 12th to the 15th
October. The papers of the Jesuit
fathers were scattered, some perishing
entirely, others being preserved in the
Royal Librarv- at Haag, and in the Bur-
gundian Library at Brussels. Napoleon
desired in vain to procure a continuation
of the work. At last, in 1837, the Belgian
Government entrusted the prosecution i^f
the work to the Society of Jesus, and
next year a prospectus was published,
"De Prosecutione Operis BoUandiani."
The first volume of the new series wa>:
published about nine years later. A new
edition in sixty-one vols, folio — viz. down
to the last volume published — has been
issued at Paris by Palnu?, 1863-1875.
BOIiSEN-A, MASS or MZRACZiE
OP. A portent which is said to have
happened at Bolsena (the ancient Volsi-
nium) in the reign of Urban IV. This
Pope was still in doubt whether he should
cause the feast of Corpus Christi to be
kept throughout the Church. While he
held his court at Orvieto in the year 1264,
a priest in the neighbouring city of Bol-
sena spilt a drop of the Precious Blood
from the chalice with which he was saying
Mass, and tried to conceal the accident
by covering the spot where the consecrated
wine had fallen, with the corporal. Sud-
denly the corporal was covered with red
spots in the shape of a host. This miracle
led the Pope to delay the institution of
the least no longer. The corporal is still
presei-ved at Orvieto, and the event is
commemorated in a famous picture of
Ra])hael's in the Vatican. (See Hefele in
"\^'etzer and Welte, and Benedict XIV.
" De Festis," De Festo Corporis Christi,
wliere another account is also given, ac-
cording to which the miracle happened
' to remove the priest's doubts in transub-
j stantiation.)
] BOirz BOMZM-ES. Several monastic
brotherhoods have borne this name.
\ (1) The order founded in the eleventh
century by St. Stephen Grandmont was
once so called. A house of theirs at
Vincennes having been transferred by
Henry HI. in 1584 to the Minims, "a
branch of the Franciscans, these (2) came
to be called in France Bons /lommes.
(3) A Portuguese order of Canons,
founded in the fifteenth century by John
Vicenza, Bishop of Lamego, had the same
appellation. After a time they had four-
teen houses in Portugal, and we read of
their sending missionaries to the Indies
and to Ethiopia. (4) Matthew Paris
describes the arrival in England in 1257
of some friars of an order previously un-
known, whom he calls fratres saccati.
Comparing this with a passage in Poly-
dore Vergil referring to the same y^ar,
we find that these unknown religious
professed the rule of .^t. Austin, and were
called in England " Boni Homines."
Roger de Ho\ e(len, under the year
1176, gives an abstract of the proceedings
of a council held at Lombers, near
Toulouse, which examined and condemned
some heretics calling rlieiiiselves Boni
Homines, whose tenets seem to have
closely rrsrnibled tli(»e of the Cathari
and Paulicians. 'AT.i)ir;ENSES.^
BOWIIffG. [See r4E>TFLEX10N.]
BRASSES. Engraved sepulchral
memorials on brass are so called, which
began to a large extent to supersede stone
tombs and effigies in the course of the
thirteenth century. One great advantage
of their use was that they could be let
into the pavement : they took up no room
in the church. Once introduced, the
fashion spread rapidly : improvements and
, developments appeared: and during thrr^
I centuries brasses may be said to have been
in general use. The material employed
was hard latten or sheet brass. The
Reformation brought in a period of
plunder and destruction, from which
(especially the former, because of the
intrinsic value of the metal) our bra>ses
sufl'ered enormously. Their number must
have been very great, if it be true that
four thousand are still preserved in various
parts of England. They were once
equally common in France, Germany,
and Holland : in France, however, all
that eseaped the Ilugu. nots were pur-
loined by the revolutionist^. There are
I fine brasses at Meissen and Freiberg ia
100 BREVIARY
Saxony, at Werden and Paderborn in \
"Westphalia, and at Bruges in Flanders. '
The greater number of those preserved in
England are in the eastern counties ; the
churches of Ipswich, Norwich, Lynn, and
Lincoln, are exceptionally rich in them.
The chapel of Merton College, Oxford, '
once possessed a large number; but many !
have di,^u]i]icai<'(l, and of those that re- |
mam >uiiif Ii.im' been sadly mutilated.
Tlir eal■lit_'^t I'.nglish brass now in exis-
tence is said to be tliat of Sir Roger de
Trumpington, at Truiii])iiig'ton, near Cam-
bridge; Its date is V2S\). That of Sir
John d'Abernon, at Stoke d'Abernon in
Surrey (1327), is exceedingly fine; the
ettigy is the size of life. In Acton Bur-
nell church there is a well-known one of
a Lord BurufU, dating from the same
century. In tlie fifteenth century this
art, 111 n'.-pfi-t both of design and of exe-
cution, i-rarlicil its acme. In the cathe-
dral of ('(iii>l ance there is a fine brass of
English ^\ .u-lviuauship commemorating a
bishop of Salis))ui-y, Robert Hallam, who
difd (luring the council held at that city
(1414-17). In the sixtcentli centuiy the
figures become jmi traits. " The incised
lini's were filled up with some black
resinous substaiu-i', and the ai-niorial
or coarsi' eiianicl of various colours."
(Parker's " (Hoss. of Arch."). T\w sub-
ject of iMiglisli brasses is exhaustively
treated in iIih work of Cotniaii.
BREVZARV. The word ]5reviary,
or compendium, is of median al (U-igin, and
Fleurv could find no examjile of its use
before the Year 10!»'.>.' Ibit tile recitation
of thr l!iv\iary is the coiit inuation of a
ju'actici' -which \\as in iisi' from the in-
fancv of tlic Church, nay, which the
Churt-li la r.M 11' ]ici'i\cd from the Syna-
gogue. ^\^■ may divide the liistory of
the Bre^•iary prayer into four periods :
the first from the beginning of Church
liistory down to Pope Damasus in the
fourth century ; the second extending to
the reign of Gregory VII. in the eleventh;
the third to that of Pius V. in the six-
teenth ; while the fourth period stretches
from Pius V. to our own day. In these
periods we propose to trace the history of
the Iioiirs of prayer, the origin, the com-
])lctioii, and the final revisions of the
Bre\ iaiy. We shall treat in conclusion
of its c(jmponent parts, of the obligation
of reciting it, and of the authority which
belongs to its teadiing.
I, The Hours of Prayer in the first
» I'leury, Hist. Ixiv. 64.
BREVIARY
Tour Centuries. — Even in the Acts of the
Apostles we find the third, sixth, and
ninth hours specially mentioned. From
Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Cy-
prian,^ and others, we learn that the
observance of these hours was general
among Christians, and that mystic
significations were attached to them.
In the eighth book of the Apostolic
Constitutions^ morning and evening
prayer are mentioned in addition to
the three hours already named, and all
five hours are regarded as times of public
prayer. To these five hours we must add
the nocturnal prayers on the vigils of
feasts. This last became more prominent
when the times of persecution passed
away, and the coenobitical or monastic
life grew and flourished. Cassian tells us
that the monks divided the nocturnal
olticc into three nocturns. Thus, count-
ing the nocturnal office as one, we get
six hours, corresponding to matins with
lands, prime, t irrcc, si 'Xt. none and vi'spers,
in the present P.rcvlaiy. We may men-
tion here, for thf salic of comcnieiice,
though the fact belongs to our second
period, that St. Benedict, in the sixth
century, added compline to the hours, and
so completed the number seven, answering
to the praises "seven times a day" of
which the psalmist speaks.^ The service
at these hours consist. '(1 of psalms, Lrtions,
and prayi'r-. As (•arl\- at !i a-t as the
time of Atliauasius,' it was thr custom
in the East to have the alternate verses
of the psalm intoned by difi'erent choirs,
and this practice was introduced at Milan
uudi'T' St. Amlirose.* The lections were
Usually from Scripture, but on the feasts
of the 3lartyi',s their Acts were also read.
Much was left to free choice in the selec-
tion of the Scriptural lessons.' The
prayers were recited after each psalm, and
the office concluded with the blessing of
the celebrant.'
II. Origin of the Breviary. Damasus
1 Tertull. De Orat. Domin. 2.i ; Clem. Al.
Strom, vii. 7; Cypriiin. De Orat. Dnm. Si, o.i.
'- Ap. Const, viii. 33. Pravor at "cock-
crow" is also mentioned.
s Some liturirical writers niaUe .seven hours,
counting matins ami lauds as one. Bona counts
seven day hours, and makes matins correspond
to the '"midnight praise" spoken of in the
1 Psalms.
^ I'lipodoret. Hist. ii. 29.
•'■ .\ugust. Confess, ix. 7.
I s Probst, Brevier und Brevier-gebet, p. 28.
The permission, however, Merati says, was not
universal.
7 The Council of Laodicea, canon 17, orders
a lection after each psalm.
BREVIARY
BREVIARY
101
to Grego)-y VII — Great ehanfres occurred
-during this second period. According to
a tradition which is not well attested, but
which is most likely correct in sut)stance,
St . Jerome, at the request of Pope Daniasus,
ammged thepsalms for the diti't rent hours
and put the lections together in books
called Lectionaries, and these Lectionaries
were provided with indices marking the
beginning and end of the lections. Later
on, in the middle ages, we find the word
Breviary used for a collection of rubrics,
pointing out the way in which the office
was to be said on each day, and sometimes
these rubrics were united with the office
itself so as to form one book, which was
■called Plenarium, and answers to our
present Breviary.' Further, hjTiins were
added to the office as early as the sixth
century," although particular churchts
varied in this respect, and the l!om<ni
Church did not adopt them till our thinl
period.' At the same time lections were
introduced from the writings of tlie
Fathers, and these as well as the psalni.s
and responsories were adapted to the
diflerent feasts. Lastly, the influence of
the Roman Church introduced uniformity
throughout the West. We find an Eng-
lish council in the year 748 i)a,--iiiii a
decree that the feasts should be kept ■• in
all things pertaining to them ... in c- li-
bration of Masses, in mode of singiui;,
according to the written copy which \\ e
have from the Roman Church." Charle-
magne introduced the Roman office
throughout most of his vast empire, and
at last, in 1048, the Council of Burgos
ordered its use in Spain."'
III. The Vomplction of the Breviary.
Gregory VII. to Pius F.— Hitherto we
have traced the origin of the Breviary
offices ; we now find the word " Bre\ iary "'
in its modern sense. " A certain shorten-
ing of the office,'" says Merati, "was
made by Gregory VII., and the office so
shortened was called Breviary." Lender
Innocent III. the office was abbreviated
still further. Next, changes were made
in its an-angements by the Franciscan
•General Ilaymo, and Nicholas III. pre-
scribed the use of the Breviary thu> m xli-
fied in the churches of Rome. Canlnuil
Quignon made additional and radical
alterations. In his Breviary the Psalms
were recited every week ; nearly the whole
of the New Testament and a great part
of the Old were read in the course of the
» Probst, p. 32.
* Concil. Agath. can. 30.
» Probst, p. 34. *
Ibid. p. 35 seq.
year; the chapters, responsories, and
versicles were excluded. The use of this
Brevian- was permitted from the time of
Paul lil. to that of Pius V.— viz. for
about forty years.'
IV. Final Revisions of the Breviary.
Pius V. to the present day. — The Council
of Trent, finding that the commission
which it had appointed to revise the
Breviarj- had not time to complete their
work, left the matter in the Pope's hands. -
Pius v., with the assistance of the Barna-
bite Fathers, eff ected the desired revision,
and imposed the new Breviary on the
whole Latin Church, permitting, however,
churches to retain a special Breviary of
their own, if tliev could alleu't' a i)re~crlp-
tion of 200 years on its behalf. Addi-
tional inipri)\ ements were i tl'. rt. il liy a
commissi(.)n under Clement VIII. Bcliar-
mine and Baronius were nieuiliers nt it,
and to them we owe great amelioi a' ions
in the lections of the second noeturu
which contain the history of the Saints.
The finishing touches were added by
Urljan Vlll. : once more the lections were
revised, and with the liel]) of three learned
Jesuits many barbaiisms and false
quantities were removed from the hymns.
Since the time of this Pope the Breviary
lia~ reni,;iue.l unaltered, except that of
iour,-e I'tliees tVir ,-aints canonised since
that time, and for 11. -w feasts, have been
added by the authorit\- of different Popes.
It is true that new I'reviaries were con-
structed in Frame .luring the seven-
teenth and eiuliteeiitli l eiituries; but the
bishops who IjroiiuLt them into use had
no power to do so lawfully, and these
new Breviaries are now entirely or almost
entirely abandoned. These modern Galil-
ean Breviaries must not lie confused with
the ancient Galilean ntiiee, current in
France before Cliarleniat;ni>',- time.
V. The Arranycmcnt I'f the Ilri i iary.
■ — The Breviaiy is dnided into lour
parts: viz. a winter, sjniug, summer, and
autumn quarter. Each part contains
(a) the psalter — i.e. the psalms arranged
for each day of the week. (3) The
]iroper of the season — i.e. hymns, aiiti-
jilions, chapters, and lessons, with re-
sjionsories and versieles, for each day of
the Church year, ineluding the mo\al)le
feasts, (y) The pi o]ier of the saints — i.e.
prayers, lesson.-, resixuisories, &c., for tlie
immovable feasts. (S) The common of the
saints — i.e. psalms, with antiphons, lec-
tions, &c., for feasts of a particular class, e.g.
' Fleury, Contin. cxx.xvi. 49; Probst, p. 46.
2 Scss. xsv. contin.
102 BREVIARY
BRIGITTINES
of the Blessed Virgin, of a Martyr, &c. To
this division the Little Office of the Blessed
"\'irgin, the office of the dead, the peni-
tential and gradual psalms are added,
(e) A supplement containing offices which
do not bind the whole Church, but ai-e
recited only in particular countries, &c.
Besides this, a diocese, province or county,
&c., or, again, an order or congregation,
may have a special supplement with
offices approved for use in that district.
This second supplement forms no part of
the Breviary. It is printed separately for
the persons who are to use it, and then,
usually, for the sake of convenience, bound
into the Breviai-y. Every day the office
is composed of matins and lauds, prime,
tierce, sext, none, vespers and compline ;
but the rules which determine the mode
of their recitation are too elaborate to be
given here.
VI. The Obligation of Reciting Office.
— At first all the faithful were accustomed
to assist at the canonical hours. "The
piety of the lay-people," says Thomassin,
" cooled : the clergy did not relax their
primitive fervour." From the sixth cen-
tury downwards, many councils speak of
this obligation on the part of clerics, but
they do not so much enforce it as take
for granted a law ab-eady enforced by the
custom of the Church. The present disci-
pline of the Church imposes the obliga-
tion (a) on all clerics, even if not iu
holy orders, who hold a benefice. By-
omitting their duty they forfeit the fruits
of their benefice and must make restitu-
tion (so the Fifth Lateran Council,
session ix.) ; 0) on all persons in Holy
Orders, i.e. on subdeacons, deacons,
priests ; {y) on religious men and women,
professed for the duties of the choir. In
the two last cases Billuart considers that
the obligation cannot be proved by any
positiv(> law, but is founded on custom
which has the force of precept.' All these
persons are required under pain of mortal
sin to recite the office at least iu private.
VII. The Authority of Statements in
the Breviary. — As the Church herself im-
poses the recitation of the Breviary, it
cannot contain anything contrary to faith
or morals ; otherwi.«e the Church herself
would be leading her children into error.
But no Catholic is obliged to believe his-
torical statements merely because they are
found in the Breviary, and as a matter of
1 Rilliiart. De Re/itj ii. 8, .3. whcro ho says
that the canons speak "either of priests only,
or of beneficed clerks, orof the public office," &c.
See also Liguor. Theol. Moral, v. § 140.
fact many of them have been questioned and
denied by Catholic critics and historians.
The ])rincipal books on the Breviary
are : — in the middle ages, Amalarius of
Metz, who wrote four books " Be Eccle-
siastico Officio," in the year 820 ; the
author of a work called " Micrologus de
Ecclesiasticis Observationibus," written iu
the time of Gregory VII. ; John Beleth,
a Paris theologian, who wrote, about the
middle of the twelfth century, " De Divinia
Officiis ; " the abbot Rupert, •' De Divinis
Officiislibri xli." (died 1 135),andDurandus,
"Rationale Divinorum Officiorum "(about
1286). In modern times the principal
authors are : — Grancolas,"Commentariu3
historicus in Romanum Breviarium ; "
Bona, "De Divina Psalmodia;" but above
all Gavantus, who published " Commen-
taria in Rubricas Missalis et Breviarii,"
in 1628, and Merati, who edited the work
of Gavantus with elaborate notes. (From
Gavantus, with Merati's notes, and from
Probst, "Brevier und Breviergebet.")
BRZSAIi WREATH. [See Mab-
RIAGE.]
QRZEF. A papal Brief is a letter
issuing from the Court of Rome, written
on fine parchment in modern characters,
subscribed by the Pope's Secretary of
Briefs, dated " a die IS ativitatis," and
sealed with the Pope's signet-ring, the
seal of the Fisherman. [See Bull.]
BRZCZTTzn-ES. This order was
founded about 1344 by St. Brigit of
Sweden, author of the " Revelations " so
well known and so greatly esteemed by
persons aspiring to perfection. Each
monastery is double, for nuns and for
monks ; but the foundation of the nun-
neries, which were to contain on the
average sixty inmates, was the principal
object of the founder: the related houses
of monks were to have thirteen inmates
each, priests, besides four deacons. The
constitutions of the order, which took the
name of the Order of the Saviour, were
said to have been communicated to St,
Brigit by divine revelation ; the rule was
that of St. Austin. The first monastery
was built oil the saint's estate of Wastein,
in the diocese of Lincopen. The order
spread through all the northern countries
of Europe, and was of notable service to
the Church. The convent of "Wastein,
partly through the extraordinary con-
stancy of the nuns, partly from their find-
ing friends where they could have least
expected them, survived the change of
religion in Sweden for many years, and
I was only suppressed in 1.505. In England
BRITISH CHURCH, ANCIENT
BRITISH CHURCH, ANCIENT 103
there was one great aud wealthy Brigit-
tiiie house, Sion Convent, near Brentford.
This was one of the few monasteries re-
stored by Queen Mary ; but being again
suppressed under EHzabeth, the nuns,
that they might be free to observe their
rule, took refuge at Lisbon. They have
had a perpetual succession in Portugal
down to our own day ; and in 1861 some
of them came to England and founded
the Brigittine convent of Sion House,
Spettisbury, in Dorsetshire, afterwards
(1887 1 removed to Chudleigh, Devon.
BRZTZSH CHITRCH, ANCISHT.
"In the year 156 from our Lord's Incar-
nation, whilst Eleiitherius, a holy man,
was vested with the pontificate of the
Roman Church, Lucius, king of Britain,
sent him a letter praying to be made a
Christian by an act of his authority — the
object of which pious request he soon
after obtained — aud the Britons having
received the faith kept it whole and
undetiled, and in peace and quiet till the
days of the Emperor Diocletian " (Beda,
" Eccl. Hist." i. 4). During the persecu-
tion St. Alban and many others suti'ered
martyrdom in Britain. After the eleva-
tion of Constantine to the purple (which
took place at York, where bis father
Coustantius died, in the year 306) we tiiid
the Briti.<h Church in communion of faith
aud discipline with the rest of Christen-
dom. Contemporary documents tell us
of British bishops sitting in the Councils
of Aries (314\ Sardica (347), and
Rimini (359). The Arian and Pelagian
heresies both found favour in Britain —
indeed, the latter is said to have had a
British origin (see Pelagiauism). It
wasexpelled by St. Germanusof Auxerre,
assisted by Lupus of Troyes, and Severus
of Treves. From the moment that the
Romans withdrew from Britain we are
left in darkness as to the fate of the
British Church, untD, about 559, we meet
with the writings of the Briton Gildas.
From these we gather the following
information as to the worship and doc-
trine of the Britons. 1. They believed
in one God in three Persons ; in the
Divine and human natures of Christ, in
the redemption of mankind through His
death, and in the eternity of heaven and
hell. 2. Their hierarchy consisted of
bishops, priests, and other ministers ; a
particular service was employed at their
ordination; the hands of the bishops and
priests were anointed and blessed ; these
were looked upon as successors of St.
Peter, the prince of the Apostles and
bearer of the keys of the kingdom of
heaven; they sate in his seat, and
inherited his power of binding and loos-
ing ; it was their duty to teach the people,
and to offer sacrifice. 3. The Britons
had monasteries of monks, presided over
b}' abbots ; the monks made the usual
vows of obedience, poverty, and chastity ;
and widows often bound themselves by
! vows to a life of continence. 4. They
[ built churches in honour of the martyrs ;
there were several altars, the seats of the
I heavenly sacrifice, in the same church ;
the service was chanted by the clergy in
the churches ; oaths of mutual forgiveness
and peace were taken by adverse parties
on the altar. 5. Their liturgical language
was Latin ; their translation of the Bible
the Vetus Itala ; they sang the Psalms
from a translation of the Septuagint, the
same as that used in the Latin Church ;
they quoted the Books of Wisdom and
Ecclesiasticus as of equal authority with
the other canonical books. Gildas re-
bukes both clergj' and laity alike for their
unchristian lives. Murder, rapine, gross
immorality, simony, ambition, are some
of the crimes to which he attributes the
downfall of Britain. The deplorable
state of the British Church as described
by liildaswas probably the motive which,
4<) years later, induced Pope Gregory to
place the British bishops under the
superintendence of St. Augustin. " Your
brotherhood," says the Papal mandate,
" will moreover have subject to you . . .
all the bishops of Britain, by authority of
God and our Lord Jesus Christ ; that
from your instruction they may learn to
believe correctly and from your example
to live religiously, and thus, by the dis-
charge of then- duty, obtain the reward
of the heavt^nly kingdom " (Beda, i.
29). In the course of time Augustin
had a meeting with the Britons. He
requested them to join in fellowship with
him, to help him in the conversion of the
idolaters, and to conform to the usages of
the universal Church, especially in the
celebration of Easter [see Eastek] and iu
completing baptism after the Roman
manner, viz. by adding ConfirnMtion to it.
These demands clearly show that there
was no difference of doctrine between the
British and the Roman Church, nor
respecting the authority claimed and
exercised by the Bishop of Rome. Had
the Britons differed from Augustin
on these points he would never have
I invited them to become his fellow-mis-
I sionaries. The meetings and conferences
104 BRITISH CHURCH, ANCIENT
BULGARIANS
however, led to no practical results, on
account, we may safely assume, of the
hatred of the Britons for the Saxon
invaders. The British Church naturally
met with the sauie fate as the British
race. The Saxon conquest was one of
ruthless e.xtermination. Some of the
unfortunate natives escaped into the
western portions of the island, and there
the British Church long survived, until it
was ultimately absorbed into the En|,'lish
Church. Attempts have lately been
made to trace the origin of the .Vnglican
Protestant Church to the ancient British
Church. But, as we have already seen,
the British Christians agreed with the
Roman Augustin on every substantial
point, and held doctrines now repudiated
by -Viiglifiins. "Those who study the
learned work of the late Mr. Haddon and
Bi.shop Stubbs (' Councils and Ecclesias-
tical Documents,' &c., vol. i.) will find in
the materials collected (from which alone it
is possible to obtain any knowledge of the
ancient Welsh Church) nothing to jusiily
the statement that the disappearance of
diiYerences or the establishment of prac-
tical unity between the Church of
England and that ot' the Principality was
the result of Norman wars or conquests,
or of the interference of Norman kings,
barons, <<v bishops. T/ie differences ivere
of a tri villi l-iiid, quite iinirortiiy to divide
€hur</i,> ; //n'i/d/sa/ipr,,rr,/io.^ ]„i,<'l, iindrr
native ,is inuhr .Sii.ioii nijliimce]
during the Anff/o-Sa.vo/t periii<l,^ about
the end of the eighth century. Full inter-
communion, and close ecclesiastical rela-
tions between the Churches followed.
During the reign of Edward the Confessor,
the English diocese of Hereford was
administered by one of the Welsh bishops "
(" A Defence of the Church of England
against Disestablishment," by the Earl
of Selborne, 4th ed. p. 335). Besides,
if any tiling is certain in English history
it is that the great bulk of our institutions
and especially the Church, had a Saxon
and not a Brit ish origin. The philological
argument which proves so convincingly
the extermination of the Britons tells
strongly in our favour. Nn Anglican
prelate can style himself a " bislioj)," or
speak of West-" minster," or exhort I. is
flock to give "alms," or "preacii," or
" ordain " without admitting the Poman
origin of the English Church. " The intro-
duction of Christianity about the end of
the sixth century brought England into
connection with Pome, and during the
I Italics ours.
four following centuries a large number of
Latin words became familiar to educated
Englishmen. The words introduced into
the language were for the most part con-
nected with the Church, its services and
observances" (Morris' "Historical Eng-
lisli Grammar," p. 11). [See English
Church, Anglo-Saxon period; Beda,
"Hist. Eccles." ; Gildas, " De Excidio
Britannise," ed. Stevenson, Lond. 1838;
" Monumenta Historica Bi'itannica,"
vol. i. ; Lingard," Anglo-Saxon Church " ;
Haddon and Stubbs, "Councils and I'^ccle-
siaslical Documents relating to Great
Britain and Ireland."]
BUXiCARZANTS. This was another
name lor the Paulician heretics {q. v.)
owing to their long sojourn in Bulgaria.
Constantine Copronymus, about A.D. 750,
traiis])Uinted great numbers of Paulicians
from the banks of the upper Euphrates to
Constantinople and Thrace ; whence their
preachers passed into Bulgaria and ob-
tained many followers. Another powerful
colony of these sectaries was brought to
the % alleys of the Balkans in 970, by John
Zimisces, with the view of detaching
them from the Moslem alliance, and
em;>loying them as a barrier against the
barbarians of Scythia. They occupied
Philippopolis, and soon gained great in-
fluence in Bulgaria. About 1200 their
Primate Y\\v<\ at or near that city, and
iM-ncd by his vicars affiliated bodies
in Fnincr and Italy. By three channels
tliey nl.itained access to Western countries
— the trade of Venice, the military service
of the Byzantine emperors, and the pil-
grim track to Jerusalem along the valley
of the Danube. Mingled with the Cathari
and other heretics, they were found in
considerable numbers in the south of
France at the time of the Albigensian
Crusade. [Aliiigexses.] (Gibbon, "De-
cline and Fall," ch. liv.)
BUliXi. A Papal Bull is so named
from the l)idln (or round leaden seal, hav-
ing on one side a representation of SS.
Peter and Paid, and on the other the
name of the reigning Pope), which is
attached to the document (by a silken
cord, if it be a " Bull of Grace," and by
one of hem[) if a "Bull of Justice") and
■ gi\es authenticity to it. Bulls are en-
] gnissed on strong rough parchment, and
begin "[Leo] Episcopus servus servorum
Dei ad perpetuam rei memoriam." ^ A
• Or " jid futuram rei memoriam ; " or, if the
bull relates to doctrine, the words "ad ... .
nieinoriam " are omitted, and the style usually
is, " universis Christi fidelibus salu'tem et apo-
I stolicam beiiedictionem."
BILL IN CCEXA DOMINI
C^REMOXIARIUS
105
Bull is dated " a die Iiicarnationis," and ,'
«igfned by the fiinctionaries of the Papal
Chancery. It is a document of a more
formal and weighty character than a Brief, i
and many memorable Pa])al decisions and
condemnations have been given in this
form, such as the bull Unam Sanctum
■of Boniface VIII., the bull Unigenitus of [
Clement XL. &c. .^c.
BUXiZ. XXr C(E2ffA SOMZirZ. This
"was a Papal sentence of excommunication
formerly published against heretics every !
Maundy Thursday. The latest form
which it assumed was given to it by
L'rban VIII. in 16:27. It excommunicates
all heretics, mentioning the chief modern
sects and here.'>iarchs l)y name, as well as
those who aid and abet them, or read
their works : all those who appeal from
the Pope [Appeal] to a future general
council; pirates and Avreckers; Christians
who ally themselves with the Turks ;
those who maltreat I'apal officials or
falsify Papal bulls, and many others. By
degrees a spirit of marked ()])p()sition to
the publication of the bull in their do-
minions displayed itself on the part of
many Catholic sovereigns : Pope C'lenu nt
XIV. yielded to their wislir.-, and after
1773 the periodical publication of the
lull was discontinued.
BTTX.X.A.BZVax. A Collection of
Papal bulls is so called. That of Cocque-
lines (Rom. 1737) containing the bulls of
*11 the Popes from Leo the Great to Bene-
dict XII. is one of the most celebrated.
BTTBZAZ.. 'See FlXERAL."
BVBSZ: (BITRSA, also ~ PEBA).
A square case into which the priest puts -
the corporal which is to be used in Mass.
It was introduced in the fourteenth ceu- ,
tury. It should be of the same colour as
the vestments of the day. Usually it has
a cross in the middle. The priest places
it above the chalice, with the open side
towards his own breast. AMien he reaches
the altar, he extracts the corporal and
places the burse on the Gospel side.
Pius V. allowed the Spanish priests to
carry the corporal outside the burse.
(Benedict XIV. " De Miss." i. 5.)
BT TH£ GRACE OF GOD AJSH
FAVOVB OP THE APOSTOX.ZC
SEE. Bishops and archbishops now use
this formula (" Dei et Apostolicse Sedis
Gratia ") at the beginning of their pas-
torals and instructions. Something re-
sembling it came in very early ; thus St.
Boniface, the Apostle of Germany, called
himself the Servus apostolicce seiUs, and
an archbishop of Cologne in the eleventh
century took the a]i])ellation of Christi et
Clnrit/eri ejus servus. But there was for
a long time no unif(.)rmity ; inllovedeu's
" Chronicle '' may be read a brief of
Gi'olli-ey, Archbishi)]) of York, in which
tilt-re is no reference whatever to the
Holy Sc.', wliile not many pages further
on is a ^eries of decrees of Archbishop
Hubert, each of which ends with the
words " Salvo in omnibus sacrosauctfe
Romanae eccle#i;v hondre et privilegio."
In some European countries, the sove-
reigns evincing a desire to appropriate for
use in their own ])rnclamatious the phrase
Dei Gratia, the bisho])s liave used instead
the forniida dicina ip-atia. In
Otho IV., one of the eaiulidates for
the Imperial crown, adopted the style
of "Roman Emperor by the grace of
God and favour of the Holy Apostolic
See."
CSBEKOXrZAZ.E EPISCOPO-
K1TM. A book containing the ceremonies
to be observed by bishops and other eccle-
■siastics, in the peif(!rmiince of ei)iscoj>al
acts. An edition '•emended and refoimed "
was published by authority of Clement
VIII. In the bull L'vm novissiine the
Pope strictly requires aU whom it con-
cerns to follow the prescrijiticms of this
Cjeremoniale, and several of the subse-
quent Popes have renewed and confirmed
tlie same law. (" Maniiale Decret. SS.
Kit. Congr." n. 94 .ler/.)
CEBEMOirZABZVS. A name
given to the ecclesiastic who superintends
I the ceremonies in solemn ofTices. In
cathedral churches ow such master of
cereuionies should be eli-M-n by the bl.-lm]),
another, with the a]i]ii(i\al nf the bijlmp,
bv the eliapter. In ipi.-c. .jjal functions
l.'r may wear a violet ea.-.>.a k and hold a
ferule in his hand. The dignitaries even
of the chapter are bound to obey him
dui-ing the functions, for he is their
director, not their servant. Besides the
income which may belong to him as
canon, &c., he has a right to the offerings
made by clergy and people on Good
Friday after the adoration of the cross.
(" Manuals Decret. SS. Hit. Congr.")
106 C.ESARL\:nS
C.-VLATKAVA, ORDER OF
CJESAHXAIVS. The adherents of a 1
pious German friar of the order of St.
Francis, Ccesar of Spires, were so called.
Cpesar was one of those who, when Elias ;
of Cortona, the general of the order after
St. Francis, attempted to introduce relax-
ations of the rule, resisted him ; in con-
sequence of which Elias, having deceived
the Pope, threw Caesar into prison. After
having been in confinement more than
two years, the poor friar, finding one day
the door of his dungeon open, went out
to warm himself in the sun's rays. His
gaoler, a rough unfeeling lay brother, com-
ing in and thinking that Caesar meditated
escape, struck him on the head with a
bludgeon with such violence that he died
of the effects of the blow. This was in
1239. Under the generals Crescenzio
and John of Parma, who in various ways
incurred the disapproval of the stricter
Franciscans, the party of Caesar lingered
on; but after the glorious St. Bonaventure
became general (1256) and the rule and
spirit of St. Francis were restored in their
first purity, the name of Caesarians was
soon forgotten. (Fleury, "Hist. Eccl."
xxxi.)
CAGOTS. The name given to a
race of Christian Pariahs who first came
into notice in the South of France
about the tenth century. The term has
been thought to be derived from caas-
Goth, dog of a Goth, as if they were a
remnant of the Visigoths who occupied
Aquitaine till they were expelled by the
Franks ; but this derivation is quite un-
certain. The Cagots Avere not allowed to
live in towns or villages, but in groups of
dwellings set apart for them, called
cngoteries. Like the Swiss cretins, they
were looked down upon as an inferior
race; yet this inferiority was not
apparent: in physical development and
intelligence they seem to have been on a
par with their neighbours; their skin,
however, was said to emit a peculiar
odour, by which they could always be
recognised. They were required to go
into church by a separate door, to use a
special benitier, and to sit only on benches
set apart for them. No trades but those
of butcher and carpenter were open to
them. They are said still to be nume-
rous in the valleys of the western Pyre-
nees.
CAX.ATBAVA, ORBEB OF. One
of the three great military orders of
Spain; the other two were tlie knights of
Santiago and those of Alcantara. The
Templars in Spain had had immense
estates conferred upon them, and corre-
sponding services in the xmremitting war
against theMoorswere expected from them,
Calatrava, a town on the upper Guadiana,
on the borders of Andalusia and Castile,
was a post of great military importance
to the sovereigns of the latter country,
whether for offensive or defensive pur-
poses. In the twelfth century it was en-
trusted to the guardianship of the Tem-
plars ; but these, finding the charge
embarrassing, abandoned the place after
eight years. Sancho III., King of Castile,
desired to find a body of knights who
would undertake its defence; and his
wishes were soon fully met by the energy
and ability of a Spanish Cistercian monk,
Velasquez by name, who with the con-
currence of his order founded, in 1258,
a chivalrous institute, the knights of
which were to live under a strict rule and
devote themselves to the protection and
extpjision of the Christian kingdom to
wli'ch they belonged. A knight of Cala-
trn\ a bound himself to perpetual chastity,
and this obligation was only relaxed in
the sixteenth century, when permission
was granted to the knights to marry once.
He was enjoined to have his sword ready
to his hand while he slept and also while
he prayed. Silence was prescribed at
meals; the fare was plain, meat not being
allowed more than thrice a week. The
chaplains of the order were at first allowed
to talje the field in expeditions against
the Moors ; but this was afterwards for-
bidden. In 1197 Calatrava was taken by
the Moslems, and the knights retired to
Salvatierra, in the north of Spain, and
took the name of that city till their
former home was recovered. The order
soon became very rich, and the extensive
influence and patronage which its wealth
placed in the hands of the grand-mas-
ters caused the ofilce to be eagerly
sought by ambitious men. Such violent
quarrels and animosities arose from this
cause (which was similarly operative in
the case of the other military orders)
that Ferdinand and Isabella in the
fifteenth century wisely procured the
Papal sanction to the annexation of
the grand-mastership of all three orders
to the crown of Castile. In the general
suppression of the monastic orders
which the present century has witnessed
in Spain, the knights of Calatrava have
lost all their property, but as a source
of honorary distinction the order still
survives. (H^lyot ; Prescott's " Ferd inand
and Isabella."")
CALENDAll, ECCLESIASTIC-IL CALENDAR, ECCLESIASTICAL 107
CAXiENBAR, ECCX.ESZASTX-
CAX. An arran^oineiit, I'oiiuded on tlie
Juliaii-Gregoriau determinations of the
civil year, marking the days set apart
for particular religious celebration.
The Diocletian persecution made
havoc among Christian records and
writings of every kind, and for this
reason but few calendars of great anti-
quity have been preserved. One of the
earliest, dated about 350, is little more
than a list of holy days; it places
Christmas Day on JDecember 25, and
the Feast of St. Peter's Chair on Feb-
ruary '2-2. In a calendar prefixed to
the " Responsoriale " of Gregory the
Great, there is no mention of the Cir-
cumcision, nor of Ash Wednesday, but
in other respects it closely resembles the
present Roman Calendar. The various
scientific and historical questions in-
Tolved in the determination of Easter
attracted the earnest attention of the
Church from an early period. The
Venerable Beda wrote an elaborate work
"De Computo;" he is also thought by
many to have been the real author of
the essay on the true calculation of
Easter, given in the form of a letter of
the Abbot Ceolfrid to X;iiton, King of
the Picts, which he has in.-erteil in the
fifth book of his "Ecclesiastical History."
A treatise "De Computo" is also among
the works of Rabanus Maurus, the great
Archbishop of Mayeuce, in the early part
of the ninth centiu-y. It was ordered by
the Council of Orleans (541) that bishops
should every year announce the date of
Easter on the festival of the Epiphany.
Since Easter varies every year, the
liturgical arrangements of the Church,
which depend on Easier, must vary in
like mamier; and the calendar, which
notifies those arrangements, can only be
good for the year to which it refers.
From the first Sunday after Epiphany to
Advent Sunday — that is, from about the
middle of January to the end of Novem-
ber— there is not a single Sunday of which
the ritual observance is not liable to
variation from year to year, according to
the varying date of Easter. The calendar
which announces the actual course of the
liturg;\- for every day of the year, may
be called the liturgical calendar. It
takes into account the relative importance
of the celebrations which come into com-
petition on the same day, in accordance
with canon law and the decrees of the
Sacred Coiigregation of Rites, and shows
•which celebration is to prevail and be had
in use. A glance at this calendar will
show that many saints are trarusf erred in
it, as to the celebration of their festivals,
and that Masses in their honour cannot be
said on their own proper days ; but a
little further search wiU generally show
that the festival has only been transferred
a few days later — that is, to the first
vacant day. Owing to the difiVrent
dignity of feast (see Double, Semi-
Double, Feasts), their priority, and the
extent to which they may be transferred
are often ditficult matters to decide. In
general outline this liturgical calendar
is the same for the whole Church : the
feasts of our Lord and of his Dlessed
Mother are observed by all Catholics on
the same days ; so also are the principal
feasts of the Apostles, and of some of the
more eminent martyrs and saints. But
special circumstances, arising out of the
history of each Christian nation, ati'ect its
liturgical calendar to a certain e.xtent;
St. Patrick's day, which is a holiday of
obUgation in Ireland, is not so in England ;
and the octave assigned to the feast of St.
Edward, king and confessor, in the pro-
vince of Westminster, is not observed in
Ireland. Many other modifications more
or less important might be mentioned, in
virtue of which not only each Christian
nation, but every religious order, every
ecclesiastical province, eveiy diocese — one
might almost say every city, at lea^t in a
Catholic land, for the "fete patrouale" of
i Cambray is not that of Douay, and each
causes a slight disturbance of the general
Ordo in its own favour — may be said to
have a liturgical calendar of its own.
In the common ecclesiastical calendar
prefixed to Catholic directories, the " Pro-
priirm de Tempore " (that is, the arrange-
ment of feasts and offices, most of which
depend on Easter, from Advent to Pente-
cost) is given in the liturgical directoiy,
I but the feasts of saints are assigned to
their fixed days.
Still more general is that description
of ecclesiastical calendar in which the
"Proprium de Tempore" is omitted, and
only the fixed festivals retained. This, if
we exclude from it the festivals of our
Lord and the Blessed Virgin, is little
more than a calendar of saints' days, and
would tend to pass into a Martyrologv.
i The " Acta Sanctorum " of the BoUandists
may be regarded as a colossal calendar of
saints, arranged according to the succes-
sive occurrence of their festivals in the
civil year, and enriched with biographies
I and collateral information. A Greek
108 CALEIsDAE, JULIAX-GREGORIAN CALYIX AND CALVINISM
Menology is something between a calendar
and a Marty rolog;\-.
CAXiENDAK, JVI.ZAM--GREGO-
JtXAN, THE. Julius Caesar, in the
year 708 of the city, caused the civil
calendar, which had fallen into confu-
sion, to be reformed by dividing the year
into twelve months, each with the same
number of days as at present, and pro-
viding that an additional day should be
given to February in every fourth year,
in order that the natural year, which
was believed to be 365 days 6 hours
in length, might keep even pace with
the legal year. But as the real excess
of the time taken in the solar revolution
over 365 days does not amount to six
hours, but only to five hours and forty-
nine minutes (nearly), it was an inevit>
able consequence of the disregard of
this fact that the addition of nearly
forty-four minutes too much every leap-
year should again in course of time
make the natural and civil years dis-
agree. The accumulated error cau.sed
the difference of a day in about 134
years ; thus the vernal equinox, which
in the year of the Council of NiciJea
(■■!-•■")) fell, as it ouglit to fall, on
;Minch 21, in 1582 occun-ed ten days
earlier. But since Easter ought to be
kept on the Sunday after the first full-
moon following the vernal equinox, it
is 'ibvious that, witli so serious a differ-
ence between the real equinox and tlie
e(iuinox of the Calendar, Easter might
easily be kept a month too late; the
Paschal full-moon miglit liave occurred
on some day between March 11 (the date
of the real equinox) and March 21, but
be disregarded in favour of the next
full-moon, which fell after the equinox
of the calendar. Gregory XIII., con-
sulting with men of science, eff'ectually
remedied the evil, and provided against
its recurrence. He ordered that the
days between October 4 and October 15
in the current year (1582) should be
suppressed, and that, beginning with
17U0, three out of every four centesimal
leap-years— 1700, IsOO, 1900, but not
2000— should be omitted, so that those
years should have only 365, not 366
days. This change, having originated
at Rome, was long resisted in Protestant
countries. In England it was only
adopted in 1751, by which time the
accumulated error amounted to eleven
days ; these days were suppressed between
September 2 and 14, 1752. In Russia
the Julian Calendar is still adhered to,
with the result that their computation
of time is now twelve days in arrear of
the rest of Em-ope.
CAXiZXTZiarES. A section of the
followers of John Hubs, who were so-
called because they demanded the cup or
chalice {cnlix) — that is. Holy Communion
under the form of wine as well as under
the form of bread. They were also called
Utraquists {i<ub ut)-ague specie). [See
Hussites : CojiMuifioif (6).]
CAZ.VA.RZA.N'S. On the steep com-
manding hill known as Mont ValtSrien,
looking down upon the Bois de Boulogne
and famous in connection with many re-
markable incidents in the siege of Paris
some years ago, a priest of the diocese of
Auch established, about 1635, an institute
to which he gave the name of Calvary.
The name of the priest was Hubert Char-
pentier, and the object of the association
of priests which he founded was to honour
the Passion of Jesus Christ and labour
for the promotion of Catholicism in Beam,
where the Protestants were then working
with considerable success. It would ap-
pear that this institute of Calvarians dis-
appeared during the lievolution.
A congTegation of Calvarian nims,
j founded at I'oitiers in 1617 by the Pere
' Joseph, a Capuchin and intimate friend
of Cardinal Richelieu, aided by the high-
born Antoinette d'Orl^ans, still flourishes-
' in France.
There is also a congregation of Cal-
varian sisters, established by Virginia
Braccelli at Genoa in 161 9 for the purjjose
of supporting and educating destitute and
homeless girls, which has received many
favours from successive Popes.
CAIiVXSr AUJi CAX.VZM'ZSIVX.
Calvin was born in 1509 at Noyon iu
Picardy. His father (Chauvin), who was
an episcopal fiscal-procurator, secured a
good education for his son in the noble
family of Montmor. Young Calvin was
pro\ ided with a benefice, though he never
received more than the tonsure, and went
to study theology at Paris. • There, how-
ever, the influence of Olivetan and Farel
won him over to the heresy of the Re-
formers ; he gave up all idea of the
priesthood, and went to study law at
Bourges. The change which had begun
at Paris was made complete."' 'llie Luthe-
ran Wolmar persuaded him to give up
the law and to devote himself entirely
to theology. Later, when it was no
longer safe for him to remain in France,
he fled to Basle, went afterwards to Fer-
rara, and finally settled at Geneva in I53G,
CALVIN AND CALVINISM
as professor of theology and preacher.
However, in 1538, he was driven from
the town, and remained for three years
at Strasburg, wliere he married and
formed intimate connections with the Ger-
man Refonners. In 1541 he was recalled
to Geneva, and here he organised his
Consistory, through which till his death,
in 1504, he exercised an absolute power
in temporal as well as in spiritual matters.
Calvin brooked no contradiction. Cas-
tellio had to leave Geneva for attacking
the doctrine of predestination, and the
Spaniard Michael Servetus (Servede),
who attacked the doctrine of the Trinity,
was burnt alive, an auto-da-fe which
M-as approved by Melanchthon and
Bucer.
As to Calvin's extraordinary talents,
there can be no doubt. Both in Latin
and French, his writings are a model of
clear, concise, nervous language ; he had
great stores of varied learning at his
command ; his commentaries on Scripture
still hold a very high place in the esteem
of Protestant scholars, and his s^uhtlety
and power of reasoning fitted him to
become the gi-eat theologian of the lie-
formed sects. AVitli a vast section of
Protestants in Switzerland, Ilolhuul,
England, Scotland, \-c., lii^ Institutes [ In-
sti'utio Rf/ij/ionis C/iristi/iuce) pii>>t>M d
almost unlimited authority, and
esteemed as the greatest work which hud
appeared since the days of the .\po,-tlos.
It is this book which contains the
methodical exposition of his doctrinal
system. It affords abundant proof, not
only of Calvin's exalted talents, but also
of the gulf which separated him from t he
tradition of the Church. Its peculiar
doctrines have long since lost their hold
on Protestants of the better >ort, and his
system outrages the principles of natural
as well as of revealed religion. It is im-
portant, however, to remember wh.it the
system was which so many found purer
and more attractive than that of the
Church.
According to Calvin, God ordains some
to everlasting life, others to everlasting
punishment. God does not choo-. tli.>
elect for any good He sees in tlieui, or
which He sees they will do ; nor does lie
select some for eternal reprobation be-
cause of their evil deeds foreseen by Ilim.
Indeed, as the whole nature of fiiUen
man, in Calvin's view, is " utterly de-
void of goodness ; is a seed-bed of sin,"
which "cannot but be odious and abo-
minable to God ; " as man has no free-
CAMALDOLI 109
I will, and as God's grace is absolutely
irresistible ; it follows that there can be no
question of merits foreseen, on account of
I which God chooses the elect, or of de-
I merits, because of which the reprobate
j are rejected. Calvin's words are explicit
on this point. " If," he writes, " we cannot
assign any reason for His [God's] bestow-
ing mercy on His people, but just that
It pleases Ilim, neither can He have any
reason for reprobating others but His
will." ' Here of course Calvinist heresy is
in sharp antagonism to Catholic doctrine,
1 according to which God by His eternal
decree condemns none, except for their
1 sins foreseen by Him and of course freely
committed.
As to the means by which the elect
actually enter into a state of salvation
Calvin was at one with the rest of the
Reformers. He taught that justification
is effected by faith and by faith alone.
Calvin's doctrine on the sacraments — of
which he only recognised Baptism and
the Eucharist — stands midway between
that of Luther and Zwingli. He con-
sidered the doctrine of the latter (which
made the sacraments mere signs of
Christian profession, tokens by which a
man is known as such ainonp his fellow-
Chi-istlaiis) to lie eiToiieou^ and even
prolaiie. He >jie;ii<r- ni the sacraments as
niystieal sions instituted by God, who
through them, not only reminds men of
past beuetits, but also renews these bene-
fits, seals His promises, strengthens and
iui iva-^rs the faith of the recipient by the
n|„ rai!ou of the Holy Ghost. Thiis to
Calvin the sacraments were not bare
signs, but real channels of grace. But it
was to the elect only that they conveyed
this grace. To others they were bare
and ino])rrat n e svniK'iU.-
The Cahiiustu- \vorship was much
more hare and simple than the Lutheran,
and the constitution of tlie Calvinistie
sects was riiiidlv Piv>hvterian. But ( '.-il-
vin had hifrher' notions of Church free-
dom and iiule]icndence than Luther. He
maint+iini'dtliat the ( 'hurch wasaltogether
independent of the State, and the govern-
iiieut which he estahlislied at Geneva was
theocratic in its character. The influence,
however, of Calvin's doctrine was not
confined to sects with Presbyterian con-
stitution. His Imtitutio represented the
dominant theology in the Anglican Church
down to the time of Laud.
CAMAiiSOXiX. The austere order
' I„sth. lib. iii. 2-2.
- Miihler, Syinholik, bk. i. ch. 4.
110 CAMALDOLI
UAADLES AND LIGHTS
of Camaldoli -was founded by St. Romuald 1
in 1012 on a small plain among the Apen- '
nines bearing that name, about thirty
miles east of Florence. He had previously
been abbot of several Benedictine monas-
teries, the monks of which, unable to bear
the rigorous penitential life which he
wished them to practise, had all after a
time expelled him. The foundation of
1012 has always been known as the
Hermitage of Camaldoli. Romuald built
separate cells for his disciples, most of
whom had to repair to the chapel at the
canonical hours, but there was a class
among them called recluses who were
exempted from this obligation. He gave
a white habit to his hermits, whom he
obliged to fast during two Lents in the
year, and to abstain perpetually from
meat; moreover, during the rest of the
year they had to fast on bread and water
on three days in the week. After some
time a monastery was built at the foot of
the mountains, at a place called Fonte-
buono, and peopled by monks under a
prior; these, however, wore the same
habit as the hermits, and were bound to
the same rule of life. Alban Butler, who
seems to have visited Camaldoli about
the middle of the last century, thus
writes of it.' "The hermitage is two
short miles distant from the monastery
[Fontebuono]. It is a mountain quite
overshaded by a dark wood of fir-trees.
In it are seven clear springs of water.
The very sight of this solitude in the
midst of the forest helps to fill the mind
with compunction, and a love of heavenly
contemplation. On entering it we meet
with a chapel of St. Antony for travellers
to pray in before they advance any fur-
ther. Next are the cells and lodgings for
the porters. Somewlial further is the
church, which is lai-gi-, well built, and
riclily adorned. Over the door is a clock
which strikes so loud that it may be
heard all over the desert. On the left
side of the cb\irch is thi> ckII in which
St. Romuald lived, wli..ii lir li.-l .-tal.-
lished these herniils. . . . Thr wliole
hermitage is now enclosed with a wall ;
none are allowed to go out of it ; but they
may walk in the woods and alleys withiii
the inclosure at discretion. Everything
is sent them from the monastery in the
valley ; their food is every day brought
to each cell, and all are supplied with
wood and necessaries, that they may have
no dissipation or hindrance in their con-
templation. ... No rain or snow stops
» Lives of the Saints, Feb. 7.
anyone from meeting in the church to
assist at the divine office. They are
obliged to strict silence in all puljlic
common places, and everywhere during
their Lents, also on Sundays, holy days,
Fridays, and other days of abstinence,
and always from comphne till prime the
next day."
The order became very wealthy, and
many of its hermitages were after a time
changed into monasteries. It was agreed
that the general of the order, who was
also e.v officio prior of Camaldoli, should
be taken from among the hermits and the
monks. Rudolph, the fourth general,
drew up, in 1102, the first written consti-
tutions of the order, in wluch he slightly
mitigated the severity of the original rule.
In process of time the order was separated
into five provinces or congregations : that
of Camaldoli, or the Holy Hermitage; that
of St. Michael at Murano, near Venice;
that of the hermits of Monte Corona near
Perugia, a reformation founded by Paul
Giustiuiani early in the sixteenth century;
that of Turin ; and that of France.
The Canialdolesi, if the vandalism of
the present Government of Italy ha> not
yet destroyed their monasteries, have still
a famous house near Rome, besides se\ ei-al
in other parts of Italy. Pope Gregory
XVI. belonged to this order. (H^lyot.)
CAIVIEB&. [See Ctjria Roma'na.]
CAMERIiENGO. [See CUBIA
ROMAXA.]
CAircEXiiZ. [See Chancel.]
CA.N'DX.EMAS. [See PURIFICA-
TION OF THE Blessed Virgin.]
CAlfDl.ES and X.XGHTS. St Luke,
in Acts XX. 7, mentions the " great
number of lamps" which burnt in "the
upper chamber," while St. Paul "conti-
nued his speech until midnight." The
fact that Chi'istian assemblies during the
times of persecution were held Ijefore
dawn made a similar employment of
lights necessary, but we may well believe
that (he Clirist ian-. familiar as they were
Willi ili,-vinlHii;.Mhn..niilugofthecandle-
stick in the tabi'iiiaclc and temple, also
attached a symbolical significance to
the lights which they bui-ned during the
holy mysteries. This conjecture is con-
finned by the fact that the Church of the
fourth century still continued the reli-
gious use of lights when they were no
longer needed to dispel the darkness.
"Throughout the churches of the East,"
says Jerome, writing, against Vigilantius,
" lights are kindled when the gospel is to
be read, although the sun is shining : not,
CANON
CANON
111
Indeed, to drive away the darkness but as a
sign of spiritual joy." So Pauliiuis of
Nola speaks of "altars crowned with a
forest of lights," and similar language
might be quoted from Prudentius. The
use of lights at Mass is mentioned in all
the Oriental liturgies.
With regard to the West, a very
ancient African canon makes mention of
the candle handed to the acolyte at his
ordination ; ' while the niedi;Bval author of
the " Micrologus " says : " According to the
Roman order we never celebrate Mass
without lights .... using them as a type
of that light .... without which even
in mid-day we grope as in the night." Nor
was the use of lights confined to Mass.
St. Gregory Nazianzen speaks of the
lights borne by the neophytes at baptism,
"emblems," he says, "of those lamps of
faith with which radiant souls shall hasten
forth to meet the bridegroom ; " and our
custom of carrying lights at funerals can
be traced back to the fourth century.
The present custom of the Church re-
quires that candles should be lighted on
the altar from the beginning to the end
of Mass, nor can lighted candles be dis-
pensed with on any consideration. A
parish priest, for instance, must not say
Mass for his flock, even on a Sunilay, un-
less candles can be procured. Tlie can-
dles must be of pure wax and of white
colour, except in Masses for the dead,
when the S. Cong. Rit. prescribes candles
"de communi cera" — i.e. of yellow wax.
Two, and not more than two, may be 1 ighted
at a priest's low Mass, unless the Mass be
said for the parish, or for a convent, or on
one of the greater solemnities, when four
candles may be used.^ Six candles are
lighted at High Mass, seven at the Mass
of a Bishop. Twelve candles at least
should be lighted at Benediction of the
Blessed Sacrament, or six if Benediction
is given with the pyx.' Candles must also
be lighted when Communion is given,
whether in the church or in private
houses ; and one lighted candle is required
in the administration of Extreme Unction.
(See Rock, " Ilierurgia," On the Use of
Liffhfs.)
CAnroxr (member of a chapter). The
clergy of every large cluiich in ancient
times were termed ranoyuct, as Ijeing
entered on the list (for this is one of the
meanings of K(ivi>v) ol' ecckviastics serv-
1 Hefele, CnncU. ii. 70.
' " Plus quani duo," aceordinf? to a decree
of the S. Cong. ; Matmah. n. 377.
^ See the note in Munuale Decret. to n. 27.'5.5.
ing the church. A more definite meaning
was attached to the word in consequence
of the labours of Chrodegang, Bishop of
Metz, in the eighth century, to revive a
stricter discipline among his clergy, and
give scope for the exhibition among them
of shining examples of virtuous living.
He formed the clergy of his cathedral into
a commimity, bound by a rule {Knvwv in
the common sense, under which they
lived in common, on the proceeds of an
undivided property, and recited the divine
office in choir with the same regularity as
monks. Many other cathedrals and large
churches, thence named collegiate, orga-
nised themselves in the same way. In the
course of ages, the obligation of living in
common was abandoned, and the common
property was divided into portions or
prebends [Prebeitd], one for each canon;
yet still the clergy of each cathedral
formed a united body [see Chapter] which
the Council of Trent calls an " ecclesias-
tical senate," ' declaring that those who
were called to fill places in it ought — inas-
much as cathedral dignities were origin-
ally instituted in order to preserve and
increase discipline, supply society with
examples of pious life, and assist the
bishops — to be chosen with extreme care
and circumspection. In some cathedrals
the community life instituted by Chrode-
gang was retained, and other separate
institutions similarly ordered arose [see
Atjgtjstiu-ian Canons ; Pkemonstra-
TENSiANs]. The secular canons, with
whom we are at present concerned, having
the administration of large properties,
and holding in cathedrals, relatively to
bishops, a position which might be one of
willing subordination, yet might easily
become one of antagonism, form the sub-
ject of numerous chapters of the canon
law. A canonry is defined as a spiritual
right — arising out of election or recep-
tion into the chapter — first, to a stall in
choir and a voice in chapter ; next, to a
prebend or competent portion of the
chapter revenues, on the earliest possible
opportunity. Till the acquisition of a
])rebend, the holder of a canonry is a
minor canon (cano/iici/s minor) ; after it,
a major or full canon. The Council of
Trent (loc. cit.'^ ordered that no one
should be appomted to a canonry with
cure of souls attached, under twenty-
four years of age. When there is no
cure of souls, a person may receive a
canonry in a collegiate churcli at as low
an age as fourteen ; in a cathedral where
> Se-os. xxiv. De Reform, c. 12.
112
CAXON LAW
CANON LAW
the prebends are distributed among canons
with difierent orders, the recipient of a
subdiaconal canonrv must be twenty-one ;
of a diaconal, twenty-two; of a sacer-
dotal, twenty-four years of age. In
a cathedral where the canonries are
not distributed, he must be at least
twenty-two. The Council ordered that
all cathedral canons should possess a
grade of orders not lower than the
subdiaconate, and recommended that at
least half of them should be in priest's
orders ; it also obliged them to reside not
less than nine months in the year. With
regard to their duties, it says: — "Let all
be bound to attend the divine offices in per-
son and not by substitutes, and to assist
and serve the bishop when celebrating
Mass, or pontificating in any other man-
ner, and to praise the name of God reve-
renth', distinctly, and devoutly in hymns
and canticles in the choir appointed for
psalmody."
Chapters were established in England
at the restoration of the Hierarchy
(1850) ; but, as there are no revenues
attached to them, the canons are exempt
from residence and attendance at the
divine offices in the cathedral. They are
bound, however, to be present once a
month.
CANON IiAW. From the earliest
timt>s the determinations of the Church
received tlie name of Canons — that is, rules
directory in matters of faith and conduct.
Thus we read of the Apostolic Canons,
the Canons of the Council of Nice, or of
Chalcedon, &c. A tendency afterwards
appeared to restrict the term Canon to
matters of discipline, and to give the name
of dogma to decisions bearing on faith.
But the Council of Trent confirmed the
ancient use of the word, calling its deter-
minations "canons," whether they bore
on ],oints of belief or were directed to the
reformation of discipline.
Canon Law is the assemblage of rules
or laws relating to faith, morals, and
discipline, prescribed or propounded to
Christians by ecclesiastical authority.
The words " or laws " are added to the
definition, lest it be thought that these
rules are only matters of publication and
persuasion, and not l)inding laws, Uable
to be enforced by penalties. The defini-
tion shows that the ohject of canon law
is " faith, morals, and discipliiu! ; " and
nothing but these is its object. "To
Christians " — that is, baptised persons
are the subject of canon law ; and that
without reference to the question whether
they are or are not obedient to the Churcb
and within her pale. For theologian*
teach that the character imprinted by
baptism on the soul is ineffiiceable ; and
in virtue of this character the baptised are
Christ's soldiers, and subiect of right tO'
those whom He appointed to rule in His
fold. The unbaptised (Turks, Pagans,
&c.), speaking generally, are not the sul>
ji'cts (if canon law. Yet it must not be
supposed that the Church has no rights
and no duties in refzard to such persons ;
by the commission of Christ she has the-
right of visitmg, teaching, and then bap-
tising them (" euntes docete omnes gentes,
baptizaudo," &c.). "Propounded" — for
some of these rules belong to the natural
or to the divine law, and as such are not
originally imposed by the Church, but
proposed and explained by her. " By^
ecclesiastical authority" — hence canon,
law is distinguished from systems of law
imposed by the civil authority of States,,
as being prescribed by the power with
which Jesus Christ endowed the Church
which He founded ("qui vos audit, me
audit ; ]i;i>re ovcs lii-as," &C.).
IhI'.uv |)rMir,il to give a brief
sketch 111' tlie lii-l.iry of Canon law, to
notice its jiarts, ascertain its sources, and
describe its principal collections, a pre-
liminary 'ilijeetion, striking at the root of
its auth(u-it y, and aliiio^t at its existence,
must be e\aniiiied. It is, that the con-
sent of the civil po«-er in any country is
necessary to give validity to the deter-
minations of the canon law in that
country. This is the doctrine of the
"placitum regium," os "royal assent;"
it implies, whatever may be the form of
the government, that State authorisation
is necessary before it can become the duty
of a Christian to obey the ecclesiastical
authority. On this Cardinal Soglia
writes as follows :— " If we inquire into-
the origin of the ' placitum,' we shall
find it in the terrible and prolonged
schism which lasted from the election of
Urban VI. to the Council of Constance.
For Urban, lest the schism should give
occasion to an improper use of Papal
authority, granted to certain prelates that
there should be no execution of any
apostolic letters in their cities and dio-
ceses, unless su(di letters \\ . ic lir>t -liown
to and approved by those prelates, or
their officials. The rulers of European
States also began carefully to examine all
bulls and constitutions, in order that their
subjects might not be deceived by pseudo-
pontiifs. But these measures, it is evi-
CAKON LAW
CANON LAW
113
dent, were of a precautionary and tem-
porary character. However, when the
cause ceased, the effect did not also cease ;
on the extinction of the schism, the
Placitum did not disapi)ear, but was re-
tained by the civil power in many coun-
tries, and gradually extended. At first,
says Oliva, the Phicitum was applied to
PH})al rescripts of grace and justice given
to individuals ; afterwards it was ex-
tended to decrees of discipline, and in the
end even to dogmatic bulls." The Cardi-
nal explains in what sense the celebrated
canonist Van Espen, who was prone un-
duly to magnify the civil power, under-
stood the application of the Placitum to
dogmatic rescripts, and proceeds: — "It
is evident that this theory " (of possible
danger or inconvenience to the State if
Papal bulls were published without re-
straint) "arose out of the suggestions of
statesmen and politicians, who, as Zall-
wein says, out of a wish to flatter and
please the princes whom they serve, and
to enlarge their own and their masters'
jurisdiction, as well as out of the hatred of
the ecclesiastical power by which they
are often animated, invent all kinds of
dangers, harms, and losses, by which they
pretend the public welfare is threatened,
and artfully bring these views under the
notice of tlieir masters. . . . ' If,' pro-
ceeds the same Zallwein, 'the ecclesiasti-
cal sovereigns whom Christ hath set to
rule over the Church of God, were to
urge their " placitum " also, whenever
political edicts are issued which, as
often happens, are prejudicial to the eccle-
siastical state, hostile to ecclesiastical
liberties, opposed to the jurisdiction of
the Pontiff and bishops, and aggressive
against the very holy of holies, what
^\•ould the civil rulers say ? ' Following
u]) the argiiment, Govart says, ' If a
prince could not be said to have full
power and j\irisdiction in temporals, were
his edicts to depend on the "placitum" of
the Pope and bishops, and could their
publication be hindered by others ; so
neither would the Pope have full power
in spirituals, if his constitutions depended
on the " placitum " of princes, and could
be suppressed by them. "Wherefore, if, in
the former case, whoever should maintain
the affirmative might justly be said to
in)]iugn the authority of the prince, so
aiid n fortiori in the second case must
the supporter of such an opinion be said
to undermine with sinister intention the
Papal authority, or rather to destroy it
altogether.' The sum of the argument is,
that ' by the " placitum regium " the
liberty of the ecclesiastical "magisterium"
and government divinely entrusted to the
Church is seriously impaired, the inde-
pendence of the divinely appointed pri-
macy destroyed, and the mutual inter-
course between the head and the memliers
intercepted. Therefore, if the Church, to
guard against still greater evils, endures
and puts up with the "placitum," slie
never consents to or approves nf it.' "
From the point of view of the interest
of the laity, and the Christian people
generally, it is obvious that the lovers of
true liberty must disapprove of the "placi-
tum." It is impossible that the Church,
or the Roman Pontifi as the mouth-piece
of the Church, should issue any decree or
have any interest inimical to the welfare
of the general Christian pdpulation in
any State. Any obstacles, therefore,
which governments may interpose to the
free publication and execution of ecclesi-
astical rescripts cannot arise from solici-
tude for the public welfare. AMience,
then, do they arise, or have they arisen ?
Evidently from the arbitrarv" temper of
! kings, the jealousies of nobles, and the
desire of "bureaucrats to extend their
j power. These two latter classes, at least
! all but the noblest individuals among
them, are usually predisposed to hamper
the action of the Church and the clergy,
lest their own social influence sliould be
diminished relatively to that of the latter.
This is no interest which deserves to en-
I gage popular sympathies, but rather the
' contrary.
Hit'torical. — Jurisdiction is implied
in the terms of the commission of bind-
ing and loosing which Christ gave to
! the Apostles, and e.specially to Peter.
While Christians were few and apostles
and others who had "seen the Lord"
were still alive, the apostolic authority
coiild be exercised with little help from
written documents or rigid rules. As
these early conditions passed away, the
necessity of a system of law, in order to
ensureuniformity, equity, and perspicuity
in the exercise of the Church s jurisdic-
tion, could not but become increasingly
, manifest. After the Apostles had passed
away, having devolved upon the bishops
all of their authority which was not
limited to them in their apostolic charac-
ter, each bishop became a centre of juris-
, diction. In deciding any cases that might
1 be brought before him, he had three
I things to guide him — Scripture, tradition,
[ and the " holy canons " — that is, the dis-
I
114
CANON LAW
CANON LAW
cii)linarj' rules -wLicli CLuxch synods,
Iji'Lj iiining- with the Council of Jerusalem,
had established. Many of these primitive
canmis are still preserved for us in the
collect ion known as the Apostolical
■Canons [see that article], although, taken
as a whole, they are of no authority.
Till Christianity conquered the imperial
throne, questions of jurisdiction and law
did not come into prominence; after
Constantine the case was very different.
The Council of Nice, besides its dogmatic
utti iiiiires, framed a quantity of canons
fur I he regulation of Church discipline,
which, ahing with those of Sardica, were
soon translated into I^atin, and widi ly
circulated in the West. An important
step towards codification and uniformit}'
of procedure was taken at the end of the
fifth or early in the sixth centurj', when
Dionysius Exiguus, under the direction
of Popes Anastasius and Symmachus,
made a lai'ge compilation of canons for
the use of the Latin Church. In this he
included fifty of the Apostolic canons,
translated from the Greek, considering
the rest to be of doubtful authority; the
canons of Chalcedon, with those of which
1 hat council had made use ; the canons of
8Mrdica,and a large num])er promulgated
Ijy African cnuncils; lastly, the decretal
letters of the Popes from Siricius to Ana-
stasius II. The next collection is that
supi)osed to have been made by St. Isidore
of Seville, early in the seventh century.
About A.D. 850, a collection of canons and
tlecretals appeared, seemingly at Mayence,
which were ostensibly the compilation of
Isidore of Seville. In an age of great
ignorance, when criticism was neither in
favour nor provided with means, it is not
wonihnlul that this collection, which
invested with the spurious authority of
recorded decisions a system of things
existing traditionally, indeed, but liable
to constant opposition, passed speedily
into general recognition and acceptance.
Six centuries passed before it was dis-
covered that these pseudo-Isidorian or
]*'!ilsi> Decretals, as they are now called,
wei'' to a ^reat extent aforgery. [False
l)i,i i:m \ I s. Nevertheless, as Cardinal
Sou i ill I ' lii.irlvs, the collection contains in
it iioilung contrary to faith or sound
morals ; otherwise its long reception
would have been impossible ; nor does
the disci])line which it enjoins depend for
its aiithority upon this collection, but
either upon constitutions of earlier and
later date, or upon custom, " quEB in rebus
disciplinaribus multum valet. '
I Many collections of canons were made
and used in national churches between
I the date of Dionysius Exiguus and that of
the author of the " Decretum." In Africa
tliere was the Codex Africanus (547) and
the " Concordantia Canonum " of Bishop
Cresconius (697) ; in Spain the chapters
of Martin, bishop of Braga (572), besides
the work of Isidore of Seville already
mentioned; in France, a Codex Canonum,
besides the capitularies of the Merovingian
and Carlovingian kings. [Capitulary.]
Passing over these, we come to the cele-
brated compilation by Gratian, a Bene-
dictine monk (1151), which the compiler,
who-e main purpose was to reconcile the
inconsistencies among canons of different
age and authorship bearing on the same
subject, entitled " Concordantia discor-
dantium Canonum," but which is generally
known as the " Decretum of Gratian."
Having brought our historical sketch to
the point where ecclesiastical law, no
longer perplexed by the multiplicity of
canons of various date and place and
more or less limited application, begins
to provide herself with a general code —
a " corpus juris " — applicable to the whole
Catholic world, we drop the historical
method and turn to the remaining heads
of the inquiry.
Canon law consists of precepts of
different kinds. Hence it is divided into
four ^(7 precepts of the natural law,
positive divine precepts, directions left by
the Apostles, and ecclesiastical consti-
tutions. Upon each of these Cardinal
Soglia discourses solidly and lucidly in
the second chapter of his Prolegomena.
With regard to the sources whence
these precepts flow, they might, strictly
speaking, be reduced to three — God, who
impresses the natural law upon the con-
science, and reveals the truths which
men are to believe ; the Apostles ; and
the Supreme Pontiffs, either alone or in
conjunction with the bishops in general
councils. Canonists, however, find it
more convenient to define the sources of
canon law in the following manner:
1. Holy Scripture; 2. Ecclesiastical tra-
dition; 3. The decrees of cotmcils; 4.
Papal constitutions and rescripts ; 5. The
writings of the Fathers ; 6. The civil
law. On this last head Soglia remarks
that "many things relating to the ex-
ternal polity of the Church have been
borrowed from the imperial enactments
of Rome, and incorporated in the canon
law."
The Collections oi canon law, consider-
CANON LAW
CANON OF THE MASS 115
ing it as a system in present force and
obligation, commence with the " Decre-
tum of Gratian " already mentioned. This
great work is divided into three parts. The
first part, in 101 "Distinctions," treats
of ecclesiastical law, its origin, principles,
and authority, and then of the diflFerent
ranks and duties of the clergy. The
second part, in thirty-six " Causes," treats
of ecclesiastical coui-ts, and their forms of
procedure. The third part, usually called
" De Consecratione," treats of thiugs and
rites employed in the service of religion.
From its lirst appearance the Decretum
obtained a wide popularity, but it was
soon discovered that it contained numer-
ous errors, which were corrected under
the directions of successive Popes down
to Gregory XIII. Nor, although every
subsquent generation has resorted to its
pages, is the Decretum an authority to
this day — that is, whatever canons or
maxims of law are found in it possess
only that degree of legality which they
would possess if they existed separately ;
their being in the Decretum gives them
no binding force. In the century after
Gratian several supplementarj- collections
of Decretals appeared. These, with many
of his own, were collected by the orders
of Gregory IX. — who employed in the
work the extraordinary learning and
acumen of St. Raymond of Pennafort —
into five books, known as the Decretals
of Gregory IX. These are in the fullest
sense authoritative, having been delibe-
rately ratified and published by that Pope
(1234). The Sext, or sixth book of the
Decretals, was added by Boniface VIII.
(1289). The Clementines are named after
Clement V., who compiled them out of
the canons of the Council of Vienne
(1316) and some of his own constitutions.
The Extravagantes of John XXII., who
succeeded Clement V., and the JE.i ti-ava-
ffantes Communes, containing the Decre-
tals of twenty-five Popes ending with
Sixtus IV. (1484), complete the list. Of
these five collections — namely, the De-
cretals, the Sext, the Clementines, the
Extravagants of John XXII., and the
Extravagants Common — the " Corpus
Juris Ecclesiastici " is made up.
To these a very important addition
has to be made in "Jus novissimimi" —
modem law. Under this head are com-
prised the canons of general councils
since that of Vienne, contained in great
compilations such as those of Labbe and
Harduin, and the Decretal Letters of
Popes, published in the form of Bullaria,
and coming down (in the case of the great
Turin Bvllarium of 1857) to the ponti-
ficate of Pius IX. The det■i^i<in^ of
Roman congi-egations and of the tribunal
of the Rota [Rota] also form part of this
modern law. The rules of the Roman
Chancery, first formulated by John XXII.
and now numbering seventy-two, are
everj-where of authority, provided that
they do not conflict with a contrary law,
■ a clause in a Concordat, or a legitimate
custom. Lastly, the Concordats, or
j treaties entered into by the Holy See
with various countries for the regulation
of ecclesiastical aflfairs, constitute special
systems of law for those countries. \ Coy-
COEDAT.]
In England, as in other European
countries, the canon and civil law were
studied together before the Reformation,
and formed a code, applicable not only to
spiritual suits but to the large class of
mixed cases, which was enforced in the
Church courts. Provincial constitutions
were passed from time to time by different
archbishops of Canterbury, but from their
increasing number and the want of a
methodical arrangement, many of them
were gradually forgotten or neglected. A
I great service, therefore, was rendered to
the English Church of his day by William
I Lyndewode, chaplain to Archbishop
Chicheley and niticial of the Court of
[ Arches, who collected and arranged
(about 1425), under the title of "Pro-
vinciale," the constitutions of fourteen
archbishops of Canterbury, from Stephen
Langton to Chicheley, classifying them
according to their subjects in five books,
in imitation of the Decretals of Gregory
IX. To this collection the constitutious
of the legates Otho (12.37) and Othobon
(1262) were subsequently appended.
These English constitutions, and canon
law generally (except so far as modified
by the statutes and canons which con-
summated the Anghcan schism, and
raised the reigning sovereign — being an
Anglican Protestant, 1702 — to the head-
ship of the national church), are still
recognised as authoritative in Anglican
ecclesiastical courts.
CAXTOIO' or THE MASS. That
part of the jMass which begins after the
" Sanct us " with the prayer " Te igi t ur," a nd
ends, according to some, just before the
"Pater noster," according to others, with
the consimiption of the Sacred Species.
The name Canon is given to this part of
the Mass because it contains the fixed rule
according to which the Sacrifice of the-
116 CANON OF THE SCRIPTURE
CANON OF THE SCRIPTURE
New Testnment is to be oifered. Other
iijinies are given to it by early writers.
Thus St. Gregory calls it "the prayer;"
Yigilius, " the text of the canonical
prayer ; " Walafrid and others, " the ac-
tion," the last of these names being still
used in the Missal, as well as tlie word
Canon. The Canon consists, according to
the Council of Trent, "of our Lord's very
words, and of prayers received from
apostolical tradition or ])iously ordained
by lioly Pont ifl's.' ' That the Canon of the
Roman Mass comes in its substance from
very ancient times is clearly shown, (1)
by the fact that Pope Vigilius, in the
sixth century, attributes it to the tradition
of the Apostles; (2) because the words of
consecration, with those which imme-
diately precede them, do not exactly corre-
spond to the Scriptural narrative, and seem
to represent an independent apostolical
t radi t i on ; (3) beca use the list of sa in ts men-
tioned consists merely of Apostles and
martyrs, a mark that the Canon is earlier
than the fourth century, coming from an
age before the cultus of confessors had
been introduced in addition to the earlier
cultus of martyrs.
The words " a holy sacrifice, a spot-
less victim," were added by St. Leo the
Great. Pope St. Gregory the Great
added the words "and dispose our days
in thy peace, and bid us be saved from
eternal damnation, and to be numbered
in the flock of thy elect." Since Gre-
gory's time no change has been made in
the" Canon. (Benedict XIV. "De Miss."
11, 12.)
CAirOH- OF THE SCRIPTURE.
The word canon (Kapwv) signifies a rod,
and then specially a measuring-rule. It
^^•as used by a natural metaphor for a rule
in ethics, art, &c., and by the Alexandrian
writers it was applied to the standard or
classical authors who furnished the model
or rule of con-ect writing. In Gal. vi. 10,
2 Cor. X. 13-16, the word bears the gene-
ral sense (1) of a rule by which Christians
should walk ; (2) of a measure of attain-
ments assigned or permitted to an indivi-
dual.
As applied to Scripture, the original
sense of the word is hard to determine.
"We first find the derivatives of Canon used
with regard to the Bible. Thus Origen
speaks of "canonical scriptures," " canon-
ised books." The actual word canon, ac-
cording to Credner,^ first occurs after the
1 Sess. xxii. cap. 4, De Sacrific. Miss.
2 Geschichte del N. T, Kanon, Volkraar'a
ed. 1863, p. 103.
middle of the fourth century.' It may,
as Credner thinks, liave been given to the
list of Scriptural Ijooks because they were
a rule for the faith, or, again, as Dr.
West cott argues with great show of reason ,
it may mean that these books were " ad-
mitted by the rule" of the Church. In
other words, the canon of Scripture may
have an active or a passive sense.
The object of this article is to sketch
the history of the canon or list of sacred
books, among Jews and Christians, and
then to explain Catholic as contrasted
with heretical principles on this matter.
I. The Canonof the Old Testament. — ■
For the sake of clearness we begin with
the list of Old Testament books as given
by the Council of Trent, " lest any doubt
might arise concerning those that are ap-
proved of" as inspired Scripture. They
are the following: — Genesis, Exodus, Le-
viticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, Josue,
Judges, Ruth, four books of Kings (the
first two being also known as 1 and
2 Samuel), 1 and 2 Paralipomenon (or
Chronicles), 1 and 2 Esdras (the second
being otherwise called Nehemias), Tobias,
Judith, Esther, Job, Psalms, Proverbs,
Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Wisdom, Ecrlesias-
ticus, Isaias, Jeremias with Baruch, Eze-
chiel, Daniel, the twelve minor prophets,
1 and 2 Machabees. The books marked
in italics are generally known among
Catholic critics as deutero-cauonical,^ not
because their authority is at aU inferior to
that of the other Scriptures, but because
their place in the canon was established
after that of the other books. We shall
call them henceforth, then, by this name.
Their inspiration is denied by the Protes-
tant churches, and the cliargc of ]i;iving
I added apocryphal books to the Bible is
i often brought against the Church. Hence
I special attention must be paid to the his-
tory of their reception among Jews and
Christians. We may now proceed to
consider the history of the canon of the
Old Testament.
(a) Ainonf/ the Jeios.
"This part of the subject is wrapped in
I It occurs, indeed, in Origen, but only in
the Latin version.
- If we look at the reception of the Old
Testament book.s amons Christians, Esther
should be reckoned as deutero-canoniual, for in
the time of St. Athiinasius. and even as late as
the sixth century, its canonicitv was still an
open question in the Church. As, however, it
was probably always received by the .Jews
Csee the introduction to Keil's G.mmentari/ on
Esther), and has been Rf'iir'rally acknowledged
by the Protestant Churches, it is counted here
as proto-canonical.
CANON OF THE SCRIPTURE
CANON OF THE SCRIPTURE 117
great obscurity- At present, indeed, the
Jews accept only suck books as actually
exist in Hebrew and Chaldee, and are
bound up in the modern Hebrew Bibles,
to the exclusion of all the deutero-eau-
•onical books. It has nt'ti'ii ln-fii asserted
that this canon, as at pi r.-mt rocngnised
by them, was fixed piobably by Esdras,
and in any case long before our Lord's
time ; that it was recognised by Him and
by His apostles, so that Catholics in main-
taining the authority of the deutero-
■canonical books are guilty of innovation.
We shall see that each one of these state-
ments is contrary to fact.
The Jewish collection seems to have
begun with the five books of Moses.
They were placed " in the side of the ark
of the covenant." ' A collection of Solo-
mon's proverbs copied out by the men of
Ezechias is mentioned in Proverbs xxv. 1.
Daniel ix. 2 mentions " the books " (not
"books" as in the Douay trau.-lation) in
which he observed the seventy years of
desolation pi-ophesied by Jeremias.
Daniel may refer here to some collection
of prophetic writings already made ; and
Zacharias vii. 12 puts the "former pro-
phets" in juxta[)osition with the law.
With regard to the popular opinion that
Esdi-as collected the sacred books and
closed the Jewish canon, it is to be observed
that this supjxjsed fact rests upon the
authority of a chapter in the Mishna (viz.
Pirke Avoth), and that the tradition is ad-
mitted by all modern scholars to contain
fabulous details. It may contain this ele-
ment of truth, that Esdras did collect the
Scriptural books written up to his day,
but as to closing the Scriptural canon,
nothing like historical proof can be ad-
duced for it, and it is itself utterly im-
probable. " We do not even kuow," writes
& learned Protestant, "whether Esdras
died before or after the last prophet. But
bow could he close the canon unless he
Imew for certain that the spirit of prophecy
was extinct P Even if Malacliias did die
before Esdras, how did Iv-dras kuow that
the Lord would never raise upanother ai'lji)
dfOTTt'evaros to his people ? " In '2
Mach. ii. 13, Nehemias is recorded to have
founded a library " and gathered into it
the ^writings] about the kings and pro-
phets and the [writings] of David and
letters of kings concerning oflTerings." The
passage is most obscure, and in any case
says nothing about the completion of the
' Dcut. xxxi. 25 seq.
• Naselsbacli in llcrzo;c's Encyclopeedia of
J'rot. Theology, quoted by Reusch.
canon. In the later times, however, of
the Jewish commonwealth, a distinct
step in advance seems to have been iiia<le.
We find the sacred hooV-. iv-.inlcd a
whole with certain recoguisril du i.^ions.
In the prologue to the book of JLcc lc.^ias-
ticus mention is made of "the law, the
prophets, and the rest of the books;" and
a similar division into the law, pi-ophcts,
and psalms, appears in Luke x.xiv. 44.
A little later we meet with what may
fairly be taken as proof for the existence of
a Hebrew canon. Josephus enunieraffs
twenty-two books of the Hebrew canon :
viz. five books of the law, thirteen boolis
of the prophets, and four which contain
hymns and moral precepts. We cannot
be quite certain what the books are to
which Josephus refers, but undoubtedly
the list which he received is almost, and
probably it is quite, the same as that con-
tained in our present Hebrew Bibles and
accepted by Protestants. Reusch sug-
gests the following as the list of books
intended : — five books of Moses, thirteen
books of the prophets [viz.: (1) Josue,
(2) Judges and Ruth, (3) Samuel, (4)
Kmgs, (5) Chronicles, (6) Esdras and
Nehemias, (7) Esther, (8) Job, (9) Isaias,
(10) Jeremias with Lamentations, (11)
Ezechiel, (12) Daniel, (13) the minor
prophets], and, lastly. Psalms, Proverljs,
Canticles, and Ecclesiastes. Melito (c
179) made inquiries about the books re-
ceived in the Ilebrew canon, and his list
corresponds to that conjecturally attri-
buted to Josephus, except that he omits
Esther. In the next century, Origen, in
enumerating the twenty-two books which
the Hebrews hand down, mentions not
only the Lamentations, but also the
letter of the prophet under the one head
Jeremias.
So far Jewish tradition seems to agree,
at least very nearly, with the Protestant
canon of the Old Testament ; but it only
seems. Up to this point we have given
no more than the tradition of the Pales-
tinian Jews. The Alexandrian Jews — or,
as it would perhaps be more correct to say,
the Hellenistic Jews — possessed Greek
copies of the Scriptures known as the
LXX, and these copies contained all the
books of the Old Testament which Catho-
lics acknowledge. Obviously it cannot
have been without strong reason that such
a book as that of Wisdom or Ecclesias-
ticus was put in the same volume witli Jo))
or Proverbs. Among the Jews of Alexar-
dria, as Dr. Westcott, one of the highest
Protestant authorities on the subject ad-
118 CANON OF THE SCRIPTURE
CANON OF THE SCRIPTURE
mits, translations-were madeof later books
(1 Machab. Ecclus. Barucb, &c.),and new
ones were written (Wisdom and 2 Much.),
and these "were reckoned in the sum of
their religious literature and probably
placed on an equal footing with the
Ilagiographa (i.e. Psalms, Proverbs, Job,
&c.) in common esteem."' Nor is this all.
As many Jews went beyond the Palesti-
nian and Babylonish canon, so some great
and orthodox Jewish teachers fell short
of it. During the first century a.d.
the canonicity of Canticles and Ecclesi-
astes was still disputed in the Jewish
schools. The school of Schammai denied
the canonicity of the latter, and in a
Jewish council about the year 90 a.d.
discussed freely the canonicity of each of
these books, and finally decided it in the
affirmative.^ If the Jews did at last de-
cidedly reject the books which they did
not tind in their Hebrew Bible, but which
were contained in the LXX, this may rea-
sonably be attributed to the growing aver-
sion which they felt to Greek literature
in general and to the LXX in particular.
In any case, the Christian Church never
received the canon of Scripture from the
Jews, because till long after the Jews had
rejected Christ they had no fi.xed canon.
Nor can any Protestant consistently ac-
cept the canon of the Old Testament on
Jewish authority, unless he attributes in-
i'allibility to the bitterest enemies of the
Christian name.^ The Palestinian canon,
so far as it can be said to have existed in
the time of Christ and His Apostles, did
not receive any distinct approval from
them. No doubt the deutero-canonical
books (Wisdom, Machabees, &c.), are not
expressly quoted as Scripture in the New
Testament, though the New Testament
does contain a good many allusions to
them ; but precisely the same may be said
of several Old Testament books accepted
by Protestants — e.g. of Judges, Ecclesias-
■ Article " Canon " in Smith's Bib/e Dic-
tinnavii.
■ See Delitzsch, introduction to Commentary
on Cuntivlrs. p. 14 ; to Ecclesiastes, p. 19G.
5 Pnif. liobertson Smith, in his recent lec-
tures on tlie Old Testament in the Jewish
church, admits tliat the Jewish canon was not
detinitely fi.xed in Christ's time, but tries to
justify the Protestant rejection of the deutero-
canoiiical books on the ground that these l)Ooks
do not contribute to the development of revela-
tion. But, in fact, the book of Wisdom does
develop the religions ideas of Israel, and pre-
pare the way for New Testament doctrine on
the A<^7oy, and this has been repeatedly urged
by theologians, in defence of the Catholic
canon.
' tes, Canticles. Moivover, out of. Say,
350 quotations uf the Old Testament in
the New, about 300 are from the LXX,
which contain the deutero-canonical
books ; so that Augustine speaks of the
LXX as " approved by the Apostles." '
0) In the Christian Church.
We have seen that when Christianity
began to be, a definite canon of the Old
Testament was not yet established among
the Jews, and further that the New
Testament does not furnish any list of
Old Testament books received by Christ
and His Apostles. It can, however, be
proved from tradition, that the full list of
Old Testament books (including Wisdom,
Machabees, &c.) was authorised by the
Apostles. The testimony of the Chris-
tian writers during the first three cen-
turies is unanimous on this point. We
j can trace the reception of the.se books
' from the very time of the Apostles.
j Clement of Rome, Polycarp, Irenseus,
Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, and
others quote them, and many early
A^'riters quote them as Scriptui-e. To this
unanimity among the Christians of the
first three cent uries there is one exception
and only one. Julius Africanus, in a
letter to Origen, refused to accept the
history of Susanna as canonical. But this
exception proves how strong was the tra-
dition of the Church ; for Julius Africanus
objects to the history of Susanna merely
on critical grounds, and Origen expressly
receives it (although well aware that it
was not to be found in the Hebrew text
of Daniel) because it was held as canoni-
cal in the churches — "quia in ecclesiis
tenetur." Nothing, then, can be more
com])k'te than the Ante-Nicene tradition
for the Catholic canon of the Old Testa-
ment. For the deutero-canonical books,
we have the witness of Father after
Father; we find them placed in every
MS. of the LXX, translated in the old
Latin version,'^ and quoted in controversy
against heretics.
Still, among the Fathers of the fourth
century there was serious doubt concern-
ing the authority of the deutero-canonical
books. Jerome and Rufinus follow the
canon of the Hebrew Bible, and declare
1 August. Ep. 28, apud Reusch.
Clom. Rom. (1 Cor. iii. 27, .55), Polyc.
(^Ep. 10), quote deutero-canonical books of Old
Testament; Iren. (iv. .5, 2 ; iv. 20. ?,). TertuU.
Prescript. 7 ; Scorp. 8), Clem. AI. ( Sfmm. iv.
3, &c.), quote them as Scripture. 'I'lie letter
of Julius Africanus is edited by Ruuth, Belt.
Sncr. torn. ii. The opinion of Origeu is given
in his Comm. in Matth. 61, apud Reusch.
CANON OF THE SCRIPTURE CANON OF THE SC'RITTURE 119
that the deutero-canonical books are not
"canonical," but "ecclesiastical" — i.e.
they were read in church, but did not
possess full, dogmatic authority. St.
Athanasius excludes Esther from the
canon and all the deutero-canonical books
except Baruch and the letter of Jeremias.
With him agi-ees St. Cyril of Jerusalem,
except that he does not exclude Esther.
Gregory Nazianzen and Amphilochius ex-
clude all the deutero-canonical books and
also Esther, though the latter speaks
doubtfully about Esther. On the other
hand, St. Augustine gives a list of the
canonical books which is precisely the
same as that now accepted in the Church.
A multitude of Fathers — Basil, Chryso-
stom, Ambrose, Leo, &c. — quote the
deutero-canonical books just as they
quote the other books of the Old Testa-
ment. Nay, so strong was the feeling
within the Church in favour of the ex-
tended canon, that even Fathers who in
theory rejected the deutero-canonical
books, in practice quote them as Scrip-
ture. Thus the witness of the Church
in the fourth century, though less strong
than that of the Ante-Nicene Fathers, is
still strong in favour of the deutero-
canonical books. The Church as a whole
received them, though individual Fathers
of great name rejected them.
It was probably this divergence of
opinion which had arisen which led to
conciliar decisions ; and here, too, we
see the greater weight of authority and
tradition enlisted on the side of the
deutero-canonical books. There is no
reason to believe that the Council of
Nicsea made any hst of canonical books,
though St. Jerome says he had read that
that council "reckoned Judith " as part
of Scripture.' A little later, however,
the Council of Laodicea (between 343
and 381), canon 60, rejected all the deu-
tero-canonical books except Baruch.-
But in 393 all these books were accepted
by the Council of Hippo, and again ap-
proved as canonical in a letter of Pope
Innocent to Exsuperius of Toulouse.
From this time the reception of the
deutero-canonical books became more
and more established, though as yet j
there was no binding decision of the
Church upon the point. Even late in
the middle ages, the authority of Jerome,
whose "Prologus Galeatus"was widely
known, made even orthodox teachers \
speak doubtfully about the canonicity of '
» Hefele, Concil. i. p. 371. I
» 76i<i. i. p. 775. I
I Judith, Sic. In 1J42 the matter came
i before the General Council of Florence,
which rf])resented the East as well as
the West, and in the decree of iniion for
the Jacobites the full list of Old Testa-
ment books was approved.' Finally, the
Council of Trent (Sess. iv. Decret. de
' Canon. Scriptur.) gives the list of Old
Testament books with which we began,
defining under anathema that all of
them, with all their parts, as contained
in the Vulgate translation, were " sacred
and canonical."
A few words may now be added on
the canon of the Old Testament outside
the Church. The schisniatical (Ireeks-
appear to have followed faithfully their
I ancient traditions and the teaching of
Florence. The schismatical Council of
Jerusalem, which met in 1G72, gives a.
list nf sat-rcd bnoks which agrees with
that of Tri'ut, and accepts the deutero-
canonical bonks on the authority of tra-
dition, and the Church. With Protes-
tants it has been otherwise. All Pro-
testant sects, so far as we know, reject
the Ciinonical authority of the deutero-
canonical books. Some, however, are
more peremptory in their rejection than
others. Lutherans and Anglicans treat
these books with a certain special rever-
ence, and as a matter of fact they have
been retained in almost all Protestant
translatinii> of the Bible. On the other
hand, the Sioteli Presbyterians in their
Confession nf Faitli ])lace the deutero-
canonical book~ oil a le\el with any other
human writings, and since 1825 there
have been in Germany and elsewhere
fierce discussions, whether or no the
" Apocrypha " should still be bound up
with the Bible (or, as a Catholic would
say, with the rest of the Bible). The
question, however, is no longer so impor-
tant to Protestants as it used to be.
The denial of all supernatural inspiration
has become common among their theo-
logians, so that for this large and influ-
ential section of Protestants, discussion
about the list of inspired books is alto-
gether idle or can have at most only an
historical value.
II. Canon of the New Testament. —
Like the Old, the New Testament contains
a certain number of deutero-canonical
books, though the fact for long received
comparatively very little attention in,
modem times, because the Protestant
confessional standards, while they reject
the deutero-canonical books of the Old
1 Hefele, Concil. vii. p. 796.
120 CANON OF THE SCRIPTURE
CANON OF THE SCRIPTURE
Testament, incoiisisteiitlv enough accept
those of the New. The I'mineil (.)f Trent
gives the folknving hst of New 'rcstniiicnt
books (those which are ili'iiteiM-cimnnu ul
are printed in itahcs): — four Go>iirl>, i lie
Acts, the Epistk's of St. Paul (viz. to the
Romans, two to the Corinthians, to the
Gahitians, to the Ephesians, to the Philip-
pians, to the Colossians, two to Timothy,
to Titus, to Philemon, to the Hebrews),
first and second Epistles of St. Peter, first,
second, and third Epistles of St. John, the
E2)i^tle of St. James, the Epistle of St.
Jude. the Apiicalypse of St John.
AVith regard to all these books, except
such as are deutero-canonical, there is no
reason to believe that their authority was
ever doubted in the Church, although the
distinct reference to New Testament
Scriptures becomes much marked and
frequent in Christian writers only after
the immediate disciples of the Apostles
had passed awaj- and the need of written
records became more urgent. Still, from
very early times we obtain testimonies to
the existence of Scriptures besides those
which the Christian inherited from the
Jewish Church. Thus St. Peter classes
St. Paul's letters with "the rest of the
Scriptures," and the epistle which is as-
cribed to St. Barnabas, and which belongs
to a very early period, uuikes a quotation
from St. Matthew, with the formula " it
is written." About the middle of the
second century Justin Martp- tells us that
" Memoirs " written " by the Apostles and
by those who followed them" were read in
the religious assemblies of the Christians.
The description which Justin gives of his
"Memoirs" answers exactly to our four
Gospels, and he mentions the Apocalypse
by name. Shortly after Justin's time
(about 180), the famous Muratorian Canon
ofi'ers the earliest formal list of New-
Testament books. This precious relic
exists only in a mutilated form and in a
text which is often so corrupt that it is
difiicult to divine its meaning. Accord-
ing to Dr. Westcott, the Muratorian
Canon contained all the New Testament
books at present received, except "the
Epistle of James, the Epistle to the He-
brews, and 2 Peter, while it notices the
partial reception of the [spimous] Apo-
calypse of Peter," and his words express
the general opinion of scholars except
that many with very strong reasons add
1 Peter aiso to the list of omitted books.'
The Peshito or Syriac translation, which
fcelongs to the third century, omits Jude,
1 Hilgenfeld, Kanon des y. T. p. 43.
I 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, and the Apocu-
I lypse. Eusebius sums up the opinions
which ](revailed in the Ante-Nicene age
as follows: he divides the books of the
New Testament into such as are "ac-
knowledged " (o^oXoyovfif I'o), viz. the
four Gospels, Acts, &c., and those which
were " disputed" (dvTiXcyotieva) embracing
the deutero-canonical books. He him-
self was evidently accustomed to see the
' Epistle to the Hebrews treat(-ilas cauon-
' ical, but, he says, "Som:' h-.m- (l.'nifd its
authority, asserting that it i- ili-puinl Ijy
the Roman Church as not ^.•lll^ t li.^ Ajio-
stle's work." Unally, it is clear froiii Hn>e-
bius that there were certain uninspired and
unapostolic books which he himself jiro-
nounces spurious, but which were not yet
clearly separated from those in the canon.'
From the middle of the fourth century
the canon of the New T.'st.iment gradu-
ally became mon' -(ttl.'d. True, the
Syrian church still clunu to the canon of
the Peshito, but in the Church at large
the whole of the New Testament was
received. Two books, however, were still
' regarded with partial suspicion. In the
East, the Council of Laodicea, Cyril of
Jerusalem, Gregory Nazian/.en, de finitely
exclude or pass over in silence the Apo-
calypse of St. John ; Amphilochius and
Epiphanius mention the doubts enter-
tained with regard to it. In the AVest,
although the Council of Carthag" in 31)7
and Pope Innocent ratified the full list of
New Testament books, still even to a
late period doubts existed in some parts
of the Church as to the Epistle to the
Hebrews. Even St. Isidore of Seville,
writing early in the seventh century, says
that most Latins were uncertain whether
it was St. Paul's, "because of the dis-
crepancy in the style." ^
All doubts as to the canonical books
of the New Testament were finally set at
rest for Catholics by the Councils of
Florence and Trent. Protestants, on the
contrary, on their revolt from the Church,
were utterly unable to find any i-ational
principle on which they could determine
the list of New Testament books. Luther
1 The statement in the text is suhstantinlly
truP. but(l) the disputed books are snbilivi.lpd
"generally known" and "spurious;" (2) the
I Apocalypse is placed accordiuf; to one opiiiiou
1 given, "among the "acknowledged," acconliiifr
to another among the " spurious." Euseb. H. /.\
iii. 25.
2 Apud Credner. p. 293. In the mi Idl."
ages the spurious Epistle to the Laodiceans
I found wide acceptance, especially in the Frauk-
1 ish and English churches (Credner, p. 299).
CANON OF THE SCKIPTURE CANON OF THE SCllIITURE 121
accepted or rejected New Testament
books, according as he found or did not
find the "Gospel" in them. He called
the Epistle of St. James " a letter of
straw," which " attributes righteousness
to works, dead against St. Paul." It was
reason enough, he said, for him not to
think highly of the Apocalypse "that
Christ therein is neitlier taught nor ac-
knowledged, although this above all was
an Apostle's business " ! ^ He partly
liked the Epistle to the Hebrews, because
it enforced belief in the priesthood of
Ciirist ; partly disliked it, because of the
doctrine contained in capp. 6 and 10.'-
This breach with tradition on the Scrip-
tures of the New Testament as well as on
the doctrine was healed for a time among
Prote.stants, and for a long time the
entire canon of the New Testament was
generally accepted amongst them, al-
though the Westminster Confession of
1 648 contains the only list of New Testa-
ment writings drawn up by any of the
older Protestant authorities. Of modern
Protestant critics little need be said.
The remarks made above on their treat-
ment of the Old fully apply to their
treatment of the New Testament. This
method is widely different from that of
Luther, but it is not without reason that
they claim to inherit his spirit.
III. The Principles on which the
Canon of Scripture rests. — Catholics, be-
lieving in the iufalli))le authority of the
Church, have full security that the books
of the Catholic Bible are all true and in-
spired Scripture. Before the Scripture
was written, or, again, the canon of
Scripture was fixed, the faithful were
guided by the infallible teaching of their
pastors, and from this same teaching they
receive with perfect confidence the
written word of God in all its books and
in all its parts. There are two other
principles put forward as suflicient to
determine the canon of Scripture — both
of them, as may be briefly shewn, utterly
inadequate.
According to a theory once popular
among Protestants, Scripture attests itself
by a " self-evidencing light." In other
words, a pious person who peruses the
Bible knows by the effect produced upon
his conscience and feeling that the book
he reads is the inspired word of God.
This theory is abundantly refuted by the
most obvious facts of history. The Fathers
of the Church were not at one as to the
» Hilgenfeld, p. 91.
» Ibid, p. 93.
canon, yet in charity we may believe that
they read the books of the New Testament
with pious feelings. Nay, the Reformers
who are said to have restored ''the Gospel"
were not at one with regard to the books
which make up the the New Testament.
Besides, from the nature of the case, the
moral good which we get or think we can
get from a book cannot possibly assure
us that it was aU writteu mider the inspi-
ration of the Holy Ghost and contains
nothing but the truth of God. Indeed,
the bare statement of this theory sufiices
for its refutation.
Another theory, which we may call
the literary, bases the authority of the
Scriptural books and their title to a place
in the canon, on a critical investigation of
the internal and external evidence which
can be produced in their behalf. This
method is pursued by almost every learned
Protestant at the present day — by extreme
sceptics like Hilgeufeld and Keim, who
examine tradition to undermine the auth-
enticity of Scripture ; and by sober and
patient investigators like Dr. Westcott,
who is a devout believer in the authority
of Scripture. But to base the canon on
critical investigations, however accurate
and thorough, involves a misconception of
the object for which Scripture was given.
Scripture is given to the whole Church : it
is meant for the guidance of all the faith-
ful, and aU, either directly, by reading it
themselves, or indirectly, by hearing por-
tions of it read or expounded by their
pastors, have tlie right to benefit by its
salutary lessons. Indeed, the argument
tells yet more strongly against Protestants.
If, as they hold. Scripture is the sole rule of
faith, and if learning and critical training
are needed to ascertain what the Scripture
is, then one of two consequences necessa-
rily follows. All, except an infinitesimal
fraction of mankind must give up the
attempt to secure a right rule of foith
altogether, or else, instead of the infalli-
bility of the Church, they must accept
the infallibility of some particular school
among learned men.
Protestants, when they appeal to Scrip-
ture against the Church, forget that it is
only from this very Church, and on her
authority, that Scripture is received; and
we may conclude with the words of a
Protestant scholar who has done more
than any other to illustrate the history of
the canon. Protestants, he says, have
built a new Church on the foundation of
Scripture, first without understanding;,
then without the will to understand, that
122 CANON PENITENTIARY
CANONISATION
Scripture itself rests on nntliing-but tradi-
tion.^
CANOir PENZTENTZART. The
Council of Trejit ordered - that in every
cathedral church, if possible, a penitenti-
ary, with a claim to hold the next vacant
prebend should be appointed by the
bishop ; he was to be forty years of age,
and either a master of arts, or doctor, or
a licentiate in theology or canon law.
His duty was to hear confessions, and by
so doing he was considered to perform
his choral duties.
CAHOtr, PRZVZXiEGE OF. [See
Immunity.]
CAUOH THEOX.OGZAIir. The
Council of Trent directed^ that in all
churches where a prebendal provision
was already made for lectures on Theo-
logy and Holy Scripture, the bishops I
sliould see that the foundation was not
defeated of its purpose ; and also that for
the future, in all cathedral churches, or
even collegiate churches, existing in large
towns, and having a numerous body of
clergy, a theologian with the above-men-
tioned duties should be appointed, and
competently provided for out of the
chapter funds. The office was usually
conferred upon a member of the chapter,
whence the name Canon Theologian. In
England the theologian must be a canon.
CAxroirs of the apostx.es.
[See Apostolic Canons.]
CAiroXTESS. Chapters of Canonesses
are mentioned in the capitularies of Louis
le D^bonnaire, which allow them to pos- \
■sess property, both common and private, '
and only require that they should take
the vows of chastity and obedience. In
the following centuries these chapters,
especially in France and Germany, became
very numerous. They were distinguished
from nunneries by the permission to the
members to hold private property. The
duties of the Canonesses were, to teach
young girls, work at church embroidery,
copy and illuminate service-books, &c.
The right of holding property nuturnlly
introduced much laxity, and introduced
into the order of Canonesses a class of
wealthy and titled ladies, who were in-
disposed to submit to any severity of dis-
cipline. Hence a crisis arrived in the
history of these chapters, similar to that
which we have described with reference
to Canons; and Regular Canonesses,
bound by the vow of poverty and observ-
' Credner, Zur Geschichte des Canons.
2 Sess. xxiv. De Reform, cap. 8.
' Sess. V. De Reform, cap. 1.
ing a strict rul.> nf life, existed side by
side with Srcular Caiioiu'sses, to whom
the rha])tcr was little iiii>r.' than an
agreeable retreat, enaliliufi ladies wlio did
not wish to marry, nr had iiutlived their
cliarnis, to live in the society of persons
of their own rank, much as tliey would
have done in the world. At the Reform-
ation, such being the character of these
chapters, it caused no surprise that the
members of several of them — ladies of
princely or noble rank — followed the ex-
ample of their male relatives and re-
pudiated the Catholic faith. Some of
these still exist: at Gandersheim, Her-
ford, &c. Wilhelmina, sister of Frederick
the Great, "Abbess of Quedlinburg,"
was the head of one of these Protestant
chapters. If any of the Canonesses wish
I to marry, she mu.st resign her canonrv.
CASTOXrzSATZON-. To pay honour
to the dead whom the general voice de-
clares to have lived well is an instinct
of human nature. Roman citizens brought
the images of their distinguished ances-
tors into their villas ; under the empire
they recognised the far-reaching power
and august majesty — sometimes the
beneficence — of their rulers by deifying
them after death ; in China, the worship
of ancestors is to this day the most living
portion of the popular religion; among
ourselves, the number of monuments in
our public places everywhere, though in
many cases rather attesting the vanity of
the living than the merits of the dead,
i prove the universality of the impulse. A
' modern writerof note ' has said that every-
thing depends on how a people " does its
Hero-worship." The Church, divinely
founded and divinely guided as she is, so
far recognises this view that she en-
courages us to distinguish with singular
honour certain of her children who have
gone before us in the Christian warfare,
bids us reserve this honour for those whose
virtue reached the " heroic " level, and, that
we may not be deceived, establishes a care-
ful and deliberate process whereby to test
the truth of facts and probe the moral
significance of actions. Her judgments
and her processes need not fear a com-
pai'ison with those of public opinion.
The State, which modern irrreligion invites
us to regard as a moral agency the fiat of
which is not to be appealed against, has
also modes of conferring honour, and does
not wait for their death before it rewards
its servants. It has peerages, baronetcies,
orders, stars, money, and offices. If w&
1 Mr. Carlyle.
CANONISATION
CANONISATION 123
examine on -w-Liit grounds tlie.se distinc-
tions are dispensed, we find that it is for
rare intellectual ability — usuallyattended
by the gift of expression — for the capacity
of amassing money, for courage with
direction, and for simple courage ; a cer-
tain degree of patriotic devotion being
supposed to be present in each case. In
this way, and on these grounds, the
modem State honours its heroes. To the
Church, the more or less of ability pos-
sessed by those whom she recommends
for our veneration is a matter of no con-
cern. She is as willing to raise a St.
Isidore, the gardener of Madrid, to the
ranks of the lilessed, as an Augustine of i
Ilijipo or a Thomas Aquinas. The proof
of eminent virtue is all that she demands,
and as a conclusive and compendious test i
of the presence of this high order of vir-
tue, she requires the authentication of
miracles wrought by, or through the '
intercession of, the person whose vir- j
tues are under debate. Such are, in her
estimate, the only sound bases of a j
popular cultus, and when these condi-
tions have been complied with, such a
cultus has been never known to be dis-
credited.
The possession of virtue rising to the
heroic level, and the illustration of that
virtue by miracles, are matters of fact,
which must of course be established by
testimony. The witnesses, in most cases,
can be no other than the countrymen and
countrywomen of the reputed saint, for
only they can have seen his life from so
near at hand as to be competent to speak
with certitude respecting it. In the early
times, individual bishops, and afterwards
metropolitans, acting upon this local
testimony, and sifting it m the best way
they could, declared the blessedness of
certain persons, and proposed their me-
mories for the veneration of the faithful.
But it is notorious that local testimony is
rarely free from bias, that national and
provincial sympathies, or even antipathies,
are apt to disturb the judgment, and that
for this reason the universal Church
could not safely endorse without inquiry
even the unanimous judgment of his own
countrymen on the virtues of a reputed
saint. Earl Waltheof, put to death by
"William the Conqueror, was regarded by
the English as a martyr, and miracles
were said to be worked at his tomb; the
same thing liii]i])iMied in the case of Simon
de Montfort ; but it may reasonably be
doubted whether antipathy to the Nor-
man and the foreigner was not a sub-
stantial factor in these reputations for
sanctity. Considerations of this kind
prevailed, many centuries ago, to cause
the inquiry into reputed sanctity to be
reserved to the central autlidritv in tlie
Cliurch, the Holy See, and t<> n.c('.nnn.'n<l
the wisdom and necessity of tlif di'i i-inn
that without the sanction of that m .- hd
religious cultus may lawfully be paid to
the memory of any holy person, however
eminent for virtue or notorious for mira-
cles. As early as the fourth century, in
the case of Vigilius, bishop of Trent, we
find the authority of Rome invoked to
recognise a martyr or confessor as such,
and sanction his being honoured in the
liturgy. The procedure to be ob.served
was gTadually regularised, defects re-
medied, and safeguards supplied ; and in
the tenth century we meet with the com-
plete process of a canonisation, of which
the object was St. Ulrich, bishop of
Augsburg. Still, however, through the
inordinate fondness with which those of
a particular country or religious order
regarded holy persons of their own blood
or profession, instances of abusive cultus
sometimes occurred ; and accordingly we
find Alexander III., in 1170, publishing a
decree in which it is declared unlaw^'ul to
honour any ])erson publicly as a saint,
however celebrated for miracles, without
the consent of the Roman Church. Still
more important is the bull of Urban VIII.
(1634), in which the form of procedure
in cases of canonisation is minutely pre-
scribed, and variotis abuses condemned.
In this bull, however, the Pope declared
"that he did not wish to prejudice the
case of those [servants of God] who wei-e
the objects of a cultus arising either out
of the general consent of the Church, or
a custom of which the memory of mail
ran not to the contrary, or the writings
of the Fathers, or the long and inten-
tional tolerance of the Apostolic See or
the Ordinary." (Ferraris, Cultus Sancto-
rmn.)
It remains briefly to explain in what
manner the duty, thus reserved to the
Holy See, of testing the evidence offered
in proof of sanctity is discharged. The
celebrated treatise of Pope Benedict XIV.
on Heroic Virtue (of which a transla-
tion was published some years ago by
the English Oratorians) is the standard
authority on the subject. There are
properly only two recognised degrees of
sanctity — that of Blessed, and that of
Saint. The title Venerable is given to
those whose case has passed through the
124 CAXOXTSATIOX
CANONISATION
preliminary processes and has reached
the stage called " the introduction of the
Apostolic process," as will be described
below.' At the present time, Beatifica-
tion is nearly always a stage on the road
to Canonisation; the same rigorous proof
of eminent virtue and the working of
miracles is demanded in one case as in
the other. But whereas the cultus of a
canonised Saint belongs to the imiversal
Church, and churches and altars can be
freely erected in his or her honour, and
images, pictures, or statues of him or her
displayed without special permission, in
the case of one of the Blessed it is other-
wise. The honour and veneration which
are authorised in their regard are limited
and partial ; and because the cultus of
one of them is permitted to one country,
or city, or order, or branch of an order, it
does not follow that it should be practised
elsewhere ; and the attempt to extend it
without special permission is condemned.
Nor is it lawful, without such permission,
to display their pictures or images in
churches, nor, under any circumstances,
can Mass be said or the breviary recited
in their honour.
Beatification. — Thirteen or fourteen
dift'erent steps may be distinguished in
the process of Beatification ; the general
object of all these slow and lengthy in-
quiries— extending always over many
years, and sometimes from one century to
another — being to unite the credibility
and authenticity which can only be
founded on the reports of witnesses locally
and personally cognisant of the facts to
the authority of a juridical investigation
conducted by trained and impartial in-
tellects. It must be remembered that
the character and behaviour of the re-
puted saint are subjected to the severest
possible strain; that the "fierce light
which beats upon a throne " is nothing to
that which so minute and protracted an
inquiry turns upon the everyday life of
the person submitted to it. " The person
who is to be beatified must have prac-
tised in the heroic degree chiefly the
three theological virtues. Faith, Hope
and Charity, and the four cardinal virtues.
Prudence, Justice, Courage and Temper-
> Venerable Bede is a canonised saint. The
lessons from his writings which are read in tlie
breviary are, however, always headed " De
Sermone Venerai/ilis BedfB." ic. This peculi-
arity is said to have arisen from the fact that
his homilies were read in the office during his
lifetime ; and as he could not then be styled
" Saint," the title " Venerable " was used."
I ance, with all that these suppose and in-
volve ; nor is it enough to show that these
have been practised to thisdegreeofperfec-
I tion under certain circumstances : numer-
ous acts, a permanent and habitual prac-
I tice, principally of charity, are required ;
j and, with regard to the cardinal virtues,
I the habit of that virtue which was the
j proper and distinguishing excellence of
I the person's calling. Thus justice and
j temperance are required in statesmen and
prelates ; in Popes, zeal for the defence
and propagation of the Catholic faith ; in
kings, loyal attachment to the Church
and the Holy See ; in married women,
gentleness and devotion ; " &c.'
The first step of the process is a formal
inquiry instituted by the bishop of the
diocese as to the fact of the reputation
of the person whose beatification is de-
manded for virtue and miraculous power.
This being accomplished, either the same
bishop or a Roman oflicial inquires into
the fact of non-cultus — that is, whether
the bull of Urban VIIL (supposing the
case not to be included among the excep-
tions therein specified) has been hitherto
scrupulously complied with. Thirdly,
the acts or minutes resulting from these
two inquiries are sent to Rome, to the
secretary of the Congregation of Rites.
[Congregations, Roman.] Before this
body the process is now opened, at the
request of the postulators, or supporters
of the beatification. The fifth step is the
nomination of a promotoi- fidei (called in
popular language the " devil's advocate"),
whose duty it is to point out any flaws or
weak points in the evidence adduced, and
raise all kinds of objections. Sixthly, the
Congregation examines, if the person
were an author, all the works, printed or
in manuscript, which were ascertained to
be of his composition, and draws up a
formal report on them. If this be favour-
able, the seventh stage is reached, that of
the introduction of the Apostolic process ;
for Rome, so to speak, now makes the
cause its own, and gives a commission to
the Congregation of Rites to try it, in-
vestigating, not only the notoriety, but
the reality and nature of the virtues and
miracles ascribed to the beat ificnndu^.
This commission, without a special Papal
dispensation, is never issued till at least
ten years have passed since the first trans-
mission of the acts to the Secretary of
the Congregation. The holy person may
now be styled " Venerable." The next
step is the a]>pointment by the Congrega-
De M(iy, in Wetzer and Welte.
a'^0>'ISAT10N
CANONISATION
126
tion, under vrhat are called littera re- I
musionales, of a delegation of three
bishops, or other high fuiictlonarie!:, to
deal with the case systematically, and
examine witnesses in respect of the re-
puted virtues and miracles. The acts of
this delegation, which are often extremely
voluminous, are, as the ninth stage, sent
to the Congregation, by which they are
examined, and arguments heard, pro and
contra, from the postulators and the pro-
moturfidci. If the result is favourable
to the beatificandm, a second and still :
more searching inquiry into the real and
inmost nature of all that has been deposed
respecting him is committed to a new de-
legation: this is the tenth stage. The
process, being returned to the Congrega-
tion, is finally considered by them, both
as to its form and as to its substance ;
and the virtues and miracles are separately
the subject of debate in three successive
assemblies or congregations, at the last of
which the Pope himself is present. After
having sought to know the will of God
by prayer, the Pope makes known his
judgment to the secretary of the Congre-
gation. A new general congregation is
then held, at which it is considered I
whether the beatification may be pro- !
ceeded with without further delay ; if ;
the decision be favourable, the Pope ap- \
points a day for the ceremony, and orders ,
a brief, setting forth the Apostolic sen- |
tence, to be prepared. The final stage of
this long process, the beatification itself ;
takes place in the Vatican church ; it in-
eludes the public reading of the brief, the !
chanting of the Te Ueum, the unveiling
of the image or picture of the newly-
beatified on the altar, the incensing of the
image, the reading of the new collect, &c.
By an "equipollent beatification" is
meant the Papal authorisation of the
public cultus of a confessor or martyr,
founded on the proof of one or more of
the exceptional conditions stated in the
bull of T-rbnn VIII.
Canoiiimtion. — Before proceeding to
canonisation, it must be proved that at
least two miracles have been wrought
through the intercession of the " Blessed"
ptTson since the beatification. This proof
is attended with the same formalities,
and surrounded by the same rigorous
conditions, as in the case of the miracles
proved before beatification. After it has
been established, the three congregations
(of which the last is public and in the
presence of the Pope), which were re-
quisite before beatification, are again con-
vened; and upon the direction of the
Pope, after the last congregation, the
promoter of the faith and the secretary
of the Congregation of Rites agree to a
form of decree, declaring that no doubt
exists relative to the miracles in ques-
tion, and that there is no reason wliy the
canonisation should not be proceeded
with. This then takes place, usually in
St. Peter's. After various ceremonies,
the postulator of the cause (who is
usually a person of high rank or distinc-
tion in the country or order to which the
saint belonged) asks twice that the name
of the servant of God whose cause he
pleads may be enrolled in the catalogue
of the Saints ; the Pope replies each time
that it is best to explore the will of God
still further by prayer ; litanies and the
" Veni Creator " are chanted ; at the
third request the Pope declares and or-
dains, "in honour of the Holy Trinity,
for the glory of the Catholic faith and
the progi-ess of the Christian religion, in
virtue of the authority of our Lord Jesus
Christ, of the Holy Apostles Peter and
Paul, and of his own plenary and proper
authority," that the servant of God in
question shall be inscribed on the register
of the Saints (" Canon Sanctorum "), and
that his (or her) memory shall be cele-
brated on a given day, in every part of
the Church. A solemn Mass, in which
the Pope himself, unless disqualified by
illness or old age, officiates, is then cele-
brated, in honour of the new Saint.
The actual procedure will be more
clearly uuderstood if we describe and
partly translate some Papal Bull of
Canonisation ; and, for this purpose, we
will take the Bull of Alexander VII.
concerning St. Francis de Sales, dated
April 19, KiGo. Al^er a brief sketch of
his life, a specification of seven miracles
proved to the satisfaction of the Congre-
gation of Kites, a reference to his beati-
fication in 1661, and a mention of the
princes and others (including Henrietta
Maria, Queen of England) by whom the
cause had been zealously promoted, the
bull proceeds : —
"At length, deeming it to be just and
due that we should give glory, praise,
and honour on earth to those whom God
honours in heaven, we, with the cardinals
of the holy Roman Church, the patriarchs,
archbishops and bishops, our beloved sons
the prelates of the Roman Curia, our ofll-
cials and ,-uite, tlie secular and regular
clergy, and an immense multitude of
people, have this day met together in the
12G
CANT ATE SUNDAY
CAPITAL PUNISHMENT
holy Vatican basilica; and after three
petitions for the decree of canonisation,
prt'seiited to us on the part of the Most
Christ ian King by our beloved son, the
ilhistrious Charles, Duke of Cr^quy,
anil)assador from the said king; after
sat-red hymns, litanies, and other prayers,
duly imploring the grace of the Holy
Spirit :—
" In honour of the most holy and un-
divided Trinity, for the exaltation of the
Catholic faith and the increase of the
Christian religion, by the authority of
our Lord Jesus Christ, the blessed
Apostles Peter and Paul, and ourselves,
after mature deliberation, and having
many times implored the divine aid, by
the counsel of our venerable brothers,
the cardinals of the holy Roman Church,
and of the patriarchs, archbishops, and
bishops met together in the city, we have
decided and defined the Blessed Francis
de Sales, Bishop of Geneva, to be a Saint,
and have inscribed him on the catalogue
of the Saints, as, by the tenor of these
presents, we do decide, define, and in-
scribe him ; appointing that his memory
shall be cherished and honoured with
pious devotion by the universal Church,
as a holy confessor and bishop, on the
29th day of January in each year. In
the name of the Father, and of the Son,
and of the Holy Ghost. Amen." A
grant of indulgences on the usual con-
ditions to those who shall visit the
Saint's tomb on his festival, follows : a
plenary indulgence to all present at tln'
canonisation is announced ; and then the
bull proceeds : — " We therefore bless
God, who is wonderful in his saints, be-
cause we have received mercy in the
midst of his temple, in that He hath
granted to us in the Church a new pat-
ron and intercessor with His divine
Majesty, for the greater tranquillity of
the same Church, the spread of the
Catholic faith, and the enlightenment
and conversion of heretics and all who
wander from the ])ath of salvation."
After clauses relating to the ])ublication
of the bull, and forljiddiiig any infrac-
tion of it, the instruuieut ends with the
dati^, and the signatures of the Pope and
thirty-eight cardinals.
CAXTTATE SUNDAY. A name
given to the fourth Sunday after Easter,
from the introit of the Mass, which be-
gins with the words "Sing to the Lord a
new song." The name " Cantate Sunday "
often appears during the middle ages as
well known, and was used to mark the
date, even in ordinary life. The name is
probably as old as the twelfth century.
CAirTXCX.ES. [See Htmns ]
CAWTOR, also called " episcopua
chori," " chori regens," was the official
in a cathedral or collegiate church who
instructed the choristers and younger
clerics in music, and directed the singing
of the office, &c. In many foundations,
the office of cantor was raised to a dignity,
in the canonical sense, and had a prebend
of considerable vahie attached to it. A
cantor thus provided for often appointed
sulvcantors (s accentor es), who were se-
lected from the choral-vicars, and en-
trusted with the teaching of the eccle-
siastical chant, while the cantor himself
exercised control over the choral-vicars
and superintended the performance of the
divine offices. [See Precentor.]
CAPITA!. PVXrXSHiaEM-T. It is
cei"tain from Scripture that the magistrate
may lawfully put malefactors to death.
Capital punishment was enacted for certain
grievous crimes in the old law, and the
Christian dispensation made no essential
change in this respect, for St. Paul, in
Rom. xiii. 4, expressly says that the
magistrate " beareth not the sword in
vain; for he is a minister of God, an
avenger to execute wrath upon him that
doeth evil." The unanimous opinion of
theologians is in favour of the lawfulness
of capital punishment ; and if the Church
has given no formal decision on the matter,
this probably is only because the question
has never till of late years assumed any
great importance. Argentr(5, however, in
his "Collectio de Novis Erroribus," i. 86,
mentions an en'oneous proposition of the
Waldenses, denying the lawfulness of
capital punishment. The theologians of
that time, a number of whom are quoted
by Argentr6, treated the proposition as
heretical.
St. Thomas defends the lawfulness
of capital punishment on the following
principle. The State, he argues, is like
a body, composed of many members, and
as a surgeon may cut oft' one corrupt
limb to save the others, so the magistrate
may lawfully put a malefactor to death
;ind thus provide for the common good.
It is only the magistrate who can
inflict the penalty of death, because as
the justification of the penalty is the com-
mon good, it can be imposed by him alone
to whom the care of the common good
belongs — viz. by the magistrate.
A parent has the power to impose
remedial chastisements, but not to kill.
CAPITAL SINS
CAPITULARY 127
A private person may of course work for
the common good, but if the good he
would do involves the injury, above all if
it involves the death, of another, he has
no authority to decide that any member
of the State is to be exterminated for the
good of the whole.
As to outlaws, who may in certain
cases be put to death by private persons,
the sentence is really passed by the State,
the individual who slays them being the
mere executioner.
The magistrate derives this authority
■from God, and it is conveyed, not only by
the positive Inw of God in Scripture, but
also by the natural law written on the
heart. The number of capital offences
must be determined by the good of the
community ; so that lawj are rightly m^re
severe at one time or in one place than in
another. The strange theory of Scotus
that the positive law of God forbids
homicide, and that therefore a magistrate
can only put to death where God Himself
has dispensed him from the observance of
the law — viz. for murder, adultery, blas-
phemy, &c. and the other eases ])i'ovided
for in the Pentateuch — is generally re-
jected. This opinion errs in taking for
granted that the magistrate's authority
to slay is conveyed only tliroiifili the
positive law, and in assuming that the
judicial precepts of the Jewish code are
in force among Christians.
li" a capital offence has been com-
mitted, the prince, even if certahi of the
prisoner's guilt, must not comlemn him
without fair trial, although here an excep-
tion may be made if the guilt is notorinus
and great evils would ensue from delay
of execution. Time must be allowed the
prisoner to prepare for death and receive
the sacraments, and this time must be
given even if there is danger of his
escaping. Finally, the canon law strictly
forbids ecclesiastics, even if they lii>ld
temporal jurisdiction, to take any jiart in
passing or executing sentence of .leath.
(St. Thomas, 2 2n(liE, lxiv.: Billuart, " De
Justit.'' diss. X.; St. Liguori, "Theol.
Moral." lib. iv. tract, iv. cap. 1. dub. 2.)
CAPZTA.I. SXKTS (in English called
deadly sins), so named because they are
the fountain-heads from which all other
sins proceed. St. Thomas, filldwing St.
Gregory the Great, enumerates seven —
viz. vainglory, envy, anger, avarice, sloth
(which he calls IrisHtia, "sadness," or
distaste for labour in God's service, but
which is generally known as acedia),
gluttony, lust. Other writers substitute
pride for vainglory ; others, again, like
Cassian, count both pride and vainglory,
and so make eight capital sins. St Thoinas
divides them as follows. " Man," lie >.iys,
"is led to sin by seeking that which is
good inordinately, or by an unreasonable
aversion from that which is good, because
of incidental evil which is joined, or
thought to be joined, with it. Man seeks
inordinately the goods of the soul (pride),
or of the body (gluttony and lust), or,
lastly, external goods (avarice), lie has
an unreasonable aversion to bis own good,
because of the labour needed to secure it
(sloth), or to another's good, because it
seems to detract from his own (envy and
anger)." (1 2nd;e, Ixx.xiv. 4.)
CAPZTVX.ART. A set of crqntula,
or chapters, each of which was a special
law, like the " chapters " in the annual
volume of statutes passed by the British
Parliament. The wonl has Ijeen extended
to the ecclesiastical canons passed in pro-
vincial councils — e.g. to the chapters of
Martin of Duma, passed at IJraga in 572 —
but it is usually restricted to the legisla-
tion of the Prankish kings of the first and
second dynasties.
These Capitularies have beenpublkshed
by Baluze, and more recently by Pertz ;
they have been carefully analysed by
M. Guizot in his "Hist, de la CiVilis. en
France."
I. The Capitularies of the Merovingian
kings begin with Childebert (554). Com-
piled as they were so soon after the conver-
sion of the Salian Franks to Christianity,
it is needless to say that ecclesiastical in-
fluence is apparent in every part of them.
Among the more prominent matters of
which they treat, are the right of sanc-
tuarj-, the observance of the Sunday, the
right to grant lands to the Church, &c.
II. The Capitularies of Pepin le Bref,
the father of Charlemagne, are five in
number, but only one of them can be
called in the fullest sense a work of legis-
lation, as having been framed " in generali
populi conventu." They are much occu-
pied with clerical discipline and the rt'gu-
lation of marriage.
III. The Capitularies of Charlemagne,
sixty-five in number, conta in 1 , 1 50 separate
chapters. Tliev rang(> in date from 709
to 803. They are clas-itied l.y M. Gui/.ot,
according to their .-ulijeris, iiilo jmiiiicrd
(273), moral (87 ), />?««/( 1 .'iO). vidl (1 10),
religious (So), canonical (2!ll), dommfic
(73), and viisccUaneous or occasional (12).
A large proportion of them can in no
sense be called laivs ; so far from it that
128
CAPrA MAGNA
CAPUCHINS
M. Guizot distinguishes them into docu-
ments of twelve different kinds. These
twelve classes include new laws (properly
j-o called), ancient laws revived, instruc-
tions to tiie missi Dotmntci, circulars to the
bishops and counts convejnng admonitions
or inviting opinions, answers of the emperor
to questions put to him, judicial decrees,
memoranda, &c. &c. In fact, this un-
wieldy collection faithfully represents the
imperial system itself, which was a sort
of hodge-podge of paternal government,
flexible administration, and rigid law;
each of these three being so far pressed as
the Emperor, under the circumstances of
each case, judged to be expedient.
IV. The Capitularies of Louis le D^-
bonnaire, twenty in ntunber, were added
to those of Charlemagne, and the whole
collection, digested into seven books,
published between 820 and 842, by Anse-
aisus. Abbot of Fontenelle, and Benedict
of Mayence — the same to whom many
writers ascribe the fabrication of the
False Decretals. Charles the Bald added
tifty-two, and the succeeding Carlovingian
kings, down to Charles the Simple inclu-
f^ive, some ten or eleven more. After
Charles the Simple, the laws of France
ceased to be called Capitularies.
CAPPA MACITA.. The barbarous
word "cappa," said to be derived from
capere (quia cnjnf. totum hominem, " be-
cause it covers the whole person "), was
iiriginally used by ecclesiastical writers
to denote the pluviale, or cope, as appears
from Durandus and Honorius. The cappa
magna is a long vestment, the hood of
which is lined with silk or with fur, ac-
cording to the season of the year at which
it is to be worn. It is used by cardinals,
bishops, and, in many churches, also by
canons. It seems to have been at first
the choir vestment of canons regular.
(From Gavant. with Merati's notes.)
CAPUCIIIN-S. A reform of the
Franciscan order instituted by Matteo di
Bassi of Urbino, who, being an Obser-
vantine Franciscan at Monte Falco, and
having convinced himself tha t the capuc/ie
or cowl worn by St. Francis was different
in shape from that worn by the friars of
his own time, adopted a long pointed
cowl, according to what he conceived to
be the original form. In 1526 he obtained
the consent of Pope Clement VI] . to the
wearing of this habit by himself and his
companions, with the further permission
to live the life of hermits, and preach the
gospel in every country, on condition that
once in each year they should present
themselves at the general chapter,
wherever it might be held, of the Obser-
vantine friars. Matteo began hereupon
to preach publicly in the March of Ancona
but the provincial of the Observantines,.
hearing of it, treated him as an apostate
friar [Apostasy] and threw him intO'
prison. He was released through the
interference of the Duchess of Camerino,^
the Pope's niece ; and he, with two zfalous
followers, Louis and Raphael of Fossom-
brone, took refuge for a time witli the-
Camaldules in their convent at Mnss^uccio.
They were also kindly treated by the
j Conventual branch of their order [Fkan-
j ciscANs], and a bull was finally obtained
from the Pope in 1528, authorising the
union which Matteo and his companions
had entered into with the Conventuals,,
sanctioning for them the hermit life, and
allowing them to wear beards and to use
the long-pointed errjOMc^e from which they
have derived their name. After this the-
order grew with great rapidity, and it has
I produced down to the present time numbers
t of men eminent for every Christian virtue,,
great preachers, and accomplished scholars ,-
yet, strange to say, the first projectors of
the institute, unlike the great majority of
founders of orders, did not persevei'e in
the observance of its statutes. Matteo-
di Bassi, for whom independence of exter-
} nal control seems to have possessed an
extraordinary attraction, finding that the
[ Pope had forbidden Capuchins who did
! not remain in their monasteries and obey
the vicar-general to wear the pointed
' cowl, immediately cut oft' the half of his,
i and quitted the order. Louis of Fossom-
I brone was expelled from it on account of
the violence of his language, when, by the
Papal confirmation of another friar as
vicar-general in 1536, his ambitious desire
to be continued in the office was frus-
trated.
The statutes of the order were drawn
up in 1529. The government was placed
in the hands of a vicar-general, for they
were at first subject to the general of the
Conventuals, and only obtained exemp-
tion from this obedience in 1617. Matins
were to be said at midnight, and the
other canonical hours at the times origi-
nally assigned to them ; hours for mental
prayer, for silence, and for taking the
discipline, were prescribed. They were
to have no revenues, but to live by
begging ; everything about their churches
and convents was to be poor and mean ;
the very chalices were to be of pewter,
and in the decorations of the altars, gold.
CAPUCHINS
silver, and silk were excluded. They
miprht eat one kind of meat in refectory,
and wine was allowed ; but if any Ca-
puchin wished to diet himself more
rigorously he was not to be prevented.
In their begging rounds the friars were
not to ask for either meat, eggs, or cheese,
though they might accept them if ofl'ered.
One of the most illustrious names in this
order is that of St. Fidelis of Sigmaringen,
a zealous and powerful preacher, martyred
by the Calvinists of the Grisons in 1622
(see Alban Butler, April 24).
The third vicar-general, Bernardino
Ochino, attained an unhappy notoriety
throughhaving adopted Lutheran opinions
and married a young girl from Lucca. This
was at Geneva, where he established him-
self in 1542. Ochino afterwards went to
England, while Edward VI. was on the
throne, and after having travelled through
many parts of Germany, and become
known as a gifted preacher of the new
opinions, he settled at Zurich. But, like
the late Rev. Blanco White, who deserted
the Church for Anglicanism, but could
not stop there, Ochino was compelled
after a while by internal restlessness,
against his own manifest interest, to
seek to imdermine the Lutheranism which
he had embraced. In 1563 he printed a
book called "Triginta Dialogi," in which
it is intimated that if a man has an un-
suitable wife, and feels quite certain that
the impulse which moves him is from
God, he may without sin take to himself
a second wife. The leaders of the Re-
formed party at Zurich, such as BuUin-
ger and Wolf, were scandalised at this
apparent vindication of polvgamv, and
Ocl lino was driven bv his Protestant
friends out of Switzerland and sought
refuge in Poland. Even here he was not
suflered to rest, and on the forced journey
to Moravia, where he hn])fd to find sliel-
ter, after losing three cut nf his four
children by the plague, he died at
Schlackau before the end of 1564, hut in
such isolation and obscurity that no
jiarticulars of his death were ever ascer-
tained.
At the time when H^lyot wrote, near
the beginning of the last centurj', the
order of Capuchins was divided into more
than fifty provinces and three "custodies,','
numbering sixteen hundred convents and
twenty-five thousand friars, besides their
missions in Brazil and various parts of
Africa. The French Revolution— though
there were a few who yielded — tempted
with no other result than illustrating the
CARDINAL 129
serene and stable virtue of the great
majority of the Capuchins. When Bel-
gium was annexed to France in 1797,
and soldiers were sent to turn out the
friars at Louvain into the street, the
guardian thus expelled cried out, " I pro-
test in the sight of Heaven that it is only
force which makes us go out of our house;
that I and my brothers remain Capu-
chins ; that we are suffering for religion,
and are ready, if need be, to be martyrs
in its cause." A large number of their
convents were suppressed during the re-
volutionary troubles ; in France, however,
they had revived again to a considerable
extent, but the persecuting " Liberalism "
of the Third Republic ejected them anew
from their convents (1880). They are at
present most numerous in Austria ; in
Switzerland also there are many, and
altogether they are said still to number
several thousands. They are at present
eight Capuchin convents in England and
Wales — at Peckham, East Dulwich,
Erith, Crawley, Chester, Pantasnpli,
Olton, and Pontypool — and three in
Ireland — one at Kilkenny, and two (of
which one is the noviciate) at Cork.
(H6lyot ; " Bernardino Ochino," by Ben-
rath, 1875; English and Irish "Cathohc
Directories.")
CARSZlTAli {cnrdo, a hinge). Like
most arrangements wliicli, though made
by man, carry out the Divine ptii-pnse,
CoiTespond to tlie wants nf human society,
and are destined to live, grow aiid endure,
the great institutioii nf tlie Cardinalate
sprang from small and iilninst luiunticed
beginnings. The words cardi/ialis, eardi-
nare, incardinare, are found in ante-Xicene
ecclesiastical writers, and are used to
j designate the fixed permanent clergy of
any church — those who were so built
into it and necessary to its beiiig that
it might be said to revolve round tliera
as a door round its hinge. ^ Thin' are
tlius distinguished from those bisliops, or
prii'sts, or dfaoons, whose coiinectimi with
a eliurcliwiis Innse nr tempnrary. In the
lidiuan Church parish churches or Titles
seem tn have been first instituted in tlie
. time of Pope MarceHus (.'iOl), and the
priests to whose chargi' tliey were ])er-
manently committed were styled cardinal
priests. The deacons of the Roman
I It is interesting to observe that the use of
this metaphor dates from the remotest antiquity.
The five piinces of the I'hilistines were called
D'3^p, literally "axles" or "hinges" of the
people. See Josue xiii. 3 ; Judges iii. 3.
130
CARDIN.\L
CARDINAL
Church, as of many other important
Churches, were at first seven in number,
in imitation of the original Apostolic
institution. They were not at first as-
signed to particular districts ; but as time
went on, and various charitable institu-
tions for the relief of the sick and poor,
with chapels attached to them, arose here
and there throughout the fourteen " re-
gions " into which the city was divided
under Augustus, each deacon came to
have one or more regions, with the insti-
tutions locally contained in it, assigned
to his care ; and from the fixed character
of their charge, they were called cardinal
demons. For a long time there was no
such tiling as a cardinal bishop, because
the Roman Pontiff himself presided in
the see in that capacity. But there were
several bishoprics in the immediate neigh-
bourhood of Rome — namely, Portus (at
the mouth of the Tiber), Ostia (on the op-
posite side of the river), Prjeneste, Sabina,
Tusculum, Al))aiio, and St. Rufina — the
bishops of which appear from very early
times to have sat in synod with the Bishop
of Rome : a relation which, with increas-
ing exercise and deepening comprehension
of the Papal prerogatives, was naturally
developed by degrees into a closer con-
nection. Histoi-y does not enable us to
describe or date the stages of this change.
In the eleventh century we find all the
abnve-iiiimed sees (reduced now to six,
for St. Rufina had been united to Portus)
incorporated in the Roman Church, and
their occupants holding their appoint-
ments directly and solely from the Pope.
This is the picture which we derive
from the writings of St. Peter Damian
(d. 1071), who was himself Cardinal
Bishop of Ostia. The council held at
Rome in 105i), under Nicholas II., decreed
that Pojies should thenceforth be elected
on the jiidfpncnt. of the six cardinal bishops,
with till' ansmt of the Roman clergy, the
ap])linisi' of the people, and the ratification
of tlie Kniperor. t)f the Roman clergy,
the cardinal priests and deacons were the
most ]iidniiiient and influential portion.
Hence it is easy to niulerstand, consider-
ing till' instability of ]io])ular opinion,
and tlie ti-ansitni'v chai-acter of human
sovereignty, that the election of the Pope
gradually came to be vested in the csir-
dinals exclusively, who, in their grades
of bisho]), priest, and deacon, represented
the ancient "])rosbyterium " of the Roman
Church in the fullest and most satisfac-
tory manner.
In the twelfth century the number of
the cardinal bishops, as already stated,
was six ; that of the cardinal priests,
twenty-eight; and about this time the
number of the cardinal deacons was raised
from seven to fourteen, one for each
region, whence they were called " region-
ary " deacons. The dignity of their office
grew, while its functions either dwindled
or were otherwise discharged ; and in
process of time the cardinal deacons, still
deriving their titles from the chapels
formerly attached to the charitable in-
stitutions of which they had the charge
(St. Hadrian, St. Theodore, &c.), ceased
to have local duties, and, like the cardinals
of higher rank, were drawn into the
august circle of the immediate counsellors
and assistants of the Roman Pontifis. In
the course of the twelfth century their
niunber was further raised to eighteen,
I making a total of fifty-three cardinals ;
I and this number remained fixed for a
considerable time. Then a period of
fluctuation ensued, during which the
Sacred College was sometimes reduced to
a mere handful of persons. The Council
of Basle ordered that the number of
cardinals should be fixed at twenty-four ;
but the decree was not ratified by the
[ Pope, and no attention was paid to it.
Leo X. raised the number to sixty-five.
The final regulation, which prevails to
this day, was contained in the constitution
Fostquam vetics of Sixtus Y., published in
1586. By this it was ordered that the
number of cardinals should never exceed
seventy, thus composed : six of episcopal
rank, holding the old suburban sees before
mentioned; fifty described as priests, hold-
ing a corresponding number of " Titles "
or parishes in Rome; and fourteen de-
scribed as deacons. By a Constitution of
; St. Pius V. (15G7), all customs or privi-
leges in virtue of which the name of
Cardinal had been assumed by the clergy
of any other church (e.g. by the canons of
Compostella, Milan, &c.) were abrogated,
and it was forbidden to apply it in future to
any but the senators of the Roman Church.
The cardinals owe their appointment
solely to the Pope. They have for many
centuries been taken in part from all the
great Christian nations of Europe, though
the number of Italian cardinals has always
preponderated. Tlie appointment of a
future cardinal is announced by the Pope
in consistory, but tlie name is reserved in
petto. At a subsequent consistory it is
made public. The actual appointment, in
the case of ecclesiastics residing in Rome,
I proceeds as follows : On a day named,
CARDINAL
CARDINAL VIRTUES 131
the candidate goes to the Papal palace,
and receives from the Pope the red biretta;
afterwards, in a public consistory, at the
dose of an imposing ceremonial, the Pope
places upon his head the famous red hat.
In a second consistory he "closes his
mouth " {os clfiud{t)—th&t is, forbids him
for the present to speak at meetings of
cardinals ; in a third, he " opens his
mouth" — that is, lie removes the former
prohibition, giving him at the same time
a ring, and assigning to him his " Title."
If the candidate is absent, being prevented
by just cause from visiting Rome at that
time, the red biretta is sent to him, and
on receiving it he is bound to make oath
that he will within a year visit the tombs
of the Apostles.
The duties of cardinals are of two
kinds — those which devolve on them while
the Pope is living, and those which they
have to discharge when the Holy See is
vacant. As to the first, it may be briefly
said that they consist in taking an active
part in the gnveriiment of the universal
Church; for although the Pope is in no
way bound to defer to the opinions of the
Sacred College, in practice he seldom, if
ever, takes an imjiortant step without
their counsel and concurrence. Such a
school in the science and art of govern-
ment in all its forms as the College of
Cardinals exists nowhere else in the world.
They are brought into immediate contact
with the various peculiarities of national
character, the prejudices and cherished
aims of dynasties, the conservatism that
with more or less intelliizeiice supports,
and the commiuiism that with more or
less wickedness undermines, the fabric of
Christian society. In consistory, where
the cardinals all meet in a kind of senate
under the presidency of the Pope, and
discuss affairs "exclusa omni forma judi-
ciali," the powers of statement and reply
are cultivated ; in the various Congre-
gations [see CoNGREGATiox, Roman], they
learn to manage in detail the vast and
comphcated concerns of a communion
which with its one faith and, substan-
tially, one ritual, is found congenial to
pver^- people and at home in every climate.
Hence flow that largeness of temper, that
breadth of view, that readiness to drop
the accidental if only the essential be
maintained, that conciliatory bearing, and
that antique courtesy, by which the finest
specimens of cardinal ambassadors have
always been distinguished. History can
show few nobler pictures than that of
Cardinal Consalvi confronting the force
and cunning of the First Napoleon in the
zenith of his power, and compelling the
drafting of the Concordat in the form
that the Pope, not the First Consul,
required.
All the cardinals now take precedence
of bishops, archbishops, and even patri-
archs. This was not so formerly; the
change was gradually introduced. They
have many other privileges, which canon-
ists— who generally hold that the rank of
cardinal, in its temporal aspect, is equiva-
lent to that of a reigning prince — have
elaborately defined in their treatises. On
their seals they have their own arms, with
the red hat as crest ; the}' are styled
EminetUiissimi and Beverendissimi.
At a vacancy of the Holy See, the
duties of the cardinals become confined to
protecting the Church and maintaining all
things in their due order, till a Conclave
can be assembled for the election of a new
Pope. [COITCLATII.]
There are two English cardinals at
the present time — Herbert Vaughan,
Archbishop of Westminster, and Mi-
chael Logue, Archbishop of Armagh,
Primate of all Ireland. The present
archbishops of Sydney, Quebec, and
Baltimore, are also cardinals. James
Gibbons, Archbishop of Baltimore, is
the only American cardinal.
The Sacred College numbers at pres-
ent about sixty-four members.
CABSIXTAX. XECATE. [See LE-
GATE.]
CARDZXTAI. PROTECTOS. A
member of the Sacred College, belonging
by birth to one of the more considerable
Catholic nations, who has received the
purple partly on that account. His local
knowledge of his own people and their
ways, through being "to the manner
bom," quahfy him to be a trusted referee
when any questions afl'ecting the interests
j of the nation to which he belongs, or of
individuals of that nation, are brought
forward at Rome, and the name of "Car-
I dinal Protector" has hence naturally bet^n
I assigned to him. A remarkable instance,
illustrating the representative weii;ht
i which such cardinals often enjoy in the
j Sacred College, was that of the French
Cardinal Maury, described by Consalvi in
his powerful narrative of the Conclave
which preceded the election ot Pius VII.
, There are also Cardinal Protectors of
religious orders, of colleges, &c.
I CARSZIO'AX. VZBTXrSS. St. Am-
I brose("In Luc. ''cap. vi. 1. o) issaid tohave
I been the first to caJl the four great moral
s. 2 ■
132 CARMELITES, OEDER OF
CARMELITES, ORDER OF
virtues (prudence, justice, fortitude, and
temperance) the cardinal " virtues. They
are so named, according to St. Thomas,
on account of their generality and import-
ance. Prudence enables us to know what
to desire or avoid ; justice gives everyone
his due; fortitude urges us on when
difficulty stands in the way of our duty ;
temperance restrains us when passion
excites us to what is wrong. All the
moral virtues may be reduced to one or
other of these headings. Thus religion
belongs to justice because it gives God
His due ; chastity comes under temper-
ance because it puts a restraint on certain
passions [See Viettte, Justice, Tempee-
axceJ. (St. Thomas, 1» 2», qu. Ixi. for
the cardinal virtues generally ; and 2* 2%
qq. xlvii.-clxx. for the treatment of them
in detail.)
CAitnxz:i.zTES, orber of. In
the middle of the twelfth century a cru-
sader named Berthold vowed at the com-
mencement of a battle that if by the
mercy of God his side was victorious, he
would embrace the religious life. The
victory was won, and Berthold became a
monk in Calabria. Soon after, the prophet
Elias is said to have appeared to him and
revealed something to him inconsequence
■of which Berthold left Italy, and repair-
ing to Mount Carmel (1156) — that moun-
tain, so conspicuous and so beautiful,
which juts out into the sea to the south
of Acre — took up his abode there. Every-
one knows the connection of Carmel with
some of the leading incidents of the pro-
l)het's life (3 Kings xviii ; 4 Kings iv).
A cavern near tlie summit was then
shown as the habitation of Elias, and the
ruins of a spacious monastery, the history
of which is iinknown, covcnMl the ground.
An eyewitness, John I'hot-as, who visited
the holy places in lis."), thus writes: —
"Some years ago a white-liuii'ed monk,
who was also a priest, came from Cala-
bria, and tbrongli a revelation from the
prophet Elias, (established himself in this
place. He enclosed a small portion of
the ruins of the monastery, and built a
tower and a little church, assembling
in it about ten brothers, who, with liim,
inhabit at present this holy place." Ber-
thold, therefore, may in one sense be con-
sidered as the founder of the Carmelite
order, and its first general. On the other
hand, it cannot be questioned that Ber-
thold found hermits living on the moun-
tain when he arrived there, attracted by
the peculiar sanctity which the residence
of the great prophet had conferred on
the spot; these appear to have joined
him, and to have accepted along witri him
and his immediate followers the rule
which was framed for them in 1209 by
Albert, patriarch of Jerusalem. These
hermits may have had a long line of pre-
decessors, nor is there any historical or
moral impossibility in the assumption
that holy men had lived on the mountain
without interruption since the days of
Elias, although positive evidence is want-
ing. This belief in the possible succes-
sion of a long line of samtly anchorites
was gradually merged in the fixed per-
suasion that the very order of Our Lady
of Mount Carmel, such as it was in the
thirteenth and following centuries, had
existed there in xmbroken continuity,
keeping the three vows, and with here-
ditary succession, from the time of Elias.
It was in this extreme form that the
Carmelite view of the antiquity of their
order was combated in the seventeenth
century by the learned Papebroke, the
BoUandist, who in the volumes of the
"Acta Sanctorum" for March gave Lives
of Berthold and Cyril, in which it was
assumed that the former was the Ji'rsf,
and the latter the third, general of the
order. A violent controversy arose ;
several Carmelite writers published large
treatises; other Jesiiits came to the assis-
tance of Papebroke ; the Spanish Inquisi-
tion was induced to issue a decree censur-
ing the published volumes of the " Acta
Sanctorum;" and Rome, while refusing
to adopt or ratify this censure, thought it
expedient to impose silence on the dis-
putants (16i)8).
The rule given to the order by the
patriarch Albert was in sixteen articles.
It forbade the possession of property;
ordered that each hermit should live in a
cell by himself; interdicted meat alto-
gether; recommended manual labour and
silence; and imposed a strict fast from
the Exaltation of the Cross (Srpt. 14) to
Easter, Sundays being excepted.
The progress of the Mohammedan
power in Palestine, after the illusory
treaty entered into by the Emperor
Frederic II. in 1229 with the Sultan
Kameel, made it more and more difficidt
for Christians to live there in peace; and
under their fifth general, Alan of Brit-
tany, they abandoned Carmel and es-
tablished themselves in Cyi)rus (12."i8)
and other places. They held their first
chapter at Aylesford in Hampshire, in
; 1245, and elected our countryman, St.
j Simon Stock, to the generalship. Under
CARMELITES, ORDER OF
CARMELITES, ORDER OF 13S
Lim the order was greatly extended, and
entered upon a flourishing period. To
this Saint Our Lady is said to have shown
the Scapular in a vision. [See Scapulae.]
After passing into Europe they found it
necessary to live in common, and no
longer as hermits. This, with other
mitigations of the primitive rule, was
sanctioned by Innocent IV., who con-
firmed them in 1247 under the title of
Friars of Our Lady of Mount Carmel.
Their habit was originally striped, but
xiltimately the dress by which they are
60 well known, the brown habit with
white cloak and scapular, was adopted.
They were recognised as one of the
mendicant orders ; our ancestors knew
them as " the \Miite Friars." Many dis-
tinguished men and eminent ecclesiastics
have worn their habit. In our own
country we can point to the vast and
sohd capacity of Thomas of Walden,
confessor to Henry V., and one of the
theologians at the Council of Constance,
who in a work of profound learning and
great eloquence, the " Doctrinale Fidei,"
confuted the sophistries advanced by
"Wyclif against the faith and discipline of
the Church.
The Papal schism led to much confu-
sion avA relaxation of discipline, a portion
of the order siding with the Avignon
Pope and electing a different general.
England remained true to Urban \T. To
put an end to the dissimilarity of practice
which prevailed, Eugenius TV. issued a
bull in 14:31, in which permission was
given to eat meat three times a week,
with other indulgences. But these were
not accepted in all the convents. Gradu-
ally the names of Observantines and
Conventuals crept in, to distinguish tlie
Carmelites who observed the rule as
ratified by Innocent TV. from tliose wlio
accepted the mitigations of Eugenius.
Special congregations aiming at a strict
observance of the rule arose in Italy and
France ; among these was the congrega-
tion of Mantua, founded by the unliap])v
Thomas Connecte, who is noticed by
Addison in the "Spectator." In England
at the time of the dissolution of the
monasteries, the Carmelites were in a
very flourishing condition. Impartial
witnesses declare that in no country of
Europe did the glory of their institute
shine out with greater lustre than in
England. They had fifty-two houses.*
1 Xamely at —
Appleby Berwick
Aylesford Blakeney
In London the library of the White
Friars was the best to be found in the
city ; the books bestowed on it by Thomas
Walden alone were valued at two thou-
sand gold pieces. AH these were de-
stroyed or dispersed at the dissolution.'
The later glories of the order belong
chiefly to Spain, and are due to the heroic
virtue of a woman, St. Teresa. Carme-
lite nuns had first been instituted by John
Soreth, general of the order in. the fif-
teenth century. Relaxations of the rule
had crept into their convents as into those
i of the friars. St. Teresa lived for many
! years in the convent of Avila, which was
under the mitigated observance. Amidst
j great obstacles, and in the teeth of much
I persecution, she carried out her object of
[ introducing a reform among the nuns by
returning to the ancient rigour of the
rule. She thus became the founder of
the Discalced Carmelite nuns. Nor did
her zeal stop here, but extended itself to
a reformation of the friars, in which
also, aided by the counsel of St. Peter of
Alcantara, and the labours and sufferings
of St. John of the Cross, who joined the
new order, she was completely successful.
At the time of her death, in 1583, she had
assisted in the foundation of seventeen
reformed convents for women and fifteen
for men. These Discalced Carmelites,
whose institute rapidly spread to all the
Catholic countries of Europe, and to the
Spanish colonies, were at tirst suliject to
the government of the unre formed order;
but Clement VIII., in 1593, gave them a
general of their own. Several other r&-
Bolton (York)
Marlborough
Boston
Xewcastle
Bristol
Northallerton
Burnham
Northampton
Cambridge
Norwich
Cardiff
Nottingham
Chester
Oxford
Coveiitrv
Plymouth
IViihi-li
Pontpfrac*:
Dunoaster
R^ol ni .nd
Uravton
Ruthin
Gloucester
Sandwich
Hitihin
Scarborough
Hulm (near Aln
S-alp
wick)
Shenp
Hull
Shoreliam
Ipswich
Shreusiiury
Leutoii (Xotts)
Stamford
Lincoln
Sutton (York)
London
Taunton
Lospnham
Warwick
Ludlow
Winchester
Lyme Regis
Yarmouth
Lynn
York
Maldon
' Bibliotheca OirmeUtana. Orleans, 17.52.
134
CARXIV.VL
OARTIIURTANS, ORDER OF
forms have been introduced since tliat nt'
St. Teresa in various countries, whicli we
Lave not space here to notice. At present,
in spite of the devastation wrought durinfj
the revolutionary epoch, and the spirit of
\mbelief which engenders and is encour-
aged by revolutions, a considerable num-
ber of Carmelite monasteries still exists.
In France, though they were swept away
at the first revolution, they had been
re-introduced, and till lately possessed
some sixty houses. But the iniquitous
decree of March 29, 1880, issued by the
Republican Government of France, has
resulted in the violent seizure of all the
houses of men, and in turning the friars
adrift. In Spain, we believe, they are at
present numerous.
In England there are two houses of
Discalced Carmelite friars (at Kensing-
ton and Wincanton), and six nunneries
—at Fulham, Notting Hill, Chichester,
Wells, Lanherne, and Darlington. In
Ireland there appear to be seven or eight
Carmelite friaries, calced and discalced
(beginning witli the well-known convent
in Whitefriar Street, Dublin, which stands
on the site of an ancient Carmelite house
founded in 1274), and eight or nine
nunneries. (Il^lyot ; "Bibliotheca Car-
melitana"; Tanner; Dngdale.)
CARXTZVAIL (from caro, vale, the
time when we are about to say farewell
tf) flesh-meat; or uhi caro valet — in allu-
sion to the indulgence of the flesh in the
days whifli jirecede the fast), the three
da> s lirlorc Lent, though the name some-
times includt's the whole period between
February ;i, the feast of St. Blasius, and
Ash-Wednesday. The Carnival in Catho-
lic countries, and in Rome itself, is a
special season for feasting, dancing, mas-
querading and mirth of all sorts. In
itself this custom is innocent, although
the Church from Septnagesima onwards
assumes the garb of penance, and pro-
pares her children, by the saddened tone
of her office, for the Lenten season. But
the pleasures of the Carnival easily de-
generate into riot, and the Church there-
fore specially encourages pious exercises
at this time. In 15.56 the Jesuits at
Macerati introduced the custom of ex-
posing the Blessed Sacrament through
the Carnival. This devotion spread
through the Church, and Clement XIII.,
in 1705, granted a plenarj^ indulgence on
certain conditions to those who take part
in it.
CARTHirSXANS, ORDER OF.
The founder of this celebrated order was
j St. Bruno, in the eleventh centuiy. A
well-known story, once inserted in the
I Itonian l>reviary, ascribes his retirement
from the world to the marvellous resusci-
tation of a not ed Paris doctor, as his body
was being carried to the grave. But there
is no contemporary evidence to sustain
the story, and it was, probably on this
account, left out of the Breviary by
Urban VIII. Bruno was a native of
Cologne, and gave proof of more than
common piety, recollection, and mortifica-
tion even from his tender years. When
he was grown up, he was at first entered
among the clergy of St. Cunibert's at
Cologne, whence he passed to Rheims, a
city then celebrated for its episcopal
school. Bruno made here great progress
in learning, and was appointed " scholas-
ticus" (Fr. Scoldtre); many of the leading
men of the age were his pupils. He had
much to suffer from the conduct of the
unworthy Archbishop of Rheims, Man-
asses, suspended in 1077 ; and the reso-
lution to quit the world seems to have
arisen in him about this time, and grew
in strength continually. Leaving Rheims,
uncertain in what way God willed him to
carry out his clearlv-seen vocation, he
repaired to St. Robert of Molesme, the
founder of the Cistercian order, by whom
he was referred to St. Hugh, Bishop of
Grenoble. With six companions, Bruno
presented himself to the bishop, and
opened to him their desire to found an
institute in which the glory of God and
the good of man should be sought on a
foundation of rigorous austerity and self-
I disci])llne. The ffood liislio]) was over-
joyed at serin- th.-m : in tlir.r rr(|iie>t he
saw the lietiiiiniiiii- of llie liiUihneiit of a
wonileri'ul (Irrani which he had had the
night bcl'ori'. Soon afterwards he led
them to the desert of the Chartreuse, an
upland vallev in the Aljis to the north of
Grenoble, more than l.dOO fret ;il,ove the
sea, and only to he nMch.d l,v thi-. nding
a gloomy and diilieult ravine. High
crags surround the valley on all sides;
the soil is poor, the cold extreme — snow
lies there most of the year- and the air
is charged with fog. riruim ,icic]itf>d
this site with joy, and he and Ins com-
panions immediately linilt an oratory
there, and small se]iara(c cells, in imita-
tion of the ancient Jjanras of I'ah'stine.
This was in 1080, and the origin of the
Carthusian order, which takes its name
from Chartreuse, is dated from this
foundation.
St. Bruno, when he had been only twn-
CAKTIIUSIANS, ORDER OF CARTHUSIANS, ORDER OF 135
or three years at the Chartreuse, was sum-
moned to Rome by an imperative man-
date from Urban 11., -who had been his
pupil. With grief he left his beloved
companions, the most prudent and de-
voted of whom, Landwin, he appointed
prior in his room, and, recommending the
monastery to the protection of the Abbot
of Chaise Dieu, departed for Italy. He
was never able to return, but after foimd-
ing convents at Squillace and La Torre
in Calabria, died at the last-named place
in 1101. The celebrated Abbot of Cluny,
Peter the Venerable, writing about forty
years after St. Bruno, describes in few
words the manner of life which the saint
instituted, and to which his monks — the
only ancient order in the Church which
Las never been reformed and never needed
refoi-m — have always faithfully adhered.
" Their dress," he writes, " is meaner and
poorer than that of other monks ; so short
and scanty, and so rough, that the very
sight affrights one. They wear coarse
hair-shirts next their skin; fast almost
perpetually ; eat only bran bread ; never
touch flesh, either sick or well ; never
buy fish, but eat it if given them as an
alms : eat eggs and cheese on Sundays j
and Thursdays ; on Tuesdays and Satur-
days their fare is pulse or herbs boiled ;
on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays
they take nothing but bread and water;
and they have only one meal a dav, ex-
cept within the octaves of Christmas, '
Easter, "\Miitsuntide, Epiphany, and some
other festivals. Their constant occupa- |
tion is praying, reading, and manual
labour, which consists chiefly in tran-
scribing books. They say the lesser |
hours of the divine oHice in their cells at
the time when the bell rings, but meet
together at vespers and matins with won-
derful recollection." This maimer of life
they seem to have followed for some time
without any written rule. Guigo, the
fifth prior of the Chartreuse (1^28), made
a collection of their customs; and in later
times .several other compilations of their
statutes were framed, of which a com-
plete code was arranged in 1581, and aj)-
proved of by Innocent XI. in 1688. The
glorious difficulty of the very perfect life
aimed at by the Carthusians is recognised
by the Church, which "allows religious
men of any of the mendicant orders to
exchange their order for that of the Car-
thusians, as a state of greater austeritv
and perfection ; but no one can pass from
the Carthusians to any other order, as
Fagnanus, the learned canonist, proves at
I large." ' The name of Chartreuse was
given to each of their monasteries ; this
was corrupted in England into Charter-
house. Among their original customs
was that of taking a walk, which they
called gpatianient (from the Latin spn-
tiari), within the bounds of their desert;
and to this day the monk of the Grande
Chartreuse takes his daily " spaciment."
The ordinary dress is entirely white ; but
outside the boundaries of his monastery
the Carthusian wears a long black cloak
and bood. In 1391 Boniface IX. formally
renewed the exemption of the order from
episcopal control ; and in 1508 Julius II.
ordained that their monasteries in eveiy
part of the world should obey the prior
of the Grande Chartreuse and the chapter
general of the order.
Among the distinguished men who
have borne the Carthusian habit are
St. iriit:li, Bishop of Lincoln; Cardinal
d'AllitTuuti ; the learufd and holv Denis
Puck.-l. commonly called Denis th.. Car-
thusian : and Wuit. r Hilton (148;:?), whose
" Ladd.T of Perfection." a work of mysti-
cal theology, was published by Abraham
AVoodhcad in the seventeenth century.
The Chartreuses or Charterhouses in
England at the time of the dissolution
were nine in number.- A large proportion
of the monks and friars then in England,
like the secular cleriiy, accepted, in words
at any rate, the new doctrine of the royal
su])remacy ; but the Carthusians stood
firm. Even Mr. Froude, the thorough-
going apologist of Tudor tyranny, ac-
knowledges that the Londi ui Carthusians
met death like heroes. Ilaughton, their
prior, and several of the monks, were
hanged in 15.v5; one. Maurice Chauncey,
accepting the supremacy, was allowed to
leave England, but bitterly re]iente,l liis
weakness, was reconciled to the Church,
and wrote an interesting and touching
narrative of the whole tragedy. The re-
maining eight monks of the London house
])(>rished of jail-fever, fold air, and starva-
tion, after being ini])risoned some months
in Newgate, The Carthusians of Skene,
in Surrey, fifteen in number, withdrew to
Flanders on the death of Queen ^laiy,
aiul abode in various places ; at the time
when Alban Butler wrote they were
' Alb.-m Butler, Life of St. Bruno, Oct. 6.
- Namely at —
Be.auvale " ( Notts) Mount Grace ( York.),
Coventry Sliene
Epwortii (Line.) \Vitham ( Line.) ;
Hinton (^Sorn.) ami two cells, at
Hull Mendip (So.ii.)
London Shapwick (Dors.>
136
CASSOCK
CATACOMBS
settled at Nieuport, and were, ■with the
Brigittine nuns of Sion [Bkigittines],
"the only two English orders which
were never dispersed."
'WTien H^lyot -wrote, early in the
eighteenth century, there were 172 Car-
thusian houses altogether, of which five
were nunneries; about seventy-five out
of the whole number were in France.
These were all swept away at the Revo-
lution. The Jacobin government tried to
sell the Grande Chartreuse, but no one
would bid for it, on account of the poverty
of the soil. After the Restoration some
of the monks returning from abroad were
allowed to reoccupy it ; amongst these
was the general, Dom ^loissonuier, who,
like another Simeon, died in peace eleven
days after his re-entry into the beloved
solitude. For a long time the monks
were very poor, having to pay rent for
their own barren lands to the goverimient ;
but since they invented the famous liqueur
named after the monastery, the revenue
from the sale of which is considerable,
they have been fairly Avell oft". In 1&70
they numbered about forty, with twenty
lay brothers, and sixty servants.
In England, a large Carthusian mon-
astery has been founded among the Sus-
sex hills, near Steyning. (H^lyot ; Alban
Butler, Oct. 6; Tanner's "Notitia.")
CASSOCK {ve-stis talaris, toya sub-
tanea, soutarie). A close-fitting ganuent
reaching to the heels (usque ad talos),
which is the distinctive dress of clerics.
The cassock of sinijilo priests is black;
that of bishops and (jtln-r ])relates, purj)le ;
that of cardinals, red ; tliut nf the Pope,
white. Originally the cassoclc was the
(irdinary dress common to laymen ; its
use was continued by the clergy -while
lay people, after the immigration of the
I^I^orthern nations, began to wear shorter
clothes, and thus it became associated
with the ecclesiastical state. The Coun-
cil of Trent, De Reform, cap. 6, requires
all clerics, if in sacred orders, or if they
hold a benefice, to wear the clerical dress ;
although in Protestant countries clerics
are e.xcused from doing so in public, on
account of the inconveniences likely to
arise.
CASVXSTRY. The science which
deals with cases of conscience. [See
MoEAL Theology.]
CASUS. A name given to real or
imaginary cases in canon law, moral the-
ology, or ritual, collected together in
order to illustrate difficult points in these
branches of learning. Such a collection
of cases to illustrate the " Decretum of
Gratian" was made about 1200 by
Benincasa Senensis ; about 1245 Bernard
of Bologna, afterwards Archdeacon of
Compostella, made a similar collection
to aid in the study of Gregory IX.'s De-
cretals. Since that time, collections of
this kind without number, in all these
three branches of learning, have appeared.
At conferences of the clergy, " cases of
this kind are generally discussed.
CAS1TS RESERVATZ. [See RE-
SERVED Cases.]
CATACOMBS. A sketch of the
present state of knowledge about the
Roman Catacombs, considering the high
religious interest of the subject, may
fairly be expected in a work like the pre-
sent. We shall briefly describe their
position, explain their origin, and trace
their history ; then, after describing the
catacomb of San Calhsto, as a model of
the rest, we shall show, so far as our
limits will allow, what a powerful light
the monuments of the catacombs supply
in illustration of the life, and in evidence
of the faith, of Christians in the primi-
tive ages.
The word " catacomb " had originally
no such connotation as is now attached
to it ; the earUest form, catacumbce (xara,
and Kvfxfir), a hollow) — probably suggested
by the natural configuration of the ground
— was the name given to the district
round the tomb of Caecilia Metella and
the Circus Romuh on the Ap])ian Way.
All through the middle ages " ad cata-
cumbas " meant the subterranean ceme-
tery adjacent to the far-famed basiUca of
St. Sebastian, in the region al)ove-men-
tioned ; afterwards, the signification of
the term was gradually extended, and
applied to all the ancient midergi-ound
cemeteries near Rome, and even to similar
cemeteries in other places, at Paris, for
instance. The bodies of St. Peter and
St. Paul were believed to have rested
here nearly from the date of their martyr-
dom to the time of Pope C'U-nelius, who
translated them to where they are now
(Bed. "De Sex .Et. Mundi : " "corpora
apostolorum de catacumbis levavit noctu");
it was therefore most natural, apart from
the sacred associations which the memor-
ials of other martyrs aroused, that for
this reason alone pilgrims should eagerly
visit this cemetery.
I. Some twenty-five Christian ceme-
teries are known, and have been more or
less carefully examined : but there are
many others, which, either from their
CATACOMBS
CATACOMBS
137
Laving fallen into ruin, or being blocked
up with earth and rubbish, remain unex-
plored. Those that are kno-svn and acces-
sible are found on every side of Rome,
but they are clustered most thickly at tlie
south-east comer of the city, near the
Via Appia and the Via Ardeatina. The
most noteworthy of all, the cemetery of
San CaUisto, is close to the Appian Way ;
near it are those of St. Praetextatus, St.
Sebastian, and St. Soteris. Passing on
round the city by the east and north, we
find the cemetery of Santi Quattro, near
tlie Via Appia Nova, that of St. Ciriaca
on the road to Tivoh, the extremely in-
teresting catacomb of St. Agnes on the
Via Nomentana,and that of St. Alexander,
farther out from Rome on the same road.
Next comes the cemetery of St. Priscilla,
on the Via Salaria. Continuing on, past
the Villa Borghese, we come upon the
valley of the Tiber, beyond which, on the
right bank of the river, we find in succes-
sion the cemeteries of Calepodius and
Generosa. Crossing again to the left
bank, we come upon the cemetery of St.
Lucina on the Via Ostiensis, that of SS.
Nereoed Achilleo (known also by the name
of S. Domitilla) on the Via Ardeatina,
and, finally, that of St. Balbina between
the last-named road and the Appian Way.
II. The origin of the catacombs is
now thoroughly understood. It was long
believed that they were originally mere
sand-pits, arenaria, out of which sand was
dug for building puiijoses, and to which |
the Christians resorted, partly for the sake j
of concealment, partly becaiise the soft- |
ness of the material lent itself to any sort [
of excavation. This was the view of
Baronius and of scholars in general down j
to the present century, when the learned :
Jesuit, F. Marchi, took the subject in |
hand. He made personal researches in
the catacomb of St. Agnes, and gradually
the true origin and mode of construction
of these cemeteries broke upon his mind.
His more celebrat(^dpupi], the Commenda-
tore de Rossi, aided l)y his brothers, con-
tinued his explorations, and has given to
the woi-ld a colossal work on the Roman
Catacombs, which Dr. Northcote and Mr.
Brownlow made the foundation of their
interesting book, " Roma Sotterranea."
Padre Marchi drew attention to the fact
that among the volcanic strata of the
Roman Campagna, three deposits are
especially noticeable — a hard building
stone, called the tufa litoide; a soft stone,
t\i& tufa granolare-. and a sandstone of
scarcely any coherency, called pozzolana.
The sandpits, arenarice, of course occur
in beds of this pozzolana ; and if they had
been the origin of the catacombs, the
latter would have been wholly or chiefly
excavated in the same beds. But in
point of fact the catacombs are almost
entirely foxmd in the tufa granolare,
which exactly suited the purposes which
the early Christians had in view. In the
first place, they were obliged by the im-
perial laws to bury their dead outside the
walls of the city. Secondly, they natur-
ally would not place the cemeteries at a
greater distance than they could help;
and in fact all the catacombs above named,
except that of St. Alexander, are within
two miles and a half of the city walls.'
Thirdly, the tufa granolare, being softer
than the tufa litoide, the necessary gal-
leries, chambers, and loculi (receptacles
for the dead) could more easily be worked
in it, while, on the other hand, it was
sufiiciently coherent to allow of its being
excavated freely without danger of the
roof and sides of the excavations falHng
in or crumbling away. The pozzolana
was softer, but from its crumbling nature
narrow galleries could not be run in it,
nor loculi hollowed out, without the em-
ployment of a great deal of masonry for
the sake of security, as may be seen in
the two or three instances of arenarice
turned into catacombs which do exist ;
thus greater expense and trouble would
arise in the end from resorting to it than
from excavating in the tufa granolare.
If it be asked why the Roman Chris-
tians did not bury their dead in open-air
cemeteries, the answer is twofold. In
the first place, the Church grew up amid
persecution, and the Christians naturally
strove to screen themselves and their
doings from public observation as much
as possible, in the burial of their dead as
in other matters. The sepulchral inscrip-
tions and decorations which they could
safely afiix to the graves of their beloved
ones in the subterranean gloom of the
catacombs, could not with common pru-
dence have been employed on tombs ex-
posed to public view. In the second
place, the needs of prayer and the duty
of public worship were in this manner
reconciled with the duty of sepulture to
an extent not otherwise, under their cir-
cumstances, attainable. The relatives
might pray at the tomb of a departed
kinsman; the faithful gather round the
"memory" of a martyr; the Christian
mysteries might be celebrated in subter-
> The walls of Aurelian.
138 CATACOMBS
CATACOIMBS
ranean chapels, and on altars hewn out
of the rock, -with a convenience, secrecy,
and safety, which, if the ordinary mode
of burial had been followed, could not
have been secured. Nor was the practice
a novelty when the Christians resorted
to it. Even Pagan underground tombs
existed, though the general custom of
burning the dead, which prevailed under
the emperors before Constantine, caused
them to be of rare occurrence ; but the
Jewish cemeteries, used under the pres-
sure of motives very similar to those
which acted upon the Christians, had
long been in operation, and are in part
distinguishable to this day.
The modus operandi appears to have
been as follows. In ground near the city,
obtained by purchase or else the property
of some rich Christian, an area, or ceme-
tery " lot," was marked out, varying in
extent but commonly having not less
than a frontage of a hundred and a depth
of two hundred feet. At one corner of
this area an excavation was made and a
staircase constructed ; then narrow gal-
leries, usually a little more than two feet
in width, with roof flat or slightly arched,
were carried round the whole space,
leaving enough of the solid rock on either
side to admit of oblong niches {loculi) —
large enough to hold from one to three
bodies, at varying distances, both verti-
cally and laterally, according to the local
strength of the material — being excavated
in the walls. After burial, the loculiis
was hermetically sealed by a slab set in
mortar, so that the proximity of the dead
body might not aftect the purity of the
air in the catacomb. Besides these loculi
in the walls, cubicula, or chambers, like
our family vaults, were excavated in
great numbers ; these were entered by
doors from the galleries, and had locidi
in their walls like the galleries themselves.
There were also arcosolia — when above
the upper surfare of a loculus containing
the body <il' a martyr or confessor, the
rock was i \( a\ .iI.mI, so as to leave an
arched vault aliiivc, and a flat surface
beneath on wliich the Eucharist could be
celebrated — and " table-tombs," similar
in all respects to the arcosolia except that
the excavation was quadrangular instead
of being arched. Openings were fre-
quently made between two or more ad-
ioining ru/iir/i/a, so as to allow, while the
l)ivine M\>ti lii s am tc being celebrated
at an arcosolimii in one of them, of a
considei-able number of worshippers being
present. When the walls of the cir-
cumambient galleries were filled with
the dead, cross galleries were made,
traversing the area at such distances from
each other as the strength of the stone
permitted, the walls of which were
pierced with niches as before. But this
additional space also became filled up,
and then the fossors were set to work to
burrow deeper in the rock, and a new
series of galleries and chambers, forming
a second underground story or piano,
was constructed beneath the first. Two,
three, or even four such additional
stories have been found in a cemetery.
Another way of obtaining more space
was by lowering the floor of the galleries,
and piercing with niches the new wail-
surface thus supplied. It is obvious that
expedients like these could only be adop-
ted in dry and deeply-drained ground,
and accordingly we always find that it is
the hills near Rome in which the ceme-
i teries were excavated — the valleys were
useless for the purpose ; hence, contrary
to what was once believed, no system of
general communication between the dif-
ferent catacombs ever existed. Such com-
munication, however, was often efi"ected,
when two or more cemeteries lay con-
tiguous to each other on the same hill,
and all kinds of structural comphcations
were the result ; see the detailed account
in "Roma Sotten-anea" of the gTowth
and gradual transformation of the ceme-
tery of San Callisto.
III. With regard to the history of
the catacombs, a few leading facts are all
that can here be given. In the first two
centuries, the use of the catacombs by the
Christians was little interfered with ;
they filled up the area with dead, and
decorated the undergTOund chambers with
painting and sculpture, much as their
means and taste suggested. In the third
century persecution became fierce, and
the Christians were attacked in the cata-
combs. Staircases were then destroyed,
passages blocked up, and new modes of
ingress and egress devised, so as to defeat
as much as possible the myrmidons of the
law ; and the changes thus made can in
many cases be still recognised and under-
stood. On the cessation of persecution,
after A.D. 300, the catacombs, in which
many martyrs had perished, became a
place of pilgrimage ; immense numbers of
persons crowded into them ; and diflerent
Popes — particularly St. Damasus, early
in the fifth century — caused old staircases
to be enlarged, and new ones to be made,
and luminaria (openings for admitting
CATACOMBS
CATACOMBS 139
light and air) to be broken through from
the cuhicula to the surface of the ground,
in order to give more accommodation to
the pious throng. These changes also can
be recognised. Burial in the catacombs
naturally did not long survive the con-
cession of entire freedom and peace to the
Church ; but still they were looked upon
as holy places consecrated by the blood
of martyrs, and as such were visited by
innumerable pilgrims. In the seventh
and eighth centuries Lombard invaders
desecrated, plundered and in part de-
stroyed the catacombs. This led to a
period of translations, commencing in
the eighth century and culminating with
Pope Paschal (a.d. 817), by which all the
relics of the Popes and principal martyrs
and confessors which had hitherto lain in
the catacombs were removed for greater
safety to the churches of Rome. After
that, the catacombs were abandoned, and
in great part closed ; and not till the six-
teenth century did the interest in them
revive. The names of Onufrio Panvini,
Bosio, and Boldetti are noted in connec-
tion with the renewed investigations of
which they were the object : and since
the appearance of the -work of the Padre
March! already mentioned, the interest
awakened in all Christian countries by
the remarkable discoveries announced has
never for a moment waned.
IV. Having tlius atteni])ted to sketch
the origin and trace the history of the
catacombs, we proceed to describe what
may now be seen in tlie most important
portion of the best known among them all
—the eemet.'rv of Smii ( "nlli^to. Ent,.rino-
it from a viiie\;ii-.l n.^arih,- Ajipiaii Wav,
the visitor ,lr-.,-, n,K a ln'oa,! tlitiiit of >tri,..
fashioned l)y Pojjo Damasus from the
motive above mentioned, and finds him-
self in a kind of vestiliule, on the stuccoed
walls of which, honey-combed with loculi, j
are a quantity of rude inscriptions in
Greek and Latin, some of which are thir-
teen and fourteen centuries old, scratched ,
by the pilgrims who visited out of devo- i
tion the places where Popes and Martyrs
who had fought a good figlit for Christ,
and often their <nvu kinsfolk and friends,
lay in the peaceful gloom, awaiting the
resurrection. By following a narrow
gallery to the right, a chamber is reached
which is called the Papal Crypt ; for here
beyond all doubt the bodies of many Popes
of the third century, after Zephyrinus
(2()-'i-217) had secured this cemetery for
the use of the Christians and committed
it to the care of his deacon Callistus, were
I laid, and here they remained till they
were removed by Paschal to the Vatican
crypts. This is proved by the recent dis-
covery, in and near the Pa])al Cry])t, of
' the slabs bearing the original inscrij)! ions
in memory of the Pop(>s Eutvchian,
Anteros, Fabian, and Ltieius. .V ])as-iaire
leads out of the cr^^t into the cuhieiilmn
of St. Crecilia, where, as De Kossi lias
almost demonstrated, the l)ody of the
saint, martyred in the first half of tlie
third century, was originally de])osited by
Pope Urban, though it was afterwards
removed by Paschal to her church in the
Trastevere, where it now lies under the
high-altar. In this cuhiculum are paint-
ings of St. Caecilia and of Our Lord, the
latter "according to the Byzantine ty])e,
with rays of glory behind it in the form of
a Greek cross." But these paintings are
late — not earlier than the tenth century.
Besides the Papal Cr\-ptand the chamber
of St. CiBcilia, there are in this part of
the cemetery " several cuhicula interesting
for their paintings, chiefly referable to
Baptism and the Eucharist, the fish being
the principal emblem of the latter. In
one of these crypts is a painting of four
male figures with uplifted hands, each
with his name, placed over an arcosoUum;
in another are representations of peacocks,
the emblem of immortality; i)i a third,
Moses striking the rock, and ascending to
the mount ; in a fourth, a grave-diggnr
( fossor) sun-onnded with the implements
of his trade : in a fifth, the Good Shep-
herd, with the miracle of the paralytic
taking up bis bed ; in a sixth, a banquet
of seven persons. su])posedtobe the seven
(lisei])les alhuleil to in the twenty-first
fha])tpr of .St. .John's Gospel. These
paintings, as well as the greater part of
the catacomb, are referred to the last halt
of the third centurv."'
V. For a detailed answer, accompanied
with ])roofs, to tlie (|nrsrion. ^vhat testi-
mony tlie cataeomlis bi-arto the nature of
the relii-ious belief and life of tlie narly
Christiaiis, the reader is referred to the
pages of " Roma Sotterranea," or to the
larger work of De Rossi. He will there
find sutlii ient evidence tocom lnee him of
the truth of two main pro]iositions —
(1) that the religion of those Christians
was a sacramental religion; (2) that it
was the reverse of puritanical : that is,
that it disdained the use of no external
helps which human art and skill could
furnish, in the effort to symbolise and eu-
' Murray's Handtiook of Rome and itt
Environs.
140 CAT.IFALQUE
CATECHISM
force spiritual truth. With reference to
the first proposition, let him consider how
the sacrament of Baptism is tj'picaUy re-
presented in the catacombs by paintings
of Noe in the ark, the rock smitten and
water gushing forth, a fisherman drawing
fish out of the water accompanied by a
man baptising, and the paralytic carrying
his bed ("Roma Sotterranea," p. 265);
and also how the mystery of the Eucharist
is still more frequently and strikingly
pf)rtrayed by pictures in which baskets of
bread are associated with fish, the fish
being the well-known emblem of Our
Lord.i The second proposition is so
abundantly proved by the remains of
Christian art of very ancient date still to
be seen in the catacombs, in spite of the
havoc and ruin of fifteen centuries, that
it would be a waste of words to attempt
to establish it at length. Adopting the
general forms and methods of the con-
temporary Pagan art, but carefully
eliminating whatever in it was immoral
or superstitious, we find the Christian
artists employing Biblical or symbohcal
subjects as the principal figures in each
composition, while filUng hi their pictures
witli decorative forms and objects— such
as faljulous animals, scroll-work, foliage,
fruit, dowers, and l)irds — imitated from
or suggested by the pre-existing heathen
art. A type for which they had a
peculiar fondness was that of the Good
Shepherd. The Blessed Virgin inid ( 'hil.I,
with a figure standing near su]j]i(iseil
to he Isiiias, is represented in an ex-
ceedingly beautiful but much injured
painthig on the vaulted roof of a locidus
in the cemetery of St. Priscilla. De
Rossi beheves this painting " to belong
almost to the apostolic age " (" Roma
Sotterranea," ]). 258). Another favourite
type of Our L;)rd was Orpheus, who by
his sweet music drew all creatures to hear
him. The vine painted with so much
freedom and grace of handling on the
roof of the entrance to the cemetery of
Domitilla is also, in De' Rossi's opinion,
work of the first centur\'. (" Roma
Sotterranea," Northcote and Brownlow;
Murray's - Ilaiidbnok ..f Rmue.")
CA.TAFAI.QUE. An erection like
a bier phiced during IMasses uf the dead,
when the corpse itself is not there, in the
' There were other reasons for this; but
the fact that the initials of the Greek words
signifyini;, " Jesus Christ. Sou of God, Saviour,"
made up the word IX0T2, fish, undoubtedly
had much to do with the general adoption of
the emblem.
I centre of the church, or in some other
j suitable place, suiTOunded with buruing
hghts and covered with black cloth. It is
also called "feretrum," "castrum doloris,"
&c. (Merati's " Novae Observationes " on
Gavantus," Part ii. tit. 13.)
CATECHisnx. A summary of
Christian doctrine, usually in the form of
question and answer, for the instruction
of the Christian people. From the be-
ginning of her history, the Church fulfilled
the duty of mstructing those who came
to her for baptism. Catechetical schools
were established, and catechetical instruc-
tion was carefully and methodically given.
We can still form an accurate idea of the
kind of instruction given in the early
Church, for Cyril of Jerusalem has left
sixteen books of catechetical discourses,
explaining the Creed to the candidates for
baptism, and five more in which he sets
forth for the benefit of the newly-bap-
tised, the nature of the three sacraments
(Baptism, Confirmation, Eucharist) which
they had just received. St. Augustine
wrote a treatise on catechising, at the re-
quest of Deo Gratias, a deacon and cate-
chist at Carthage. When the world be-
came Christiau there was no longer the
same necessity for instructing converts,
but the children, and, indeed, the people
generally, still needed catechetical instruc-
tidu. Ilencf' we find a council held at
Paris in 829 deploring the neglect of
catechetical instruction, while the Eng-
lish Council of Lambeth in 1281 requires
parish-priests to instruct their people four
times a year in the principal parts of
Cliristian doctrine — viz. the articles of the
Creed, commandments, sacraments, &c.
The treatise of Gerson, " De Parvulis ad
Christum trahendis," gives some idea of
catechetical instruction towards the close
of the middle ages.
Catechetical instruction was one of
the subjects which (iccu])ied the Coimcil
of Trent, and tlieFatliers arranged that a
Catechism should lie drawn u]) by a com-
mission and be ajijtroved by the council.
This plan fell through, and they put the
whole matter in the Pope's hands. Pius
IV. entrusted the work to four theolo-
gians— viz. Calinius, Archbishop of Zara;
Fuscararius (Fii.-cai-ai-i), Bishop of ^lo-
dena; Marinus, Arclilashdp (irLanciano;
and Fureirius (l-'uifiro), a Port iigiiese.
AUof them, except the first, were Domini-
cans. Scholars were appointed to see to
the purity of style. St. Charles Borro-
meo took a great part in assisting the im-
dertaking. In 1564 the book was finished.
CATECmST
CATHEDRA : EX CATHEDRA 141
rhereupon it was examined by a new
couimissiou under Cardinal Sirletus. To-
wards the close of 156G the Catechism
appeared, under the title "Catechismus
Roniauus, ex Decreto Coucilii Tridentini,
Pii V. Pont. Max. jussu editus. Romaj,
in redibus PopuH Romani, apud Aldum
Manutium." The original edition contains
no chapters and no answers. This Cate-
chism possesses very high, though not al>
solute, authority, and has been regarded
as a model of clearness, simplicity and
purity of language, of method and of
doctrinal precision. But it was not fitted
for direct use in catechetical instruction,
being intended for parish priests and
others who have to catechise rather than
for those who receive instruction. Cate-
chisms, therefore, of various sizes have
been prepared by bishops lor their dio-
ceses, or, as in England, the bishops in
concert approve a Catechism for use in
the whole country or province.
CATECHZST. A name originally
given to those who instructed persons pre-
paring for baptism. Catechists were in
early times also called vavroXoyoi, be-
cause they brought the sailors on board
the ship of the Church.
CATECBXTIWSM-S. Those who were
being instructed and prepared for baptism.
"We meet with the first mention of cate-
chumens in Justin Mart_^T, in TertuUiau,
and in the Clementines. Tertullian dis-
tinguishes two classes of catechumens :
viz. the "novitioli." or beginners, and the
"aquam adituri,'' or those who were
nearly ready for baptism and were admit-
ted to the sermon and liturgy. In the
A]'o<tolie Constitutions, the catechumens
are classified as (1) "audientes" or mpoa-
neroi — i.e. "hearers" who atteudi-d the
sermon : (2) '• genuflectentes " or -yoi'i'KXt-
Koi/Tfs, who also assisted at the prayers
which followed the sermon, and recen t d
the bishop's blessing on bended knee ;
(3) the " competentes " or (^(on^u^evoi,
who were allowed to hear the full state-
ment of Christian mysteries, particularly
the doctrine of the Eucharist. There was
a famous catechetical school at Alexandria.
Usually catechumens remained under in-
struction for two or three years, and often
longer, but the time of probation was
shortened when there was sufficient rea-
son. (From Kraus, "Kirchengeschichte,"
p.
CATHARZ (Gr. "pure"). Amedieval
sect of Maiiichfeans, commonly called
Albigcnsc- q-i-.'
CATHEDRA: EX CATHEDRA.
I Cathedra, in the ecclesiastical sense, means
(1) the chair in which the bishop sits. It
I was placed in early times behind the
altar, which did not stand, as it usually
does now, against the wall, but was sur-
I rounded by the choir. The wooden chair
I which St. Peter is said to have u.sed, is
still preserved in the Vatican basihca,
Eusebius relates that the chair of St,
James still existed in Jerusalem down to
the time of Constantine. The chair of
St. Mark at Jerusalem was regarded with
I such religious awe that Peter of Alexan-
I dria, archbishop and martyr, did not dare
to sit ui)on it, though it was used by his suc-
cessors. (Thomassin, " Traits des Festes.")
(2) Cathedra was used by a natural
extension of meaning for the authority of
the bishop who occupied it, so that "the
feast of the Cathedra or chair commemo-
rated the day on which the bishop en-
tered on his office. Thus we have three
sermons of St. Leo on the "natalis cathe-
drcT suae" — i.e. his elevation to the pontifi-
cate. In the Sacramentarv of St. Gregory
we find a Mass for " thV Chair of St.
Peter," on the 24th of February. Accord-
ing to John Belith, a liturgical writer of
the middle ages, this feast was intended
to celebrate St. Peter's episcopate both
at Antioch and Rome. A feast of St.
Peter's ebair is mentioned in a sermon at-
tributed to St, Augustine, and in a canon
of the Sfcond Council of Tours, which met
in 567. In the course of the middle ages,
the feast in February was associated with
St. Peter's chair at Antioch. Paul IV.,
in a Bull of the year 1 ■")•">-;, eoniplain> that
although the feast of St. Peter's cliair at
Rome was (•■■leliiateil in France and
S])ain, it was forgotten in Rome itself,
I although the feast of bis cliiiir at Antioch
i was kept in Rome. Accordingly Paul
i IV. ordered tliat tlie lea-t of St. 'Peter's
chair at Rnnie should be observed on
January IS. Tlie feast of St. Peter's
: chair at Aittioch is kept on Februarv 22,
; (Thonia^Mii. ih.)
j (.?) Cath-Mha is taken as a symbol of
authoritati\ I (lot trinal teaching. OurLord
said that the scribes and Pharisees sat
"su])er cathedram Movsis" — i.e. on the
chair of ^Moses. Here plainly it i> not a
material chair, of which Clirist sjieaks. but
■ the "chair," as Jerome says, is a nietajilior
for the doctrine of the law. This meta-
phor became familiar in Christian litera-
ture. Thus Jerome speaks of the "chair
of Peter and the faith praised by apostolic
mouth." Later theologians use "e.x cath-
edra " in a still more special sense, and
142
CATHEDKAL
CATHEDRATICUM
employ it to mark those definitions in faith
and morals which tlie I'ope, as teacher of
all Christians, inijuwr- on their belief.
The phrase is c oiiiii.ii;it i\ I'ly modern,
and Billuart addiuc- n.) instance of its
use before 1305. It is often alleged that
the theologians explain the words " ex
cathedra " in many ditlerent ways, but a
clear and authoritative account of the
meaning is given by the Vatican Coimcil,
which declares that the Pope is infal-
lible "when he speaks 'ex cathedra' — i.e.
when, exercising his office as the pastor
and teacher of all Christians, he, in virtue
of his supreme apostolic authority, defines
a doctrine concerning faith and morals, to
be held by the whole Church." (From
Ballerini, "De Primatu," and the BuU
"Pastor feternus," cap. iv.)
CATHEDRAE {KadeSpa, the raised
seat of the bishop). The cathedral
church in every diocese is that church in
which the bishop has his chair or seat ;
whence see, the English form of siege.
It is sometimes called simply Domus,
" the house " {Dttomo, Ital. ; I)o>n, Ger.) ;
for, as " palace " sufficiently indicates the
residence of a king, "so the Lord's house,
which is the cathedral church, the palace
of the king of kings, and the ordinary
seat of the supreme pastor of a city and
diocese, is sufficiently denoted by the
single word Donms." (Ferraris, in Ec-
clesia.) A cathedral was in early times
called the Matrix Ecclcsia, l)ut th;it name
is now given to any church which has
Other churches subject to it.
The establishment of a cathedral
church, the coin"i-si()n of a eolli>giate
church int" a cat IumIim 1, and tlu' union of
two or nutv catlii'ilraK iimli'i' tlir same
bisho]), ai'f all mrasni-rs which cannot he
legally tak.'U without the a]i].iMlial ion ..|'
the ro]H'. The tenqioral power has often
perfoi'iiieil lliese auil the like acts by way
of nsiiv]i.it loll, as \\-lien the i'e\-o|ut ionarv
gnA-erniiieiii ol'l'ivmce reiluced the niiniher
of Frenclwlioce~e~ tVoui more than a hun-
dred and thirty to >i\ty; hut a regular
and lawful state of things in such a case
can only be restore, 1 hy the State's enter-
ing into a coiiNentioii %\ illi the Holy See,
which is alwavs reailv, without aliandou-
ing ]ii-iiici]il", to (-■onl'oian its action to the
eniel'^jelll ]|,.|;e--lties of the times. Thus,
in the case jii-t mentioned, liv the Con-
cordat Willi' Na].o|rnn iu ISO.;, Uome
ShucIioii.mI the p. '-in:iiient ^ii]i]iressiou nf
many oh! .-e,--. m c, ,M-ei|iience of which
the ' French episcopate now nundiers
eighty-four bishops instead of the larger
number existing before the Eevolution.
Analogous changes are provided for in
the Anglican communion by the theory
of the Royal Supremacy, though this
theory has been slightly modilied by the
progress of political development since
the Reformation. The sovereign is still
supreme in theory " in all causes and
over all persons, ecclesiastical as well as
civil," within the Anglican communion;
but the supremacy cannot be exercised iu
any important matter without the consent
of the majority of the House of Com-
mons, expressed through a responsible
ministry. An Act of Parliament, em-
bodying as it does the united will and
action of sovereign and Parliament, solves
all difficulties. Thus in 1833 ten Protes-
tant sees in Ireland were suppressed at a
' stroke, and within the last few years
I several suffragan sees, at Nottingham and
1 elsewhere, have been erected — always by
Act of Parhament. In every such case,
j whatever legality the Act may have is
I solely due to the action of the temporal
I power; ecclesiastical authority has nothhig
to do with it.
The Council of Trent forbids the
holding of more than one cathedral
[ church, or the holding of a cathedral
I along with a parisli church, by the same
j bishop.' It enjohis that ordinations
] shall, so far as possible, be publicly cele-
' brated in cathedral churches, and in the
presence of the cunoUS.^
I CATHESRAXi and MOirASTZC
SCHOOX.S. [See SCHOOLS.]
j CATHESRATZCUnX. This pay-
' ment, as originally regulated by the
Second Council of Braga (572), was a
\i>ilatiou fee due from every ])arish
chinvh in liis (li,,ce-eto the bishop on the
oce,-,M f lii^ annual M-it to it. The
aiiioiinl was two shilling- {.tn/idi) in gold.
In jirocess of lime coins of greater value
were tendered — thus in thi' kingdom of
Na])les the cathedraticuin was considered
to be two ,/„er,^s-^-and when such had
to the smaller monev wa.- not allowed.
AVherever there is a henelice,! cler^v this
; fee is still legally due to the l,i-lio,,. nor
can any jieriod of actual immunity from
claim to future e\.'iii]'i ion. I'.m .-ince
the Council <ifTrenl il ha~ h-m cii-lomary
to ]iav it in synod, not (liirini; the visi-
tation: whence it is also called " Synod-
al icum." The churches and monasteries
1 .So-ss. vii. 2; x.xiv. 17, De Itcform.
I * Ses.s. xxiii. S. De liefoira.
CATHOLIC
CATHOLICUS 143
of the regular clergy are exempt from
the payment of the Cathedraticum, though
it must be paid ou account of all secular
benefices which are in the possession of
monasteries. (Ferraris; Fleury, "Hist.
Eccl." xxxiv.)
CATHo:lzc (" general " or uni-
Tersal). The word occurs in profane
authors — e.g. in Polybius — but among
Christians it received a special or tech-
nical sense, and was applied to the true
Church, spread throughout the world, in
order to distinguish it from heretical
sects. Thus one of the very earliest
Christian writers, Ignatius of Antioch,
says, ""\Miere Christ is, there is the
Catholic Church ; where the bishop is,
there must the people be also." Thus
"Cathohc" became the recognised name
of the Church. As "heresy," Clement of
Alexandria tells us, denotes separation
(since heresy signifies individual choice),
€0 the words " Catholic Church " imply
imity subsisting among many members.
Again, St. Augustine in his epi^rl.■ auainst
the Donatists, tells them that tht- ijiR stion
fit issue is " ^Miere is the Church ? " lie
appeals to the traditional name " Catholic
Church," which is given to one body and
to one body only : he proves that the
name has been eiven rightly, as is sho^^Ti
bythe very fact that the Catholic Chtu-ch,
imlike the Donatist sect, is diffused
throughout the world ; and he concludes
that as the Church is one, as this one
Church is the Catholic Church, as the
Catholic Church is the body of Christ,
therefore that he who is without its pale
cannot " obtain Christian salvation."
The name " Catholic " was also ap-
plied from very early times to individual
members of the Church. The use occurs
e.g. in Cypri.in, and the saying of Pacian
(Ep. I ad Senipron.) is familiar to every-
body: "Christian is my name ; Cntliolic
is my surname." Lastlv. tli>> word
<' Catholic " is used of the fa'itli which the
Church of God holds. "\Ve meet with
the phrase "Catholic faith" in Pruden-
tius, and frequtntly of course in later
writers. (For C.MHOLic Chuech see
CHrECH OF Christ.)
"Catholic" is also used in various
subsidiary senses, viz. :
(1) Of letters addressed to the faith-
ful in general, whether by the Apostles,
who wrote " Catholic epistles" as distinct
from Epistles to the (ialatians, &c., or by
later bishops. (See Euseb. iv. 23.)
(2) In Greek, of cathedral churches
as distinct from parish churches ; of the
chief chxirch as distinct from oratories;
and, in the later Byzantine period, of
parish as distinct from monastic chapels.
(3) Catholicus, originally a civil title
used during Constantine's time in Africa
and given apparently to the " procurator
fisci," was bestowed on the Bishop of
j Seleucia, as representing the Patriarch of
Antioch, and also on the chief ecclesias-
! tic among the Persian Nestorians. The
I title was also current among Armenians
I and Ethiopians. It is said to have de-
noted a primate with several metropoli-
tans under him, but himself subject to a
patriarch. S^h" ( 'atholicus.]
(4) "Catholic thrones" was a title
given to the lour patriarchal sees.
(5) " Catholic King " was a title
given to Pipin (767), aud other kings of
j France (Froissart says it was borne by
I Philip of Yalois), who were afterwards
called " Most Christian." " Catholic
King " became in modern times the usual
title of the Spanish sovereig-ns. The title
" Catholic " was conferred by Alexander
VI. on Ferdinand and Isabella. (Kraus,
" Real Encyclopadie ; " and for the title
" Catholic King " see also Fleury, cxvii.
11.)
CATBOX.ZCirS. Certain Oriental
patriarchs in Mesopotamia, Armenia, and
Persia have anciently borne and perhaps
! still bear this name. It must have been
I intended to signify the wide sweep of the
jurisdiction which the bearer of this
dignity enjoyed over the provinces and
dioceses under his rule. Yet the catholki
were never placed on a level with the
j patriarchs of the five great sees, Rome,
! Jerusalem, Antioch, Alexandria, and
j Constantinople. On the erection of the
Armenian church, through the labours of
Gregory the Illuminated, early in the
fourth century, its episcopal head was
named " Catholicos." As time went on
we find him indifferently styled the
! Catholic of Persia or of the Armenians.
' There was also a Catholic of Seleucia on
the Tigris. Both these, after the general
revolt of the Oriental churches agaiii>t
the Council of Chalcedon, lo-t the ortho-
I dox faith; one was Moiio[)hy>ite, the
1 other Nestorian. The Ne.-toriau Cat liolie
I of Seleucia had many archbishops and
I bishops under his jurisdiction, whose
dioceses are said to have reached even
j bej'ond the Ganges. Both were origin-
! ally subject to the Patriarch of Antioch ;
but the Catholicus of Seleucia, pleading
tlie remoteness of his see, obtained the
consent of the Patriarch to his ordination
144 CELEBRA^sT
CELIBACY
of archbishops by his own sole authority ; 1
and the concession of this right was
almost equivalent to the erection of a
new patriarchate. Thus we find the
Arabic canons of Nice directing that the
Patriarch of Seleucia shall have the sixth
place in councils, after the five patriarchs
above mentioned, and that the seventh
should be assigned, with the title of
Catholicos, to the patriarch of the Ethio-
pians. Persecution seems to have di'iven
the Armenian Cathohc out of Persia ; in
the fifteenth centm-y we find him es-
tablished at Sis in Cihcia, but almost
isolated there, and knowing little of what
went on in the real Annenia. This
state of things led to the assumption
of patriarchal power by the Abbot of
Echmiadzin, near Mount Ararat, and by
his successors down to the present day.
Latterly, the Armenian uniate Church,
which is in communion with the Holy
See, has been prospering and advancing ;
the late patriarch of this Church, Mgr.
Hassoun, who resided at Constantinople,
was made a Cardinal (d. 1884) ; the Ku-
pelianist schism has been extinguished;
and there is a fair prospect of the return
of the whole Armenian nation to Catholic
unity. [See Armenian Christians.]
Anastasius the Sinaite, writing in the
seventh centmy, speaks of a CathoUcus
of the Nestorians, who was obeyed by a
great number of bishops and metro-
politans. (Thomassiu, " Vetus et Nova
Ecclfsiio DiscipUna.")
CEI.EBBA.M'T. The priest who
actnallv oilers Mass, as distinct from
others who assist him in doing so. Cele-
bration of Mass is equivalent to ofi'ering
Mass. But " celebi-ant " is also used bv
good liturgical writers— e.(?. by Gavantus
— for the chief officiant at other solemn
oflicps, such as vespers.
CSXiBSTZirZAIl' HBRTCZTS. A
branch of the Franciscans, authorised by
St. Celestine V. in lL".t4, and named after
him. The object of their institution was
to practise the rule of St. Francis with
greater exactitude. They sufl'ered much
persecution, and soon after the death of
their lirsl >upcrior, Lilicratus, ceased to
exist as a separate body.
CSXiSSTZlirzii.N-S. This order was
founded about 1254 by the holy hermit
Peter of Morone, and took the above
name after the elevation of their founder
to the supreme pontificate, with the title
of Celestine V., in 1204. Its rule was
austere; the religious had to rise at 2 a.m.
to say matins ; abstained perpetuelly
from meat unless in case of iUness, and
fasted every day from the Exaltation of
the Cross to Easter, and twice a week
for the rest of the year. They increased
rapidly, and spread into France and
Germany, but do not appear to have ever
established themselves in England. Most
of their priories in Germany were in those
provinces which the movement begun by
Luther most afiected, and they conse-
quently perished. In the early part of
the eighteenth century there were ninety-
six priories in the Italian, and twenty-
one in the French province ; the chief or
mother house being the convent of the
Holy Ghost at Morone, near Sulmoua,
the only abbey in the order. The French
Celestinians, whose principal house was
at Paris, were included among the fifteen
hundred convents which, upon various
grounds more or less specious, were sup-
pressed by the commission of 1766 pre-
sided over by the contemptible Lomenie
de Brienne, Ai-chbishop of Toulouse.
The order has not since been revived in
France. Of the once numerous ItaUaa
priories very few now exist.
CEZiiBACY of the clergy. The law
of the Western Chui-ch forbids persons
hving in the married state to be ordained,
and persons in holy orders to marry. A
careful distinction must be made between
the principles on wliich the law of celi-
bacy is based and the clianges -wliich
have taken place in the application of the
principle.
The principles which have induced
the Church to impose celibacy on her
clergy are (a) that they may serve God
with less restraint, and with undivided
heart (see 1 Cor. vii. 32) ; and (/3) that,
being called to the altar, they may
I iiilnace the life of continence, which is
holier than that of man-iage. That con-
tinence IS a more holy stale than that of
marriage is distinctly allirnied in the
words of our blessed Lord ("There are
eunuchs who have made themselves
eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's
sake. He that can receive it, let him
receive it"). It is taught by St. Paul
(" He that giveth his virgin in marriage
doeth well, and he that giveth her not,
doeth better") and by St. John (Apoc.
xiv. 4). Christian antiquity speaks with
one voice on tliis matter, and the Council
of Trent, sess. xxiv. De Matr. can. 10,
anatlieiiiat i,-- those who deny that "it
is m<n-i- IjIom (1 to remain in virginity or
in celibacy than to be joined in marriage."
Thus all Catholics are bound to hold that
CELIBACY
CELIBACY 145
celibacy is the preferable state, and that
it is speciuUv desirable for the clergy.
It does not, however, follow from this
that the Church is ubsolutely bound to
impose a law of celibacy on her ministers,
nor has she, as a matter of fact, always
done so.
There does not seem to have been
anv A]i(istolic legislation on the matter,
rxi r]ii ihat it wa> nM|uired of a bishop
that he slimild have been only once mar-
ried. In early times, however, we find a
law of celibacy, though it is one which
ditlers from the present Western law, in
full force. Paphnut ins, who at the Coun-
cil of Nictea resisted an attempt to impose
a continent life on the clergy, still admits
that, according to ancient tradition, a
cleric must not marry after ordination.
This statement is confirmed by the
Apostohc Constitutions, vi. 17, which
forbid bishops, priests, and deacons to
marry, while the 27th {al. 25th) Apos-
tohc Canon contains the same prohibition.
One of the earhest councils, that of
Neoceesarea (between 314-325), threatens
a priest who married after ordination with
degTadation to the lay state. Even a
deacon could marry in one case only —
viz. if at his ordination he had stipulated
for liberty to do so, as is laid down by
the Council of Ancyra, in 314. Thus it
was the recognised practice of the ancient
Church to prohibit the marriage of those
already priests, and this discipline is still
maintained in the East.
A change was made in the West by
the 33rd Canon of Elvira (m 305 or 306).
It required bishops, priests, and all who
served the altar (" positis in ministerio ")
to live, even if already married, in con-
tinence. The Council of Nicaea refused
to impose this law on the whole Church,
but it prevailed in the West. It was
laid down by a sjmod of Carthage in 390,
by Innocent I. 20 years later; while
Jerome (against Jovinian) declares that a
priest, w^ho has "always to otfer sacrifice
for the people, must always pray, and
therefore always abstain from marriage."
Leo and Gregory the Great, and theEighth
Council of Toledo in 053, renewed the
prohibitions against the marriage of sub-
deacons.
So the law stood when Hildebrand,
afterwards Gregory VII., began to exer-
cise a decisive influence in the Church.
Leo IX., Nicolas II., Alexander II., and
Hildebrand himself when he came to be
Pope, issued stringent decrees against
priests living in concubinage. They were
forbidden to say Mass or even to serve at
the altar; they were to be punished with
deposition, and the faithful wcvr w arurd
not to hear their xMass. So far ( Ireg. n y
only fought against the corru])tion of tlie
times, and it is mere ignorance to repre-
sent him as having instituted the law of
cehbacy. But about this time a change
did occur in the canon law. A series of
syuods from the beginning of the twelfth
century declared the marriage of persons
in holy orders to be not only unlawful
but invalid. With regard to persons in
minor orders, they were allowed for many
centuries to serve in the Church while
living as married men. From the twelfth
century, it was laid down that if they
married they lost the privileges of the
clerical state. However, Boniface VIIL, in
1300, permitted them to act as clerics, if
they had been only once married and then
to a virgin, provided they had the per-
mission of the bishop and wore the clerical
habit. This law of Pope Bonifiice was
renewed by the Council of Trent, sess.
xxiii. cap. 6, De Reform. The same
Council, can. 9, sess. xxiv., again pro-
nounced the marriage of clerks in holy
orders null and void. At present, in the
West, a married man can receive holy
orders only if his wife fully consents and
herself makes a vow of chastity. If the
husband is to be consecrated bishop, the
wife must enter a religious order.
We may now turn to the East, and
sketch the changes which the law of celi-
bacy has undergone among the Greeks. In
the time of the Church-historian Socrates
(about 450), the same law of clerical
celibacy which obtained among the
Latins was observed in Thessaly, Mace-
donia, and Achaia. Further, the case of
Synesius in 410 proves that it w-as un-
usual for bishops to live as married men,
for he had, on accepting his election as
bishop, to make a stipulation that he
should be allowed to Uve with his wife.
The synod in TruUo (692) requires bishops,
if married, to separate from their wives,
and forbids all clerics to marry after the
subdiaconate. However, a law of Leo
the Wise (886-911) permitted siib.leacoiis,
deacons, and priests, who liad married
after receiving their respective orders, not
indeed to exercise sacred functions, but
still to remain in the ranks of the clergy
and exercise such offices {e.g. matters of
administration) as were consistent wdth
the marriage which they had concluded.
The practical consequences of these
enactments are (1) that Greek candidates
L
146
CELL
CEMLTERT
for the priestliood usually leave the
seminaries before being ordained deacons,
and return, having' concluded marriage,
commonly with datighters of clergymen ;
{■J) that secular priests live as married
men, but cannot, on the death of their
wives, marry again; (3) that bishops are
usually chosen I'rom the monks. (From
Ilefele, " Beitrage zur Kirchengeschichte,
Arcliiiologie und Liturgik.")
CEXiXi. (1) A colony or offshoot
from some large monastery. Cells were
first heard of in the Benedictine order,
and were usually planted on estates that
had been granted to the mother house.
Tliey were also called " provostships,"
•' obediences," or " priories." They were
originally ruled by provosts or deans, re-
movable at the discretion of the abbot of
the mother house. Some cells were of
sufficient importance to be called abbeys;
but their abbots could only be elected
with the consent and subject to the confir-
mation of the abbot of the mother house.
The inmates of the cell were bound to
render yearly a stated portion of their
revenues to the house on which they
depended, and to present themselves there
in person on particular days. Instances
of important cells in this country were,
Tynemouth Priory, depending on St.
Alban's; Leighton Buzzard, on VVobum
(Cistercian); and Bermondsey, a cell of
the Cluniac abbey of La Charity, in
France. This last is also an instance of
an "alien priory," of which there were
great numbers in England at the dissolu-
tion. (Ferraris, Monasterium.)
(2) The separate chamber or hut of
any monk, friar, or hermit, is popularly
termed his " cell," as in Milton's lines —
And may at length my weary age
Find out the peacefurhermitaee,
The hairy gown, and mossy cell.
(8) In primitive times the name
"cella" was given tea small memorial
chapel, erected over the tomb of some
friend or relative in a sepulchral area, in
which "agapiB''and commemorative cele-
brations were held on the anniversaiy of
death.
CEraETERV ((cot/iijnjpioK, sleeping-
place). Ill tbis article only burial-
grounds or churchyards "sub die," or in
the open air, will be noticed; for subter-
ranean burial-places see Catacombs.
I'lveii (luring Mm ages of persecution
open air eemeterii's wi're in use at Rome,
as has been shown by 1 >e Uossi, as well
as in the provinces. Thus the cemetery
named after Callistus, who was placed in
charge of it by Pope Zephyrinus, was
partly above and partly below ground ;
that at Vienne on the Rhone entirely
above ground. After Constantine, sul)-
terranean interment was of course abiin-
doned. The old Roman law, as old as
the Twelve Tables, which forbade intra-
mural sepulture, was gradually disre-
garded; after 619 it became common to
bury at Rome within the walls ; and it
is only in modem times that the sounder
practice of antiquity has been everywhere
restored.
A cemetery or churchyard, in order to
be fit to receive the bodies of Christians,
must first be consecrated and set apart by
the bishop for that purpose. The rite
may be seen in the Pontificale. From
its tenor it is evident that it contemplates
the burial of none but Christians within
the space to be consecrated ; indiscriminate
burial is therefore an abuse. The admis-
sion to ecclesiastical burial in a cemetery
so consecrated is regarded as a species of
commimion. Hence it has ever been held
that the burial of excommunicated per-
sons, and others with whom in their life
we could not communicate, in a Catholic
cemetery, is unlawful. If such an inter-
ment has been violently effected, Innocent
III. ordered that the remains of the ex-
communicated person so buried among
those of the faithful should, if they could
be distinguished, be exhumed ; if not,
that the cemetery should be reconciled by
the aspersion of holy water solemnly
blessed, as at the dedication of a church.
In a recent instance in Canada, where
the civil power, acting upon the sentence
of a lay tribunal, forcibly eftected the
burial of an excommunicated person in
the Catholic cemetery, the Bishop of
Montreal, Mgr. Bourget, laid the portion
of the cemetery so desecrated under an
interdict. >
Cemeteries enjoyed the same right and
degree of asylum, in the case of criminals
fleeing to them for shelter, as the churches
to which they were attached.
The Council of Lyons ( 1 244) ordered
that all trading, marketing, adjudication,
trial of criminals, and secular business of
every kind, in churchyards no less than
1 See an account of the " Guibord case," in
the Catholic Review of New ifork, September 2.5,
1875. A French Canadian priest writes to u3
(May 5, 1881):— "The man was buried by
force in the Catholic buryiug-ground, and the
spot is considered with horror by all Catholics
visiting that grand and imposing Montreal
j cemetery."
CENSURE
CEREMONY (SACRED) 147
in churches, should be put an end to.
(IVn-aris, Ccemeterium.)
CfiifSirRS may be defined as a
s])iritiial penalty, imposed for the correc-
tion and amendment of ofl'enders, by
which a baptised person, who has com-
mitted a crime and is contumacious, is
deprived by ecclesiastical authority of the
use of certain spiritual advantages. Thus
a censure presupposes not only guilt but
obstinacy ; its immediate eft'ect is the de-
privation of spiritual goods ; it only atiects
those who by baptism have become sub-
jects of the Church. It may be true, as
Fleury' says, that under Gregory VII.
censures were multiplied in a manner un-
known to the early Church, and this may
have been necessitated by the increasing
wickedness of the times. But it is cer-
tain that the use of censures dates from
the very infancy of the Church.
Censures are divided, according to the
nature and extent of the pains they in-
flict, into excommunications, suspensions,
and interdicts [see under those articles].
"Censurje latsB ?ententi;B" are inoun'ed
on the violation of the law, ipso facto \
" Censurfe sententise ferendfe," only on
the sentence of the ecclesiastical judge.
They may be passed ab homine — i.e. they
may be issued by a mandate respecting
some single action or business ; or, again,
a jure — i.e. a permanent law may be
passed, binding under censure. In the
former case, imless already incurred, they
expire with the death of the legislator ;
in the latter, they continue still in force.
Some censures are reserved, others not
reserved — i.e. the superior may reserve
the power of absolution from censures to
himself, or he may commit it to the
ordinary ministers [see Absoltttion].
That the Church has the power of in-
flicting censures appears from the words
of Christ — "He that will not hear the
Church, let him be unto thee as a heathen
and a publican" — as well as from the
constant practice of the Church herself.
Censures can be imposed according to the
ordinarj- law, by ecclesiastics possessing
jurisdiction in the external courts (" forum
externum as distinct from the internal
court or tribunal of confession). Thus
censures may be imposed bj- the Pope or
a general council for the whole Church ;
by an archbishop for his own diocese, also
in the dioceses of his suflragans during a
visitation, or with respect to cases brought
to his tribunal by appeal from one of his
suffragans ; by bishops and vicar-generals
• See the Discourse prefixed to livr. Ix.
in their own dioceses ; by cardinals in the
churches from which they take their
titles; by legates in the territory of their
legation; by provincial covuicils in the
province ; by chapters in the vacancy of
a see till the election of a vicar-capitular,
on whom the power then devolves ; by
generals, provincials, local superiors of
regulars, according to the statutes of
j their order. Thus parish priests as such
I have no power of this kind. Still such
authority may be delegated to all ecclesi-
astics : not, however, to women — e.ff. to
abbesses.
I Persons who have not reached the age
I of puberty are not included among the
j persons whom the censure strikes ; nor
! again are sovereigns, unless the censure
be inflicted by the Pope. Cardinals are
not subjected even to Papal censures, un-
less they are specially mentioned as so
subject. (From Gury, " Theolog. Moral.")
csREznoio-T '(sacred), in its
widest sense, denotes any external act
used in the worship of God. Some cere-
monies are essential — such, for example,
as concern the matter and form of the
sacraments; others are accidental— e.,^.
the sacraments can be given vahdly, or
the worship of God could be carried on,
without them. Of accidental ceremonies,
some descend from the apostolic age,
others have been added in the course of
time by the Church. That the Church
has power to institute or to change such
ceremonies is plain from the practice in
all ages, and is defined by the Coimcil of
Trent.' The Council further declares
that the approved rites of the Church, in
the solemn administration of the sacra-
ments, cannot be despised, or changed by
individual caprice, without sin.^
Scripture and reason combine to show
the wisdom of the Church's doctrine on
this head. Scripture — for God ordained
ceremonies in the old law, and Christ
made outward ceremonies essential to
the administration of Baptism and the
Eucharist. Reason — because it is natural
for man, who is composed of body and
soul, to express his interior devotion l)y
exterior acts ; because man is iinj)res.-ed
by teaching which is conveyed in thi;
form of symbol, and which appeals to his
eyes as well as to his ears ; because,
lastly, as both body and soul come from
God, we are bound to use both in His
service.
The position, however, and import-
1 Sess. xxi. cap. 2, De Comiium.
* Sess. vii. can. 13, De Sacrani. in gen.
l2
148
CEPJNTHIAIVS
CHALCEDON, COUNCIL OF
aiice of ceremonies in the Christian is
very different from that which they held
iu the Jewish Church. In the latter a
multitude of ceremonies were hinding by
divine law ; in the Christian worship, on
the other hand, only a very few cere-
monies have been instituted by Christ ;
the rest are alterable at the will of the
Church. Another reason gave cere-
monies a much more important place in
the Jewish than they have in the Chris-
tian Church. The Jews, St. Thomas
says, were looking forward in faith and
hope, not only to heavenly joys, but also
to the means by which these joys could
be obtained. Heaven and the means of
getting there were both future to them,
and both were symbolised by their cere-
monies. With us the means of salvation
are secured by acts already past (e.g.
Christ's passion), or by acts actually per-
formed in our midst (e.ff. the sacraments).
Our ceremonies symbolise grace already
won for us, and regard the future only so
far as they typify heaven. The blessed
in heaven have nothing more to hope for;
therefore with them tliere are no figures
or symbols (" nihil figurale "), " but only
thanksgiving and the voice of praise, and
so it is said concerning the city of the
blessed : I saw no temple in it, for the
Lord God Almighty is its temple and the
Lamb." '
CEZtZM-THlAlirs. Cerinthus was a
nativi' ol Alexandria, but taught his
heresy in proconsular Asia. He was a
contemporary of St. John, who on one
occasion left the public Ijatlis at Ephesus
because Cerinthus was there, the Apostle
fearing to he in the same place with an
" enemy of the truth." Irenseus says St.
John wrote his Gospel to confute him.
Cerinthus was (1) a Judaiser. He seems
to have held a gi-oss doctrine on the
Millennium, to have enforced the rite
of circumcision and the observance of
sabbaths. IMnreover, it is related that
the Cerinthians, like the Ebionites, ac-
cepted only St. Matthew's Gospel.
(2) He was also a Gnostic, so that he
forms the link between the Judaising and
Gnostic sects. He attributed the creation
of the world and the giving of the Jewish
law to an angel or angels far removed
from and ignorant of the supreme Being.
The reader will observe that Cerinthus
made his creative angel ignorant of, but
not antagonistic to, the supreme God ; so
that he was not obliged to break entirely
with Judaism, as the later Gnostics did.
* 1' 2*, qu. ciii. a. 3.
(From Lightfoot on Colossians: "Essay
on the Colossian Heresy.")
CESSATZO A DZVZM-XS. A prohi-
bition which obliges the clergy to abstain
from celebrating divine offices, or giving
Church burial, in some specified place.
It is distinct from an interdict, because
(1) an interdict may affect only certain
persons : cessatio a divinis is always local
— i.e. it forbids anyone to celebrate the
divine offices in a particular place; (2)
an interdict is a censure, and therefore
inflicted to correct offenders: not so
cessatio a divinis, which may be ordered
as an expression of the Church's sorrow,
to repair some injury done to the divine
honour, &c. ; (3) during an interdict
offices may be celebrated with closed
doors, and publicly on certain feasts:
neither is permissible duriug cessatio a
divinis.
Cessatio a divinis is in some cases pre-
scribed, as a matter of course, by the
gejieral law of the Church — e.g. when a
church is desecrated ; but it may also be
imposed by all who have power to inflict
censures. (Gury, "Theolog. Moral.")
Fleury gives several instances of cessatio
a divinis from the history of the French
church in the sixth century.'
CHAI.CESOM-, GENERAX. COTTN--
CZli or. The fourth General Council,
which, in 451, condemned the errors of
Eutyches and affirmed two natures in
Christ.
The opposition to Nestorius, who said
there were two persons in Christ, led
many, particularly among the monks,
into the opposite extreme of maintaining
that there was one nature, as there was
one person only, in our Lord. Among
those who fell into this error, which was
closely connected with Apollinarianism,
a conspicuous place belonged to Eutyches,
an old monk who had been for thirty
years Archimandrite of a monastery near
Constantinople which numbered not less
than 300 religious. In 448 Eusebius of
Dorylfeum accused Eutyches of heresy
in a synod at Constantinople. Eutyclics
expressed his belief as follows: "I conlV vs
that our Lord was of two natures l)ei'nre
the union, but after the union [i.r. the
union of the two natures in the Incar-
nation] I confess one nature." The synod,
over which Flavian, bishop of Constant i-
1 Liv. xxxiv. 53. He calls them all inter-
dicts, but one or two of his instances (e.g. tlie
cessation of the offices at St. Denys, in Paris,
because it had been polluted by bloodshed)
exactly correspond to the cessatio a divinis.
CITALOEDON. COT'NCIL OF
noplt', presided, maintained two natures in I
Christ " (T/Vcr tlie unimi " [i.e. lufarnu- j
IliiT, ami Eutyc-he> was coiKlnnned and i
(l.'lKiscd. Tlis cn-orcul at thi' vrrv roots of |
true l)flirl' in the hu-arnatioii. lie main- i
tained tliat in Christ the human was I
absorbed in the divine nature, so that
C'hrist's body was not of one substance
with ours — was not, indeed, the " body
of a num." ("arried to its logical conse-
quences, the Eutyehian heresy involved a
denial of Christ's hunuinity and even of
His divinity, for Christ would have had
one mixed nature, partly human, partly
divine, and in reality neither divine nor
human.
After the synod, Eutyches appealed to
Leo, professing his desire that the matter
had been laid before Leo sooner, and his
readiness to accept the Pope's judgment.
He also wrote to Chrysologus of Ravenna,
who refen-ed him to the chair of Peter ;
and it is probable, though not quite cer-
tain, that he also addressed himself to
Dioscorus and other bishops. Pope Leo,
after examining the acts, approved the
sentence passed in the synod at Con- !
stantinople. Dioscorus, on the other hand, ■
•who was really of one mind with Euty- j
ches, managed through his influence with
the Empress Eudocia, to secure the convo-
cation of a general synod at Ephesus.
Thereupon Leo, who rec('i\ (>d on May 18,
449, an invitation to take part in the
council, despatched three legates to repre-
sent him there, and gave into their hands
several lettei's, among which was his
famous "dogmatic epistle" to Flavian.
In it the Pope teaches with all possible
fulness and clearness the existence of
two distinct natures in the incarnate God.
"He who, remaining in the form of a
God, made man, also in the form of a
servant w as 7uade man. For each nature
without defect preserves its proper cliarac-
teristics ( jirojirietateni suam), and as the
form [/.e. nature] of a servant does not
take away the form of God, so tlie form
of God does not dimini,>h the form of a
servant. . . Each form in union with
the other does what is projier to it : the
Word, that is to say, operating that
which is proper to the \\'ord, and the
flesh performing that which is pro])er to
the tiesh. . . . The one [i.e. the divine
nature] shines forth in miracles, the
other [j.e. the Inniiaii iialmv^ siici-iimbs
to injuries. And as the WHiil does not
fall away from eijuaiity li the l-'.-ilher's
glory, so the tiesh does not leave the
nature of our race. For one and the
CHALCEDON, COT XCrL OF 14!1
same, a point often to \«- rej>eated, is
truly sou of God, and truly son of man.
. . . To hunger, to thirst, to be weary,
and to sleep, is evidently proper to man.
Hut to satisfy five thousand men with
five loaves, and to give the woman of
Samaria living water ... is without
doubt divine. ... It does not l)elong to
the same nature to say, I and the Father
are one, and again, the Father is greater
than I." In August of the same year the
bishops began to assemble at Ephesus in
the council which for its evil repute has
earned the name of Latrocinium or
Robber-synod. The council met on the
8th of the month and consisted apparently
of about 130 bishops, though one ancient
account raises the number to 300. Dios-
corus presided, while two Papal legates,
besides Domnus of Antioch, Juvenal of
Jerusalem, Flavian of Constantinople,
were present. Flavian and Eusebius were
condemned as heretics and deposed, as it
was pretended, by the unanimous vot e of
the council, but the coarse and fanatical
Dioscorus would allow no notes of the
proceedings to be made except by his
own creatures, and he was afterwards
accused of having falsified the Acts. He
called in soldiers and monks armed with
cudgels, cruelly m.altreated Flavian and
cast him into prison, and forced the other
Fathers by outrage and starvation to sign
a blank paper, on which he afterwards
vsTOte the condemnation of Flavian, who
died shortly afterwards of the ill-usage
he had received. Leo, with the whole
West, rejected this council, while the
churches of Syria, Asia Minor, Pontus,
would hear nothing of it. It was, how-
ever confirmed by the Emperor Theo-
dosius II., and for the time it was im-
possible to convoke another synod.
Better times came with the accession
of Marcian and Pulcheria to the throne.
Marcian at once annulled the decrees of
the Latrocinium, and in concert with
Valentiuian III., the Western emperor,
and with the approval of Pope Leo and
of Anatolius, the new bishop of Con-
stantinople, who had now subscril)ed
Leo's letter to Plavian, convoked a new
council, which was to meet at Nicrea.
Afterwards, however, Chaleedon was
chosen as the place of meeting, because
I of its proximity to Constantinople, which
made it possible for Marcian to attend
the council and at the same time to
I look after civil affairs in the capital of
■ his empire. The council opened on
I October 8, 451, and closed on November 1
150 CIIALCEDON, COUNCIL OF
CHALCFDON, COUNCIL OF
of the same year. The Fathers held
their sessinns" in the church of St.
Eu|.Iirmia, wliich ^t..n,l nrar the ]!os-
Jihunis nil a i;rntlc ciiiinfiicc just opposite
Const ant iudple. The nunilicr of asseuihled
bishops was about UOO. The external order
of the council was in the liands of an
imperial commission, consisting of civil
officers ; but the papal legates " manifested
an unmistakeable superiority over the
other voters, as representing, according
to their own explicit statement, the head
of the whole Church, and as holding fast
to the conviction that every resolution of
the synod to which they did not agree was
null and void." ' This claim was fully re-
cognised by the council, as will presently
appear.
In the first session, Dioscorus was
declared guilty of murder and of other
moral ofl'ences, particularly of violence
and outrage upon the Fathers who met
at Ephesus. In the second, the epistle of
Leo to Flavian was unanimously approved.
The Fathers exclaimed, " That is the
faith of the Fathers: that is the faith of
the Apostles. So we all believe. Peter
has spoken through Leo. That was also
Cyril's faith, and that is the faith of the
Fathers." In the third session Dioscorus
was deposed. In the fourth the letter of
Leo to Plavian was approved by a formal
vote. In the fifth session, the dogmatic
formula of Chalcedon which had been
drawn up by a commission was adopted
by the council.
In this formula the council defined
that there was "one and the same
Christ the Son, Lord, only begotten, in
two natures, without confusion, without
change [this is directed against Eutyches],
without division, without separation [this
against Nestorius, who divided Christ
into two persons] ; the difl'erence of the
natures being in no wise destroyed on
account of the union, but rather the pro-
perty (ISioTrjTos) of each nature being
presened and meeting (a-vvrpexova-rjs)
in one Person and Hypostasis. At the
close of the council the Fathers wrote to
Pope Leo, who " had presided over aU
the assembled [bishops] as the head over
the members," begging him " by his
assent also to honour their decision "
(rifji-qrrov K(u rnls- aais yj/r}4>ois Triv Kf)ta-iu).
The Emperor also asked the Pope to con-
firm the decrees of the council. Accord-
ingly, on March 21, 453, Leo addressed a
circular to the bishops who had attended
1 Hefele, Concil. ii. p. 421.
the council confirming their definition of
the faith.
Tlie confirmation of the council would
have been olitained much sooner and
mucli more easily, if the dogmatic con-
troversy had been the only matter of
discussion. Ikit it was not so. At the
end of the fourteenth session, the Papal
legates withdrew, and in their next
meeting the Fathers of the Council
passed thirty canons, relating to Church
government, clerical and monastic dis-
cipline, &c., of which the 28th is the
most important. The Church of Con-
stantinople, though not of Apostolic
foundation, naturally acquired great in-
fluence as an imperial city, and as early
as 381 the second General Council as-
signed it " the pre-eminence of honour "
after the Church of Rome, cn the ground
that Constantinople itself was New
Rome. This canon, however, was ig-
nored by Rome. At Chalcedon, Ana-
tolius of Constantinople saw that the
time was unusually favourable for assert-
ing the doubtful privilege of his see and
for extending it. He had not much to
fear from the jealousy or conservatism of
the great patriarchates or exarchates in
the East. The sees of Alexandria and
Ephesus were vacant, Maximus of Antioch
was his creature, Juvenal of Jerusalem
was in his debt for helping him to obtain
jurisdiction over the three Palestinian
provinces. In these circumstances, the
28th canon of Chalcedon was agreed to
with little difficulty. The former part
of this canon merely reaffirms the decree
of the second general synod to which the
canon of Chalcedon ex])ressly refers. The
Fathers, the bislio])s of Chalcedon say,
had rigiitly assioned [patriarchal] privi-
leges to th>' eld.T lloiiie, boeause of its
imperial dignity, and had from similar
motives assigned the second rank to
New Rome — i.e. Constaiitiiu>i)le. The
latter part of the 28th canon goes much
further. It sanctions the practice which
had prevailed since Chrysostom's time —
viz. that the Bishop of Constantinople
should be supreme, not only over the
distiict {SioiKrjais) of Thrace, but also
over Pontus and Asia, which had been
formerly independent. The metropolitans
of those districts were to receive conse-
cration from Constantinople.
Leo absolutely refused to confirm this
canon, and Anatolius acknowledged that
"the whole force and confirmation of
that which had been done was reser\ ed
to the authority of [his] beatitude " — i.e.
CHALDEAN RITE
CHALDEAN RITE 151
to tlie authority ot his Holiness the Bishop
of Rome. In like manner the council
itself and tlie Enijx'ror Marcian had ex-
pressly allowed that the canon was in-
valid "without the approbation of the
A])o>tolic Sice. Indeed, tor a considerable
t iiii.' the ( irei'lis themselves did not appeal
to tile canon in question, and their
canonists' omitted it in their collections.
Justinian, however, confirmed the high
ranlv of Constantinople, and this very
i Miion of Clialeedon was confirmed at the
^ivat i:,iMrrn synod in Trnllo,'^ although
IJoiiu- still al),-taini'd from sanctioning it.
But after a Latin Empire had been esta-
blished in the East, and a Latin Patri-
archate at Constantinople, the Fourth
Lateran Synod under Innocent III., in
the year 1215, ordained that the Patriarch
of Constantinople was to hold rank im-
mediately after the Pope, and therefore
above the Patriarchs of Alexandria and
Antioch. (From Ilefele, " Concil." vol. ii.)
CHAlSEAir RITE, CHRZS-
TXANS OP. — The name Chaldeans in
ecclesiastical use signifies the Catholics
who belong to the Church formed by
conversions from Nestorianism. Assemani
(•• Ribliothec. Orient." tom. iii. p. -IIO seq.)
distinguishes between particular conver-
sions — i.e. conversions of individual
bishops and their dioceses, and general
conversions — i.e. unions effected with a
large section of the Nestorians which led
to the recognition of a Catholic patriarch.
Under the former head he mentions — (1)
the conversion of the Bishop Sahaduna
and the Gamarajans, a.d. 630 ; (2) that of
Timothy of Tarsus, metropolitan of the
Nestorians in Cyprus, and of his subjects,
A.I). 1445 ; (.3) that of the Nestorians on
the Malabar Coast ; (4) that of the Chris-
tians of St. .Tohn, called Sabseans, by the
( 'avmelite Fathers, in Bassora, ci'rc. a.d.
10.;(). The story of the third of these
conversions will be given in the article
on the CnRisTiANS of St. Thomas. We
doubt the accuracy of Assemani's state-
ment about the Sabseaus, whose history
has been recently investigated by Cliwol-
son.^ The third case is interesting from
its connection with the Council of Flo-
rence. Timothy was converted by An-
drew, archbishop of Rhodes (Oolossensis),
1 Till the time of Photius. Hergenriither,
PI,oli„s. i. p. 87.
- Hut the (leci.sion of the council in Trullo
on tliis iKiiiit was not received iu the other
tasteru ji;itriiirchatcs. Hergenriither, ib. p. "223.
5 See, especially, his criticism of Assemani
(Z>ie Sabier und der Sabismus, vol. i. p. 48).
whom Eugenius IV. sent to Cyprus.
The union was effected in the second
session of the continuation of the council
in the Lateran, August 7, 1445. Eugenius,
in his bull containing the decree of union,
forbids anyone to call the Chaldeans here-
tics. So that here we have a formal re-
cognition of the name " Chaldean." '
(Ilefele, " Concil." vii. p. 815 seq.)
Assemani enumerates the following
" general conversions." (1) In 1247 Asa,
" Vicar of the East " — i.e. representative
of the patriarch in China and Eastern
Tartary — under the Nestorian Patriarch
Sabarjesu (1226-5G), made a profe-ssion
of Cathohc belief to Innocent IV. It was
subscribed by the Archbishop of Nisibis,
two other a,rchbishops, and three bishops.
(2) The Patriarch Jaballaha was recon-
ciled under Benedict XL, a.d. 1304. (3) A
dispute about the succession to the patri-
archate between Sulaka and Shimoom led
to the reconciliation of the former under
Julius III., A.D. 1652. (4) The Patriarch
Elias became Catholic under Paul V.,
A.D. 1616. None of these conversions had
any wide or lasting influence. (5) The
conversion of the Nestorians at Diarbekir
led Innocent XL to establish a new Chal-
dean patriarchate in that city. Joseph I.
was the first patriarch ; the last died in
1828. (Badger, "The Nestorians and
their Rituals," vol. i. p. 150.)
Here Assemani's narrative ends, but
since his great work was published at
Rome (1719-28) the most important ac-
cession of Nestorians to the Church has
taken place. There had been since the
middle of the sixteenth century a schism
1 '• Meshihaya," which simply means "fol-
lower of the Messias" — i.e. Chrfstian' — is now
used as a distinctive name for the Chaldean
Catholics, as opposed to the Xestorians of the
same rite. The word ' Meshi-
chojo ") frequently occurs in Syriac literature as
a i^enernl name for Christian. (Pavne Smith,
Thfxaiir. Si/r. col. -2-2i-2.) The Greek word
Xpio-Tioi'b? has been adojited in the Syriac lan-
fruage, and occurs constantly, not onlv in the
Peshitto, but also in late authors, e.tj. in the
chronicles of Barhebra-us. The reader must not
suppose tliat the name Chaldean has anything
to do with the Chaldee language. The Catho-
lics (if the Syrian and Chaldean rites auree in
the use of tlie Syriac tongue in the liturgy, the
former, however, using the Western or Jacobite,
the latter, the Eastern or Nestorian, dialect.
The differences between the dialects, which are
slight and chiefly affect the pronunciation of
the vowels, are lioted in all the reoetit gram-
mars. Murtiu (Sj/ro-amldaic-i' In^lil^fmms. p.
60) gives a transcription of tlie Xieeiic Creed
in Koman eharacter.s, as he heard it pronounced,
by a Chaldean priest.
152
CHALDEAN EITE
CHALDEAN RITE
between the Nestorians themselves, and
tliey had two patriarchs, one residing at
Koehanes in Central Koordistan, the other
at Mosul, or Alkosh. Elias, the patriarch
at the latter place, on his death in 1778,
left two nephews, Ilanna ( = John, the
name he took at ordination, his own name
being Hormuzd) and Jeshuyan. Both
were already metropolitans, both became
Catholics, and both were candidates for
the patriarcliate. The latter liad scarcely
reached the object of his ambition when he
relapsed into Nestorianism. John, who re-
mained Catholic, claimed the patriarchate
in his place, a.d. 1782. He had bitter dis-
putes, not only with his Nestorian relatives,
but also witli the Carmelite missionaries
and the Patriarch Joseph, who still exer-
cised jurisdiction at Diarbekir. It was
not till the close of the last century that
be was recognised by Rome as the spiritual
bead of all the Chaldeans, and allowed to
use the patriarchal seal and exercise
patriarchal functions, and he then took
the name Elias. He only received the
pallium shortly before his death at Bagdad
in 1841. He must have been bishop for
more than sixty-three years ; but it appears
from his autobiography, translated by
Badger, that he was consecrated metro-
politan at the age of sixteen. This last
conversion to the Church embraced most
of the Nestorians in the plains by the
Tigi is. Badger, writing in 1852, estimates
the number of Catholii-s belonging to the
Chaldean rite at 20,000, thinly scattered
through the vast territory which extends
from Diarbekir to the frontiers of Persia,
and from Tyari to Bagdad. The Chal-
deans, says liadsrer (i. p. 176), are supe-
rior to their Nestorian countrymen " in
civilisation, general intelligence, and eccle-
siastical order." This is important testi-
mony, coming, as it does, from an author
who had extraordinaiy opportunities of
judging correctly, and who writes with
passionate vehemence against everything
Catholic.
Rome utterly abolished the hereditary
succession to the patriarchate which had
long prevailed among the Nestorians, and
John was forbidden to make any of his
relations bishops, but it was difficult to
root out this abuse. A nephew of the
Patriarch John actually became Nestorian
for a few months, in 1834, that he might
be consecrated metropolitan by the Nesto-
rian patriarch and succeed his uncle, who
is said to have approved of this proceed-
ing. The devotion to the old patriarchal
liouse nearly led to a schism, which was
fomented by a Nestorian patriarch, Shi-
moom, who" tied from the Kurds to Mosul.
Great discontent was caused in 1843 by
an attempt of the Patriarch Zeiya to make
the Chaldeans keep Easter according lo
the Latin reckoning. This patriarch was
himself cited before the Holy Office on a
charge of embezzlement, and resigned in
1846. The next patriarch, Joseph .\udu,
came into conflict with Rome ou accoujit
of his claims to exercise jurisdiction over
the Chaldeans in India, and because of his
uncanonical ordinations. He was forbidden
to con.secrate bishops without leave from
Rome. He refused to accept the decrees
of the Vatican Council, which he attended,
and renounced communion with Rome.
A Capuchin, Bishop Fanciulli, was .sent
as Apostolic visitor to Mosul, and the
patriarch made a qualified submission in
July 1872. Soon after the patriarch re-
newed the schism, induced some of the
bishops and nobles to join him, and conse-
crated bishops in defiance of the Pope.
The revolt was fostered by the Turkish
Government. The patriarch made histiual
submission in January 1877.
According to the ordiuan' law the
patriarch — unless Rome has previously
appointed a coadjutor with right of suc-
cession— is chosen by the bishops. The
election, if canonical, isconfirmed at Rome.
He is subject not only to Propaganda but
to the Latin Archbishop of Bagdad, as
apostolic visitor. He resides at A.lljosh
and Mosul.
The metropolitans and bishops, who
are chosen from the monks, are nominated
and consecrated by the patriarch. The
metropolitan sees are Amedia, Mosul
(both immediately subject to the pa-
triarch), Kerkuk, and Sehna. The epi-
scopal sees are Akra, Diarbekir, Gezir,
Mardin, Salmas, Seert and Zaku. The
secular priests are usually married, and
partly support themselves by manual
labour. The monks belong to tlie order of
St. Anthony, and there are two monas-
teries— a very ancient one, that of Rabban
Hormuzd, at Alkosh, which in 1843 had
an abbot and four monks, and a small
one founded in modern times, and with
scarcely any religious, that of Mar Yurgis
( = St. George), on the left bank of the
Tigris, a few miles above Mosul. The
monks live apart in cells which are mostly
in the rock. They abstain from -wine and
spirits and from flesh, except on Christmas
Day and Easter Sunday.
The number of priests, secular and
j regular, is at present (1891) above 100;
CHALICE
CHALICE 153
tlio number of Catholics about 33,000.
(Werner, "Orbis Terrarum Catholicus.")
Bickell ("Conspectus rei Syrorum
litterariae," Miinster, 1871, §§ vii.-x.)
mentions the following printed editions
of liturgical books of the Chaldean rite :
" ilissale Chaldaicum, et Decret. S. Con-
gregat. de Propaganda Fide,''Romae, 1767;
" PsalteriumChaldaienni in usum nationis
Chald." Romee, 1842 ; " lireviarium Chal-
daicum in usum nationis Chald. a Jose-
pho Guriel, secundo editum," Romae, 1865,
lie also gives the titles of four liturgical
books of the Chaldean rite, but intended
for the church of Malabar — viz. " Ordo
Chaldaicus ^lissje B. Apost. juxta ritum
Eccles. Malabar." Romae, 1774; "Ordo
Chaldaicus Rituum et Lectionum juxta
movem Eccles. Malabar." Romae, 1775;
" Ordo Chaldaicus Ministerii Sacrament.
SS. quae perficiuntur a Sacerdot. juxta
morem Eccles. Malabar." Romae, 1845;
"Ordo Baptism. Adultorum juxta ritum
Eccles. Malabar. Chaldseorum." Romae,
1859. In three instances there is an ex-
ceptional use of the word Chaldes instead
of Syiiac in the titles of books meant for
the Maronites— viz. " IMissale Chaldaicum
juxta ritum Eccles. nationis Maronita-
rum,'' Romae, 1502 ; " Officium Uefunc-
torum ad usum Maroiiitarum Gregorii
XIII. impensa Chaldaiois characteribus
impressum," Romae, 1585, vol. ii. ; " Bre-
viarii Chaldaici aestiva pars " (the former
part, printed ten years earlier, is entitled
simply, " OfKc. Sanctorum juxta ritum
Eccles. Maronit. pars hiemalis "), Romae,
1666.
(Assemani has been our authority for
the history down to the close of the seven-
teenth centurj', then Badger, carefully
compared with Silbernagl's " Kirchen des
Orients ; " and for the events of the last
few years, Hergenrother, " Kirchenge-
schiciite," vol. ii. p. 1009 seq.)
CHiLIiZCE {calix, TTOTrjpwv). The
cup used in Mass, for the wine which is
to be consecrated. The rubrics of the
Missal require that it should be of gold
or silver, or at least have a silver cup gilt
inside. It must be consecrated by the
bishop with chrism, according to a form
prescribed in the Pontifical. It may not
be touched except by persons in holy
orders.
"NN'e know nothing about the chalice
which our Lord used in the first Mass.
Venerable Bade relates that in the se\ enth
century they exhibited at Jerusalem a
great silver cup, with two handles, which
our Saviour Himself had used in celebrate
ing the Eucharist, but antiquity knows
nothing of this chalice, and it has no
better claim to be regarded as genuine
than the chalice of agate which is still
shown at Valencia and claims also to be
that used by Christ. Probably, the first
chalices used by Christian priests were
made of glass. It seems likely at least,
though the inference cannot be called
certain, from TertuUian's words, that in
his time glass chalices were commonly
used in church, and undoubtedly such
chalices were still common during the
fifth century, as appears from the testi-
monies of St. Jerome and Cyprianus
Gallus, the biographer of St. Cn?sarius of
Aries. Gregory of Tours mentions a
crystal chalice of remarkable beauty,
which belonged to the church of Milan.
However, even before persecution had
ceased, the Church began, from natural
reverence for Christ's Blood, to employ
more costly vessels. The Roman Book
of the Pontiffs says of Pope Urban I.
(226) that " he made all the holy vessels
of silver." So, too, we read in the acts of
St. Laurence's martyrdom, that he was
charged by the heathen with having sold
the altar-vessels of gold and silver, and
with having given the proceeds to the
poor ; while St. Augustine mentions two
golden and six silver chalices, which were
exhumed from the crypt of the church at
Cirta. Of course, such precious chalices
became more common when the Church
grew rich and powerful. Thus St.
(Jhrysostom describes a chalice " of gold
and adorned with jewels." In 857 the
Emperor Michael III. sent Pope Nicolas
I., among other presents, a golden chalice,
sun-ounded by precious stones, and with
jacinths suspended on gold threads round
the cup. A precious silver chalice adorned
with figures belonged to the church at
Jerusalem, and was presented in 869 to
Ignatius of Constantinople. But it is
needless to multiply instances on this
head.
For a long time, however, chalices of
horn, base metal, Sec, were still used, and
Binterim says that a copper chalice in
which Ludger, the Apostle of Miinster, in
the eighth century, said Mass, is still pre-
served at Werden, where he founded an
abbey. But very soon afterwards chalices
of glass, horn, base metal, &c., were pro-
hibited by a series of councils in England,
Germany, Spain, and France, although
chalices of ivory and of precious stone
(e.g. of onyx) were still permitted.
Gratian adopted in the Corpus Juris a
154 CIIALICE-VEIL
CHANCELLOR, EPISCOPAL
canon which he attributes to a Council
of Rheims, otherwise unknown. The
words of the canon are, " Let the chalice
of the Lord and the paten be at least of
silver, if not of gold. But if anyone be
too poor, let him in any case have a
chalice of tin. Let not the chalice be
made of copper or brass, because from the
action of the wine it produces rust, which
occasions sickness. But let none pre-
sume to sing Mass with a chalice of wood
or glass." (Hefele, " Beitriige," ii. p. 322
ser/.)
The practice of consecrating chalices
is very ancient. A form for this purpose
is contained in the Gregorian Sacrament-
ary, as Avell as in the most ancient
" Ordiues Romani," and such consecration
is usual among the Greeks and Copts.
In the Latin Church, the bishop anoints
the inside of the chalice with chrism,
using at the same time appropriate
prayers. The consecration is lost if the
chalice be broken or notably injured, or
if the inside is regilt. A decree prohibit-
ing all except those in sacred orders to
touch the paten or chalice is attributed
to an early Pope, St. Sixtus, by the author
of the " Liber Pontificalis." But Merati,
who quotes this statement, admits that
a Roman Ordo regards it as lawful for
acolytes to do so. However, a Council
of Braga, held in 563, confines the right
of touching the sacred vessels to those
who at least are subdeacons.
Besides the chalice from which the
priest took the Precious Blood, the
ancients also used " baptismal chalices,"
from which the newly-baptised received
communion under tlie species of wine, and
" ministerial chalices " (" calices minis-
teriales," "scyphi"), in which the Precious
Blood was given to the people. This
" ministerial " chalice was partly filled
with common wine, and into this wine
the celebrant poured a small quantity of
the Precious Blood from the " calix offer-
torius" — i.e. the chalice with which he
said Mass. (Benedict XIV. " De Miss." i.
cap. 4.)
CHAXiZCE-VEZIi. The veil with
which the chalice is covered, called also
" peplum " and " sudarium." It used to
be of linen, but must now be of silk, as
the rubric requires. The Greeks use three
veils, one of which covers the paten,
another the chalice, a third both paten
and chalice. They call the third veil
dijp, because it encompasses the oblations.
Cardinal Bona says this Greek custom
began in the church of Jerusalem, and
thence spread tlinuigli the East. (Bene-
dict XIV. "])e Miss." i. cap. 5.)
Benedict XIV. considers tlie antiquity
of the chalice-veil to be pi-oved by one of
the Apostolic canons — viz. 72 (al. 73),
which forbids the application of the
church vessels or veils (odovTjv) to pro-
fane uses. Hefele thinks this canon may
belong to the latter half of the third
century. But there does not seem to be
any reason for alleging that the veil
meant is tlie chalice-veil. Gavantus says
that the chalice-veil is mentioned in the
liturgy of St. Chrysostom (which, how-
ever, has been altered since the saint's
time) ; that silken chalice-veils were given
to Pope Hormisdas (514-523), and tliat
Amalarius mentions the Roman custom
of bringing the chalice to the altar
wrapped in a veil.
CHANCEX.. The part of a church
between the altar and the nave, so named
from the rails (cancelli) which separated
it from the nave. The word was in use
before the Reformation, and the Anglicans
still retain it. Among English Catholics
it is now Uttle used, the portion of the
church near the altar, separated by rails
ft-om the nave, being designated the
"sanctuary." In cathedrals and conven-
tual churches, where space is required to
accommodate the canons or the reli-
gious, a portion of the church between
the sanctuary and the nave is taken for
the purpose ; it is not however called the
"chancel," but the "choir," Fr. c/tceur.
[See Choir.]
CHAirCEX.X.OR, EPZSCOPAX.
{cancellarius, from cancelli, a lattice, rail-
ings). The place surrounded by railings, or
lattice work, where the legal instruments
which decisions in an imperial or royal
court made necessary were prepared, was
called " cancellaria." The word " can-
cellarius " is first used in the sense of a
secretary or notary by Cassiodorus — that
is, in the middle of the sixth century.
The jurisdiction of the bishop was in
primitive times exercised by his ai-ch-
deacon [Archdeacon]; but in proportion
as the powers of the archdeacons were
enlarged, a tendency manifested itself to
make their jurisdiction independent of
episcopal control, until at last an appeal
actually lay from the archdeacon to the
bishop. Such a state of things would
inevitably make the bishop's own official,
his " chancellor " — the person, whether a
clerk or a layman, who had the charge of
the judicial records of the diocese — a per-
sonage of greater importance. We find,
CHANCERY, EPISCOPAL
CHAPLAIN
155
accordingly, that in the three centuries
preceding the Keformation, while the
j)ower of the archdeacon had everywhere
declined, or was declining, the influence
and importance of the bishop's chancellor
were always on the ascendant. "\Ve find
St. Edmund Rich, archbishop of Canter-
bury, in the thirteenth century, carrying
on an important and delicate negotiation
with the monks of Christchurch chiefly
through Richard, his chancellor, after-
wards celebrated in the Church as St.
Richard, bishop of Chichester. (See
Gervase of Canterbury.) Canon law
contains many regulations respecting the
fees of office which chancellors are entitled
to demand.
CHAXrCERT, EPZSCOPAX.. (See
the article on Episcopal Chancellors.)
From the chancery of a bishop proceed
all those documents, deeds, certificates,
licences, dispensations, &c., which are
necessar\- to the publication, recognition,
and execution of the acts which he per-
forms in the exercise of the fivefold
jurisdiction attributed to him by the
canon law, in which are included the
jmwers of ordering, jud(jing, correcting,
c/ispensinf/, and administering. To these
may be added the power of delegating or
deputing. (Soglia, " De Potestate Juris-
dictionis.")
CHAM-CERV, PAP AX. : CBAW-
CBRT TAXES, &.C. [See CUEIA
ROJIANA.]
CHAN-T ECCZ.ESZASTXCAI.,
CRECORZAio-, &.C. [See Plain
Chant.]
CHAITTRT (Lat. capellama, Fr.
chapellenie). The ancient name in this
country —
(1) of a chapel, aisle, or part of an
aisle, in a church, set apart for the offer-
ing of the Holy Sacrifice for the benefit
of the soul of a particular person, gene-
rally the founder, or for some other pious
purpose ;
{2) of the institution and endowment
of such a service : as when Chaucer ])raises
bis " Persone " for not leaving his parish
" To seeken him a chaunterie for soules."
All chantries were dissolved by the Acts
of 1545 and 1547. They were then found
to be more than a thousand in number.
Chantries in the second of the above
senses are divided by the canonists
into three classes. (1) Mercenary, as
when a testator leaves property to a lay-
man with the charge of causing Masses
to be said for his soul. (2) Collative,
when property is left with an express in-
junction that out of the revenue arising
from it daily Mass, or a certain number
ofMassesiii theyear, should be celebrated;
as to these chantries, the r«l/ation of the
priests to serve them ])ro])rrly belim-- i,.
the bishop. (3) Cbimtrir> in pi-i\:itr
patronage. These only ditii-r l'r,,ni tli.'
second class in that the iioniiuntiini to
them rests with the private jiatron ; but
the institution must still conie from the
bishop. (Ferraris, Capcllanid.)
CHAPXiAlMT [capdlanus, from capella,
chapel). The word capellfi, the de-
rivation of which is doubtful, ;q)pears
to have first come into use in Gaul, and
to have been applied to the )juildiuii>,
smaller than churches, whicli liiiiij> or
bishops erected in their own ]ialac> v, that
they might more conveniently and fre-
quently attend divine worship. The
priest appointed to the charge of such a
chapel was called the "capellanus" or
chaplain. As the number of such chapels
increased, the chaplains became a numer-
ous bod}-, and were placed under an arch-
chaplain, who was also called the Grand
Almoner. Charlemagne selected bishojjs
for this office of Grand Almoner.
There are chaplains of many kinds, as
the following enumeration shows :
1. Army chaplains. Various indults,
privileges, and faculties have been granted
to Catliolic sovereigns by the Holy See
in relation to priests stationed in barracks,
or serving with an army in the field. In
modern times the sovereigns have usually
endeavoured to place army chaplains
under the sole control of a royal or im-
perial chaplain-major. This has been re-
sisted by the Church, and it is decided
that such chaplain.s, in the ab,«ence of an
Apostolic brief otherwise providing, must
be approved by the ordinary of the place.
Thus a marriage contracted before an
army chaplain, in tlie absence of such
brief as aforesaid, is held to be null if cele-
brated without the licence of the bishop.
There are at present (1891) sixteen
Catholic chaplains holding commissions
now attached to the British army in Eng-
land and the colonies.
a. Auxiliary chaplains. Appointed
by parish priests as their coadjutors, and
removable by them, but not without just
cause. (See Ferraris, Capellanu.^, § 41.)
3. Cathedral chaplains. After the
common life of canons ceased, and each
drew his portion or prebend from the
common fund, it became usual for them
to reside at a distance from the cathedral
ICG CHAPLAIN
CHAPTER, CATHEDRAL
or collegiate church to which they be-
longed, and to pay chaplains to perform
their duties in choir for them. This
practice was checked by the Council of
Trent. [See Cajson.]
4. Chaplains of chant}-ies (capellaniae).
[See Chaxtrt.] A large proportion of
the chantries which once existed were
founded, not that Mass might be said for
snuls, but in honour of the Blessed Virgin
Mary, or of some saint, or some particular
mystery. The chaplains serving these
were and are carefully regulated by the
canon law, so that the course of episcopal
and parochial discipline might not be
troubled by their presence in a diocese.
■'). Chaplains of confrciternilies. [See
CoxFKATEENiTT.] Such chaplains cannot
have processions without the express
licence of the bishop. They are not to
be removed without cause by the bishop
against the wish of the brotherhood.
G. Court chaplains. How these ori-
ginated under the early Frankish kings
has been already explained. Charlemagne
gave to his episcopal arch-chaplain prece-
dence overall the archbishops and bishops
of his einjiire. The chaplains of the
imperial and royal Courts had great power
for centuries. Bv a Papal brief dated in
1857 the Holy See rcsr.ired the office of
arch-chaplain or (Trand Almoner in
France: but wirli tlie coll.-ipse of the
Sec-iiml I']iiipire the brief ln't-ame inope-
rative. At the Courts of Catholic sove-
reigns in Germany the chaplains of an
im)iHrial or royal chapel now constitute a
body 111 canons, and the chapel of the
palace is regarded as a collegiate church.
7. Ihnnestic chiiplains. I'riests ap-
pointed to say Ma.-s in the chnjiels at-
tached to private houses, such asCoptfold
Hall, Coughton, &c.
8. Episcopal chaplains. In early
times the bishops had their private ora-
tories, and as their dwellings grew to be
palaces their first care was to provide
them with Miitalile chapels, the clergy-
attached to uliich lii'canie episcopal chap-
lains. In large and wealthy dioceses
these bfcanie nunii-rous, and were then
placed under an episcojial arch-chaplain.
At the present day, when the Churcli has
in most countries of Europe been reduced
to the greatest poverty, the chaplains of
bishops usually act as their secretaries, or
as masters of the ceremonies when they
celebrate High Mass.
9. Chaplains of nunneries. These are
of course very numerous, and to be found
in every part of the Catholic world.
Canon law requires that they shall be
of mature age, and in other ways enacts
a minute discipline for their guidance.
10. Pontifical chaplains, attached to
the Pope's chapel. They are of three
classes : honorary, ceremonial, and secre-
tarial.
11. Chaplains ot public institutions:
e.g. workhouses, prisons, hospitals, and
lunatic asylums. In all such appoint-
ments the chaplain is, as a rule, nomi-
nated by the civil authority, with the
approval of the bishop of the diocese.
CHAPTER, CATKESRAI.. [For
the derivation, see Chapter, Conven-
tual.] The ancient name for the clergy
of a cathedral church was Presbyterium ;
the term " chapter " was borrowed from
the assemblies of regulars. The history
of chapters has been already partly traced
in the article Canon. With the increase
of the corporate property of chapters,
the extended patronage arising from that
increase, and the sense of dignity which
the possession of that patronage en-
gendered, a strong tendency developed
itself in the course of the middle ages
towards the independent existence of
chapters, both cathedral and collegiate,
and their exemption from episcopal
control. There was a danger lest the
canoos of his cathedral, instead of form-
ing the trusted council of the bishop, and
assi.-tinghim in the administration of the
diocese, as in primitive times, should be
transformed into a body of dignified and
wealthy ecclesiastics, burdened by very
light duties, admission amongst whom
would be desired by the upper classes for
their sons, from motives much short of
the purest. This happened to a great
e.xtent, and as a natural consequence col-
lisions between bishops and chapters came
to be of frequent occun-ence. The Coun-
cil of Trent applied itself to remedy this
state of things, and partially restored the
authority of the bishops over the chapters.
A general right of visitation and cor-
rection was asserted for them.' A bishop
was authorised to convene the chapter
for anj- afi'airs which did not solely
concern the interests of the canons and
their dependents ; this power, however,
was not to extend to his vicar-general.
At meetings so convened the bishop was
to preside, and due rank and honour were
to be accorded him. On the other hand,
many things important for the welfare of
the diocese could at no time be settled by
the bishop without the consent or advice
' Sess. vi. c. 4, De Reform.
CHAPTER, CATIIEDEAL
CHARACTER
157
of bis chapter; and in this respect the
Council made no change. Thus the
consent of the chapter is required in the
administration or alienation of the see-
property, or in any case in which diminu-
tion of the authority and privileges of
the cathedral is threatened ; their advice
must be had by the bishop before ordain-
ing or instituting clerks,' before proclaim-
ing public processions, conveniog synods,
&c.. Sec. In England, in consequence of
the Elizabethan schism, the reforming
influence of the Council of Trent could
not assert itself; and hence, though the
chapters w ere left, no attempt was made
to bring back their action and authority
into that harmony with those of the
bishops which primitive piety required.
Thus the present singular state of things
gradually arose. The dean and chapter of
an Anglican cathedral have their own
separate property, the bishop of the same
cathedral has his, and neither side inter-
feres with the other. The chapter, say
of Worcester Cathedral, has complete
power over the church itself, with the
exceptions presently to be mentioned ;
but there its connection with the diocese
ceases. It has no more to do with its
government by the bishop than the
chapter of Munich has. At a vacancy of
the see, indeed, the chapter meets to go
through the mockery of electing a new
bi>hop : l.ut. as everyone knows, in the
co»(/e d'clirc sent down to them from
London, the name of the Crown nominee
is specified, and the chapter is not at
liberty to reject it. On the other hand,
the bishop has a legal right to a chair or
throne in the cathedral, and to hold con-
firmations in it, and here his power ends,
lie has no authority to .summon meetings
of the chapter lor any pm-])ose whatever,
nor to control the deau or the canons in
any way, except so far as, in their merely
clerical capacity, they may become amen-
able to his jurisdiction. The result is
that an Anglican chapter has entirely
lost the primitive character of the " se-
natus episcopi," and is generally regarded
as a convenient institution by which a
Government can pension and reward its
principal clerical supporters. In the
Catholic Church, amidst the unnumbered
ills that have come upon it in every
country of Europe, it is consoling to
reflect that this particidar evil at least,
so rife in the middle ages, has in our day
almoDt disappeared ; everywhere harmony
• Ferraris, " Capituluni," art. ii. § 16.
' and co-operation reign between the bishops
and the cathedral chapters.
In England every Catholic diocese
has its chapter, presided over by a pro-
vost, and usually numbering ten canons.
In Ireland, out of twenty-eight dioceses,
ten only have chapters, but these are
larger than in England, are presided over
by deans, and usually contain live or six
dignitaries or officials of the diocese,
besides the Canon Theologian and Canon
Penitentiary prescribed by the Council of
Trent.
CHAPTER, CONVSN-TVAIi
{capitulmn, a chapter). It was and is the
common practice of monks to assemble
every morning to hear a chapter of the
rule read, and for other purposes. Both
the meeting itself and the place of meet-
iug gradually obtained the name of
Capitulum or chapter from this practice.
The assembly of the monks of one
monastery being thus designated "the
chapter," it is easy to understand that
assemblies of all the monks in any pro-
vince, or of the whole order, came to be
called "provincial" or "general" chap-
ters. A general chapter, in the case of
most of the orders, is held once in three
years.
CRAPTER-HOVSE. The place of
meeting of the canons of a cathedral, or
the religious of a monastery. Till the
thirteenth century it was generally rec-
tangular; after that time the polygonal
or round form came in, as at Salisbury,
Lincoln, and York. Chapter-houses were
sometimes richly adorned; at West-
minster Abbey, for instance, a band of
fresco, the painting of which has con-
siderable merit, ran round the interior of
the building; the remains of this, lately
opened to public view, are of great
interest. A large round chapter-house,
with seats for sixty — the number of the
monks — extremely plain in its archi-
tecture, but effective from the symmetry
and boldness of its forms, was lately
erected by the Cistercians at their house
of Mount St. Bernard's in Leicestershire.
CHAPTERS. [See Three Chap-
TEEs, Tin:.]
CHARACTER ( x"P"K^hp)- ^ Stamp
on coins, >rals, .tc, and in its theological
sense, a spiritual marl< indelibly impressed
on the soul, by bajitism, eonlirmation, and
holy order, which sacraments cannot be
reiterated without sacrilege. That these
sacraments do really im])ress a character
is taught by the Council of Florence, in
the "decree of union," and is solemnly
158 CHARACTER
CHARITY
affirmed by the Council of Trent (Sess.
vii. can. 9, De Sacram. in Gen.) as an
article of faith. The Fatli.'vs <>f Trent
content themselves with detiiilniicliiirac-ter
as a "spiritual and indelible mark," on
account of which the three sacraments
which confer it cannot be reiterated, But
St. Thomas, who is followed by other
theologians, points out that character
marks the recipient in some special way
for the worship of God and also conveys
certain powers. Thus baptism stamps a
man indelibly as a Christian and enables
him to receive the other sacraments:
confirmation makes him a good soldier of
Christ, and conveys particular powers of
confessing the faith : by holy order he
))ecomes a minister of Christ, and is
empowered to perform certain sacred
functions.^
The truth of the Church's doctrine on
tliis matter is shown by the fact that it
has always been accounted sacrilege to
reiterate the three sacraments of baptism,
conflriuationand order. Theremust, there-
fore, be something in these sacraments
which separates them from the other
four, which may be lawfully received over
and over again. Nor can it be said with
any show of reason that the modern
doctrine of character is an invention of
the middle ages, first set forth by Inno-
cent III. From the earliest times. Chris-
tian writers — e.g. Clement of Alexan-
dria'^— speak of baptism as "the seal of
the Lord" (trc^paylSa Tov Kvpiov). So con-
firmation was known as the " seal," and
it is still conferred in the (ireek rite with
the words the "seal of the Holy Ghost."
Wliat can this language mean, if con-
sidered in connection with the fact that
baptism, confirmation and order were
never reiterated, except this, that these
sacraments set a seal on the soul which
could never be blnttpd nut, by sin or even
by apostasy? Si. Aiiiiusiiiie gives clear
witness to the trailitioii nf the Church on
character, and a- tlir smsp (if his state-
ments has 1 II .li-|Hiti .l, will quote a
brief summaiy of In- Iriu lung from the
most t'niini'iit of I'voii stniit ( Inirch his-
torians. AugustiiH', Mivs Nran.li'i-,'' " in
connection with baiiti<in of'li ii ii>is the
comparison with the mark (• cliaracter
militaris') \Ahicli was imjtrrssed upon
soldiers, as a token of imjierial service,
and wliich remained indelibly fixed even
on those who were untrue to their service,
1 III. qu. a. 2.
« De Divite Serrtnitln, c. 42.
• Kirchengescliichte, iv. [i. 441.
though in that case it only witnessed
against them." This is simply the Tri-
dentine doctrine of sacramental character.
CBARXTY. The theological virtue
of Charity may be described as " a virtue
divinely infused by which we entirely
give ourselves up to God as the Sovereign
Good, that by doing His will we may
please Him and be united with Him."
This description sets forth the object and
the substance of the act of Charity. The
object is our union with God, for it is of
the nature even of disinterested love to
seek union with the beloved object ; the
substance of the act is a loving gift of
ourselves to God, which is also called
union. " It pertains to charity, that
man gives himself up to God so as to
adhere to Him by some union of the mind
(spiritus),'" i.e. by making God the object
of his thoughts and affections (St.
Thomas, 2» 2^, q. Ixxxii. a. 2 ad 1). St.
Bonaventure describes charity as "a
life which unites the lover with the
beloved" ("vita copulans amantem cum
amato." St. Bonav. "Comp. TheoL
Verit."l.v. c. 23.). Considered as a habit,
charity is an infused virtue which elevates
the soul, enables and disposes it to bring
forth the acts proper to charity, viz. love
of God above all for His own sake, and of
our neighbour for the sake of God.
I Charity may be perfect or imperfect : the
former justifies man by its own etficacy;
the latter only in the Sacrament of
Penance. (See the arts. Attkition and
Contrition.) Perfect charity admits of
three degrees : first, love of God above
all things which grievously displease
Him ; second, love above all things which
only slightly displease God; and third,
love of God even above such things as do
not displease Him, but still are less
pleasing than others. The first degree
excludes all mortal sin and is necessary
and sufficient for salvation. The second
excludes venial sin and belongs to Christian
perfection. The third is the summit of
perfection to which no command obliges
us, but Divine grace invites. Habitual
charity or the habit of charity is lost by
mortal sin only (Trid. Sess. vi. c. 15).
Venial sins, however numerous, do not
diminish it, though their frequent repeti-
tion gradually unfit the soul for the
retention of charity, just as disease
gradually unfits the boclv for the reten-
tion of the soul (St. Thomas, 2» 2 ,
q. xxiv. a. 10). Christ has laid down
the commandment of charity as the first
and highest of all commandments : " Thou
CHARITY, FATHERS OF
CHARITY, WORKS OF 159
«hall love the Lord thy God with thy
-whole heart, and with thy whole soul,
and with thy whole mind," Matt. xxii.
4i7, 38. Tliis precept forbids hatred and
all other oHi'iiees of God and in this
respect is binding at all times. In as far
as it commands positive acts of love it is
not binding at all times ; yet a single act
of love in a lifetime is not sufficient to
comply with it. Propp. damn. 2 Mart.
1679, pr. 5, 6, 7. (See St. Thomas,
2* 2'*. qq. xxii.-xliv. and commentaries.)
CHARXTT, FATHERS OP. [See
ROSMINIANS.]
CHARITY, SISTERS OP. [See
Sisterhoods.]
CHARITY, WORKS OP CHRIS-
TIAM'. Our Lord himself declared " by
this shall men know that ye are my
disciples, because ye love one another,"
and the heathen felt that a new spiritual
power was in their midst when they
beheld the manifestations of Christian
love. The fact that the Christian religion
taught its disciples to pray for all men,
to love all, and to sacrifice themselves for
all, is a most solid ami a most touching
proof that the Christian religion is divine.
With scarcely an exception, every work
and institute of mercy existing in the
world is of Christian origin, direct or
indirect. The same kind of proof may
be brought to show that tlie Catholic
religion is the one true form of Chris-
tianity. No doubt, many Protestnnts
have been conspicuous foi- philantlirojiy,
and, as Protestants have ])r,'>i'r\ i-d much
■of the Catholic belief, we need not be
surprised to find this belief producing its
natural fruit in works of mercy. It is
true, however, on tbe other hand, that
the Catholic Church has laboured for the
souls and bodies of men to an extent un-
known in other systems, and Protestants
ofl'er an unconscious testimony to the
superiority of the Catholic religion by
imitating many of its institutes for the
relief of the poor and suffering. ^luch
information on this head will be found in
the articles on religious orders founded
for works of this kind. Here, we can only
give a brief account of the different direc-
tions in which Catholic charity has sho'mi
itself. We shall speak first of spiritual,
then of corj)oral, mercy.
(A.) We find religious orders erected
with the special view of succouring the
fallen, or saving those who are exposed
to danger of sin. Such was the double
■order of Fontevraud, erected for male and
female penitents, towards the close of the
I eleventh century, by Robert of Arbris-
I selles, who was endowed with wonderful
j power for the conversion of sinners. The
order spread over France, S])ain, and
England. A century later, the famous
preacherFulkof Neuilly and Itavmnnd de
Palmariis also laboiired fur fallen women.
Other orders with this object iiave been
founded in modern times. The orders
estahli-shed for the instruction of the
poor in Christian doctrine by means
of missions, &c., and for the teaching of
youth, both of the higher and lo^^•er
classes, are past reckoning. The missions
to the heathen are a creation of the Catho-
lic Church. They were adopted by Pro-
testants long af\er the rise of the new
belief, and, like Sunday-schools, missions
to people already Christian, sisterhoods,
&c., are borrowed from the old religion.
(B.) The care of the Church for the
bodies of the poor shines forth, not only
in the lives of saints, but in the Church's
ordinary law. By ancient regulation, a
fourth part of the Church revenues was
devoted to the poor: if extreme distress
prevailed, even the sacred vessels were
sold for the support of the needy. In
many monasteries hundreds of poor people
were fed every day ; while in most churches
funds for the poor, called " mensae pau-
perum," "mensiB S. Sjuritus," were esta-
blished. Further, the Church showed her
care for the sufi'ering and the indigent by
the foundation of houses in which they
were received and tended. Public institu-
tions of this sort were scarcely possible
during the period of heathen persecution;
but whenever the peace of the Church
was secured, the bisho])S began to have
houses erected for the reception of
strangers (Xenodochia), of the sick (Xoso-
comia"), of the poor (Ptochotrophia), of
orphans and foundlings (Orphanotro])hia
and Brephotrophia), and of old people
(Gerontocoinia). About the middle of
the fourth century, we hear of a hospital
for the sick at Sebaste in Armenia: while
the hospital erected through the zeal of
Basil the Great was of a size so vast that
it was often compared to a town. In the
different sections of the building unfor-
tunate people of every kind were received
• — the poor, exiles, ieper.s, itc. Half a
century earlier, St. Chrysostom spent all
the spare revenues of his church in re-
storing old hospitals and erecting new
ones. In the West, Paulinus founded a
house for the poor, for the sick, and for
widows. It is to he observed that in
Western as well as Eastern Europe the
160 CHARITY, WORKS OF
CHARITY, WORKS OF
lirst institution!' of this kind were erected
by bishops. Not that the laity were
reiiiifS in promoting works of charity.
Fabiola, the friend of St. Jerome, the
Emperor Justinian, the Empress Eudoxia,
and a multitude besides, were all distin-
guished as the founders of hospitals; still,
the bishops led the way.
During the middle ages, the Scottish
monks — i.e. monks from Scotland or Ire-
land— seem to have founded the earliest
hospitals. The good work was greatly
promoted by Alcuin, who seems to have
influenced Charlemagne in this direction,
and to have encouraged the bishops to
fovmd hospitals in their dioceses. Two
years after Charlemagne's death, a Council
of Aix la Chapelle issued statutes on this
matter which deserve special notice. The
bishops were required, after the example
of the Fathers, to provide a house for the
poor, and to support it from the Church
funds. The canons were to resign a tenth
j)ait of their income in its favour. It
was to be near the church, and under the
care of a cleric, and in penitential seasons
the canons were to wash the feet of the
poor.
Whether these hospitals were endowed
by clerics or lav people, they were placed
under the jurisdiction of the Church, a
point settled in the East, e.ff. by the
ordinances of Justinian, and in the West |
by Charlemagne and the decrees of
councils and Popes. Even if a prince
founded a hospital, still it was not as a
secular ruler, but as a Christian, that he
did so ; it was not state policy, but the
living spirit of Christianity which had
called liospitals into being : it was not
State reven\ies, but gifts bestowed, some-
times by ecclesiastics, sometimes by secu-
lar riders, sometimes by private indivi-
duals, but always for the love of God,
which maintained them after their founda-
tion. The Council of Trent, again, en-
forces the obligation which lay upon
bishops of watching over benevolent in-
stitutions. And the Church did her work
well. " With such intelligence," says Von
Raumer, " was the inner management [of
such institutions] condui-tcd as in truth
to excite astonishment and admiration."
True, even in the middle ages lay ad-
ministrators did occasionally, to the
great injury of the su tiering poor, usurp
the control of hospitals. But it was the
Reformation which began to sever on
principle the bond which connected works
of benevolence with the power of the
Church till modern statecraft completely
snapped the link and substituted natural
for Christ ian benevolence. No Catholic can
appi-ove of a change which is opjjosed to
the whole tradition of the Church and to
every Catholic instinct. Nor do results
recommend the so-called emancipation of
benevolence from the Church. The feel-
ing of brotherhood between rich and poor
has been changed to a great extent into
positive enmity, and the State itself has
suftered in consequence from the spread
of Socialism. The poor accept State aid
without gratitude, because it is ver}- often
given without real charity. Every expe-
rienced person knows the horror with
which they regard the workhouse, and,
on the other hand, the readiness with
which indigent Catholics enter a house of
refuge cared for by religious — such, for
example, as the Little Sisters of the Poor
or the Sisters of Nazareth.
This leads us to speak of another
characteristic feature in Catholic charity.
It was not only, or even chiefly, that the
Church founded houses for the relief of
the poor and suffering ; she infused into
her children a spirit which made them
count it an honour to tend their sufferings
brethren, and, if need be, to sacrifice life
itself in their behalf. From early times,
bishops, like St. Basil the Great and St.
Gregory Nazianzen, found time to tend
the sick and minister to them with their
own hands. Persons of the highest rank,
such as Placilla, wife of Theodosius the
Great, performed the most menial services
for them. In the middle ages, St. Eliza-
beth of Hungary, from the time of her
widowhood — i.f. from her twenty-first
year — went daily to the hospital, gave the
patients food and medicine, bound up their
wounds and applied remedies to ulcers,
from the very sight of which others
shrank in horror. Everybody knows the
love St. Francis had for the poor, and his
tender care of the suffering, particularly
of lepers. Whole orders were founded
for this personal attendance on helpless
sufferers, and the poor learned to love
those who were born to wealth, when
they saw the richest and the noblest
among them making themselves the ser-
vants of the poor ; they learned to bear
their own poverty patiently, when they
saw the rich counting it an honour to be
poor for Christ's sake. Among such orders
we may name the Canons Regular of St.
Antony of Vienne, founded by a French
nobleman, Gaston, towards the end of
the eleventh century, for the succour of
persons afflicted with " St. Antony's fire,"
CIIAKITY, WOlHvS OF
CIIAKTOrilYLAX
161
a liorrible disease, then rafring in West-
ern Europe; the Jesuats, a confraternity
formed by B. John Colouibino, which
occupied itself in the preparation of medi-
cines, Ac, for the sick ; the " Clerks Regu-
lar, Ministers of the Sick,"' also called " the
Fathers of a Good Death," established
at the end of the sixteenth century by
St. C'amillus of Lellis ; the "Si.-ters nf
Charity," founded by St. Vincent of Paul;
and other orders founded for the same
ends and animated by the snme heroic
zeal, the name of which is legion.
The Catholic Church has also allevi-
ated the hardships of jirison life. The lot
of prisoners wa.'^ changed wherever Chris-
tianity became the religion of the State.
The sexes were separated ; care was taken
that they should never lack the consola-
tions of religion ; greater liberty and better
food were allowed to them on Sundays ;
the bishop had to visit the prisons every
week, and to see that there were no
abuses in the administration of discipline.
In the middle ages, the Church exercised
her tempering and restraining influence
on the roughness and barbarity of the
times. During that period, the constant
wars subjected many innocent persons to
imprisonment; and, accordingly, it was
common for pious persons to devote large
sums of money to the redemption of cap-
tives. Help was given in other ways, but
all the works of mercy to captives were
surpassed by the Trinitarian Order — an
institute devoted to the redemption of
captives from slavery under the Saracens, j
The rule of the Order of the Trinity was -
approved by Innocent III., in 1198; in
1223, a similar order, "for the redemp-
tion of captives," was established in Spain.
In the seventeenth century, St. Vincent of
Paul laboured for the galley-slaves, and
changed places which had been like hell
on earth into abodes of peniince, resigna- ;
tion and peace. The Sisters of Notre [
Dame de la Charitt?, of St. Joseph, &c., '
have undertaken the superintendence of
female prisoners, and till lately almost
every prison for women in France and
Belgium was under the care of nuns.
Statesmen themselves have admitted that
by religious, and religious only, could ,
prisons be successfully managed. j
We pass over, for want of space, the
orders devoted to the care of the insane, '
the blind, deaf and dumb, &c., and will
only touch in conclusion on one other j
work of Catholic charity. In early times
and in the middle ages it was often diffi-
cult to borrow money except at usurious [
rates. To meet this evil, the Franciscan
Father Barnabas of Terni, under Piu« II,
(14.58-(i4), erected thefirst Monte di Pieta,
at Perugia, in the States of the Church.
The rich contributed capital, from chari-
table motives, and this was lent to the
poor, on security indeed, but at a very
low rate of interest. Soon almost every
city in Italy had its Monte di Pietii.
Several Popes, the Fifth Lateran Council,
and the Council of Trent, confirmed these
institutions, which in past times produced
incalculable good.
No doubt many of these orders and
institutes of charity fell away from their
first zeal, and were abused for seKish ends.
But holy souls have never been wanting
to reform wliat was amiss, and to come
with fresh help to the relief of their
brethren. The words of the Psalm have
been constantly fulfilled by Christ in his
Church : "He will judge the poor of his
people, and save the children of the poor."
(From Hefele, "Beitriige zur Kirchen-
geschichte, Archiiologie," &c.)
CHARTOPHYl.AX(more often spelt
Carthojihylnx). The name signifies "keeper
of the records " merely, and such was the
original function of the ecclesiastics who
held the office in the Eastern Church,
answering to that oi bibliotliecarius among
the Latins ; but in course of time other
duties, carrying with them a correspond-
ing increase of charge, influence, and dig-
nity, were imposed on the chartophylax.
Yet it appears from the cnnons of Nice
that in the fourth century the chartophy-
lax of a cathedral was inferior in rank to
the archdeacon, and was bound to obey
him. But at Constantinople, the power
and pre-eminence of the chartophylax, as
a kind of secretary or grand chamberlain
to the Patriarch, attained after a time to
a greit height. An exact appreciation of
his office, and of the dignities attaching
to it, as they stood in the ninth century,
is given by a contemporary writer — Anas-
tasius the bibliotliecarian. The post of
chartophylax in other cathedral churches
in the J']ast appears to have been assimi-
lated more or less to that of the church
of Constantino])le; and hence this official,
representing the bishop and exercising his
jurisdiction, held in the Eastern nearly
the same position as the archdeacon in
the Western Church. Even at this day
the Uniate Greeks of the Austrian Empire
retain the office; with them, "the cartho-
phylax directs the business of the episcopal
chancery, and is one of the members of
the metropolitan or cathedral chapter,
1G2
CIIARTREUX
CHASUBLE
along with the arcbpriest or chief provost,
the archdeacon or lector, the pritnicerius
or precentor, the ecclesiarch or church-
warden, and the scholaster or master of
ceremonies." (See the rest of the article
by Hausle, in AVetzer and AVelte.)
CHARTREVX. [See Cakthusians.]
CHASVBXiE (Lat. cnsula, panula,
planeta ; and in Greek, (f)eK6viov or (^e-
\u)vwv, from (\)aivoKr)i, or <^fXoi/?7f, identi-
cal with panvld). The chief garment of
a priest celebrating Mass. It is worn out-
side the other vestments. Among the
CTreeli?, it still retains its ancient form of
a large round mantle. Among the Latins,
its size has been curtailed, but it still
covers the priest on both sides, and de-
scends nearly to the knees. In France,
Belgium, and very often in England, a
cross is marked on the back : in Italy,
this cross is usually in front. In the
West, all who celebrate Mass wear the
same chasuble, but among the Greeks, the
chasuble of a bishop is ornamented with
a number of crosses {(paivoXwv TroXva-rav-
pwv), while an archbishop wears a differ-
ent vestment altogether, viz. the aaKKos,
whicli is supposed to resemble the coat of
Christ during His Passion. In Russia,
even bishops, since tlie time of Peter the
Great, have worn the o-ukxos.
The chasuble is derived from a dress
once commonly worn in daily life. Classi-
cal writers often mention the " ptcnula,"
or large oviter garment which the Romans
wore on journeys or in military service.
"Casula,' from which our word chasuble
is obtained, does not occur in pure La-
tinity. It, was, however, used in later ages,
as an equivalent for the "paenula," or
mantle. We fir.<t meet with the word in
the will of Cffisarius of Aries (about 540),
and in the biography of his contempo-
rar}' Eulgentius of Ruspe. In both in-
stimc'.-i. '-casula" denotes a garment used
ill cninuMii lifV>. Isidore of Seville (about
(].;()) us('> Ihe word in tlin same sense,
and e.xplains it as a diminutive nf " casa,"
because, like a little liotisc, it iDvi'red the
whole body. Tlie same aiitlior tells us
that " planeta " comes from the Greek
TrXawo), " to wander," because its ample
folds seemed to wander over the body.
It is plain, from the examples given by
Diicange, that "planeta," like "casula"
and " pajnula," denoted a dress worn by
laymen as well as clerics.
It is in tlie former half of the sixth
century that we find the first traces of
the chasuble aa an ecclesiastical vestment.
In the famous mosaic at San Vitale, in
Ravenna, the archbishop, Maximus, is
represented W"earing a vestment which is
clearly the chasuble, and over which the
pallium is suspended. The chasuble has
the same shape which prevailed till the
eleventh century. The Fourth Council
of Toledo, in 638, makes express mention
of the " planeta," as a priestly vestment.
Germanus, Archbishop of Constantinople,
about 715, uses the word (j)(\(ovtov in tlie
same technical sense : while at the begin-
ning of the ninth century, Amalarius of
Metz speaks of the "casula" as the "gene-
ral garment of sacred leaders" ("generale
indumentum sacrorum ducum "). Almost
at the same time, Rabanus Maurus gives
the derivation of "casula" quoted above
from Isidore of Seville, and goes on to
say that it is " the last of all the vest-
ments, which covers and preserves all the
rest." Later authors of the middle age
copy their predecessors ; and even Inno-
cent III, adds nothing of his own save
certain mystical meanings implied in the
use of the vestment.
To sum up, the chasuble was first of
all an ordinary dress; from the sixth
century at latest it was adapted to the
use of the Church, tiU gradually it be-
came an ecclesiastical dress pure and
simple. But did it at once become dis-
tinctive of the priesthood ? The question
admits of no certain answer. The eighth
" Ordo Romanus " dist inctly prescribes that
acolytes, in their ordination, should receive
the "planeta" or chasuble. Amalarius, in
like manner, declares that the chasuble
belongs to all clerics. On the other hand,
almost all ancient writers who refer to
the Church use of the chasuble regard it
as the distinctive dress of priests. Cardi-
nal Bona mentions this difficulty without
venturing to explain it. Hefele suggests
that as the Greek (})fX6viov signifies (1) a
chasuble in the modem sense, (2) a kind
of collar, reaching from the neck to the
elbows, which is worn by lectors or
readers, so the Latin word " planeta " may
have been also employed as the name of
two distinct vestments. But even if this
explanation is correct, the fact remains
that even now the deacon and subdeacon
in High Mass during Advent and Lent
wear chasubles folded in front, laying
them aside while they sing the Gospel
and Epistle. This custom is mentioned
by Hugo of St. Victor (d. 1140).
The form of the chasuble has under-
gone great alterations. The ancient
chasuble, which enveloped the whole
body, was found very inconvenient, and
CHERUBIM
CHINESE RITES 163
hence, in the twelfth century, it was
curtailed at the sides, so as to leave the
arms free. Of this kind is a chasuble
said to have been used by St. Bernard.
In shape, it resembles what is now
known as the Gothic chasuble, althouo;h
tlie ornaments upon it are not Gothic,
hut Romanesque. At a later date, the
chasuble was still further curtailed, till
in the Rococo perioc all resemblance to
the original type disapj^eared. However,
even in Italy, attempts were made to re-
call the ancient shape, at least to a certain
extent. Thus St. Charles Borromeo, in
a provincial council, ordered that the
chasubles for the Ambrosian rite should
be about four and a half feet wide, and
should reach nearly to the heels.
Various symboUcal significations have
been given to the chasuble. The earliest
writers make it a ligure of charity, which,
as Rabanus Muurus says, " is eminent
above all the other virtues." This is
the most popular explanation of the sym-
bolism ; but we also find it regarded by
an ancient writer as typical of good
works; ancient Sacramentaries and Mis-
sals consider it as the figure of sacer-
dotal justice, or of humility, charity, and
peace, which are to cover and adorn the
priest on every side ; while the prayer in
the Roman Missal connects the chasuble
with the yoke of Christ. (Hefele, "Bei-
trage zur Kirchengeschichte, Archaologie
und Liturgik," p. 195 seq.)
CRERTTBZIVI. Superhuman beings,
often mentioned in Scripture. They
guarded the entrance to Paradise after
the fall ; the images of two cherubim
overshadowed the ark; God is represented
in the Psalms as sitting or throned upon
the cherubim ; Ezekiel saw them in vision,
with wings, with human hands, full of
eyes and with four faces, viz. those of a
man, lion, ox, and eagle. The Fathers
generally are agreed in regarding them as
angels ; for the opinion of Theodore of
Mopsuestia,' who denied this, seems to
be quite singular in Christian antiquity.
They form the second among the nine
orders of angels. "What the meaning of
the word is, it is difficvdt even to con-
jecture. Most of the Fathers explain the
word as meaning knowledge, or the full-
ness of knowledge; but, as Petavius justly
remarks, this derivation finds no support
either in Hebrew or Chaldee. Many con-
jectural derivations have been suggested
by modern scholars. In a cuneiform in-
scription copied by M. Lenormant, " Kiru-
' Petav. De Angelxs, lib. ii. cap. 3.
bu " is a synonym of the Steer-god, whose
winged image filled the place of guardian
at the entrance of the Assyrian palaces.
With this word, the Hebrew cherub may
be connected, and the etymology may
belong to some non-Semitic language.'
CHZliD or MARY. About the
year 1560 a Jesuit professor at the
Roman College, named John Leonius (?),
used to assemble a number of his
students after lecture to give them
pious discourses and to guide them in
their spiritual difficulties. These gather-
ings were placed under the protection of
the Blessed Virgin. The members
undertook to do their best to advance in
piety and learning; they heard Mass
every morning ; once a week they went
to confession, and once a month to Holy
Communion. On Sundays they visited
the hospitals and performed other works
of mercy. The young society soon began
to attract attention. Gregory XIII. , in
158-4, gave it his hearty approval.
Numerous branches were formed in
imitation of the original. The only bond
of union between them, besides identity
of aim and practices, was aggregation to
the parent congregation in Rome which
is called " Prima Primaria." The members
were everywhere distinguished for their
virtue, and were looked upon as the
champions of orthodoxy against heretics
and infidels. In 1748 Benedict XIV.,
himself a member, published the " Golden
Bull," Glorios(B Domina, in which the
confraternity was strongly commended
and enriched with numerous indulgences.
The expulsion of the Jesuits from France,
in 1762, where the " Congregation," as it
was called, especially flourished, led to
the suppression of the confraternity there.
After the Revolution it revived ; and
during the Restoration a fierce battle
raged between the " Congregationistes "
and the Liberals, ending in tlieir suppres-
sion once more in 1830. It has since,
however, been re-established. Pius IX.
and Leo XIII. have both highly favoured
the institute.
The confraternity was thrown open to
women and young girls, and in this form
is perhaps more familiar to us than the
male branch from which it originally
sprang. (See " La Congregation," by M.
de Graudmaison, and the art. Sodality.)
CHZX.ZA.sivc. [See Millennium.]
CHZirESS RZTES. The Jesuit mis-
sionary St. FrancisXavier de.sired to preach
the Gospel in China, but his wish was not
I See Cheyne on Isaiah, vol. ii. p. 27.'?.
M 2
1C4
CHINESE RITES
CHINESE RITES
fulfilled, and he died in the forty-fifth
year of his age, a.d. 1552, on the little
island of Sancian, close to the great empire
which was the ohject of his longing.
His religious brethren entered on the
labour which he had left undone, and
worked with great apparent success.
Father Ricci's mathematical knowledge
secured the favour of the Imperial Court.
He devoted himself to the mission twenty-
seven years (1582-1610), and left behind
liim 300 churches, one of which was in
the capital, Pekin. A German Jesuit,
Schall, who came on the field in 1622,
was also a distinguished mathematician.
Shortly afterwards a great change oc-
curred in the fortunes of the Chinese
mission. It had been left entirely in
Jesuit hands ; indeed, Gregory XIII. had
in 1585 forbidden the members of other
orders to enter China. But this restric-
tion was removed, and in 1631 the first
Dominicjin missionaries appeared, who
were followed in 1633 by another Domi-
nican, Morales, and by Franciscans. Tbe
new missionaries, and especially Morales,
accused the Jesuits of gaining so-called
converts by an unworthy compliance with
Chinese idolatry and superstition ; and
the famous controversy on the Chinese
rites began. AVe shall have occa.sion to
enter upon the precise nature of the
Jesuit concessions later. Here we con-
tent ourselves with stating the main con-
tention as given by the Jesuit advocate
Pray ("Hist. Controversiarum de Rit.
Sinicis," p. 9 scq.). Ricci and his suc-
cessors, Pray tells us, cousidered the offer-
ings of food and the marks of homage
given to the dead in general, and to Con-
fucius the great Chinese philosopher in
particular, as certainly free from idolatry,
and probably even from superstition.
Further, the Jesuits allowed their con-
verts to use as the name of God the
Chinese words signifying "Lord of
Heaven, "or " Lord of the Sky,"or even the
single word Tien — "sky" or "heaven,"
and they exhibited in their churches
tablets with the inscription " King tien,"
"adore the sky." These were the prac-
tices known as the Chinese rites or
usages.
In 1643 the Dominicans sent Morales
to Rome, and he submitted to the Con-
gregation of Propaganda seventeen pro-
positions on the Chinese usages tolerated
by the Jesuits. These usages, after con-
sultation with theologians and the Roman
Inquisition, were prohibited by Innocent
X., tin the Holy See should otherwise
determine. Meanwhile, the Jesuit ^lar-
tini tried to convince the authorities at
Rome that the impugned customs had
nothing to do with religion, and that the
success of the Catholic Church in China
depended on their being permitted. He
obtained from tlie Inquisition a decree,
confirmed in 1656 by Alexander VII.
This edict allowed the practice of the
Chinese rites, provided they possessed a
merely civil character, were free from all
admixture of idolatry, and could not be
omitted without grave h'^s to the Chinese
Christians. The complaints, however,
were renewed by three Lazarists whom
Alexander VII. had made vicars-apo-
stolic, and Clement IX. in 1669 renewed
the decrees of 1645 and 1656, with a
significant addition in which the regulars
were ordered to obey the vicars-apo-
stolic. ^Tiile these disputes were dividing
the missionaries into two hostile camps,
the Jesuits were rising in the favour of
the Court, and in 1002 the emperor
Khang Hi publicly anndiinced that the
Jesuits had full leave to preach, and his
own subjects to embrace Christianity.
Still the opposition of the other mission-
aries lasted. The Lazarist vicar-apo-
stolic forbade the rites in 1693, and sent a
priest to Rome three years later to justify
the step which had been taken. Inno-
cent XII. died before the commission he
had appointed had settled the question,
but his successor Clement XI. took the
matter vigorously in hand, and, desirous
of full information, sent Tournon, patri-
arch of Antioch, to China as Apostolic
legate in 1703. After examination of
the points at issue, Tournon in 1707 con-
demned the Chinese rites as idolatrous,
and in consequence of his evangelical
courage was imprisoned by the Chinese
emperor. It is a melancholy fact that
the Portuguese at Macao were not ashamed
to act as his gaolers, and there he died in
1710, after his elevation to the dignity of
cardinal. The Jesuits and bishops who
thought with them appealed against the
legates decision to Rome: but they found
less favour there than at Pekin. Clement
XI. confirmed decrees of the Inquisition
(1709 and 1710) in accordance witli
Tournon's decision, and finally closed the
question by the Bull "Ex ilia die" (1715).
Every Catholic missionary in China was
required to promise on oath all possible
resistance to the rites. It was in vain
that a new legate, Mezzabarba, tried to
modify Clement's ruling. The prohibi-
tion was renewed in all its force, the
CHINESE RITES
CHINESE RITES 1G5
concessions of Mezzabarba recalled, and
the oath again exacted bv Benedict
XIV.
We have abstamed of set purpose
from discussing the serious charges of
rebellion against and cruelty to Cardinal
Tournon which are made against the
Jesuits. They are contained in the
" Anecdotes sur I'^tat de la religion dans
la Chine " (first volume, 1733), by Viller-
maules ; in the " Memorie Storiche del
Cardinale di Tournon '' (Venice, 1761-2),
prepared, as is commonly alleged, by that
determined opponent of the Jesuits, Car-
dinal Passionei ; and in the Lazarist " Me-
moirs of the Congregation of the Mission "
(vol. iv.-viii.), collated with otlier autho-
rities in the Vatican library by Father
Theiner, but suppressed by Pius IX., and
now an exceedingly rare book. The
charges have often been repeated, e.g. by
the Protestant historian Mosheim, and they
are answered by Pray in the work men-
tioned above. The writer of this article
dues not possess the knowledge which
would entitle him to an opinion, and
what he has read on either side proceeds
from writers too much influenced by party
spirit to inspire mnfidence. But, after all,
the conduct of the Jesuits to Tournon is
not a question of theological moment
It affects the conduct of individuals, or
at most of a religious order, but it has
nothing to do with the great principles at
stake. Fortunately these principles have
been stated with Christian moderation
and with rigid impartiality by the cele-
brated Dominican, Natalis Alexander.
It is only right to compare his account
with that of Pray, but we are confident
that the result can only enhance the
credit of Natalis Alexander. Besides
this, a very clear and authoritative state-
ment of the controversy will be found in
the decree of the Roman Inquisition
which bears date November 20, 1704,
and is printed at length in the " M^moires
pour Rome sur I'etat de la religion chr6-
tieime dans la Chine" (1709; no place
of publication given).
It is well known tbat Confucius, who
lived about 600 years before Christ, was
in no sense a religious teacher, or even a
philosopher, if by that term we under-
stand one who investigates the idtimate
causes of things. He laid down rules of
life based on utility, inculcated great re-
spect fur order and for public authority,
and great reverence for ancestors, for
ancient custom, for all, in short, which
represented the traditions of Chinese j
civilisation. For the rest, he was con-
tent to let religion alone ; and the ruling
classes then, as now, were mostly atheistic,
their atheism, however, being peifectly
compatible with belief in fate, and in a
quasi-immortality of the soul, so far as
this, that the forces which constitute
man's life were su])posed to endure after
death mingled with other powers of
natui-e, and with a boundless toleration
of popular superstition as a means of re-
straint suitable to the multitude. Now
the Jesuits may have had some excuse
for allowing the neophytes to call God
the "Lord of Heaven," or even "Heaven,"
though apparently the Chinese literati
used these terms in a pantheistic and
materialistic sense. Even here they went
to lengths manifestly dangerous and even
reprehensible, and we cannot wonder that
the Roman Inquisition refused to sanc-
tion the inscription " Adore the sky " as
suitable for a Christian church. (See the
second article in the questions proposed to
the Inquisition.) But the worship of an-
cestors, and especially of Confucius, was
far more scandalous. We will quote a de-
scription of this worship by a Jesuit Father,
Le Comte, who took a prominent part in
the dispute. " They prostrate themselves
before the name of Confucius, befoie the
name and the tomb of the ancestors.
Ofi'erings are made of food and vegetables.
Incense is burnt. The duty is acknow-
ledged of respect for the one (Confucius)
and gratitude to the others (the ancestors).
Such has been their immemorial practice;
this is the essence of the rites. That, then,
is good and laudable. What more do we
want? We do not even ask so much, and
we limit ourselves to that which is in-
dispensably attached to the functions of
l)ublic olhce " (Lettre du R. P. le
Comte, p. 74; apud N. A. I^ettre 1, p.
25). Even this is a very inadequate ac-
count. Confucius was venerated as the
greatest of the sons of man (see decree
of the Inquisition in 1704, super iv. artic.)
He was addressed in these words — " All
hasten to otter thee sacrifices and prayei-s.
.... Let thy spirit come towards us "
(" Apologie des Dominicains," append,
pp. 37 and 211 ; apud N. X. Lettre 1,
p. 41). Ancestors were worshipped ac-
cording to a maxim of Confucius, as
actually pi'esent, and they were invited
to rest in their pictures. Even the athe-
istic Mandarins believed that the subtle
air of the sky into which the souls of
the dead had been dissolved was at-
tracted to earth by sacrifice and the
166 CHIVALRY
CHIVALRY
other rites, and devotion to ancestors was
believed to ensure good luck.
The ruin of the Chinese mission is
said to have followed the decision hostile
to the " rites." But ruin was preferable
to success, bought so dear. No one who
has read St. Paul's First Epistle to the
Corinthians can reasonably doubt what
his decision would have been. Christ has
no fellowship with idols, and the religion
which is from above, as another great
authority reminds us, is first " pure," then,
and only then, " peaceable."
[The authorities consulted for this arti-
cle are Pray, " Hist.'Controvers. de Rit.
Sin." Buda-Pesth, 1789; Pignatelii,
" Consult. Canon." torn. v. Consult. 45 ;
Natalis Ale.tander, " Lettres d'un docteur
del'ordre de S. Dominique sur lesC^r6mon-
ies de la Chine ; " an anonymous work in
the British Museum, " MfSmoires pour
Home sur Vitut de la religion chr^tienne
dans la Chine," 1709, which contains im-
portant documents ; Cardinal Hergen-
rother," Kirchengeschichte,"vol. ii. p. 629
seq. ; article " Accommodationstreit," in
the new edition of the " Kirchenlexikon."
Information has also been derived from
the Saturday Review, December 13, 1884,
and the Month, February 1885.]
CKlVAXiRY (Lat. caballus, a horse).
The system of ideas prevalent among the
mounted men-at-arms (Fr. chevalier, It.
cavaliero, Span, caballero, Ger. Hitter,
Eng. kniffht) of the middle ages, and
which still influences their descendants
and European society in general, to a
greater or less degree, is known by this
name.
The Equites, the equestrian order, of
ancient Rome summon before the mind
no corresponding associations. The three
patrician tribes constituted, indeed, the
" horsemen " in the organisation of Servius
TulHus, and had the first place both in
arms and in politics. But before the end
of the Republic commercialism invaded
the equestrian order, and when we speak
of a " Roman knight," or ec/ues, the name
suggests a selfish capitalist, wringing
taxes out of oppressed provincials, and
living in vugar luxury at Rome ; it is as
far as possible from caUing up any of the
ideas which we associate with the term
"chivalry."
After the disruption of the empire of
Charlemagne, the importance of horse-
soldiers in war continually increased.
For this there were various reasons:
among others the improvements made in
armour, which required that the weight
of the panoply should be borne by the
horse he rode, so that the warrior might
preserve freedom and celerity of mov&-
ment. But the chief reason was the
condition of European society, under
which, in the absence of strong central
authority in the various countries, power
was sown broadcast over thousands of
principalities, counties, and fiefs. The
holders of these had no other way of
deciding which should rule the other, or
believed they had none, but by going to
war. Horses and ai-mour, like breech-
loading rifles at the present day, gave an
advantage to those using them over foot-
soldiers; whoever, therefore, could afford
it went into battle on horseback. The
"miles Crassi" was a sturdy footman,
armed with the pilum, the ensis, and the
scutum ; the " miles " of the eleventh
century was a horseman cased in as much
armour as he could bear the weight of,
and attended by lightly-armed followers
on foot. The principles of courage and
fidelity may have been transmitted to the
knights of the eleventh century from their
Teutonic or Iberian ancestors; in these
respects a Hermann or a Viriathus left
little to be desired. But if ferocity and
rapacity were to be indulged without
check, if cruelty and injustice, availing
themselves of the weakness of law, were
to be, without protest, the accompaniment
and the fruit of the warrior's toils, no
amelioration of the general lot could be
hoped for, though extraordinary villany
might be repressed by extraordinary
chastisement,' until the e.xpiration of the
long period required to weld a loose
feudal aristocracy into an orderly law-
governed State. Religion here stepped
in, and endeavoured to consecrate and
triinsf(ii-in tliat niugh struggle for supe-
ritirity which was everywhere going on.
The cavalier was not to desist from war;
that was an impossible requirement, and
he was generally fit for not much else ;
but he was to draw the sword for just
causes only, to succoiu- the oppre.^^sed,
resist attack and encroachment, and
support his liege lord according to his
oath. He was to be immovable in his
faith, obedient to the holy Church, full of
respect for her ministers, and devoutly
submissive to the Vicar of Christ, the
Roman Pontiff. For the honour and
service of the ever blessed Mother of
God, whose faithful vassal he was to be,
women were to find in him an honourable,
1 As in the case of Thomas de Laon, related
by Guibert de Nogent.
CHIVALRY
CHIVALRY
167
fearless, and virtuous protector. A high I
standard of self-re?pect could not but
accompany the consecration to these lofty >
ends. The word of the knight once '
given, whether to friend or foe, must be
irrevocable ; he must be no truce-breaker
or snatcher of mean advantages; his
/lono It r must be without stain. Courtesy
and humanity were to mark his bearing
and his acts. In a word, the Christian
soldier was to have all those perfections
of character and aU those (/races d'etat
which the revelation of the Gospel and
the institution of the Sacraments have
rendered possible; he would then be a
perfect miiTor of chivalry. This was the
ideal ; but when we ask in what degi-ee i
wa5 it ever realised, we are forced to
admit that human passion and perversity [
have played their part, and made chivalry
by no means an unmixed blessing to
the world. The reverence for woman,
grounded on a just devotion to the
5lother of God, was turned into an idola-
try; human love (such was the baser
teaching ) was to fill the soul of the true
knight and to predominate over all other
thoughts ; nay, the very forms and words
of the divine office were blasphemously
Sarodied in the service of this vicious
evelopment.' Again, the self-respect of
the true knight was depraved into a pride
of class, which looked down on the
labouring non-tiglitiug multitude as base
roturiers and plebeians, the shedding of ,
whose blood was a very trifling matter ; '
his sense of honour often became an
absurd punctiliousness, tyrannising over
the free speech and action of other men.
Human rights and human equality were
thus ignored ; but this was not the doc-
ti-ine of chivalry — it was the corruption (if
that doctrine. The true, noble, knightly
spirit and its counterfeit went on side
by side, energising, founding, and de-
stroying, for centui-ies. The Popes, be-
ginuing with Urban II. and ending with '
PiiLs v., preached, blessed, and aided the
holy wars, by which, in the cause of
justice, the places made sacred by our i
Lord's sojourn and sulierings were to be
taken out of the hands of persecuting
infidels, or Christian lands to be delivered
fron; .Moslem thraldom. Numerous orders
of clii\ airy were instituted — the Templars,
the Knitjhts Hospitallers, or of St. John
01 Jerusalem, the Knights of the Sword,
the Teutonic Knights, those of Cala-
trava, Alcantara, and many more — the
• As in Gower's Confessio Amantis, and
Chaucer's Court of Love. \
labours of which, speaking generally, were
an honour to human nature and a benefit
to mankind. The spirit of chivalry was
refined and exalted by the invention of
fruitful conceptions, such as that of the
Saint Graal, by which the whole tone of
romance literature was elevated. On the
other hand, in the fourteenth century,
while the form and ceremonial of chlvalry
were greatly developed, its essenci' — the
contention for justice — was shamefully
forgotten. Our Edward III. instituted
the Order of the Garter, but waged un-
just wars with France, causing incredible
misery: his son, the Black Prince, waited
on the French king, his prisoner, at table,
but ordered the indiscriminate massacre
of the people of Limoges.
Burke wrote, beholding the first
shameful excesses of the French Jaco-
bins, "The age of chivalry is past;" but
the age of chivalry will never be wholly
past, while faith survives and wrongs
remain to be redressed. Wherever, and
so far as, the true Catholic faith, and the
imitation of Christ and His saints, inspire
a population, a class, or an individual,
there, and in that proportion, the spirit of
chivalry, dormant and entranced as it
seems now, will revive. That spirit is,
as we have said, essentiallj', the readiness
tu contend for justice. For the pr>'-ent it
ii main- lla^sive in cN rry part of Europe,
stiip.'lietl. :i> it were, by the audacity of
the so-i-:ilk'd Liberals,' who. having' got
into their hands the organisations of
government in most of the states, are
carrying their hostility to
the Church, and the Po]ie
with a vigour and a malice
tians find a difficulty in cot
it will awake, and when i
not ask whether univiTsal
decided this way or that, but whether it
if just that this or that change should be
made or unmade. Parliamentary govern-
ment assisted a tyrant in England to
deprive the people of their religion, and
enacted that none who did not com-
mimicate with heresy shotdd serve their
country.' Parliamentary government in
France has recently sanctioned the perpe-
tration of measures of violence against
the religions orders, so flagrant in their
iniquity, that the infidels of ut/ier c oun-
tries were almost scandalised. The tenijier
of true chivalrj', when its awakenincr
comes, will perhaps work changes which
the verdict of the ballot-box would
neither initiate nor ratify, yet which may
i Test Act of 1G73.
livine faith,
ltd ])i-actice,
vhich Chris-
eiving. But
doe. it will
suiiVaoe has
CHOIR
CIIOREPISCOPUS
be ultimately found to be beneficial and
curative to European society.
It need scarcely be said that an order
of chivalry which has abandoned the
Catholic faith, and repudiated obedience
to tlie chair of Peter, has forfeited its
title. An order like the Garter, in which
the official chief of the religion of the
ialse ])ro]iliet is one of the "knights,"
]ia> f \ idrntly nothing of chivalry about
it but the name. (See Kenelm Digby's
" Broad Stone of Honour " and " Mores
Catholici.")
CHOIR {chorus). From the "band"
of singers at the divine worship, who
were placed between the clergy in the
apse and the people in the body of the
church, the space between the sanctuary
and the nave came to be called the choir.
In the course of time, the superior clergy
of a cathcilial or follrf^iate church found
if Iu■l■r-^ary t(.i uiiuratc IVom the confined
bjKicc of the apsi' or sanctuary, which
they occupied in jiriniitive times, and to
establish themseh es in seats, called stalls,
on either side of the choir. These stalls
were often ornamented in the most ex-
quisite manner.
The recitation of the breviary for each
day takes place "in choir" in cathedrals,
collegiate churches, and the great ma-
jority of convents.
CKORAI. VZCARS. These were
ancientlj' clerics to whom the precentor
{i.e. the canon who had the charge of the
music), in a cathedral or collegiate church,
committed the immediate suptnntendence
of the choir. In the reconstituted chap-
ters of France and Germany choral vicars
are directly a])])ointed to perform this
duty, in concert with the canons, and
receive salaries accordingly.
CHORAVXiES {xopiwXrjs, lit. a
flute-player in an orchestra). In the
Eastern Church the name appears to
have been transferred to the choir-boys
of a cathedral generally.
CHOREPzscoPvs (Gr. x^pf""'-
aKonns, lit. a country superintendent or
bishop). Nothing is heard of such per-
sons in the first three centuries. The
first mention of them is in the canons of
the Councils of Ancyra and Neocgesarea
(314), and they probably arose in Asia
Minor. A chorepiscopus was appointed
and ordained by the bishop of the diocese,
to whom he was answerable for the right
discharge of his duties. A certain dis-
trict was assigned to him to administer ;
be was to attend to the wants of the poor
and the maintenance of all Christian in-
stitutions, and he had the power of con-
ferring minor orders, even to the sub-
diaconate inclusive. It has been argued
— especially by the Protestant writers
Hammond, Beveridge, and others— that
they were true bishops, although of in-
ferior dignity and power to the recog-
nised bishops of sees. The fact that
fifteen "country-bishops" subscribed the
Kicene canons seems to lend support to
such a view. But the better opinion is
that, notwithstanding the name, they
were neither true bishops nor an order of
clergy interposed between bishops aiul
priests, but simply priests, invested with
a jurisdiction smaller than the episcopal,
but larger than the sacerdotal. Many
notices of them scattered up and down in
ecclesiastical history, and the consenting
tradition of the Fathers, adjust themselves
to this view of their office, and not to the
former. Thus a canon of Neocaesarea
likens them to the seventy-two disciples
sent out by Christ ; but these were always
associated with the priesthood, not with
the episcopate. The Nicene canon which
authorises a bishojj to treat one who had
been deposed from the see for heresy, but
who desired to return to the Church, as a
chorepiscopus, and give him employment
and rank as such, is itself a proof that
they were not bishops: for the council
would not have empowered a single
bishop to reinstate to his former place a
deposed member of the order. Yet it
might seem as if they formed something
like an intermediate clerical order, for a
canon of Chalcedon says. Si quis ordiim-
vcrit per pecunias epi.'^copum, aut chor-
episcopum,aut presbi/terum, aut diaconum
(" if anyone shall have ordained for money
a bishop, or a chorepiscopus, or a priest,
or a deacon"). It is certain, however,
that in no age of the Churcli have the
grades of holy (or superior) order been
reckoned as more than three — bishop,
priest, and deacon. A chorepiscopus,
therefore, must have been either a bishop
or a priest ; but we have shown that he
was not a true bishop ; he was therefore
a priest, but one who received on his
appointment a spiritual jurisdiction
higher than any priest could pretend to.
The Council of Laodicea calls them irtpi-
obevrai, or " circuit officers," which shows
that they were then expected to make
visitation tours in their districts. St.
Basil had no fewer than fifty chorepiscopi
under him, governing districts of his
extensive Oappadocian see, like the arch-
deacons whom Remigius appointed in the
CHORISTER
CHRIST
169
diilereut counties when he organised his
great see of Lincoln.'
In the "Western Church we hear
nothing of chorepiscopi before the Council
of Kiez, in the fifth century. But after
500 the notices of them become numerous,
and under Charlemagne, according to
Thomassin, their numbers and power
•were such as to be formidable even to the
bishops themselves. In the later Carlo-
vingiau times unworthy persons were
often foisted into the sees through lay
interlerence, for the sake of the wealth
witli which they were endowed, and such
bishops were glad to devolve as much of
their functions as they could divest them-
selves of on chorepiscopi, engaged at a
low rate of remuneration, and live in
sloth and luxury at Court. This abuse
called forth the zeal of the Roman
Pontitis, and by a series of Papal briefs
and couciliar decrees, from Leo III. to
the end of the ninth century, restraining
the authority of the chorepiscopi, annul-
ling many of their acts, and ordering that
no more should be appointed, the en-
deavour was persistently made to compel
tiie bishops to perform their own duties
and not attempt to delegate them. No-
thing more is heard of this class of clergy
alter the middle of the eleventh century.
(Thomassin ; Soglia ; Smith and Cheet-
ham.)
CHORXSTZiR. A singer in a choir,
whether cathedral, collegiate, or parochial.
The name is usually applied to boys rather
than men.
The regular singers {KavoviKoi ilfoKrai)
of a church received in early times a kind
of ordination, without imposition of
hands, which could be conferred by a
presbyter. The form of words prescribed
by the Fourth Council of Carthage was.
See that thou believe in thy heart what
thou singest with thy mouth, and approve
in thy works what thou believest with thy
heart." (Smith and Cheetham, article
Cantor.)
CBRZSK. Olive oil mixed with
balm, blessed by the bishop and used by
the Church in confirmation aa well as in
baptism, ordination, consecration of altar-
stones, chalices, churches, and in the
blessing of baptismal water. The oil,
according to the Roman Catechism, signi-
fies the lulness of grace, since oil is did'u-
sion; the balm mixed with it, incorruption
and the " good odour of Christ."
In itself the word chrism (xpIo-/ia)
need not mean more than "anything
1 flenr. Huntend.
smeared on ; " but even in classical writers
it denotes especially a scented unguent,
while the common oil was called iXatov.
It was this simple unperfumed oil which
was used in the earliest times for sacreil
purposes, but from the sixth century oil
mixed with balm began to be employed.
^ This balm (^dXaanos, in the classics o-o-
> ISaXaafiov) is a kind of perfumed resin, pro-
duced by a tree which grows in Judsea
and Arabia. This Eastern balm was
always used in the West till the sixteenth
century, when Paul III. and Pius IV.
permitted the use of a better kind of balm,
brought by the Spaniards from the "West
Indies. The Orientals did not content
j themselves with simply mixing balm.
Thus the Greeks mingle forty different
spices, and the Maronites, before they
were reunited to the Catholic Church, pre-
pared their chrism from oil, saffron, cin-
namon, essence of roses, white incense, &c.
The consecration of the oils during
the Mass goes back to the earliest times.
Cyprian mentions it in Ep. 70, addressed
to Januarius ; and St. Basil attributes the
origin of this "blessing to apostolic tra-
dition. It of course included chrism in
the strict sense, when that came into use.
In the "West this blessing was always re-
served to bishops ; in the East, as may be
seen from Goar's " Euchologium,'" it was
only given by the patriarchs. At first
the oils used to be blessed on any day at
Mass, but in a letter of Pope Leo to the
emperor of the same name, in the Synod
of Toledo (490), and in all the older
Sacrameutaries and ritual-books, Maundy
Thursday is fixed for this blessing. It
was only in France that the custom sur-
vived of blessing the oils on any day, till
uniformity with the use of other churches
was introduced by the Council of Meaux,
in 84.5. The function took place in the
second of the three Masses which used to
be said on Maundy Thursday ; whence
the name " MissaChrismatis." The bless-
ing of the chrism was called " Benedictio
chrismatis principalis." AH the clergy of
the diocese used to assist, till, in the
eighth century, the custom altered, and
only those who lived near the cathedral
came, while the others had the holy oils
sent to them. The chrism used to be
kept in a vessel like a paten with a de-
I pression in the middle. A " patena chris-
I malis" of this kind is mentioned by
' Anastasius, in his Life of St. Silvester.
I (Kraus, " Real-Encyclopiidie.")
CHRIST, "Anointed" (Gr, ;^p(oTo's
i from XP'")> ^ translation of the Hebrew
170 CHRIST
CHRIST
•word n*t/'p, as is expressly stated in
John i. 4'2 : " "VVe have found the Messias,
which is interpreted Christ." In the Old
Testament the word is used of the high-
priest, who was anointed for his olHce
(e.i/. in Levit. iv. ;5) ; of kings, who were
als" anointed — e.r/. 1 Reg. xxiv. 7, where
I'avid calls Saul "the anointed of the
Lord : " in the second Psalm, " against
theLord, and against his anointed " (where
Xfj^cTTos is the word in the LXX) ; with
which we may compare other places, such
as Dan. ix. 25, Hab. iii. 13, Ps. cxxxi. 17.
The Hebrew word designates the king who
was to come, the promised Messias. In
the doctrinal language of post- biblical
Judaism, this expected deliverer is called
almost with the significance of a proper
name, n^L;.'p, of which "Messias"' is
only another form, and "Christ," as we
have seen, a translation. Hence, when
our Lord came, " the Christ " (6 Xpiarbs)
was his official title, while "Jesus" was
his ordinary name. When the word
occurs in the Gospels, it constantly im-
plies a reference to the Messiah as por-
trayed by the prophets.
The history of Christ's life belongs to
a Biblical rather than a theological dic-
tionary ; it is only the teaching of the
Church on his Person and office which
concerns us here. We may divide the
subject into two halves, treating under
(A ) of what Christ is ; under (£) of his
work.
(A) Natures and Person of Christ.—
Jesus Christ, according to the Catechism
familiar to English Catholics, is "God the
Son made man for us." He has therefore
two natures: that of God, and that of
man. As God, according to the Nicene
Creed, He was born of his Father, before
iill worlds: He is God from God— i.e. He,
being true and perfect God, proceeds from
God the Father, who is also true and
perfect God — He is light from light ; be-
gotten, not made, as creatures. He exists
from all eternity. He is almighty, om-
niscient, inca])able of error or of sin.
At the moment of his Incarnation, He
fnrtlier became true man, without, how-
ever, in any way ceasing to be God.
1 Tlip Creek wonl Messias CMeaaias or Mc-
alas) ix imme.li.drl ,i acnvcl, fnim the He-
brew, but IVoni liir Ciialdre }<^^L^'^PI the n
beinti (imiltc i! Iimiccn the two long vowels, as
in /iiSa - XTnO- ^I 'leni. vii. 51, and the <r
(iometimes dunMid, as in ' APftraoXdn.
^ It iisiuilly hiLs llie article in the Gospels,
but occurs oflener than not without it iu St.
Paul's Epistles.
This truth is vigorously expressed by St,
Leo in his dogmatic epistle to Flavian,
which was accepted by the Fathers of
the Fourth (Ecumenical Council. " The
Son of God," Leo says, " enters the abase-
ment of this world (h(ec mundi infima),
descending from his heavenly seat, and
[yet] not receding from his Father's
glory ; begotten according to a new order
and by a new birth. By a new order :
because being invisible in his own nature
{in suis) He became visible in ours ; being
incomprehensible. He wiUed to be com-
prehended ; remaining before time. He
began to be from a (certain) time." More-
over, He had a true body, as the Chiu-ch
taught from early times against the
Docetaj; a true human soul, so that as
man He could fear, sorrow, reason, &c.,
as the Church taught against the heretic
Apolliuaris ; a human will, as distinct
from his divine will, as was defined in
the Sixth General Council against the
Monothelites. Thus, in the words of the
Fourth General Council, "Christ Jesus
the] only begotten Son, is to be acknow-
edged in two natures, without confusion,
without change . . . since the difference
of the natures is by no means annulled
on account of the union, but rather the
property of each nature preserved."
Lastly, those two natures are united (so
the Council of Ephesus defined) in one
Person. Our body and soul are united
in one person, so — though, of course, the
analogy is imperfect — the divine and
human natures were united in one Divine
Person, who acted and suffered iu either
nature. To believe otherwise, is to assert,
with the Nestorians, that there are two
Sons and two Christs.
Such are the chief definitions of
the Church on the Natures and Person
of Christ ; but it is necessary to point
out some important corollaries from
these first principles of the faith. The
following seem to be the most impor-
tant.
(1) Christ, having a human soul, had
true hiunan knowledge, as distinct from
that which belonged to Him as God.
His human soul did not, and could not,
know God with that perfect and infinite
comprehension with which God compre-
hends Himself. The contrary proposition,
held by Augustine of Rome, was con-
demned by Nicholas V. Christ acquired
knowledge in the same way as other men
— i.e. experimentally ; for, as we read in
the Epistle to the Hebrews, He "learned
obedience from the things which He
CHRIST
CHRIST
171
Buffered." It is important, however, not
to misunderstand Catholic doctrine on
this head. Even in Christ as man, there
was no ignorance which had to be re-
moved by instruction or experience. On
the contrary, as Christ's soul was hypo-
statically united to the \\'ord, as He was
the liead from which <;nae and glory was
to flow into tlie members, it was fitting
that He should, fi-om the first moment of
his earthly existence, see God face to
face with his human soul, as the blessed
do in heaven. This beatific knowledge
was always present, even when the in-
ferior part of his soul was in agony on
the cross. Again, St. Thomas argues
that as the soul of Christ is the most
perfect of all created things, therefore
"no perfection found in creatures is to
be denied to it ; " and he goes on to say
that, besides the knowledge of God seen
in his essence, and of all things seen in
God, besides the experimental knowledge
common to all men, the soul of Christ had
a knowledge infused or poured into it,
by which He knew most fully all the
mysteries of grace, and every object to
which human cognition extends or can
extend.
(2) Christ was absolutely sinless and
incapable of sin, because his actions were
the actions of God, who is holiness itself;
so that in Him sin was a physical im-
possibility. Moreover, in Him there could
be no involuntary rebellion of the flesh
or lower appetites, no temptation from
within, because in Him human nature
was united to the Word, and it was the
otiice of the Word to rule the human
nature united to it and to hold it in abso-
lute subjection. He could, indeed, as the
statements of the Guspels prove, wonder
and fear and suffer mental distress, but
in Him these feelings were in perfect sub-
jection to reason.
(3) Christ had the fullness of all
grace — i.e. over and above the grace of
the hypostatic union grace was infused
into his soul sotluit it was most perfectly
sanctified, according to the prophecy of
Isaias, "the Spirit of the Lord is upon
ine."
(4) Christ did not only take a real
human body, but He took one subject to
those defects which followed from the
common sin of mankind, except so far as
these defects were rejiugnant to the end
of the Incarnation. I'he reason of his
taking these defects (the capability of
hunger, thirst, and the like), and no
others, was that Christ became subject to
I infirmity, with the precise object of
satisfying for the sins of human nature.
Therefore He took upon Him in his own
body the weaknesses caused by Ailam's
sin. He did not, however, assume Ijudiiy
defects so far as they are incentive> to
sin or impediments to virtue, since this
, would have been inconsistent witii his
I otiice as redeemer. The interesting ques-
tion on the personal appearance of Christ
will be treated in a separate article
j [Christ, Personal Appearance and
Representations of].
(5) Inasmuch as divine and human
I nature, although remaining each of them
I distinct in its own properties, were united
! in the Person of the Word, it follows
that human attributes may be predicated
of or ascribed to God the Son; and, on the
other hand, that divine attributes may be
predicated of the man Christ Jesus. Thus,
although it was his human nature which
Christ took from Maiy, and although she
is not the mother of the Godhead, still
the Council of Ephesus defined that the
Blessed Virgin is really and truly the
Mother of God. So, again, we may truly
say, God sufiered, God died, or the man
Jesus Christ is the eternal God, by
whom all things were made. [See Coii-
MUNiCATio Idiojiatuji.] Moreover, as
Cardinal Franzelin writes in his treatise
on the Incarnation, " the sacred Humanity,
or human nature with all its component
parts, inasmuch as it is the nature of the
Word," is the object of supreme ador-
ation, though, of course, we adore the
flesh not because it is flesh, but because it
is united to the Word. He continues:
"This is clearly and plainly taught in the
definitions of councils and in the dis-
cussions of the Fathers." Thus the Fifth
General Council ' anathematises those
who "affirm that Christ is adored in two
natures, in such sense that two adorations
are introduced, one proper to God the
Word, and one proper to the man [Christ]
. . . and do not adore with one single
adoration God the Word incarnate with
his own flesh, as the Church of God has
received from the beginning." Cardinal
Franzelin also quotes words of St. Atha-
nasius against the Apollinarists : "It J.e.
the body of Christ] is worshipped ^^•ith
due and divine adoration, for the Word,
to whom the body belongs, is God ; " and
of St. John Damascene ("Fid. Orthodox."
iii. 8) : " Nor do we deny that tiie flesh
[of Christ] is to be adored ; nor again do
1 It is the ninth of the fourteen anathe-
mas. Hefele, Concil. ii. p. 897.
172
CUEIST
CHRIST
we give supreme worship to a creature ; [
for neither do we adore it as mere 6esh, I
but as united to the Godhead." It will
be observed that these principles formu-
lated in the eai'ly Church contain within
them a full justification of the adoration
which the Church gives at this day to the
Wounds, Blood, Heart, &c., of Christ.
If we may, because of the hypostatic
union, adore the flesh of Christ, which is
a part of his Humanity, then undoubtedly
we may for the same reason adore his
Heart, which is a part of his sacred
flesh.
(B) The Work avd Office of Christ.—
(1) Christ came chiefly, as the Fathers
declare, ^ take aicay sin. This great truth
is constantly asserted in Scripture. "The
discipline of oui- peace was upon Him, and
by his bruises we are healed." " Christ
redeemed us from the curse of the law,
being made a curse for us." " God send-
ing his own Son, in the likeness of sinful
flesh, even of siii, condemned sin in the
flesh ; " and thus in the Nicene Creed we
confess that God was made man " for us
men and for our salvation." This point
is trt-ated move fully in the article on the
Redemption. Here, it is enough to say
that, although God luiglit have forgiven
sin without any satisfuctioii at all, still it
was his will that a perlect satisfoction
should be made, and be made by man.
Accordingly, God the Son was incarnate.
He was a natural mediator between God
and man, since in Him the divine and
human natures were united. As man.
He was able to sufler and die ; because
He was God, his satisfaction possessed
aji inflnite value, more than suiHcient to
compensate for the infinite dishonour
done to Cidd's majesty by sin. He of his
free will (itfeied Himself to endure the
penalties incuired by men who were bis
brethren. He could not, of course, in the
strict and proper sense, make our sins
his own, nor was Christ as man punished.
But He allowed wicked men to work
their will upon Him, and, as the new
Adam or head of the human race, took
on Himself the obligation of satisfying for
the ott'ences of mankind. It was this free
will with which He sufiered that gave
their meritorious character to the pains
which He underwent. By his passion
He merited every grace which has de-
scended or ever will descend on man, for
even under the old law all grace and
pardon was bestowed for the merits of
Christ foreseen. By the merits of his
passion He on the day of his ascension
I opened Heaven " to aU who believe."
! There He presents his five wounds and
pleads the efficacy of the work He ac-
complished on Calvary ; while on earth
He continues and applies his sacrifice in
the holy Mass, thus remaining a priest
for ever.*
(2) Christ came to teach, so fulfilling
the prophetic as well as the priestly
office. "Behold," God says in Isaias, " I
have given Him for a witness to the
people, for a leader and a master to the
Gentiles." He Himself declared that He
came "to bear witness to the truth." He
revealed the nature of the Triune God,
and, first to his apostles, then through
them and their successors to the world.
He explained the mysteries of the king-
dom of God, and the way to heaven.
He gave perfect instruction in morals,
particularly in the sermon on the mount,
in which He speaks with authority, as
the giver of the new law. Lastly, He
taught, as no mere man could, by ex-
ample, exhibiting Himself as the model
of every virtue.
(3) Christ is the Head of the Church,
militant in this world, suffering in Purga-
tory, and triumphant in heaven, and this
headship belongs to Christ as man, for
St. Paul in Ephes. i., alter mentioning
the fact that God raised Christ from the
dead, adds that He made " Him head
over all the church." This proves that the
headship belongs to Christ as man, for it
was in his human nature that Christ
was raised from the dead. Christ is head,
not only because He is supereminent in
dignity as compared with the members of
his mystical body, but also because grace
and glory flow fi-om Him to the members
of his Church in earth and Purgatory
and in heaven. Even Catholics living in
mortal sin are members of Christ, con-
nected with Christ their head by the gift
of faith ; and the proposition of Quesnel,
that "he who does not lead a life worthy
of a son of God and of a member of
Christ ceases to have God within him for
his Father and Christ for his head," was
condemned by Pope Clement XI. More-
over, Christ is head of his Church because
it receives its constitution and its doctrine
from Him.
(4) Christ, as man, holds a kingly, as
well as a priestly, power. The Prophets
foretold Him as king, and the "anointed
1 The opinion held by some of the ancients
that Christ inherited the' priesthood by descent
from Aaron on his mother's side, is refuted by
Petavius, De Incur, xii, 15.
CHRIST, APrEAR.\:N"CE OF
CHRIST, APPEARANCE OF 173
liii:<; " is a recognised name of tlie Mes.<ias
in Jewish wTiters. He exercises this
regal power, not only over his Church,
but also over all men, so far as his law
binds them all. As God, of course, Christ
is supreme over all, both in temporal and
spiritual matters. I?ut it cannot be af-
firmed, at least for certain, that He, as
man, possessed temporal dominion. " As
man," Petavius says, " I consider that He
was by no means a temporal, but only a
spiritual, king; especially so far as He
lived a man among men. For He did not
answer falsely to Pilate the povernor,
when he inquired concerning bis king-
dom: "My kingdom is not of this world.'"
Whence Augustine "thus explains the
place in the second Psalm where Christ
says that He, after his resurrection, was
constituted king: ' But I am constituted
king by Him over Sion his holy moun-
tain:' viz. by pointing out that that Sion
and that mountain are not of this world.
' For what is his kingdom, except those
who beheve in Him ? ' See, too, the same
Father in his 12th Book against Faustus.
cap. 4:?, where he explains morf fully the
kingdom of Christ from the prophecy of
the Patriarch Jacob, and demonstrates
that it does not belong to this world —
that it is not temporal, but spiritual." '
(5) Closely connected with Christ's
regal dignity is his otiice of Jwhje. This
also belongs to Christ ; ? niaii.'- "••'He has
been appointed by God." in the words of
St. Peter, "judge of tlie living and the
dead." He is eminently fitted for this
office by his perfect justice and integrity,
his knowLdge of man's heart, and his
mercy.
Other titles of Christ, such as Advocate,
Slieplierd, &c., have been virtually ex-
plained already. Others will be discussed
in other articles. (From St. Thomas, P.
iii. ; Billuart, Cardinal Franzelin, but
above all, Petavius, in their treatises
" De Incarnatione.")
CRRZST, PERSONTAX. APPEAR-
ANCE AND REPRESENTATZOIfS
or. Two view- on Christ's personal
appearance have prevailed in the Church.
During the hrst three centuries, when
Christians were persecuted and oppressed,
it was generally held that our Lord as-
sumed a bodily form ' without comeli-
• Petav. De Incamat. xii. 15.
• The Father is said to have triven all iudg-
ment to the Son. Petavius s.iys that the otiice
of judge -'resides properly in the human nature,
like the office of priest, 'mediator, &c., though
it! force and value comes from the Godhead."
ness or beauty. Thus Justin, " Dial. c.
Trs-ph.," speaks of Christ as artfins <cai
d(i^)]s, "without honour and unsightly:"
a view which he repeats six or seven
times at lea.st, and which is also asserted
by Clement of .Alexandria, TertuUian, and
Origen (against Celsus). This view was
based on the prophecy of Isaias : " De-
spised and the most abject of men, a
man of sorrows and acquainted with in-
firmity ; and his look was, as it were,
hidden and despised ; whereupon we es-
teemed Him not." This conception of
Christ's personal appearance, joined with
the danger of scandal to converts from
heathenism, may account for the fact
that the ante-Nicene Church was not
accustomed to make a religious use of
pictures and statues representing Christ
in his natural form. Christians preferred
to pourtray Him under symbolical forms
— e.ff. that of the Good Shepherd — or to
honour Him by honouring his cross.
Indeed, we find the first certain instances
of statues or natural representations of
Christ, among heathen and heretics. Thus
Lampridius, in his Life of the heathen
emperor Alexander Severus (222-235),
c. 29, tells us that the latter placed in his
Lararinm, or chapel for the protecting
gods of the house, figures of ApoUonius,
Abraham, Orpheus, and Christ ; while
L'enfeus (i. 25) relates of the Carpocra-
tians, an early Gnostic sect, that they
had paintings and other representations
of Christ, and asserted that Pilate had
caused Christ's portrait to be taken during
his lifetime. The respect which the
Carpocratians paid to these images was
evidently quite unchristian, for they
offered a similar veneration to likenesses
of Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle, and
others.
A second and widely difTereut view
of Christ's outward appearance began to
gain ground after the triumph of the
Church under Coustantine. Clirysostom
and Jerome ' regard Christ as the ideal
of human beauty ; and the advocates of
this theory also supported it by an appeal
to the Old Testament, and quoted the
verse of the Psalm, "Thou art beautiful
above the sons of men." This naturally
' became the most popular view, and it is
the only one that could be adopted in the
religious use of art. At the same time,
we may observe that this belief of Chry-
sostom and Jerome has not been accepted
without reserve by all later theologians.
I Hefele cites Chrysost. 0pp. t. v. p. 62,
Hieron. t. ii. p. 08^, both in Benedict, ed.
174 CHRIST, APPEARANCE OF
CHRIST, APPEARANCE OF
Billuart, !or example, denies that our
Lord's body wliile still passible, exhibited
any extraoidinnry beauty ; and St. Thomas
wa^f of tlie same oi)iiiioii.'
Whatever we may think on this
matter, in any case the diveigence of
ojiiui^in ^vitll regaril to it in the early
Clnu'ch seems to create a strong presump-
tion against the authenticity nf any like-
ness of Christ attributed to pci-sdus who
had seen Ilim. Indeed, St. Augustine
("De Trin." viii. 4) allows that there
was no sure tradition in the Church on
the bodily appearance of Christ. This
presumption is confirmed by an investiga-
tion of the portraits of Christ for which
an early origin is claimed.
The earliest witness to the existence
of these ancient likenesses is Eusebius.
In his "Church History," vii. 18, he tells
us that he had seen a statue of Christ
erected at Cffisarea Philippi by the woman
who was- healed of an issue of blood.
There was a figure also of the woman
herself kneeling at Christ's feet. In tlie
fragments of the Arian historian Philo-
storgius we find this same statue of Christ
mentioned, with an additional remark
well worthy of notice. Philostorgius says
that at first it was not known to whom
or by whom the statue had been erected,
till, on clearing the inscription, it was
found that it had been raised by the
woman with an issue of blood, to Christ.
Very likely the statue was erected to
Hadrian, or some other heathen emperor,
and the female figure, kneeling at his
feet may have symbolised a suppliant
province; while the inscription may liave
run — "To the Saviour of the "^Vorld"
{(Tarijpi Toil KocTfiov), a title which
his Batterers would readily give to the
em])eror, and which may have misled the
Christians wlio read it at a later time.
Another tradition attributes portraits
of our Lord to St. Luke. This tradition
is never mentioned by early writers.
Theodorus Lector (-"ilS) mentions a por-
trait ..r til.' Virgiu painted bv
St. Lulvr, liiii lie does not sjieak of his
having painted our Lord's likem'ss. Por-
traits of our Lord from the liand of St.
Luke are first ini'utioned liy Simeon
Metai)lin,ste8. tlie Menolo-ium of the
Eni])eror W.i-il C.iM)), .Mnd Xirephorus
Callisti iiiaiiiri-tl\ nutleirif ie. oftoolate
1 I'.illuai-t, /)c M,„lrr. Diss, vii, ,1. 11 ;
" Ilmii.nia t'aeici el cnrjieris Cliristi Ibnnil non
fuit insii^iiiPc'i- v(_>nu>t.i. iR'i|iie iiisi^oiitor defur-
niis." He quotes St. Thomas on Ps. xliv. aud
on Isai. liii.
a date to inspire much confidence in a
statement which is unlikely on the face
of it. Accounts which make St. Luke a
sculptor (a statue of Christ said to have
been executed by St. Luke is preserved
at Sirolo; one "by Nicodemus," at Lucca)
are of still later origin.
There is another class of likenesses,
the so-called elKovts a^^dppnolr^rai, images
not made with hands, of which the most
famous are the portrait sent to Abgarus
and the " Veronica " likeness.
As to the former, Eusebius, at the
I beginning of his history (i. 13), mentions
a correspondence between our Lord and
Abgarus, king of Edessa. Moses of
Chorene, an Armenian historian of the
fifth century, adds that Christ sent
Abgarus a portrait of Himself, wonder-
fully impressed on a cloth. This likeness
is said to have been removed to Con-
stantinople, and thence to the church of
St. Silvester, at Rome, wliere it is still
shown. It belongs to the Byzantine type
of art, and represents our Saviour with a
lofty brow, clear eyes, long, straight nose,
and reddish beard. Genoa also claims to
possess this miraculous picture.
Veronica is said to have been one of
the women who accompanied our Lord
on his way to Calvary. She gave Him
her veil that He might wipe away the
j perspiration from his face, and wlien our
I Lord had done so, the impress of his
countenance was found upon the cloth.
It is alleged that this likeness was brought
to Rome about the year 700, and it be-
I longs at this day to the relics of St.
Peter's church at Rome, where it is only
shown t o jiersons of princely rank, who,
however, nuist first be made titular
canons of St. Peter's. MabiUou and the
Bollandist Papebroch suppose that the
Veronica came, by mere error, to be re-
garded as the name of a person, the word
really being a barbarous compound of
vera and icon {(Ikwv), and meaning
"true image.'' As a matter of fact,
mediieval writers give the name Veronica
to the image itself and not to a woman.
Thus Matthew of Paris (ad ann. 1216)
speaks of " the representation of our
Lord's face, which is called Veronica."
A recent archteologist, William Grimm,
derives the word from BfpoviKrj, the
name, according to John Malala, a By-
zantine liistorian of the sixth century,
which belonged to the woman with the
issue of blood,
j In this utter absence of any authentic
I likeness of Christ or account of bis appear-
CllRlSTLYNS
CHJilSTlAN DOCTRINE 175
ance, dilTerent types of face were assigned
to our Lord in diliereut countries. Photius
(Ep. 64) testifies that this was the ca.-e
in his day ; and a recent traveller and IJibli-
cal scholar, Dr. Scholz, found a number of
different tj^jes prevailing in difierent
Eastern nations. Thus the Copts, Syrians,
Armenians, iS:c., each give a special type
of face to pictures of our Lord. At the
same time great intluence was exercised
(1) by a description to be found in St.
John Damascene (ed. Le Quien, t. i.
p. 631), and which is as follows: "Christ
was of imposing stature, with eyebrows
nearly meeting, beauiifnl eyes, crisp hair,
somewhat stooping, in the bloom of
youth, with black beard and yellow com-
plexion, like his mother;" (2) by a forged
letter of '• Publius Lentulus," a friend of
Pilate, addressed to the Roman Senate,
which contains the following description:
" He is a man of slender figure, dignified,
of a venerable countenance, which in-
spires love and fear in those who see him.
His hair is curled and crisp, dark and
glossy, falling over his shoulders and
parted in the middle, after the fashion of
the Nazarenes (? Nazarites). The brow is
very clear, the face without wrinkle or
spot, pleasing by its moderately red
colour. Nose and mouth are faultless ;
the beard strong and reddish, like the
colour of the hair, not long, but ])iirted ;
the eyes of indistinct colour and clear."
We cannot determine the date of the
forgery, but in its present f.'iiii it boi ame
well known about St. Anselni"> time. A
third description of Christ's form is found
in Nicephorus Callisti. It belongs to the
fourteenth century.
The famous work of Jablouski, ''De
Origiue Imaginum Christi Domini," is u
standard authority on this siiliicct. A
treatise on the Abgarus likeness api)eart'd
in 1847, by Samuelian, an Armenian
Mechitarist monk at Vienna. The subject
lias also been treated bv Gliickselig,
" Christusarchiiologie." 18fi3. (Hefele,
"Beitnige zur .\rcliaol(isie," &c.)
CHRZSTZANS (Xpia-TiavoL). A
name first given at Antioch to the
foUow.ers of Christ about the year 4.3, as
we learn from Acts xi. '26. The name can
scarcely have arisen from the discii)les
themselves, for it seems at first to have
been used contemptuously — at least this
seems a fair inference from Acts xxvi. 'JS,
1 Pet. iv. 14-10 (the only other places of
the New Testament where the word
occurs), as well as from Tacitus, " Annal."
XV. 44. Still less could it have come
' from the Jews, who would never have
admitted that the adherents of a sect
which they hated and despised could
rightly claim so honourable a title as
"disciples of the Messias." On the con-
trary, they called Christ's di.-ciples
"Nazarenes," "Galileans." Probably,
the heathen at Antioch mij.took ''Cliris-
tus " for a proper name, and called the
disciples "Christiani," just as they called
those who adhered to I'ompey's party
"Pompeiani." It was at Autioch that
the first church of converts from heathen-
ism was formed, and no doubt it then
became plain to the heathen that the
doctrine of the disciji'ics was distinct from
Judaism, and tliis led to the imposition
of a special name. Besides the form
"Chri>tiani," we also find that of "Chres-
tiani," many heathen, in their ignorance of
the Mesbianic doctrine, deriving Christ's
name from xp'l""^°^' "good," instead of
from XP^^! " '^o anoint." '
In later times the word has been used
(1) for those who imitate the life as well
as hold the faith of Christ; - (2) for Catho-
lics ; (3) for baptised persons who believe
in Christ : (4) for all baptised persons.
CRRZSTZAM' DOCTRZN'E: pa-
THERS AND COXrFRATSRNZTY
or THZ:. Ignorance of their religion
being seen to be one of the chief causes of
the terrible instnljility which caused whole
popidations in the .sixteenth century, con-
founded by the harangues of Protestant
]ireachers which they knew not how to
answer, to lapse into heresy, earnest eti'orts
were made by many good men to procure
that the teaching of the true doctrine of
Christ should be more general and syste-
matic. To this end a number of priests and
laymen, with Marco Cusani, a gentleman of
-Milan, for their head, formed themselves
into a society, iiljout 15G0. for the pur-
pose of teaching the catechism to children
on Sundays, and to the igm.irant generally,
in the country districts, on Church holi-
days. Cusaui came to Rome in the year
above named, and found there many siq)-
porters and associates, among whom
were Cassar Baronius, and Francis Maria
Tarugi, two of the most prominent
among the comi)anions of St. Philip Neri.
The Popes strongly encouraged the pious
enterprise, which was exactly in accord-
ance with the spirit which the Council of
Trent laboured to revive in every part of
the Catholic world. The priests belong-
ing to the institute were the "Fathers" —
' Tertull. Apolng. .J.
* St. Thomas, •i-'^, qu. 124, a. 5.
176 CHEISTIAN BROTHERS
CHRISTIAN BROTHERS
the laymen the " Confraternity " — of the
Christian Doctrine; but the whole society
was often spoken of by the name of con-
fraternity. St. Pius v., by a bull in
1571, ordered that such associations
should be established by parish priests
ffenerally, accorded special indulgences
to their members, and gave to the
Fathers the church of St. Agatha. This
being found too small for them, Clement
VIII., in loiiG, granted them the fine
church of St. Martin dei Monti. This
Pope also directed Cardinal Bellarmine
to compose a short catechism for use in
the schools of the confraternity. In pro-
cess of time the name of provost was
given to the chief among the Fathers, and
tliat of president to the head of the con-
fi-uternity. hour definitors, two chosen
by the clerical, two by the lay members,
decided any difficult or disputed question
that might arise. Although they wore
the dress, slightly modified, of the secular
clergy, and were not bound to any office
in common, the Holy See did not
view any light treatment of their obliga-
tiiins with indiflerence, and Urban VIII.
(Hj27) ordered that members leaving the
community should incur the penalties
of apostasy as if they were monks.
[Apostasy.] Paul V. raised them to the
rank of an archconfraternity. In later
times the Fathers, taking the name of
( 'oimregation, a])pear to have been en-
tirely separated from the archconfrater-
nity. From the continuation of H6lyot
by Badiche, it would appear that the
head of this congregation is at present
styled vicar-general. (Helyot, " Ordres
Monastiques.")
CHRXSTXAir BROTHERS. The
proper title is " Brothers of the Christian
Schools." This admirable institution was
founded by the Blessed J. B. de la Salle,
the process of whose canonisation was
be^'-un at Rome some years ago and is
.still in progress. Born in 1651 at Reims,
where his father was a distinguished
advocate and kings counsel, Jean Baptiste
devoted his remarkable powers of mind
and will at an early aae to the divine
.service, aud, having been ordained, was
nominated Canon of Reims. The educa-
tion of the poor, to promote which
schools, called " little schools," had begun
to be organised in the thirteenth century,
after the legal establishment of the Uni-
versity of Paris, was checked by the
Hundred Years' War which raged in
France at short intervals from the middle
of the fourteenth to the middle of the
fifteenth century. In 1570 a society
of teachers was established under the
title of the " master-writers" (inaitre^
ecrivains) at Paris, whence it spread to
other cities. Their aim was to teach
writing and arithmetic, and a little
Latin, so that their pupils might be
qualified to assist the clergy in the
church offices. They received many
privileges, which they construed into a
1 monopoly of teaching. About the year
1680, many good and earnest persons,
both among the clergy and the laity,
were engaged in promoting the Christian
education of the people. Prominent
I among these was a M. Nyel of Rouen,
j who selected teachers- and trained them,
I and then sent them to the cities or great
seigneuries which oftered to provide
buildings and salaries. The Abbe de la
Salle, who was an intimate friend of
M. Nyel, had his attention thus drawn
to the subject, the importance of which
soon engro.ssed his thoughts. In his capa-
cious mind the spirit of system was united
to a sound common-sense, quick percep-
tion of character, and the tendere.st
charity. He took charge of several of
1 M. Nyel's teachers, and engaged others ;
but finding that many of these young
men were anxious about their future,
and dreading to embark in a calling
which the death of their leader might
deprive of stabihty and social favour, he
resolved to renounce his church prefer-
ment, and also his private fortune, that
he might be able to say to them that he,
even as they, had no help or trust save
in God. He accordingly resigned his
I canonry, aud distributed his patrimony
I to the poor. This was in 1684; in the
same year he drew up the first rules for
his teachers, and selected the name which
they should bear ; the origin of the
brotherhood therefore dates from this
time. The teaching in all his schonls
was to be gratuitous for the day scholars,
but boarders and day-boarders were
also received. The blessed founder
himself often taught in his schools, and,
with his sure eye for organisation, re-
formed the instruction in main' large
schools {e.g. in that connected with St.
Sulpice at l*aris) the inefficiency of which
had baffled the elibrts of their managers.
De la Salle insisted that Latin should
be no longer an obligatory subject in
schools for the children of the poor, but
that the basis of their teaching, after the
Catechism, should be their own language :
let them first learn to read and write
CHRISTIAN BROTHERS CHRISTI.IN BROTHERS, IRISH 177
French correctly, and then, if they had j
time and means, they might take up |
Latin. On this account the Blessed de
la Salle is often regarded — and, it would
seem, with justice — as the originator of
primary schools and primary instruction, i
which, till his time, had been confounded |
with secondary. It is true that St. Joseph
Calasanctiub had founded at Rome long
before (1597) his admirable institution of |
the Scuole Pie, or Pious Schools, in which
instruction was given gratuitously ; but J
the line was not clearly drawn in these, i
as regards the subjects taught, between
what constitutes primary and what con- '
stitutes secondary instruction. Latin was i
not excluded, and the teachers were en-
couraged to aspire to the priesthood ; hence '
the Pious Schools passed by degrees into
the rank of secondary establishments. On i
the other hand, the rule of the Blessed
de la Salle required that the Brothers 1
who bound themselves by vow to devote j
their lives to teaching in the schools, and
wore the religious habit, should be and
remain laymen, equally with the pro-
fessors and assistant teachers who were
employed under them. And this has con-
tinued to be the practice of the congrega-
tion ever since. For the training of the
Brot hers the founder instituted unovicia te ;
for that of the professors, &c., a normal
school. Founded at Rheims in 168.5. this
appears to have been the first training
school for primary teachers in Europe.
It was, and still is, a part of the rule,
that the Brothers should work in pairs.
They take the three religious vows, after
having attained to at least twenty-three
years. Their habit gives them an eccle- I
siastical apjiearance ; it consists of a long
black cassock, with a cloak over it fastened
by iron clasps, a falling collar, and a hat
with wide brims.
The founder lived to see the fruit
of his labours in the establishment of
his schools iu man}' of the princi])al
towns of France. He died in 1719,
leaving his congi-eiiiition so firmly planted
that all the convulsions by which French
society has since been torn have not been
able to extirpate it. It has moreover
spread to many countries lieyond the
limits of France, and has been imitated
by other teaching associations.
From a table with which we have
be jn furnished by the Principal of Tooting
College, London, it appears that at the
end of 1890 the Brothers had under their
charge 1,71.} schools, attended by 315,332
scholars. Out of this general total France
and her colonies contributed 221,793
scholars ; Belgium, 19,588 ; England and
Ireland, 2,149 ; North and South America,
48,953; India, 2,137. The number of
Brothers was 12,554.
It should have been mentioned that a
Bull of approbation in favour of the
Christian Brothers was granted by Bene-
dict XIII. in 1725, elevating them into a
religious congregation. The founder was
declared " Venerable " in 1840, and was
beatified Feb. 19, 1888.
It is interesting to note that, in 1699,
long before Sunday Schools were thought
of in England, the Blessed de la Salle
established one {ecole dominicale) at St.
Sulpice, which was to be open from noon
to three o'clock, and give secular instruc-
tion. Similar schools, open on festivals,
were established by St. Charles Borromeo
at Milan, about 1580 ; see his Life by
Bascape, vii. 42.
("Vie du V6n6rable J. B. de la Salle,"
Rouen, 1874.)
CHRZSTXAir BROTHERS,
IRISH. Areligious congregation founded
in 1802 in the city of Waterford by Ed-
mond Ignatius Rice, of Callan, iu the
county Kilkenny. Mr. Rice had resided
in Waterford since 1780, and thus had
an opportunity of witnessing the demoral-
ising effect of the penal laws, which
proscribed Catholic education. He used
to relate with what pain he saw crowds
of poor children waiideiiiig throujU the
streets and lanes of the city, in idleness,
and its usual attendant, vice ; and how,
meeting a number of them one ilay at a
village near the town, he drew them
round him, and by questioning them ascer-
tained the fact of their neglected condi-
tion, and in particular their drjilnrable
ignorance of the first elenit nts Df religion.
It was on this occasion that he conceived
the idea of devoting his life and ample
property to the cause of the educati?)n of
the poor.
He adopted the rules and general
fvstem of the institute Ibunded by the
lile.-sed de la Salle, conceiving that he
could find no better model. His iirst school
was opened at Mount Sion in tiie city
of Waterford, on May 1, 1804, and was
eminently successful ; so much so, that in
a short time the altered habits and de-
meanour of the children in the streets
became a common topic of remark. The
bishop of Waterford was a warm admirer
and supporter of Mr. Rice, and he was
soon uivited by other bishops to open
similar schools in their dioceses. In the
TS
178 CHRISTIAN NAME
CHRIST2kIAS DAY
course of a few years houses of the in-
stitute were established in Dublin, Cork,
Limeiick, and other centres of popula-
tion ; and the result appeared so satis-
factory that the bishops, in 1818, me-
morialised the Holy See to approve the
congregation, and grant it a constitution.
Rome took two years to consider the
question, and on September 5, 1820, the
Apostolic Brief of Pius VII. {Ad Pas-
toi alis) granted the prayer of the memo-
rial and confirmed the institute. The
members bind themselves by the usual
religious vows, and are subject to a Su-
perior-General, who has three Assistants
to aid him in the government of the body.
Houses of the order are now found in
almost every town in Ireland, and in
several of the British colonies. The Bro-
thers at present number about 600, and
their pupils 40,000. Their system of
teaching has met with the warm approval
of successive Royal Commissions, ap-
pointed to inquire into the state of edu-
cation in Ireland. (See " Testimonies in
favour of the Christian Brothers and their
Schools," Dublin, 1877.) The Brothers,
after the establishment of the Irish system
■ of national education in ISiiS, placed their
schools for a time in connection with the
Board, and accepted the grant ; but find-
ing that the rules of the ]3oard as to the
absolute division of secular from religious
teaching were gradually leading them
into concessions alien from the .spirit of
their founder and the Church, they with-
drew from all connection with Govern-
ment, and have since carried on their
schools independently. Nor have they
seen any cause to repent of having thus
thrown themselves boldly on the generous
Catholic sympathies of the Irish people.
(From information supplied by the Rev.
13r. J. A. Grace, of Belvidere House,
Prumcoiidva.)
CHRISTIAN- N-AlttE. [See BAP-
TISM A 1. Nam 10. ]
CHRISTIVIAS DAY. The 25th of
Dccembei-, on which the Church cele-
brates Christ's birth. Whether or not
the birth of our Lord really occurred on
this day, ancient authorities are not
ay^reed. Clement of Alexandria mentions
tlie opinion of some who placed it on the
20th of April, and of others, who thought
it took place on the 20th of May,' while
St. Kpi])hanius and Cassian state that in
1 This stntcment is given on the authority
of Benedict XIV. It is clear from Clement's
vords (S/ro)ii. i. c. 14.5) that he knew of no cer-
tain tradition as to the date of Christ's birth.
Egypt Christ was believed to have been
born on the 6th of January. For a long
time the Greeks had no special feast
corresponding to Christmas Day, and
merely commemorated our Lord's birth
on the Epiphany. St. Chrysostom in a
Christmas sermon, delivered at Antioch
in the year 386, says, " it is not ten years
since this day [Christmas Day on Decem-
ber 25] was clearly known to us, but it
has been familiar from the beginning to
those who dwell in the West." " The
Romans, who have celebrated it for a
long time, and from ancient tradition,
have transmitted the knowledge of it to
us." St. Augustine gives similar testi-
mony as to the custom of the Latin
Church. We may therefore conclude
that in the fourth century Christmas Day
had been celebrated from time immemorial
in the West, and about Chrysostom's day
it began to be observed in the East; and
it seems to have spread rapidly there, as
apiii'ars from the writings of the two
Gregories (of Nazianzum and of Nyssa).
Two or three points in the celebration
of the Christmas festival, as at present
practised, deserve special notice. It is
well known that in ancient times the
greater feasts were preceded by vigils,
which the faithful kept in the church,
spending the night in fasting and prayer.
For grave reasons, the Church abolished
this custom, among the faithful generally,
and restricted the observance of vigils in
the proper sense to the religious orders,
who say the night office, while to the
lay people a vigil is merely an ordinary
fasting-day. But when other vigils were
abolished, that of Christmas was still
])reserved, and to this day, according to
ancient custom, the people meet in the
church to assist at the singing of the
divine office, and at the sacrifice of the
Mass, which is olTered after midnight.
Next, on Christmas Day, against the
rule which prevails on every other day in
the year, priests are allowed to celebrate
three Masses. In aiJicient times, how-
ever, the custom of allowing a single
priest to celebrate more than one Mass
was not limited to Christmas Day. Two
Masses used to be said on January 1 — one
Mass of the octave of the Nativity,
another of the Blessed Virgin. Three
Masses were said on Holy Thursday —
one for the reconciliation of penitents,
another for the consecration of the holy
chrism, a third to commemorate the
solemnity of the day. Two Masses were
said on the Ascension — one of the vigil,
CHURCH REGISTERS
CHURCH HISTORY 179
and another of the feast. A Roman Ordo
mentions the custom of saying three
Masses on the feast of St. John Baptist,
•w hile it appears from Prudentius that the
Popes used to celebrate two Masses on
the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul-
one in the Vatican basilica, another in
the church of St. Paul. To return to
Christmas Day : the Roman Ordines
prove that the Popes used on that feast
to say three Masses — the first in the
Liberian basilica; the second in the
chui-ch of St. Anastasia, whose memory
is celebrated on the same day, December
25 ; the third in the Vatican church. In
other places, particularly in France, the
same priest used to say two Masses on
Chi-istmas Day. AVben the Roman Ordo
was received in France by the command
of Charlemagne, the Roman custom of
saying three Masses was introduced in
France also, the privilege being given
first of all to bishops only, and then to
friests also. To sum up : throughout the
'hurch, or at least in a great part of it,
there were two Masses — one for the vigil
of Christmas, another for the feast itself.
At Rome there were three, because the
feast of St. Anastasia fell ou the same
day ; and the Roman custom spread
throughout the "West. Those three
Masses, however, were always said, not
together, but at considerable intervals —
viz. at midnight, dawn, and in the day
time — a custom still observed in cathedral
and collegiate churches. A mystical
explanation of the three Masses is given,
and they are supposed to figure the three
births of our Lord — viz. of His Father
before all ages, of the Blessed Virgin, and
in the hearts of the fallhful.
An old chronicler (Albertus Argenti-
nensis) relates that during the Christmas
Ma.'is celebrated at " cock-crow," Charle-
magne stood with drawn sword and read
the gospel, " A decree went forth from
CiEsar Augustus." Martene mentions the
ancient custom, according to which the
emperor, or, failing him, any sovereign
wlio was present in the Papal chapel
on Christmas night, used to read the
fifth lesson in the office, with his sword
iu his hand. " At present," says Benedict
XIV., " on Christmas night the Pope
blesses a ducal cap aud sword, which lie
either gives to some prince who is there,
or L'lse sends it as a present." (Benedict
XIV., " De Festis.")
CBVRCB BOOKS OR REGXS-
TEKS. Tbe Roman Ritual in the Eng-
lish editioD enumerates the following
books or registers to be kept by every
parish priest (a name which here no doubt
IS meant to include priests in charge of a
mission) — viz. the register of baptisms,
confirmations, marriages and deaths
(" libri baptizatorum, confirmatorum,
matrimoniorum, defunctorum ").'
The origin of the baptismal register is
very ancient. The catechumens were
accustomed some time before baptism,
and usually in the fourth week of Lent,
to give their names to the bishop, that he
might enter them in a list known as the
" book of life," or " roll of catechumens "
(" catalogus catechumenorum "). The
Council of Trent (sess. xxiv. De Reform.
Matrim. c. 2) orders parish priests to
write down in a book the names of the
god-parents at baptism.
The " book of the dead " may be con-
nected in origin with the diptychs of the
ancient Church, in which the names of
benefactors, Sec, were enrolled, in order
that they might be prayed for specially in
the commemoration of the dead ; but it is
uot till the end of the sixteenth century
that we find the names of the dead regis-
tered in the present manner. The keep-
ing of a register of marriages was intro-
duced (or rather made of universal obliga-
tion) by the Council of Trent, sess. xxiv.
De Reform. Matrim. c. l,in these words:
" Let the parish priest have a book, in
which he is to enter the names of the
persons married and of the witnesses, the
day on which the marriage was contracted,
and the place at which it was celebrated,
which book he is to keep carefully under
his charge." The register of persons con-
firmed, like that of deaths, was prescribed
by various provincial councils.
CHTTKCH HISTORY. It is the
object of the following article to give some
account of the chief histories of the
Church. We confine ourselves, with re-
gard to Church hi^itovies written in modern
times, to such as have come from Catho-
lics, and we shall speak only of histories
which deal with the fortunes of the whole
Catholic Church, as distinct from the par-
ticular branches of it which have flour-
ished in this or that nation. What we
have to say is taken in substance from a
learned essay by IJishdp Ilcielo in the
(lerman " Catholic Cyclop;e(li;i." Follow-
ing his guidance we divide tlie litci-utuni
I Accdrdinjrto Wetzer .and WoKe the Ritual
which ooiiliiins tahulatcd rc|i(iri- of the h:ip-
tisnis, m.irriages, and number of children wlio
have made their first communion, &o.
180 CHURCH HISTORY
CHURCH HISTORY
of the subject into three epochs. The
first period {A) comprifles the ancient
Church historians down to the time of
Charlemagne, crowned Roman Emperor
in 800. During this period the Greeks
and Romans were the chief representatives
of civilisation and Catholic Christianity.
The second period (.B), from Charlemagne
to the rise of the Protestant religion, em-
braces the whole of the middle ages,
during which the German and Romance |
nations were united in one Church and j
under one head, viz. the Pope. The third ;
period (C) extends from the sixteenth
century to the present day. Under the
first period we shall begin with the Greek
and then pass on to the Latin historians.
(A) The first Church historian of
whom any memorial has been preserved
was Hegesippus, a Jewish convert, j
who lived about the middle of the
second century. He wrote a work in five [
books called vuofivrifjLaTa, or Memoirs. [
Great use of it was made by Eusebius, to
whom we are indebted for the eight frag-
ments which remain; the work itself is |
lost. These fragments have been edited |
and illustrated with learned notes by the
gi-eat Protestant scholar. Dr. Routh, in ■
his " Reliquiae Paci-ae." Hegesippus also j
drew up a catabi:: ue of the Roman bishops
down to Anicetus, and this may have j
been a separate work. (1) The real
Father of Church history is Eusebius, who
was bishop of Caesarea in the earlier half
of the fourth century. His " Ecclesiastical
History " in ten books begins with Christ
and ends with the victory of Constantine
over Licinius, in 324. He used a number
of old documents, which have perished
longsince,such as writings of early Fathers,
letters, and particularly documents taken
from the archives of the empire and placed
at his disposal by Constantine. This history
was trauslated into Latin by Rufinus. In
spite of the roughness of his style, the
credulity which made him accept un-
historical matter {e.ff. the correspondence
between Christ and Abgarus),and the fact
that his narrative is often incomplete, the
document s which Eusebius used, and which
have perished since, give a value alto-
gether singular to his " Church History."
His Life of Constantine in four books also
contains, although it is written in the tone
of a panegyric, information of the first
importance. The "Chronicle" of Eusebius
belongs rather to profane than to eccle-
siastical history, and is besides more use-
ful for the history of the Old than of the
Kew Testament. The first book seems to
have contained a brief sketch of the his-
tory of the world, from the estabhshment
of the first of the great empires down to his
own day. The second book (;^poi'n(6f(tai'a)i')
contained chronological and synchronistic
tables from the time of Abraham to that
of Constantine. It was founded on a
similar work of Julius Africanus (third
century). The Greek original perished in
the ninth century, and we were left with
nothing except fragments and aLatin repro-
duction of the second book by Jerome, who
allowed himself to add and to alter freely.
However, an early Armenian version of
the entire Chronicle (with, however, some
gaps) was printed at Venice towards the
end of last century, and edited by the
Mechitarist monk Aucher, with a Latin
version and with the Greek fragments
(Venice, 1818). (2) Socrates, a lawyer,
or, as he calls hmiself, o-xoXao-riKos, at
Constantinople, wrote a history of the
Church from ."305 to 439 — i.e. to his own
time. His histoiy is in seven books, and
deserves high praise for the diligent use
of the sources (particularly of the works of
St. Athanasius), for the exactness of the
chronological data, for the agreeable style,
and, on the whole, for impartiality. He
was clearly a Catholic, although inclined
to regard the rigorist views of Novatian
with favour, and although, as Photius
remarks, he was " not over-accurate "' in
his account of dogmatic matters. (3)
Sozomen, like Socrates, a lawyer at Con-
stantinople, but originally from Palestine,
wrote in nine books the history of the
Church from 324 to 423. He does not
seem to have known the work of Socrates,
to which his own is in most respects de-
cidedly inferior. (4) Theodoret, bishop
of Cyrus in Syria, and perhaps the most
learned theologian of his age, wrote, about
450, the history of the Church from 320
to 428. It is the briefest but the l)est
continuation of Eusebius. Its chief
fault lies in the almost entire omission of
dates. (5) Theodore Lector lived at the
beginning of the sixth century, and was
attached as lector to the church of Con-
stantinople. He wrote a history made up
of extracts from the works of Socrates,
Sozomen, and Theodoret, and this book
still exists in MS. He also continued the
history of Socrates down to 527, but of
this original history only fragments re-
main. (6) The last Greek Church-his-
torian of this period is Evagrius, a Syrian,
born at Epiphania about 536. He was a
lawyer, high in office at Antioch. He
wrote in six books the history of the
CHURCH HISTORY
CHURCH HISTORY 181
Cburch from the Council of Ephesus in I
431 to 594, 80 that his work is of special
importance for the Nestorian and Mono-
Shysite controversies. He is learned, ortho-
ox, and writes in a cultivated style, but
is credulous and fond of marvels.
The Greek text of Eiisebius (Church
History), Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret,
and E vagrius, with fragments of Theodorus
Lector, was edited for the first time by
Robert Stephens (Paris, 1544). Au edition I
incomparably superior was issued under
tlie care of Henri de Valois (Valesius), a
lawyer, who was entrusted with this work
by the French bishops. He corrected the
text by collation of MSS., and enriched |
his editions by notes and dissertations of i
profound learning, which can never lose ^
their value. The work appeared at Paris,
1059-73, in three folios — the first con-
taining the works of Eusebius relating to
Church history except the C^hronicle ; the
second, Socrates and Sozomen; the third,
Theodoret, Evagrius, and the fragments of
Theodorus Lector and of the Arian histo-
rian, Philostorgius, who in the interest of
his party wrote a Church history in twelve
books, from the I'ise of Arian ism to the
year 423. A new and convenient edition
of the ancient Church historians was edited
by Reading and published at Cambridge,
1720. Since then Eusebius has been edited
by several critics, among whom we may
mention Stroth (Halae ad Salam., 1779),
Heinicheu, Burton (Oxford, 1838, an
edition of inferior merit). Heinicheu's
last edition (Lipsire, 1868) contains a
good text and valun ble notes, excursus, &C.,
taken from many sources.
In this first period the Latins did much
less than the Greeks for Church history.
Rufinus, about400,made a free translation
of Eusebius, compressing the work of the
latter into nine books and adding two of
his own, which gave the history of the
Church from 318 to 395. Rufinus is an
inaccurate and sometimes a partial writer.
The best edition is by Cacciari (Romaj,
1740). Sulpitius Soverus, a contemporary
of Rufinus, wrote a "Sacred History"
("Historia Sacra," also "Chronica Sacra")
from the beginning of the world to 400.
Tlie style is justly celebrated, but the work
is too meagre to be of much value, though
it gives some details on the history of the
Priscillianists. The best editions are by
Hieron. de Prato (Veronse, 1741), and by
the Oratorian Gallandius in vol. viii. of his
" Ribliotheca Patrum." Orosius, a Spanish
priest, at the request of St. Augustine,
wrote his "Seven Books of Histories
against the Pagans," which is really a
profane history, written, however, in the
Christian interest, with the special inten-
tion of showing that the calamities of
the empire were not caused by the
triiunph of the Christian religion. Last ly,
Cassiodorus, after he had retired from
his high civil offices and had become
superior of the monastery he founded,
abbreviated and harmonised the histories
of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret.
This ," Historia Tripartita," as it was
called, consisted of twelve books, and
was, with the works of Rufinus, the great
authority during the middle ages on the
history of the early Church.
(B) In the second period, the relative
merits of Greeks and Latins with regard
to Church history were reversed. Among
the former, literature of this kind almost
died out; among the latter it began to
flourish vigorously when the storm of
the barbarian invasion was past. Indeed,
between 600 and 1,500, the East boasts
only one famous Church historian, viz. :
Nicephorus Callisti, a clergyman at Con-
stantinople about the middle of the four-
teenth century. He wrote the history of
the Chiu'ch down to 610 — in wliich year
the Emperor Phocas died — using very dili-
gently the authors (many of them lost to
us) in the library of St. Sophia, but with-
out the critical spirit or the power to dis-
tinguish history from legend. His work
has been edited by the Jesuit Fronton le
Due (Paris, 1630).
As we have already said, the richness
of historical literature in the West oHers
a striking contrast to the poverty of the
East in this respect. However, the most
valuable historical literature of the middle
ages does not fall under review here. It
is com])osed of annals and chronicles
without number, and also of the histories,
civil and ecclesiastical, of particular races
and nations. To the latter class belong
a history of the Franks by St. Gregory of
Tours (t595) ; the "Ecclesiastical History
of the English Nat ion" (gentis Auglorum)
by Venerable Bede (t735) ; of the Lom-
bards by Paulus Diaconus (t 799) ; of the
Scandinavian North by Adam of Bremen
(canon of Bremen from 1067) ; of Bremen,
Hamburg, Lower Saxony and West-
phalia, by Kranz, a canon of Hamburg
(tl517). To these we may add a history
of the church of Rheims by Flo<l >ard
(t966). Of general histories, the follow-
ing are extant:— (1) Ten books of Church
history, by Haymo, from 840 bishop of
Halberstadt. This work, mostly compiled
182 CHURCH HISTORY
CHURCH HISTORY
from Rufinus, gives the Church history of j
the first four- centuries. (2) About the
same time lived Anastasius, librarian of the
Roman Church, and appointed by Nicho-
las I. abbot of a monastery on the further
side of the Tiber. He wrote an " His-
toria Ecclesiastica seu Chronographia Tri-
partita," which is translated and compiled
from three Byzantine historians, and goes
asfarastheninthcentary. Commonly, too, I
the famous " Liber Pontificalis," also called
"De Vitis Romanorum Pontificum," is
ascribed to him. But the learned authors
of the "Origines de I'Eglise de Rome"
(Paris, 1826), followed by Hefele, have
proved that the book is much older, and
that Anastasius cannot have written
more than the lives of some of the last
Popes in the series. The latest edition of
this book is by Blanchinus and Vignolius.
(3) About 1142, Ordericus Vitalis, an
Englishman and Abbot of St. Evroul, in
Normandy, wrote thirteen books of eccle-
.siiistical history from the time of Christ to
the twelfth century. (4) Some 150 years
later, the Dominican Bartholomew of Luc-
ca wrote a Church historv in twentv-four
books, from Christ till 1312. (5) The great
Church history of the middle ages came
from Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence in
the fifteenth centmy. He relates the his- j
tory of theworld, secular and profane, from
the beginning to 1459. Here we see the
first dawn of historical criticism. Lauren-
tius Valla and Nicolas of Cusa had already
pointed out the spurious character of the
so-called " Donation of Constantine," and
of other documents accepted in the middle
ages, and the new epocli of historical
literature was soon to bi'gin.
(C) Many causes cin^pired at the
timeiif tlip IJiloniiaticn t'j awakenanew
jiili ii'>t in ( 'liurcli liisliuy, and to intro-
duce a new luctliod t.l' Studying it. The
fall of till' 1'>;istcrn empire brought Greek
literature ;md a knowledge of the Greek
language t(> A\'rslrrn Europe, so that it
became po^siMc to consult the sources.
The in\( iiti('ii nl' ])]-inting made these
sources wi'lcly acce.-sible, while the fact
that tlio ri-i.tr.vtaiits represented their
religion as a revival of primitive (Chris-
tianity impelled Catholics to study with
exactness the histon* of the early Church.
In the middle of the sixteenth century,
the famous work of the Magdebuig Cen-
turiators began to be writtt>n and pub-
lished. It was a histoi-y of the Church,
written in an intensely Lutheran spirit,
divided into centuries, of which the first
five were prepared at Magdeburg, whence
the name, though the whole work was
printed at Basle in 1599 in thirteen folios.
The director of the work was Matthias
Flacius, who had a number of learned
men working under him, collecting ma-
terial.*, &c., while the Protestant princes
suppoited him with money. To meet the
impression the "Centxrries" were likely
to make, Caesar Baronius, afterwards Car-
dinal, began his " Ecclesiastical Annals,"
a work of stupendous learning, and a
treasure house of valuable documents, so
that at this day, as Hefele says, Prote,*-
tants use it a hundred times for once
that they have recourse to the forgotten
"Magdeburg Centuries." The first edi-
tion, ending with 1198, was published at
Rome in twelve folios (1588-1607). It
was continued by the Polish Dominican
Bzovius, in eight folios, reaching to 1564
(Rome, 1672) ; by Spondanus, Bishop of
Pamiers^ in two folios (Paris, 1640),
reaching to 1040. The best continuation,
rich in documents, is by the Oratorian
Raynaldus, in nine folios (Rome, 1646-
77). Laderchius, also an Oratorian,
added three folios (Rome, 1728-37), which
however only contain the history of seven
years. The two Pagi, uncle and nephew,
both Franciscans, gave to the world
learned and valuable notes on Baronius,
entitled " Critica Historico-Chronologica
in Universos Annales, etc., Baronii "
(Antw. 1705). They were published
complete by the younger Pagi after his
uncle's death. Mansi's edition of Ba-
ronius is the most esteemed ; it contains,
besides the text of Baronius, the notes of
the Pagi and the continuation of Ray-
naldus, in thirty-eight folios (Lucca,
1738-59). This costly edition is un-
liappily disfigured by errors in printing,
ru'ceutly, a continuation by the Oratorian
Theiucr in three folios coming down to
1583 has been printed at Rome and
Paris (1856, seq.), while the whole work
has been reprinted at Bar-le-Duc (1864,
seq.) '
The gieat work of Petavius on the
history of dogma, the admirable editions
of the Fathers by the Benedictines of St.
Maur, and many other works of a critical
nature, prepared the way for the labours
of the French Church historians of the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuiies.
The greatest names in this golden age of
ecclesiastical learning arc, (1) Natalis
Alexander. His great work in thirty
1 These last statements nie made on the
authority, not of Hefele, but of Kraus, Kirchen-
geschichte, ad injV.
CHUKCH HISTOPxY
CHURCH HISTORY 183
actavo volumes, containing the history of
the Jewish Church, and of the Christian
to the end of the sixteenth century (Paris,
1676, seq.), was placed, because of its
Gallican views, on the Index by Innocent
XI. An edition by Roncaglia, with the
entire text of Alexandei-, but with the
addition of notes correcting his Gallican
utterances, appeared at Lucca in 1734.
There hare been many subsequent edi-
tions. (2) Fleur}-, sous-precepteur of the
French Princes, and Prior of Argenteuil,
wrote the history of the Church down to
1414, in twenty quarto volumes (1691-
1720). Unlike Baronius and Natalis, who
wrote in Latin, Fleury wrote in French.
The strength of Xatalis Alexander lay in
learned and minute discussion ; Fleury
contents himself with giviug the results
of criticism, and tells the history of the
Church in a manner attractive to the edu-
cated public, and in language clear, digni-
fied, and simple. Nothing can be more
charming than the skill with which he in-
troduces extracts from ancient authorities,
orthe exquisite tact with which he catclies
the spirit and portrays the manners of the
early Christians. In spite of his Galli-
canisiu, Fleury has been commended in
the highest terms by Cardinal Newman
and Hefele. Indeed, no competent judge
would question his extraordinary merits,
and to this day his work is unsurpassed.
Fleur\' found several eontinuators, of
whom Faber, a bitter and exaggerated
Gallican, is the best known, but none of
them were in any way worthy to compare
with him. (3) Le Nain Tillemont, perhaps
the most learned and accurate of all
Church historians. He was a priest en-
tirely devoted to prayer and study, con-
nected with the solitaries of Port Royal,
though not himself a Jansenist. His
famous "M6moires pour servir 4 1'histoire
ecclcsiastique "' give materials for the his-
tory of the Church, mostly in biographical
form, down to the year 513, in sixteen
quarto volumes (Paris, 1603). The his-
tory is given almost entirely in the words
of the ancient documents, but these ex-
tracts from ancient authorities are united
with an art which gives to the whole the
smoothness and finish of a mosaic. Tille-
mont's accuracy would of itself entitle
him to rank as an historical genius. It
never fails him, notwithstanding the vast
amount of details with which he deals.
The notes at the end of each volume are
models of critical acumen. The readers
of Gibbon are aware how highly he
valued Tillemont, and how greatly he is
I indebted to him. The French Church
[ historians soon after this date show a
marked falling off. They are many of
them agreeable writers, but without
depth of learning'. Ani'Uig them we may
name Choisy (" Plistoii-e de FEglisf,"
Paris, 1706-23), the Jansenist Racine,
Ducreux, Perault Bercastel, a popular
writer whose history, published at the
close of the last centuiy, has been re-
edited and continued down to our own
time by Henrion (Paris, 1841). A history
on a larger scale has been written by the
Abbe Rohrbacher, "Histoire Universelle
de I'Eglise " (Paris, 1842-48).
The Italians, since Baronius, have
done much less for the history of the
Church than the French. The best Italian
Church histories are those of Cardinal
Orsi, whose " Storia Eccl." (Rome, 1748)
gives the history of the Church in the
first six centuries ; and of Saccarelli
(" Historia Ecclesiastica," down to 1185).
The work of Graveson, a Frenchman
settled in Italy, is now almost forgotten.
Berti's compendium has little worth.
Works of moderate compass have been
written by Delsignore (" Institutiones
Ilistoricae," Rom?e, 1837), and by Palma
(■' Prsfilectiones Hist. Eccles.," Romae,
1838).
Much labour has been devoted to
Church history in Germany, but the most
complete and popular of German Church
histories is the Protestant work of
Neander. For a long time German Catho-
lics did little or nothing for this study,
till a new era was opened by Stolberg.
The first fifteen volumes, containing the
" History of the Religion of Jesus Christ,"
from the creation to a.d. 4-30, were pub-
lished at Vienna and Hamburg, in 1806,
seq. This work with its continuation by
Kerz and Brischar is very voluminous.
A popular history goins>- down to 1153
was wTitten by Katerkamp (Mlinster,
1JS19-34), and a useful compendium bv
Hortig in 1826. Bollinger, about teii
years later, published a compendium
which carries the history of the Church
down to the sixteenth century. He also
began a Church history on a larger scale,
but unhappily only two volumes of this
excellent and learned work appeared.
The first volume ends with Coustantine;
the second gives the external history of
the Church down to 680. An English
version by Dr. Cox is taken partly from
the compendium, partly from the larger
history, but the translation is far from
accurate. Mohler's lectures on Church
184 CHUECH OF CHRIST
CHURCH OF CHRIST
tistory were edited and published long
after his death by Gams from the notes
of students. The compendium of Alzog
(eig-hth edition, 1867) is a most useful work ;
it has been translated into English. A
Church history of great learning, but heavy
in style, has recently appeared from the pen
of Cardinal Hergenrother. The manual of
Kraus (Treves, 1871-75) is indispensable
to the student. In its owai special line it
has no rival. A Church history in the
proper sense it can scarcely be called.
It is rather an analysis of the facts, with
a list of the original sources, and of the
whole literature down to modern times,
relating to each part of the subject, while
synchronistic tables are given in an
appendix. It is difficult to say too much
in praise of this book. An immense
' amount of matter is compressed into less
than 1,000 pages; the aiTangement is a
marvel of simplicity and system, and the
completeness of the information on books
of reference is no less admirable. It need
hardly be said that Bishop Hefele's His-
tory of the Councils (in seven volumes)
is the best book on the subject, and of
European reputation.
In English we have no Catholic
Church History worth mentioning, though
of course particular portions of the sub-
ject have been treated of with great suc-
cess by Dodd, Challoner, Butler, Lingard,
Oliver, Tierney, Rock, Northcote, and
above all by Cardinal Xewnian.
CHURCH OF CHRIST : CATHO-
XIC CBVRCH. The Roman Catechism,
in expouftding the ninth article of the
Creed, urges priests to explain the nature
and authority of the Catholic Church to
their Hocks with special frequency and
earnestness, because of the supreme im-
portance which belongs to this point of
Christian doctrine. AH heresy involves ^
a rejection of tlie Chm-ch's authority ; |
and, on the other hand, it is impossible '
to accept the true doctrine concerning
the Church, and at tiic same time to be a
hiM-etic. Ilt'Dce, in all ages, and against
all forms of error, the Fathers and
Doctors of the Catholic Church have
appealed to her teaching as the infallible
rule of faith. If such an appeal was
necessary at every time, there is a more
than ordinary need at the present day
for insisting upon this article of the
Creed, " I believe in the holy Catholic
Church." It is misunderstood by Pro-
testants more utterly than by most at
least of their predecessors in separation,
and the true sense of the ninth article in
the Apostles' Creed is the hinge on which
all our controversy with Protestants turns.
AVe propose to consider (A) the Church of
Christ as described in the New Testament;
{£) this Church as it existed in the ages
which came immediately after that of the
Apostles; (C) to show that the present
Catholic Roman Church is the Church
founded by Christ and attested by Scrip-
ture and tradition ; that she, and she
alone, is the heir to the promises of Christ
and the ark of salvation : (D) having dis-
cussed the general characteristics, we shall
conclude with a more detailed account of
its component parts and constitution.
(A) The Church as set forth in the Ne^o
Testament. — It is well known that the
Protestant Reformers made the Bible, and
the Bible only, the rule of faith. "With
them the Bible cametirst, the Church came
second, and occupied a very subordinate
position.* The individual, enlightened by
the Holy Ghost, read the Bible and received
the true faith from its pages. A number
of these individuals, gathered together,
formed a church. This idea of the Church,
it may be safely said, is still held by the
great mass of Protestants, though it haa
lost ground, no doubt, among the learned.
Now, the first thing which ought to strike
an intelligent reader of the New Testa-
ment is, that there is an importance
attached to the Church which, from the
Protestant point of view, is exaggerated
and out of all due proportion, while, on
the contrary, no adequate provision is
made for furnishing mankind with the
one and only means of attaining the
truth — viz. tlie Bible. ^ There is no means
of evading this plain and evident fact.
Christ never once told His disciples to
write books, or promised them His help in
doing so. Books indeed were -wTitten,
describing the life of our Lord, and the
Apostles wrote various epistles, as occa-
sion served ; but, so for as we can learn
from the pages of the New Testament, the
Apostles did not leave any list of inspired
writings, and, except in one solitary in-
stance, they never once even allude to
the fact tliat there wefe any inspired
writings at all, except fhose of the old
law.'- Surely this is very strange, on the
Protestant theory. It cannot be affirmed
that these wTitings bore the marks of in-
i See for the Protestant doctrine of the
Church Mohler's admirable account, Sym-
bolik, p. 396, seq., where abundant references are
given.
See St. Peter 2 Ep. iii. 16, where St. Paul's
epistles are, by implication, called Scripture.
CHURCH OF CHRIST
CHURCH OF CHRIST 185
fpiration on the surface, for the Fathers
of the Church (till the Church decided)
were not agreed about the number and
titles of the Biblical books ; and those
who do not care mucli for the Fathers
may be reminded tliat the Reformers
tliemselves were at variance with one
another on the same question. But this
becomes stranger still, on the Protestant
theory, when we find that, while our
Lord and His Apostles preserve a silence
which is scarcely broken, on the New
Testament, they speak frequently and in
most exalted terms of the Church. We
find Christ telling His disciples to hear
the Church. St. Paul speaks of the
Church of God; of the Church which
Christ has purchased with His blood, of
the Church which is the pillar and ground
of the truth, of the Church as "the house
of God. "v* This is ve£y iutelligiblelo Cath-
olics, who hold that the Church has in-
fallible authority in all controversies of
faith, so that, given the authority of the
Church, the inspiration of Scripture would
be accepted, and the decision of questions
as to the books which composed it would
follow as a matter of course ; on the Pro-
testant hypothesis, the phenomenon is
ine.xplicable.
Great importance, then, was given by
the Apostles to some Church or other.
Let us see what they understood by this
Church.
The Church which they recognised
was, first of all, a visible body. No other
kind of Church would have answered to
the intention of Christ in founding it. His
disciples were to be like " a city that is
set on a mountain" (.Matt. v. 14), "a
candle put on a candlestick" {ib. 15).
Christ's Cliurch was not to consist merely
in the invisible union of pious believers in
Ilim. Far from this, in a series of para-
bles our Lord warns His followers that
the kingdom of heaven ' — i.e. the Church
which He was to establish (since none
but the good can enter heaven in the
literal sense) — was to consist of good and
bad. He compares His church to a field
in which good grain and weeds gTow
together till the day of judgment; to a
net which takes good and bad fish ; to
a wedding-feast where all the guests
are not clothed in the wedding-garment
of charity ; to virgins, some of whom are
' This title, peculiar to Matthew, exactly
answers to the old Q^JJt^ noSp "f the Syna-
gogue. The other Gospels say " Kingdom of
God." See Delitzsch, History of Redemption,
4). 185.
wise, some foolish.' The same charac-
teristic of the Church follows by a neces-
sary consequence from the duties of man-
kind with regard to her, which will be
presently explained. There would be no
meaning in the admonition to " hear the
Church," if she were invisible. We could
not accept her as our infallible guide,
as the unfailing oracle of truth, if she
consisted only of pious people, who are
known and can be known, as such, to God
alone. It is true that there is an invisible
Church, or, rather, that the visible Church
has an invisible side. The Church is in-
visible so far as she has an invisible
Head, Jesus Christ; so far as she is united
by prayer and union under the same Head,
Christ, to the souls in Purgatory, and
to the "Church of the first-born who are
written in Heaven." It is true also that the"
Church to a great extent works invisibly.
She is compared, not only to a spreading
tree in which tlie birds of the air lodge,
but also to the hidden leaven, the working
of which is concealed from the eye of the
observer. The Church gives visible sacra-
ments, but God alone can distinguish
with absolute certainty the souls on
which the invisible grace of the sacra-
ments produces its due eflect. So much
every Catholic will gladly allow. But it
is one thing to make this admission, quite
another, and a very difterent thing, to
contend, with Luther, that God first of all
enlightens the individual on the nature of
the gospel, and that the individual so en-
lightened, and already a member of the
invisible Church, pronounces the body or
bodies in which this true gospel is taught
to be the true visible Church. According
to Catholics, the recognition of and submis-
sion to the visible Church is the ordained
means of sharing in the invisible treasures
of gi-ace. The visible Church precedes
the invisible. The Lutheran reverses this
order, and thereby separates himself from
the teaching, not only of the Catholic
Church, but also of the New Testament.
The Lutheran doctrine moreover contra-
dicts, the Catholic is in perfect harmony
with, the whole purpose of the Incarnation.
The Son of God did not content Himself
with working invisibly on the hearts. He
assumed a visible body, weut about teach-
ing and doing good, and at the same time
added to His words and works the in-
visible agency of His divine Spirit. There-
fore He left visible representatives, who
» Matt. xiii. 24-30, 47-50, xxii. 2, seq.
XXV. 1, seq.
3 Heb. xii. 23.
186 CHURCH OF CHRIST
CHURCH OF CHRIST
were to be known and seen by all, and at
the same time took care that this out-
ward Church should be quickened by
the invisible presence of the Holy Ghost,
which rules and quickens the Church, as
the soul rules and quickens the body.
The Church, then, of the New Testa-
ment was a visible body, and it was fur-
ther invested with authority. A visible
body differs from a mere mob or accidental
gathering of individual units, because the
former has, while the latter has not, a re-
gularly appointed government. We have
seen already that the Church was to be
clothed with power, from the fact that all
men were to hear her. This power was
to be wielded b}- the officers and rulers of
the Church. Our Lord chose and trained
His Apostles. As He was leaving the
earth. He declared, "All power is given to
Me in heaven and in earth. Go ye there-
fore, teach all nations." ' How great the
power was which had been given to our
Lord and which He committed to the
twelve appears from His own words to
them, " "Whatsoever you shall bind upon
earth, shall be bound also in heaven : and
whatsoever you shall loose upon earth,
shall be loosed also in heaven ; " ^ and
again, " Whose sins ye shall forgive, they
are forgiven them : and whose you shall
retain, they are retained."*
The consideration of the Church as a
visible body naturally leads us to speak of
her unity. We can see that our Lord
meant to found one Church, because He
compares His Church to a house, the keys
of which He put into Peter's hands ; and
again, He likens His Church, in pointed
and emphatic words, to one single flock
under one single shepherd. The Chm-ch,
then, is one, because she is a single body
constituted under one invisible Head,
Jesus Christ, and also under one earthly
head, our Lord's representative upon earth
- — viz. St. Peter. Christ did not permit
His followers to form themselves into
voluutary and independent societies,
united by individual inclinations, or for
purposes of convenience. Pie built His
house upon a rock, and He gave St. Peter
power to open and to shut the doors — i.e.
to admit some to membership and to ex-
clude others, according to the statutes
which Christ Himself had framed. St.
Paul develops the idea of this unity, and
shows exactly in what it consisted, in the
maxim, " One body and one Spirit . . .
cue Lord, one faith, one baptism."* In
' Matt, xxviii. 19. ^ Matt, xviii. 18.
» John XX. 23. * Ephes. iv. 4.
other words, the unity of the Church is
assured by the unity of God Himself, who
founded one Church and continues to rule
it by His earthly representatives. This
unity manifests itself in a double way.
First, it implies unity of faith — " One
faith." Among the members of merely
human institutions opinions must needs
vary. Not so with the members of the
Church, who are united in the one in-
variable truth, proclaimed by the incarnate
God. Accordingly, St. Paul beseeches his
converts to persevere in this unity of be-
lief, in which they had been established
by the grace of God. " I beseech you,
brethren, by the name of our Lord Jesus
Christ, that you all speak the same thing,
and that there be no schisms among you ;
but that you be perfect in the same mind,
and in the same judgment."' Far from
tolerating various ways of thinking; far
from allowing scope for private judgment
on articles of faith, or admitting that men
were free to indulge in great latitude of
belief, provided that they were sincere
and attentive to the natural precepts of
morality, St. Paul exclaims, "If any one
preach to you a gospel besides that which
you have received, let him be accursed." -'
The word " heresy," which is used at first
without any bad meaning in the sense of
" party " or " school," occurs in the later
writings as' a term of reproach, used to
mark those who chose for themselves
instead of submitting to the faith of the
Church, as if that fact alone were sufficient
to brand those who presumed to exercise
this choice. We are not left to guess
how the Apostles judged of such a course.
"A man that is a heretic," St. Paul
writes, " after the tirst and second ad-
monition, avoid : knowing that he that is
such an one is subverted and sinneth, being
condemned by his own judgment." ' St.
Peter describes heretical parties or schools
as " sects of perdition," ^ and St. John,
with all his gentleness, is no less stringent.
" If any man come to you and bring not
this doctrine, receive him not into the
house or say to him, God save you."
Next, the unity of the Church, as St. Paul
conceives it, implies that the faithful are
not only one because they hold the same
faith, but also because they participate in
the same sacraments — " One baptism."
In baptism all are bom again ; they be-
come children of the same Father in
heaven, and for that very reason are united
as brethren to each other. " As many of
' 1 Cor. i. 10. Gal. i. 9.
» Titus iii. 11. => 2 Pet. ii. 7. » 2 John 10.
CHURCH OF CHRIST
CHURCH OF CHRIST 187
you as have been baptized in Christ, have
put on Christ. There is neither Jew nor
Ureek; there is neither bond nor free;
there is neither male nor female. For
you are all one in Christ Jesus. ' ' More-
over, St. Paul only names baptism as one
of the sacraments by which the unity of
the Church is secured, and in which this
miity di.-plays itself, for he attributes the
same unifnng influence, and that in a
higher degree, to the Eucharist. "The
chalice of benediction, which we bless, is
it not the comiiiunion of the blood of
Christ ? And tlie bread which we break,
is it not the partaking of the body of the
Lord? For we being many are one
bread, one body, all who partake of one
bread." ^
The unity of the Church, then, depends
on the unity of her organisation, her com-
mon faith and teaching, the discipline to
which all are subject, the life of prayer
and of sacramental grace to which all her
members are called. But this sacramental
life makes the Church holy, just as it
makes her one. There is, indeed, a marked
ditl'ereuce in our Lord's teaching on the
6aiictity as contrasted with His state-
ments on the unity of the Church. As has
been already proved, Christ warns us
that all the members of Ilis Church would
not be holy, while He never gives the
slightest hint that this Church could by
any possibility be split into opposing sects.
But in spite of sins and defects in her
members, the Church was to be in a true
and real sense holy. She deserves to be
80 called because in Christ her Head she
possesses the source of all sanctity : bf-
cause by true doctrine on morals, as well
as on faith, she teaches the way to heaven ;
■while by prayer and the sacraments she
puts into men's hands the weapons of this
spiritual warfare, by which they can over-
come evil and fight the good fight of faith.
Christ " loved the Church and delivered
Himself up for it, that He might saner ify
it, clean.-iug it by the laver of water in
tlie word of life."^ He loves the Church
as husbands ought to love their wives; so
that the marriage bond is a type of the
union between Christ and Hi's mystical
body.' Moreover, in spite of scandals,
which were by no means lacking in Apo-
stolic times and were often of the grossest
character, the sanctity of the Church shone
» Gal. iii. 27-29.
- 1 Cor. X. 16, 17. A more accurate transla-
tion would be " It is one bread, we the many
are one body, for all of us," &c.
5 Kphes." V. -Jj. ^ Ephes. v. 28.
forth in the lives of her children. St.
Paul appeals in all humility to his own
work, to his self-denial, his arduous toils,
his charity and gift of syiupathy, Ui th.^
fruitfuhiess of his Apostolic teacliini; . I '.ir
the first time Jews and heathen ni-ti
give up their goods and hold all thin-> in
common : they beheld not only nu'ii who
were pure and faithful to their wi\ f.-, but
also others who embraced a perfect ion un-
known even to the great saints of the old
law — men who embraced the celibate life,
making themselves, in Christ's words,
" eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's
sake," St, Paul specially commends the
unmarried state, and that not simply " on
account of the present necessity," but
further, on general grounds, becau.^e '• he
that is without a wife is solicitous for the
thmgs that belong to the Lord, that he
may please God, But he that has a wile
is solicitous for the things of the world,
how he may please his wife, and he is
divided," ' Thus, while the heathen
rulers were actually trying to force their
subjects into marriage, in order to deliver
them from the evfls of profligacy, the
members of the Christian commonwealth
exhibited to the world a new order of
things, in which, on the one hand, the holy
mari'iagetie became iudissoluble, and was
rendered holier still by a great sacrament,
while, on the other, many pressed ou to a
higher state and even ou earth led an
angelic life. On this supernatural sanctity
of the Church, flowing from union with
Christ, developing itself in charity, zeal,
benevolence, virginity, and a thousand
other ways, Christ promised to set His
seal by miracles. " These signs shall
follow them tliui believe. In Mv name
they shall cast out de.ils: they sluill
speak with new tongues. They shall take
up serpents; and if they shall drink any
deadly thing it shall not hurt tlieni: ilie'y
fhall lay their hands upon the sick and
they shall recover." - This sancf it\- - .i' the
Church, begun and really enei-oj-iuM u]>i)n
eartli.was to be periectrd in liea\. ii. At
the day of judgment, the wheat was to lie
separated from the weeds, the good rish
from the bad. Then the prophet's words
were to be fulfilled : " Arise, arise, put
on thy strength, 0 Sion; put on the
garments of thy glory, 0 Jerusalem,
the city of the holy one : for henceforth
the uncircumcised and unclean shall no
» 1 Cor. vii. 32, 33.
* Mark xvi. 17, 18. The authenticity of
this section of St. Mark is disputed, but in "any
case it is very early, for Irenasus quotes it.
188 CHURCH OF CHRIST
CHURCH OF CHRIST
more pass through thee." ' The marriage
of the Lamb, of which St. John speaks in
the Apocalypse, will be solemnised, and
the bride of Christ will take her proper
place in His glory.
The Catholic'and Apostolic character
of the Church in the New Testament need
not detain us long; we have only to point
out that these marks are included in the
picture already drawn. The Jewish
Cliurch was national and therefore parti-
cular. The Church of Christ received a
commission to teach all nations; the wall
of partition between Jew and Gentile was
broken down; the Church was to be
Catholic or universal. To this Catholic
Church the Apostles gave laws. When
questions and disputes arose as to the ob-
ligation of the Jewish law, the Apostles
with the "ancients" gave a decisive
judgment, accompanying it with the
words, "It hath seemed good to the Holy
Ghost and to us."- On the foundation of
prophets and apostles " the Church was
built," " Jesus Christ Himself being the
chief corner-stone."^ The influence of the
Apiistlt's was felt in every part of the
Churclijircaiisp all doctrine and all autho-
rity to tt-acli (li'scended from them. It was
to 'tile A])ostles Christ had entrusted the
commission of teacliiiig and Ijaptising all
nations. They in turn ordained others
and gave them power to hand on like
authority to "faithful men" who were to
rei)n'sent Christ in future generations.
"F.ir this cause," St. Paul writes to Titus,
"I left thee in Crete, that thou shouldst
set in order the things that are wanting,
and shouldst ordain presbyters in every
city, as I also appointed thee."* Thus,
the orders and mission of the whole Church
were to be apostolic, and the teaching or
doctrine of tlie Church was to be apostolic
also. Wliat St. I'aul said to the Thessa-
lonians. lie said virlually to all Christians
with wlinm 111- was comu'cted, directly or
indirectly. "Stand firm: and hold the
traditions which you have learned, whe-
ther byword or hy our epit^tle."^ One
word more is needed l)ef(ire we quit this
part of our subject. It is sometimes ob-
jected that, after all, the Roman Catliolic
Church is not really Catholic, because it
does not, in matter of I'act, include with-
in its pale all mankind, or even all who
profess themselves Christians. The fact is
indisputable, but no inference against the
Roman Catholic Church can be dediiced
» Is. lii. 1, « Acts XV. 5 Ephes. ii. 20.
* Tit. i. 5. » 2 Thessal. ii. 14.
from it. The Church of the Apostles was
not Catholic in this sense. It was Catho-
lic, not because it embraced all mankind,
but because it claimed universal jurisdic-
tion ; because it asserted its right to con-
trol the hearts and consciences of all the
children of Adam ; because it claimed to
speak in the name of Him who had re-
ceived the nations for His inheritance. No
obduracy on the part of the heathen, no
apostasy on the part of Christians, could
alter the character of the Catholic Apo-
stolic Church. Let sects increase ever so
much, and spread and flourish in human
estimation, still the Church remained the
bride of Christ and the sole heir to His
promises. To each new sect the Church
could say, "Prior veni: I was here before
you : I, not you, have received the
commission to teach and rule the nations."
Another gift was necessary, without
which the Church's unity could not have
continued, and even if it could have been
maintained, would have been an evil
rather than a blessing. There is no real
advantage in an iron constraint which
forces men to repeat the same formulas
and acquiesce in the same decisions; thei-e
is no advantage in unity, unless it be
unity in the truth. Accordingly, our
Lord made His Church infallible.
Against her He promised that " the gates of
hell " — i.e. the powers of evil and of error
issuing forth from the gates of the infernal
city — would never prevail. He was the
truth itself, the uncreated Wisdom, and
to Him His disciples could boldly go, be-
cause He "had the words of eternal life."
, But they were not to be ^^■orse off when
His visible presence left them. " Behold,
I I am with you all days, even to the con-
[ summation of the world.'" The Holy
Ghost was to teach them " all things." -
Hence St. Paul speaks, in a passage already
quoted, of " the house of God, which is
j the Church of the living God, the pillar
aud the ground of the truth. No error
1 could ever darken the Church : no perse-
] cution could ever destroy her. Those
i who revolted from her were self-con-
demned ; and tho.se who listened to her
could never be led astray by doubt or
misbelief. What tlie Scriptures were,
what the Scriptures meant — all was to be
settled for them by the Church. They
were favoui-ed with a full perception of
the truth and with an abundance of grace
impossible under the Jewish dispensation.
Just as our Lord impressed His hearers
> Matt, xxviii. 20. » John xiv. 26.
3 1 Tim. iii. 15.
CIIUECH OF CUEIST
CHURCH OF CHRIST
180
bv the verv fact that He spolie as one
having authority and not as the Scribes,
so the Church, bv her loft v prerogatives as
the Bride of Christ and organ of the Holy
Ghost, was to -win the hearts of men to
love and reverence. "Thy teacher shall
not flee away from thee any more, and
thine eyes shall see thy teacher. And thine
ears shall hear the word of one admonish-
ing thee behind thy back: This is the
way, walk ye in it; and go not aside
neither to the right hand nor to the left." ^
{B) The Church of the Jirst Ages after
the Apostles. — We have been trying to
show that the Church of the New Testa-
ment was One, Holy, Catholic and Apo-
stolic, the indefectible and infallible organ
of the truth, from which, and not from
their private study of Biblical records, all
nations were to learn the truth. Did any
change occur in the rule of faith when
the Apostles were no longer upon earth ?
TNTien the Apostles were gone, did the
Protestant religion begin to be, so that
Christians went for their faith, not to the
Church, but to the Scriptures of the Old
and New Testaments? Now, on the face
of it, it is unlikely that our L n d ordained
an elaborate system whicli was to con-
tinue for a brief space and then give place
to one radically diflei-ent. But this im-
probability rises to sheer impossibility,
when we reflect that our Lord, far from
preparing His diseipb s for such a change,
distinctly promised that He was to be
with His Church "all day?;" that the
gates of hell were not to prevail again>t
it; and so clearly implied that the Ajinftles
were to have succejsors, endowed with
the same powers and with the same
infallibility. If we turn fiom the
New Te>t;;uient to tlie writings of the
first Christians, we find everything in
exact correspondence with the Ciitliolic
theory of the Church. When St. .Toliii,
the last of the Apostles, din!, tlin-e i> n.i
trace of any revolution which oec urreii in
the system of riiri^tian government, ^^'e
find the bishops ruling jiist as the Apostles
had done, and making the -ame claims
to speak in the name of Christ. St.
Ignatius, the disciple of .St. John, pro-
claims the Church's unity, and the neces-
sity of union with and submission to her.
"i)o nothing," he writes, "without the
bishop. . . . Jesus Christ is one. . . . There-
fore, let ill! of you meet together, as in
one temple, as at one altar, as in one Jesus
Clirist."- We are to receive one Eucharist,
for there is one flesh of our Lord Jesus
1 Is. XXX. 20, 21. 2 Ad Magnes. 7.
Christ, one altar, one chalice, as there
is one bishop.* Our Lord breathed
" incorruption into His Church." ^ In his
epistles the term " Catholic Church " ap-
pears for the first time in Christian litera-
ture,^ and it embodies the same idea
which he expresses elsewhere, when he tells
the Ephesians to be " united in the mind
of God ; " and goes on to say that the
bishops established throughout the world
(Kara ra Trepara) "are in the mind of Jesus
Christ."* In this Church he recognised a
visible head, the Church which "presides
{irpoKa6r)Tai) in the region of theRomans."*
St. Ignatius is the only disciple of the
Apostles who speaks ex professo on doc-
trinal matters in documents which stiU
survive. St. Irenaeus belongs to the
second stage of the Church's history. He
was the faithful disciple of St. Polycarp,
who was, like St. Ignatius, the disciple of
St. John. St. Irenseus wrote, not later
than 190, a treatise "against heresies,"
the earliest dogmatic treatise which
has been preserved to us. He stood
face to face with developed systems of
heresy, and this forced him to state at
length and with precision the Catholic
rule of faith. This rule in his estimation
certainly was not the " Bible and the
Bible only." " We must not," he says,
" seek from others the truths which it: is
easy to obtain from the Church, since into
her, as into a rich treasury, the Apostles
poured, as into a full stream, all which per-
tains to the truth : so that all who will
may drink at her hands the water of life.
She is the gate of life : as for all the rest,
they are thieves and lohliers." He even
l)Ut's to himself the iiii;iuiiiary (M-e that
'■the Apostles had lel't no Scriptures," an
hyiHith.'sis which on the Pnitestant theory
would have made true Christ ianitv im-
possible. Ti-eii;eus iud-.'.l dillerent Iv.
"Snj.i.oM .-he saN "tlu' Apostles had left
Usno^cri],iures,;--l,onldwe not follow the
order of tiaditioii which they handed
down to those into whose hands thev en-
trusted the chin-ches?"' "The "true
knowledge is the teaching of the Apostles
and the ancient constitution of the Cliurch
over the whole world (ro apxniov rJjf tV-
K^rjaias avarijpa Kara ttuvtos tov Koap-ov)}'^
This Church, "planted even to the ends of
the world by the Apostles and their dis-
ciples, iidierits [their] faith. "'•* He regards
1 Ad rhiladdph. 4. « Iren. iii. 4, 1.
2 Ad Kphis.U. ■'Ibid.
i Ad Smi/r». 8. 8 Il>id. iv. 33, 8.
* Ad hjj'hes. 3. 9 Ibid. i. 10. 1.
5 Rom., ad init.
190 CHURCH OF CHRIST
CHURCH OF CHRIST
the character of the Cliurch's tradition,
as in .itself the witness to its truth. Each
heretic in turn " wished to set up for a
teacher, and seceded from the sect in
which he found himself at first. ... No
man could tell tlie uumher of those who,
each on a dill'erent plan, separated from
the truth." ' " But the Church, dwelling,
so to speak, in one house, as with one soul
and one heart, constantly teaches, preaches,
delivers this [Apostolical tradition] as
with one mouth. There are divers lan-
guages in the world, hut still the force
of tradition is one and the same." In
Germany, in Gaid, and Spain, in the East,
and in Africa, the Church holds the same
faith.'^ God Himself has bestowed the
faith upon her, and with it the " Holy
Spirit, the pledge of incorruption and con-
firmation of our faith. . . . "Where the
Church is, there is the Spirit of God, and
where the Spirit of God is, there is the
Church and all grace ; and the Spirit is
truth." ^ Hence to be ovitside of the
Church is the same thing as to be outside
of the truth. The quotations given abun-
dantly prove that Irenjeus believed the
Church to be one, Catholic, infallible in
her teaching, and the source of sanctity.
He is no less ey^' ^. in laying down her
Apostolic cb- Indeed, he makes
this last tl 'I of all the Church's
prerogativt ist obey those who
have the sui. . the Apostles." It
is from those .ive this succession
from the Apt hiess of doctrine,
conversation -w reproach, speech
pure and incorrU|4ible, that we must learn
the truth." "They are the nieu who ex-
pound the Scriptures for us without
danger' of error. Aud, if we ask how
we are to know that tlie bisliops have
retained sound doctri'ie and the true tra-
dition, the answer is tliat "with the suc-
cession of tlie episcopate they have re-
ceived a sure t/ift nf truth {chnriama
vcritatis) according to tli(> good will of
the Father.'" ' M'e cannot i)ut the belief of
St. Irena3us better than in the words of a
le.-irned Protestant far removed from any
s\ni|Kitliy with it. "Iren:ens'^ makes the
])ri'-i'r\ .'it mn ol' sound doeti'ine and tlie
pnsrnii' of 111,, lliily Chost dependent
UJion the bislMi]j.~ w ho in irt; it iniate suc-
cession re])i'esent the A ]ii i>t les. a nd . . .
this manifestly because lir \\ants at any
price to have a security for the unity of j
the visible Church." St. Treiuens finds the ■
> Iren. i. 28, 1, 2. -' i. 10. 2.
« Ibid. in. 24, 1. " Ihid. iv. '20, 2 and 5.
• Ziegler, Iren'dus, p. 150. '
centre of this uuity in the Roman Church,
" with which, because of its more powei ful
principality, every Church must agret —
that is, the faithful everywhere — in which
the tradition of the Apostles has ever been
preserved by those on every side." But
the interpretation of these words belongs
to the article on the Pope.
Other testimonies may be added from
the same period. Clement of Alexandria
tells us that " the true Church is one. the
Church which is really ancient." ' It is
one, he says, because God is one, though
men try to split it up into many heresies.
He speaks of heresies " which abandon
the Church which is from the beginning,"
and avers that " he who falls into heresy,
goes through a desert without water." ^
Tertullian holds similar language in con-
troversy with heretics. Over and over
again he appeals to the Apostolic founda-
tion of the Catholic Church "We commu-
nicate with the Apostolic Church, because
there is no difference of doctrine between
us; this is nn evidence of truth" — i.e. a
proof that what we teach is true.^ The
Apostles knew all truth," and taught it
to the churches.^ He proves the truth of
Catholic doctrine from the fact that the
! Church is preser-\ ed from error by the
Holy Ghost, whose office it is so to pre-
' serve her; from the very fact that all
Catholics hold the same diictr.'ne, arguing
that if the churches had fallen into error,
they would not all have fallen into the
same error, since "that which is found
one [and the same] among many, is not
an error, but a tradition.''- Finally, to
return to Tertullian'- te.-ieliing on the
A]iostolicity oi ill,. Ciiiifcli. \y\t]i which
wi- began, L,' thai ( 'atholics can,
heretics canii,)t, claim communion with
any Church of A]i,i>tolic origin.'
"We have sai<l ,.noii^li ]vrhaps on this
divisioncjf thesubji ct : liut fr,'m Tertullian
we may fitly pass t,) him ^\ h,) used to call
Tertuliiau 'liis master, th,- great St.
Cv]irian. He defin, .- the ( 'liureh as " the
laitv united fi tle^ir Iu-Iimj, {s,:,,rdut))
an.l p,.M,.r." The C'liuivli i> on, and lui-
di\ id, m1, "being b,iund in nwv by the ailhe-
sioii of bisho])s in mutual communion." "
Tlie saying which is re^ardiHl as e-\])ress-
iii'i the very I'ssence of Popish bigotry,
anihvhieh has ever been specially offensive
> Cli'in. Al. Strom, vii. 17.
-' Iluil. i. 19. S Preeser. 21, 32.
4 ll,i<l. -l-l. 5 Ilyid. n.
6 Ilnd. -.'8. 7 Adv. Marc. i. 21.
8 Cyprian. Ep. Ixvi. ; the numbering of
the epistles here follows the recent critical
edition bv Hartel.
CHURCH OF CHRIST
CHURCH OF CHRIST 191
to Protestants, viz. "no salvation outside
the Church " (" extra ecclesiam nulla
salus ") is found word for word in Cy-
prian.' Heresy is a stain which even
blood shed for the truth of Christ cannot
■wash awav.^
(C) The Catholic Roman Church, the
Church of the New Testament and of the
jprt^/(erit.— The real difficulty in the contro-
versy with all who are not Catholics is to
•prove that the four notes of the Church
given in the Constantinopolitan Creed,
" one, holy, Catholic and Apostolic
Church," are the true marks by which the
■Chiu-ch of Christ may be distinguished from
the sects. AVhen that is done, the ques-
tion between Catholics and their opponents
is almost at an end, for a Protestant body
can scarcely pretend with seriousness to
be the " one, holy, Catholic and Apostolic
Church." In fact, no single Protestant
body, so far as we are aware, ])n)fesses to
be the one Chui'ch. But iieitlier can it be
maintained that Protestant bodies taken
together, or Protestants and Catholics to-
gether, or Anglicans, Greeks and Roman
Catholics together, form the one Church.
These difterent bodies arc not one in doc-
trine ; they hold no visiljle communion
with each other ; much less are the)- ruled
by one visible government ; they cannot,
therefore, form one visibh' body. Just as
little can any of the bodies which are
severed from the unity i>f the faith, claim
the title of Catholic. No Protestant sect
.asserts its right to universal dominion ; i
such sects are essentially national or local :
in their character, and exhiliit a certain
amount of toleration to each other. The
Scotch Prcsljytcrian Church is not aggres-
sive in Eiioland : the Englisii Episcopalian
Church maljes no attempt to exercise juris-
diction over the French or Italian nations.
No Protestant body dares to say, " I am
the Catholic Church ; out of my jiale there
is no salvation ; all men must hear me and
submit to me : if they refuse, it is at tli,-ir
peril." Even the (;ireek schismatical
■Church does not seriously attempt to
convert the French or even the Iviglish
to its special form of Christianity. Simi-
larly it might be shown that no separated
body can rightly call itself holy or Apo-
stolic ; but we need not enter at length on
the treatment of tliese p(]ints, because we
shall have to point out ])rfsHntlv that
the Catholic Konian Clnin li is in oxi'lusive
possession of the,-' mai-l^, w hieh sri-\ r\\ ilh
the other two to dK^tinguisli the tine
Church. Suffice it to say that no single
' Ep. Ixxiii. 2 De Unitat. Ecclesice, 14.
Protestant body, no schismatical body of
any kind, can by any possibility have re-
ceived its mission from the Apostles. At
some time or other, each separated itself
from the unity of the Church and started a
newand independent life, so that its present
doctrine and its present independent state
cannot have come down to it in unbroken
succession from the Apostles of Christ.
Indeed, no Protestant Church professed
to have received its doctrine in unbroken
succession from the Apostles. The Angli-
can body, for example, declares expressly
that Christianity was grossly corrupted ;
that this corruption ailected the English
church among others, and that she at the
time of the Reformation reverted to the
simplicity of primitive doctrine. The
mark of sanctity was conspicuously absent
in the founders of the Greek schism and
of the Protestant churches. Nor can
any body which is not Catholic possess
the means of holiness. Even if the true
sacraments are given, they are given and
taken against Christ's will, for the simple
reason that they are given outside of the
Church which He fumded and by those
1 who hold no commission to administer
I them. They are therefore given and
j received sacrilegiously and cannot profit
the recipient, unless he is excused by
invincible ignorance.
The Catholic Roman Church, on the
other hand, claims with good right to be
" one, holy. Catholic and Apostolic."
She is one because all her members are
united under one visible head, the Bishop
of Rome, who is the centre of unity, and
who has received supreme power to rule
and govern the Church of God. He does
so along with the bishops whom the Holy
Ghost has appointed also "to rule the
Church of God," an office which tlit>y
exercise in union w ith, and in subordi-
nation to, the successor of St, Peter.
The Church, then, if we look at its con-
stitution, is one, as truly as, indeed far
more truly than, any nation can be one.
Some years ago a great deal was said
about the unity of Germany, which was
eagerly desired by many, (lermans had
many points in comm(ni : they all si)oke
the same language; the same l)lood flowed
in their veins ; they were proud of the
same literature ; they were bound together
by many ennobling recollections, and, in
some measure, by common aspirations.
I'liit the German States were not one,
Lji'cause they were not under one govern-
ment. After a military struggle, the
I unity of the empire was, at least to a
102 CHURCH OF CHRIST
CHURCH OF CHRIST
p-cat extent, secured, because the great
majority of Germans were placed under
one single rule. This unit}- Christ pro-
vided for His Church by placing it under
Peter and his successors. But, whereas
earthly governments cease to be, and
nations may be severed and divided,
Christ took care that the government of
His Church should never fail — that it
sliould continue to the end of time, one
and indivisible. He made Peter the
rock, and promised that the gates of hell
shall never prevail against the Church
built upon it. That this unity of govern-
ment is possessed by the Catholic Roman
Church at this day, is an unquestioned
and unquestionable fact. No less clear is
the Church's unity in faith. All Roman
Catholics believe the Church in commu-
nion with the Pope to be infallible in
faith and morals. The freest discussion
is permitted on matters of opinion— even
of theological opinion. But all the faith-
ful, by the very fact that they are Catho-
lics, admit that they are bound to hear
the voice of the Church, and when the
Pope solemnly issues a definition of faith,
when the pastors united teach a truth as
of faith, then all controversy is at an end.
The Protestant principle of private judg-
ment is, from the very necessity of the
case, a principle of division. A behef in
the gift of infallibility which our Saviour
has bestowed on His Church is in its own
nature a principle of unity. This unity
of government and belief is perfected by
unity of worship. The Catholic Church
all over the world ofiers to God the one
worship really worthy of Him — viz. the
sacrifice of the Mass. Everywhere she
administers the same sacraments with
the same essential rites.
The Catholic Roman Church is also
holy. She gives the true sacraments, and
it is in the unity of the Church, and there
only, that these sacraments are means of
grace. Because of her infallibility she
teaches, and is sure to teach, a holy doc-
trine, thereby differing from tlie Protes-
tant Reformers, who taught that man is
justified by iTiere faith without good
works; that man's will is not free; that
God has predestined some to eternal ruin
without any fault of theirs. It may be
safely said that if a Protestant is virtu-
ous, it is not because, but in spite of, the
heresy taught by those who founded the
Protestant religion, while a bad Catholic
is bad because he does not practise the
faith which he holds. Further, the holi-
ness of the Church is seen in the sanctity
of Christ and His Apostles who founded
her ; in the constancy of the martyrs who
sealed her faith with their blood ; in the
lives of the great saints, who have
adorned her in all ages ; in the lofty per-
fection to which her priests and religious
are called. The Reformers ought to have
been — considering the exalted mission
which they professed to have received
direct from heaven — men of manifest and
heroic sanctity. Let the reader study
the character of Luther as portrayed by
learned Protestants, such as Hallam or
Sir William Hamilton in his Essays : let
him then peruse the defence of Luther
against his Protestant assailants, by
Archdeacon Hare ; and he will see how
far Luther fell short of the ordinary
moral standard, let alone heroic sanctity.
Is it credible that God used such a man
as the great instniment for reintroducing
the gospel into Europe .f* Then let the
reader turn to the lives of the great
Catholic saints — St. Ignatius, St. Charles
Borromeo, St. Francis \avier, and many
others — whom God raised up at the very
time when so many were deserting the
Church of Christ and stigmatising her as
apostate and coiTupt. Or, again, let any-
one impartially consider the state to
which a priest is called, and compare it
with that of a Protestant cleri;yman.
The former is forbidden the enjoyment of
domestic life, that he may give himself
entirely to the service of God and his
brethren. Day by day he must recite
the Divine Office ; practically he is obliged
to offer frequently the holy sacrifice, so
that he has the most powerful motive for
keeping his conscience pure. The life of
a priest is utterly unlike that of other
men. A Protestant minister, on the
other hand, scarcely diff'eis, so far as his
state goes, from the laymen around him,
and if, as is ol'ten ihe case, he is a munof
exemplary zeal ami sell-ilrnial, it is not
his Church which makes him so. Lastly,
the Catholic Church at all times produces
eminent servants of God, who, according
to Christ's promise, perform woi'ks of
Mduder, like His dwn. So confident is
the Catholic Chiiivli iliat t-lie ])'i>>esses a
succession of ^ailll,■- \\ li(i>e >anetity is evi-
denced by mirach/s, that she actually
possesses a regular tribunal for the inves-
tigation of their heroic virtues and the
miracles which attested it. It is certain
that no heretical sect, no church except
the Catholic Roman Church, would ven-
ture, in the broad light of civilisation, to
set up such a cotirt.
CHURCH OF CHEIST
CHURCH OF CHRIST 193
The Church is continually aggressive,
end she will acknowledge no rival.
"Wherever it is possible she sends her
missionaries and plants churches. She
claims universal jurisdiction. The com-
mon sciit^e of mankind acknowledges her
Catholic character. Various sects claim
the name of Catholic, but they never suc-
ceed in persuadiiin' fi( hers to acknowledj;e
this claim, and rlicy scarcely seem to be-
lieve in it themselves. They are known
as the Church of a particular country, as
the Church of England, the Church of
Scotland, &c. ; by the name of some
heretical founder, Calvinists, Lutherans,
Sec. ; never as Catholics. Even separa-
tists who have maintained the priesthood
and the Catholic rites are not known to
the world generally as Catholics, but as
Jansenists, " Old "Catholics," &c. The
argument of St. Augustine holds as good
now as in his own day. He says he was
kept in the Church by the " very name
of Catholic which not without cause
among so many heresies that Church
alone has obtained ; so that, although all
heretics wish to be called Catholic, no
heretic, if a stranger asks the way to the
Catholic Church, dares to point out his
own basilica or house." ' The Church in
no way remits her claim to be Catholic
when she also speaks of herself as Roman.
It is the distinctive mark of Catholics to
be in communion with the Roman see.
And this use of Roman as equivalent to
Catholic is not of recent date. "The
Catholics," Cardinal Newman writes,
"during this ])eriod [viz. that of the
Arian Goths] were denoted by the addi-
tional title of Romans. Of this there are
many proofs in the histories of St. Gre-
gory of Tours, Victor of Vite, and the
Spanish councils." . . . After giving one
accidental reason for which the Catholics
at that time were called Romans, Cardinal
Newman proceeds : " The word certainly
contains also an allusion to the faith and
communion of the Roman See. In this
sense the Emperor Theodosius, in his
letter to Acacius of Beroea, contrasts it
with Nestorianism, which was within the
empire as well as (Catholicism ; during
the controversy raised by that heresy, he
exhorts him and others to show them-
selves 'approved priests of the Roman
religion.' " Later on similar passages are
adduced from the Emperor Gratian and
St. Jerome."
1 Aiifiust. Ep. Fundam. c. 4, quoted bv
Billuart.
JJevelopmetit, p. 280, seq.
The Roman Church is Apostolic, be-
cause her doctrine is the faith once re-
vealed to the Apostles, which faith she
guards and explains, without adding to
it or taking from it ; because the orders
of her clergy come by unhrdken succes-
sion from the Apostles ; because she is in
communion with Ronu', the Apostolic
see by pre-eminenci', Idi- the Roman
bishop is the sm-(r>s(ir "I' St. Peter, to
whomChristentrusted 11 is tlock, to wh(jm
He gave the keys of His house, so that
communion with Rome makes the
Church's mission — that is, her authority
to teach — apostolic. Other sees of Apo-
stolic foundation have fallen away into
heresy ; and in the Catholic Roman
Church the See of Peter remains the un-
failing centre of unity. Sects may pre-
serve the Apostolic succession of bishops,
and so may have true orders ; but no
sect can have Apostolic mission and so
be Apostolic, because all mission is losi
the moment that a separation from the
Roman See is effected.
{!)) The Constitution of the Church.
— "VVe may now dismiss controversy, and
attempt a concise account of the militant
Church and the belief of Catholics re-
gaiding it. It may be defined as " the
sriciety of the faithful who are baptised,
and united by the profession of the same
faith, participation in the same sacra-
ments and the same worship, to each
other, and who are under one head in
heaven, viz. Christ, one head on earth,
viz. the Pope, His Vicar." Thus the
Church consists of those who " are baji-
tised," because baptism makes us members
of the Church ; who are united in faith,
sacraments and worship, because since
the Church is intended to put men in
possession of heaven, her members must
be united in the means necessary for the
attainment of this end — viz. faith, sacra-
ments, and worship : her members are
aU under one head, otherwise the Church
would not be one body; lastly, the
Church, being a visible body, must have
a visible head and centre of unity.
The Church then, though it consists
of good and bad members, does not m-
clude heretics, schismatics, or (at least
in the strict and full sense of member-
ship) persons severed from her unity by
the greater excommunication.' This
1 Certain questions agitated in the theo-
logical schools are passed over here : e.g. whether
" pure schismatics." i.e. persons holding the full
faith of the Church, but separated by schism),
may still be called members of the Church.
0
194 CHURCH OF CHRIST
CHURCH OF CHRIST
Church is divided into the ecclesia docens 1
{i.e. the body of the pastors who teach i
the faith) and the ecclesia credens (i.e.
the faithful who are taught the faith and I
who accept it). The teaching or ruling-
body of the Church is composed, (1) of
the Pope, who is the vicar of Christ and
successor of Peter ; who is the centre of
unity, so that none who are not in com-
munion with him are Catholics at all ;
and who possesses immediate and ordi-
nary jurisdiction over all the faithful —
i.e. not only over all tlie laity, but over
all other pastors, wliatever their dignity
may be.' (2) Of the bisliops, who rule
separate portions of Christ's flock which
have been committed to their charge,
with ordiii.-ii-y jurisdiction and in virtue
of divinr a])]i(iintni(>nt, but Still in union [
with and in siiliordination to the Pope.
(3) Of tlie inferior clergy, who are sub-
ordinate to tlie bishops and represent
tliem, but who are not necessary to the
Church in the same sense as that in |
which the bishops are, since bishops, |
governing their flocks with ordinary
jurisdiction, belong to the divine and
unalterable constitution of the Church;
not so vicars-general, ])arish-priests, &c.
The Pope, indeed, iii;iy remove bishops,
may alter the iKuiiei.irles of dioceses, [
suppress them or unite them; a country
may lose its hierarchy and become subject
to X'icars Apostolic, who are mere dele-
gates of the Pope. But there ahvay.^ has
been and there always wiU be an episco-
pate, presiding over dioceses and ruling
them, in subjection, of course, to the j
Pojie, but still with ordinary jurisdiction.
Tlie ecclesia credens, or body of the
faithful, is infallible in its belief concern-
ing faith and morals: i.e. in theological
laiii;ii;iL;e, liie ('Imrcli lias a passive in-
falliiiility ; but, i he faithful are bound .
to learn the faitli from tlii>ir pastors, it
follows that the Churcli lias an active as
well as a passive infallibility : i.e. the
faithful cannot err in what they believe,
because the same Holy Spirit which
enables them to believe wliat their pastors
teach provides that these jiastors sliall
teach the truth with unerring voice. The
pastors of the Church may exercise this
divine gift in several ways. The Pope, in
liis supreme office of universal teacher,
mav define a doctrine on faith and morals,
to iie lield 1)V t he wliole Church ; in which
(■a>e, iiec.irdinL: the decision of tlie
A'.alie.i.i CouiM-il.he is infallible. Afiaiii,
the I'ope may coiivolce a ])articular synod
1 Concil. "Vatican, " Past. Ktern." cap. o. ,
and in union with it define a doctrine of
faith, which be afterwards promulgates
to the whole Church. Once more, the
Pope may convoke a general council, and
confirm its decisions on matters of faith.
Lastly, the Church disjiersed may exercise
her infallibility: i.e. the Po])e' and the
bisliops throughout the world, in the
ordinary performance of their duty, and
without formally concerting together,
may teach certain truths to the body of
the Church as of divine faith. In all
these cases. Catholics without exception
maintain, and are bound to maintain,
that the teaching given is infallible.
It only remains to determine the
subject-matter to which this infalliliility
extends. Clearly, neither Pope nor
Church can put forth new dogmas for
acceptance. The faith has been "once
delivered to the saints." The Vatican
Council lays down this point with great
lucidity. "The Holy Ghost was not pro-
mised to the successors of Peter in order
that, through his revelation, they might
manifest new doctrine, but in order that
tlinuigh liis assistance [the successors of
l'' !i i- Kil-lit religiously guard, and faith-
fully e\i>iiuiid, the revelation handed
dow n by the Apostles, or the deposit of
the faitii." The Church, then, has no in-
spiration: she cannot receive fresh revela-
tions, to be imposed on the belief of the
faiiliful. Her office is confined to ex-
pounding the original revelation, to the
condemnation of new error and the draw-
ing out of ancient truth, which may not,
as yet, have been perfectly understood )jy
the faithful. Hence when the Church
defines an article of faith — such, for exam-
ple, as the Immaculate Concejition of the
Blessed Virgin — there is a double obliga-
tion of belief. First, we are bound to
confess that the doctrine is true and to be
accepted without doubt; next, that this
doctrine was revealed to the A])ostles and
preserved in the deposit of faith, as con-
tained in Scripture and tradition. It need
scarcely be said that this belief in the
permanent and inalterable character of
revealed truth is perfectly consistent with
the theory of development as maintained
by Cardinal Newman and other eminent
Catholic divines. It is one thing to hold
that the deposit of faith was given in its
fullness to the Apostles ; quite another to
assert that every article of this faith has
been apprehended fully and clearly by the
faithful generally in all jiarts of the
Church. On certain great and central
truth.s— e.y. the Pivinity of Christ ; His
CIirRCH OF CHRIST
CHURCH
195
presence in the Eucharist ; the forgiveness
of sin through baptism and penance ; the
unity and infallibility of the Church — the
faith of Catholics has been clear from
the first. On other questions a certain
(ibscurity prevailed, and the Catholic
dogmas were developed by the slow action
of time and controversy. Consequences
had to be drawn from principles, and only
by degrees did it appear how much these
principles involved. Individual Fathers
might fall into exaggeration or commit
themselves to incomplete and one-sided
statements. They might fix their atten-
tion on the truths which it was their
business at the moment to defend against
the heresy of the day, and fall into in-
accurate language, which could be used —
unjustly, indeed, but not without a show
of plausibility — by heretics who fell into
I'rror at the opposite extreme from tlie
f-rrors wliich these Fathers opposed. It
may be freely admitted, then, that tlie de-
finitions of councils have gone beyond the
teaching of individual Fathers, but then
this is precisely because these Fatliers had
fallen short to some extent of the original
teacliing of the Apostles. In the course
of vears heresy was met by new and ade-
quate expression of truth, delivered from
the first ; but, after all, the stream of doc-
trine rose no higher than its source.
Thus the Church's infallibility in de-
fining articles of faith is limited to the
definition of truths already contained in
Scripture and Tradition. IJut within this
province her word, and her word alone, is
decisive. To her, and not to private in-
dividuals, it belongs authoritatively to
mterpret Scripture. She has determined
the books of which Scripture is made up;
it is hers to judge of their meaning. So,
too, she is the guardian of tradition, and
no one can appeal either to Scripture or
to liistory against her definition without
making shipwreck of the faith and for-
feiting the name of Catholic by the very
act. Individuals may of course devote
themselves to the study of Scriptural exe-
gesis, and of history, and the Church in all
ages has encouraged these studies and
commended those who have pursued them.
Moreover, few studies, if pursued in a really
scientific and impartial spirit, tend more
to strengthen belief in the Church's claim.
I'ut to say that a private person may on
the strength of liis investigations set at
defiance the Church's definition is tan-
tamount to a denial of the Church's
infallibility.
We have just said that the Church's
infallibility in articles of faith does not ex-
tend beyond the truths contained in the
j original revelation. But almost all theo-
j logians are agreed that the Church is
! endowed with a further infallibility, on
matters which are so closely connected
with revealed truth that, unless the Church
were infallible in pronouncing upon them,
lier infallibility, in defining the faith itself,
would come to nothing, or at least fail to
effect the ends for which it was bestowed
upon her. Thus the Church is infallible iu
deciding that a book contains heretical
doctrine : in affirming, for example, that
false and heretical propositions are to
be found in the work of Jansenius on
grace. Otherwise the Church's con-
demnation of false df)Ctrine would be
almost useles,-, since the faithful would be
free to maintain that the Cluiix-h had mis-
understood the meaning of the s>ippo>ed
heretic, and thus they might continue to
feed on poisonous pastures. So again, the
Church is infallible iu the canonisation of
saints: i.e. in deciding that a pailieular
individual practised virtue iu an heroic
degTee and now reigns with Christ in
heaven ; else she would be proposing false
models to her children, and encouraging a
vimeration completely misplaced: to do
which would amount to nothing less
tlian forfeiting, or at ]>-,\<t obscuring,
lur note of sanctity. Similar cases in
which the Church's inrallihililv extends
beyond the deposit of faith might be
mentioned. But it must be remembered
that the Church is not infallible in such
facts as are merely personal and historical.
She may err in her judgment on the guilt
or innocence of individuals who come be-
1 fore her tribunal ; documents may be ac-
j cepted as genuine in her councils M hich
j are really spiu'ious ; historical errors may
exist in the offices of the Breviary, ap-
I proved as it is by the judgment of the
Pope and the Church. Error on such
I matters is possible, because they form no
part of the faith, nor does error in regard
1 to them detract from the perfection with,
which the Church gmirds that faith.
[For the Church of the New Testa-
ment, see the admirable account in Bollin-
ger's " First Age of the Church." Mbhler's
Symbolism ("Symbolik") contains a mas-
terly exposition of the differences between
Catholics and Protestants on the subject of
the Church. Cardinal Newman's "Deve-
1 lopment of Christian Doctrine" abounds
I with valuable matter on this subject.]
CHVRCK : PX.il.CZ: OF CHRZS-
TZAir ASSEMBZiY. Churches may,
o2
196 CHURCH
CHURCH
in one sense, be said to be as old as Chris- 1
tianity itself, for places of Christian meet-
\UiX are frequently mentioned in the New |
Testament — e ff. in 1 ( 'or. xi. 2:2, xiv. 34.
At first no doubt private hoiisf.- were- used
for tliis purpose, and thus St. Paul,
Colofs. iv. 15, writes, "Salute the brethren
who are at Laodicea, and Nymphas, and the
Church that is in his house." The same
e\pi>'<sion is used of Prisca and Aquila,
tiotli at Rome, in Rom. xvi. 5; and at i
Ephesus, 1 Cor. xvi. 19: and also of
Philemon, either at ColossiB or Laodicea
(Philemon, 2). This state of things con- ;
tinned after tlie Apostolic age, though it is '
ini]iii.~>il]le to determine exactly when the
giithevings in tlio liouses of private Chris- j
ti.-m- uave way to a,— emblies held in build-
i;ij~ .Trcteil tor I he purpose. Justingives |
a laiiiiHis de-erijitirm of the celebration'
of the I'.ucliarist am.mg Christians of his j
tinii'. hilt he does not make any mention of
churclies in tht' later sense. Some lielit is
t]iro\vnontheearIv(:'hri>tiiiiia".nili!ieO,v
tlie words quoted i.y 1 te Hn.-.-i. •■ col Ir- i mu
quod est in domo S.-rL;ia' Paiiliii.e"' i-'the
club which is in the house of Ser^^ia
Paulina"): for the Cliristiaus were first
recognised by the Roman government as
"Collegia" or burial clubs, and protected
by this IfLial toleration they no doidit
held their first a>~emblies for" ]>ublic wor-
ship. ]Iow(>ver, at the beginning of the
third century, we find clear proof that
chnrches propi.-rly so called began to be
erected. Thus .I'jlius Lamjn-idius in his
Life of Alexander Severus (222-2.3.5) re-
lates that tliis l':ni])i'ror confirmed the
Cliristiaus in ]M.>-....ion of aplaceof wor-
slii]). St. (lr. L]or\ till' wonder-worker is
said by liis nam. -idie of Nyssa, to have
built se\eral cliurclies: and when the per-
secution of 1 )i,x'let ian broke out, the sight
of Christian chuicljes was fiimiliar to all.
Thi' edict of that En;])eror, usually as-
signed to the year .j02, ordered their
destruction. As soon as this last persecu-
tion was over, and tlie peace of the Church
secured by Constantine, Christians began
to erect churches on a magnificent scale,
mill flius seized the first opportunity of
manife.-ting that outward respect to God
and His house which is cliaracteristic of
Catholics. Eusebius has left an elaborate
description of the chnrcli ljuilt at Tj-re
between .313 and 322. He tells us of 'its
great wall of enclosure, which has left its
traces to this day; of its portico opening
into the atrium, in the centre of which
> RoTna Sotterranea, i. p. 209, quoted by Dr.
Lightfoot, Comment, on Colossiaiis.
there was a fovintain for the purification
of the worshippers as they entered ; of the
great doors, the nave, the aisles with
galleries above tliem ; of the "thrones"
for the clergy, and of "the most holy
altar " surrounded with railings of ex-
quisite work.' In short, the Church ex-
hibited the pomp of Catholic worship as
soon as it was possible to do so.
The changes of style in church-build-
ing at different epochs do not concern us
here; but it is worth while to note the
arrangements of the earliest Christian
churches.
According to the rule laid down in
the Apostolic Constitutions,'' the church
■was to have the sanctuary at the east
end, the reason being that by this means
the Christians in church were enabled to
pray as t liey were used to pray in private,
i.e. facing the east.^ However, this rule
was by no means universally observed.
The church at Tyre, of which we have
already spoken, had the entrance at the
east and the sanctuary of course at the
west : and ancient churches in Rome (e.ff.
St. .lobn Lateran)are preserved, that are
arran-ed in this manner. The fact is tluit,
as we shall presently see, it was impossible,
according to the position which the bishop
occupied, that both he and his flock should
pray facing in the same direction. If the
rule in the Apostolic Constitutions was
followed, the people faced east, the bishop
west; if the church was placed like that
built at Tyre, or like those said 'o have
been erected by Constantine at Rome,
then the people had to face westwards,
but the celebrant looked towards the
east. The form of the church described
in the Apostolic Constitutions was an
oblong, terminating at the inner end in a
semicircular projection, called concha or
apse. In this apse the altar was placed ;
behind the altar the bishop's throne was
placed ; the priests occupied seats which
formed a semicircle, the bishop's seat
being in the midst, and the bishop and
the priests being so placed as to look
towards the people. Origen calls this
place in which the seats of the bishops
and priests were set round the altar,
presbyterium. It corresponds to what
we now call the sanctuary, a name -which
was not introduced till the middle ages.
Of the deacons, some stood in the pres-
byterium, others were stationed in the
body of the church to keep order among
1 Euseb. H. E. X. 4, § 37,
' Apost. Constit. ii. .57.
» Clem. AI. Strom, vii. 7.
seq.
CHURCH
CHURCH 197
the people. In the church of St. Agnes
in the Roman Catacombs, we can still
discover this ancient arrangement of the
presbvterium. At each side of the apse —
i.e. at the north and south corners, if the
apse lodlied east — there were TT(iaTn(f>6f)ia
or cells for the reservation of the lUessed
Sacrament and for keeping the sacred
Tessels.
The laity were placed in the nave, a
name which has arisen from the com-
parison of the Church n shi]), -wluch
we meet with oven in tlir A]i' i.-t- ilic
Constitutions. " In tli.' iiiiJ.ll.' >tn,.,l
the reader on a rai.-fd place" Since the
bishop also is said to have sat in the
middle, although his throne n-ally stood
at the east end, we are justified \n sup-
posing that the reader's pulpit was be-
tween the north and south sides of the
nave — in other words, at the (\ast of the
nave, and so, close to the presbyterium.
St. Cyprian' describes the conspicuous
position of the reader, as he stood on the
pulpit {pvlpitmn) in the sight of the
congTegation.
Jsearest to the presbyterium, places
were reserved for the virijins, widow.s,
and aged women.'- The iii'xt part of the
nave was parted oft' iutu f \\ n -pacrs, facli
with separate door-: ^nr ..f t h.x- ji.utiniis
was for men, the doors Ihmul; ^^uardfd liy
cstiarii: the other for women, the doors
being placed in charge of deaconesses.
"We learn from the direct testimony of
Origen that the last place, i.e. the most
remote from tlie altar — was given to the
catechumens. No douljt, howcAer, the
catechumens were jilaced nearer to the
altar than the penitents, tliouuh it is
difficult to determine tin." position occu-
jiied by the dift'en-nt cla>ses of pt^iitents.
Tertullian' speaks nt criniin.'ds, who
were driven not only fi.un the threshold,
but from any place under the roof of the
church; and Cyjirian says of penitents,
"Let them come to the tlii'eshold of the
cliurch, but bv no means ]);i>s over it. ' '
We may perhaji^ eonelnJe ll,;,t l],e more
advanced class of pen it enl - 1 1 lie '■liearer,-")
were placed in the porch ( ni/i^^i;^), while
persons under excommunication were
]iut outside of the church altogether.
The buildings attached from ancient
times to the church, such as the sacristy,
' Cyprian, Ep. xxxviii., ed. Hartel.
- np€(7-j8uTi5€S, in tlie Apostohc Constitu-
tions. Tliere is some dispute as to the meaning
of the word.
s Tertull. De Pmlicit. c. \.
* Cyprian (ed. H:.i,cl), Ep. xxx. § 6.
baptistery, &c., are described in separate
articles.
As has been already said, we are con-
sidering the church from the theological
or ecclesiastical, not from the architec-
tural point of view, so that we say
nothing of the different styles which
have prevailed in the East and West.
Accordingly, having described the
arrangements of a Christian church in
primitive ages, we may now pass on to
speak of the modern regulations on the
subject of church-building. We shall
follow as our guide a recent writer on
this subject, Msgr. de Montault, in his
Traits pratique de la Construction des
Eglises."
A church is a building intended for
the general use of the faithful, and is for
this reason distinct from a chapel, which
is intended for the convenience of some
family, college, &c. ; or from an orator}-,
which is essentially domestic or private.
The principal churches are called basili-
cas, and these again are subdivided into
greater and patriarchal, and into minor
basilicas. The chief church of a diocese
is called a cathedral, and a cathedral
may be patriarchal, primatial, metro-
jiolitan, according to the dignity of the
luelate who holds it. An abbatial church
IS the seat of an abbot; if servivl liy a
chapter, a church is called colleiriate
The title parish-church explains itself
The greater basilicas are called "most
holy," while " most illustrious " and
" illustrious" (jjeri?7.'fii/>if and in.'iii/ne) are
nanii's of honour given respectively to
lesser basilicas and collegiate churches,
by favour of the Holy Si^e.
The ])lace on which a church is to be
built is to be designated by the bishop,
as is expressly ordered both by the Pon-
tifical and canon law. There must be an
open space all round the church, but this
prescription of the Pontifical does not
forbid the placing of houses for the
bishop or clergy at the side. Thei-t'
should be no window or door opi-ning
into a private house, unless periTiis>ion
to that effect has been obtained trom
Rome. There is no rule which re(juires
the sanctuary to be placed at the east
end, though Ferraris considei-s this
arrangement more siiitaMe. In the
middle ages, pains were taken to place
the sanctuary so that it looked towards
the point at which the sun rose when the
fmndations were traced. During the
last three centuries this orientation, as it
is called, has been much neglected. Xor,
198 CHURCH
CHURCH PRORERTY
again, need the cliurcli be of any par-
ticular style, since the Church has
sanctioned liy use ull kinds of ecclesi-
astical in( liileel mr. Mdreover, churches
ure built in all foiins and shapes: that of
a Latin cross, of a Greek cro^s (which is
a cross with four equal branches), of a
rectangle, circle, ifcc. The plans when
completed nni,--t he suhmitted to the
bishop and apjjroxed l)v him.
The laity are i.laeiMl in the nave of
the church. Tlie reparation of the sexes,
wliich, as we h.-ive seen above, dates from
the infancy of flie Clnirch, continued
during the middle ages. It was the
custom to place the women on the north,
the mcTi t\n the south side of tlie nave.
Tliis separation of men from women in
church is now very generally neglected,
but it is required by tlie Komau Kiiual
and the "Ceremonial of Jiislmps,'' when
it can be managed without inconvenience.
Catholics are of course bound to show
respect to the church as the hon,-e of
(iod. ^leu nmst uncover their lieiid,-,
women, according to St. Paul's rule, inu>t
have their heads covered. Ecclesia.-I ieal
authority from time to time has inter-
vened to suppress aliuses eonfrary to this
respect, and has severely int''r(li( ted un-
necessary tallving, the .sale of ])ioiis olijei-t^,
begging, &c., in the church. It is, how-
ever, to be observed that ecclesiastical
authority permits certain reunions which
are not of a strictly religious character
to take place in church. Thus in 1060
the Sacred Congregation of Rites "de-
clared that it was not contrary to the
ecfdesiastical rite, miy, tliat it was praise-
wortliy," for the medical college of
Salerno to " ctmfer the Doctor's degree
in tlie chui-ch."
W ilh regard to the repair of churches,
tlie I'xjiense must be met, according to
]!< n(Mli( t XTV. and other canonists, (1)
from 111.' ie\enues of the church, if suffi-
cieni lor Mil' ])urjiose ; (2) by those who
are obliged, whether by custom or parti-
cular statute, to ilo so; (.;) by the parish
priest if his proliv-M iial income allows of
it, the assistant idergy being also bound
to crintrihule on the same condition; (4)
by tlie patron ; (5) failing all these, a tax
niii>t Vie imposed on the ])arisliioners.
gregalion of 11 it es some! mi, v~ priinil- the
people .if the place to work" on holidays of
ohliLiation according to tlie discretion of
the urdinary, pro\ iiled that the work on
these days is done gratuitously. In order
to change the site of a church, very grave
reasons are required, and often, particu-
larly if a cathedral church is in question,
leave must lie obtained from Rome.
The jiarticular parts of the church,
choir, jiorch, &C., and the furniture, altars,
inuiges, kc, are treated of in separate
articles. Of the early history of churches,
a good account will "ije found in the recent
work of Probst, " Kirchliche Disciplin in
den drei ersten Jahrhunderten."
CHURCH PROPERTY (hnia eccle-
stat)fi.cii). The right ot' the Catholic
Church, e(]ually with any other corpora-
tion or moral jierMin, to acijuire and pos-
sess property, >ei iii> olivious to cf)mmon
sense; liiit since this rii;ht is often cou-
te.-ted in theory ami withheld in jiractice
in oil)' own day, it may lie desirable to go
into the matter in >oiiic del ail : to examine
the principle in human nature on which
the tenijioral endowments of the Church
are founded; to distinguish the variou.<i
kinds ol' ecclesiastical property, and the
IHiiposi s for which sucii jiroperty is re-
i|uin (1 ; flu 11, alter sketching the histoiy
ol' ( 'hun h endowments in Europe, to give
some ai count of the elliu ts which medi-
a_'\al and modern Icm illation has made
to arre>t tlieir increase and oust their
I low the Church came to possess pro-
perty any person who is a Catholic in
more than name can discover by merely
analysing the feelings which >iM Hit a iieously
arise in his own mind when he is un ited,
or has the opportunity, to malie an otl'er-
ing for some religions object. In making
it he feels that it is not he who lays the
Church, but the Church that lays him,
under an obligation; enabling him by-
such acts to unite himself to her glorious
cau.se, assist her in fultilling lier divine
mission, ludji to have tlie duine praises
celebrated -with greater frequency and
splendour, minister to the poor and suft'er-
ing, and participate in the merits of her
missioners lahouringamongst the heathen.
"It is more blessed to give tlian to re-
ceive." Sui-h being the natural sentiments
of everyone who knows what being a
Catholic means, there is no reason to fear
I that temporal possessions will e\er be
I wanting to the Church, although the
s]ioliations which she has had to endure,
and is still enduring, in every part of
fill rope, cannot but cause great local em-
barra>smeiit and temi)orary arrest of her
activity. Wherever there are Catholics
deserving the name, there the Clin.cli will
have property, whatever intidel legislation
may contrive. The real danger is, lest
CHURCH PROPERTY
CHURCH PROPERTY 19&
the persevering elibrts of the modern j
State to shut out religion from education ]
should succeed in training up a generation
of men and women to whom the genuine
spirit of Catholicism would be unknown,
and who would cousetjueutly starve the
Church by their own illiberality, and ob-
^erve her persecution by their rulers with
complacency. On this subject some re-
marks wiU be found under Education
and Schools.
Property is of two kinds, moveable
and immoveable. The so-culled Liberals
of our day cannot deny that the Church
must possess some amouut of the former
at least, if her functions are to be per-
formed at all. Christ's kingdom, though
not " <•/ this world," is in this world ; its
ministers and subjects are human beings,
its medium is social life, its local habita-
tion is the world of sense ; it therefore,
while its end is heavenly, needs external \
and material resoiu-ces. Money, if not j
exceeding the limits of " evangelical i
poverty," and church requisites of all
lands, it is admitted even by her eneniii s
that the Church must possess. But thty
liraw a line between moveable and im-
moveable property— between money and
land; pretending that it is the duty and
interest of the State to debar her from the
enjoyment of real property, lest, we sup-
pose, she should become too powerful, or
jest wealth shoidd corrupt her ministers
and divert them from their true vocation.'
This last plea, of coiu-se, is hypocritical.
On the other side, we shall quote an ad-
mirable passage from Card. Soglia, in
which he has shown for what pui-posesthe
Church requires property, and by what an
indisputable right she acquires and enjoys
it. ''It is asked," he says, "whence does
the Church derive the right of acquiring
and possessing real or lauded property
{buna stabilia et fruyifera) ? Is it from
the civil law, or from some other system
of law, human or diTine ? Unless I am
much mistaken, a terse and solid answer
to this question can be drawn from a con-
sideration of the divine constitution of the ]
Church. We know for certain, from [
' The innumerable unjust spoliations of
which the Church h.is been made, and is still
bciiii; made, the victim in Italy, and especially
at Rome (of which the robbery of the estates
of the Colleire of I'riipatjanda is a recent and
flagrant instance), are justilied on some such I
flimsy re.isoning as that described in tlie text ; j
the real reason of course being that Italian j
Liberal.* hate religion, and hatred, as Aristotle I
says, desires for its objects annihilation — I
rb jxi) (hai. I
sacred literature and tradition, that there-
is in the Church a supreme power of ad-
ministering religion and society, peculiar
to it, instituted by Christ, and entirely-
distinct from the civil power. It is also-
a certain and established truth that she
possesses an inherent right to provide-
herself with all those apt and suitable
means which may be necessary for the-
pi-e,-?er\ atiou of religion itself and of
Christian society. But, in order to the-
worship of Liod and the salvation of souls-
in the Christian society, churches and
altars must be built ; sacred vessels, orna-
ments, and other things subsidiary to the-
Divine worship must be provided ; the-
bishops, priests, and ministers who serve
the Church and apply all their eiieiu-ie-
to the promotion of the eternal >al\ :il uni
of men, must be supported; cleik-- must
be trained in letters and ecclesiastical dis-
cipline ; the poor, the sick, widows and
orphans must be taken care of; hospitality
must be practised towards the faithful ;
cajitives must be redeemed, and many
similar \\-orks carried on : all which things
eaiiuot be done without buildings, re-
\euues, abundant resources, and laree
expenses. It follows that the Church
jiossesses by her very constitution, and by
the i,vill of lier divine Founder, the right
of proeiiriiig, acquiring, and possessing
property, whether personal or real, in
order that she may have at hand what is
necessary in order to defray the e.xpendi-
ture above mentioned ; just as civil society
has the ri;:ht of demanding taxes and
levying imposts, or even of possessing
landed property, if public necessity and
utility require it." ' The Cardinal goes
on to maintain that the Church has at all
times exercised this right, even in the
teeth of the prohibition of the civil power;
and as a case in point, he cites her acqui-
sition of property during the third cen-
tury, when, as a " coUegiiun illicitum,"'
she could not, according to the Roman
jurisprudence, legally hold it. That the
Cluu-ch acted -wrongly in making these
acquisitions it would be absurd and im-
pious to maintain ; but the rightfulness of
her action can be vindicated on no other
principle than one which asserts her right
to hold property to he jure divino, and in-
dependent of t he consent of the civil power.
The historical aspdct of the subject
must now be briefly treated. It is the
remark of St. Austin,^ that when our
1 Institiitiones Canonitie. iii. 1. § 8.
Quoted by Ott, in tiie art. •' iJiens EccW-
siastique;!,' 'Wetzei- and VVelte.
200 CHURCH PROPERTY
CHURCH PROPERTY
Lord, who could have provided for Him-
self and the Apostles in other ways, sanc-
tioned the use of a hag or pursf, in which
the otferings of His followers were kept,
ftnd from \\ liieh money was taken f >r the
poor and tin- reiiuirrmfnts of ft-stivals,
lie desirt'd td ti-aeh His Church that she
Lad the ri^lit cjf pos>e>sing- property. We
learn from the Acts of the Apostles that
they received, dating from the day of
Pentecost, large sums of money which the
new believers poured into their hands;
that in those first days of fer\ our private
property passed tem])iirarily into abey-
ance, and the Ap(_)stles distributed to
" every one according as he liad need ; "' '
moreover, that when the "serving of
tables " threatened to become so onerous
as to di\ert the Apostles from their
pro])er work, they appointed deacons'- to
receive and administer under their direc-
tion the Church fund>. It is also ex-
])licitly staled in the New Testament
that "the laljourer is worthy of his hire;"''
that if the clergy sow totlie laity spiritual
things, it is no great matter if they
reap their carnal thing-,' and tliat ''the
Lord ordained that they who ])i'each the
Gospel should live by I he ( ii .^iiel," The
])rinci])le of Church endowment and
Church property is thii^ >een to have
full, ex])licit aiul undeniable Scrij)tural
warrant.
Space does not admit of our showing
in detail the manner in which this jirin-
cii)le was a])]ilied from age to age : how
Cliureli funds, from being in tlie be-
ginning jmndy diocesan, came to be also
ca]>itular, panjchial, and monastic; and
liow the admission of the feudal customs
endowed — if we might not say bur-
deni'd the Church, not only with broad
land-. Iiiit wilh a \ast teniixu-al juris-
dielioii in I lie shape of lordsliips and
principalities. Il may be inleresting,
however, lo noir tlir jid-ilion in which
the question -tood al I he time when
pea.-e \va.- i-.Mnivd lo the Church by
Con-t ant iiie. In t lie imperial ordinanei's
])ie-er\ 1(1 li\ j'hi-i'hiiis, it is comnninded
that til., -it/'s of .-,11 their chiiirlies shall
l)r iv.inivd to the ( ' 1 1 r 1 1 1 a 11^ : and this is
Jollowrd ],\ ill.. -1-iiiheant ]n'o\ iso that
",-ine.- th.. Chr.-llan- ,.iv kn.iwn t,. have
ha.l n.il ..niv lli..-.^ i.hir.- wh.^re th.w
were accii>tonie.l lo m.'et, hut .)ther
places also, belonging not to individuals
among them, but to the right of the
1 Acts iv. .S5. * Acts vi. 2.
3 Luke. X. 7. * 1 Cor. ix. 11.
i 1 Cor. i.K. 14.
whole body of Christians, you [the
prtetors, procurators, &c.] will also com-
mand all these, by virtue of the law
before mentioned, without any hesitancy,
to be restored to these same Christians:
that is, to their body, and to each con-
venticle respectively." In another ordi-
nance, addressed to Anulius, the Emperor
intimates that this restitution is to l)e
made in favour of "the ('atlDlie Church
of the Christians in the sever.al cities or
other places," and that Anulius is to
"nudie all haste to restore, as soon as
possible, all that belongs to the churches,
whether gardens or houses, or anything
else." ' We here see the civil power
recognising the legality of those acquisi-
tions which, as mentioned in a previous
paragraph, had been made in contraven-
ti(m of the civil law.
The nnresti'ict.'.l right to enjoy pro-
perty tliii- r. I ..I'ni-.'d in the Church
opened till.' \\a\ t i al)uses. as was only
j natural; these ahuses were restrained by
edicts of the Emperoi's \'alentinian and
Theodosius An edict of Marcian (+457)
removed many of these restrictions, and
allowed all persons ample facilities for
endowing the Churcdi with any descrip-
tion of property, w hether by will or dis-
position i/iter r/r'/.y. In the West, as
each nation was converted, it voluntarily
j and j.iyfully i.-nriched with lands aiu.1
go. 1.1,- the ( 'hiireh which had brought to
il th.' iiit's-at;.' (3f salvation. In the ninth
an.l tenth centuries the incursion otT'a>;au
,1 lanes, Xoimaus. ami Hungarians, and
! the c. infusions thence arising, causeil
great havoc and waste of the Church's
patrimony; but the unity of the eccle-
siastical oreanisatiou being preserved,
and hei-esy ke])t at hay, the damage done
\\-as s|jei'ilily repaired on the return of
peace, from ih.' ideventh century to
I the tifti'i'iith .'Xl. n.led that marvellous
period of Iviur. i])ean d.-velopment in which
the Chiir. li. ]iiiunnu out her treasures
with a fre.' han.l - i .ivered the face of the
Cmtinenl aiel .if .mr own island with a
network of cat li.'.lrals, convents, colleges,
and parish churches, llie Ijeauty and
majesty of which later anil c il.ler ages
admire but cannot euiulat.'. Th" inroads
made upon the Church's fortune by the
Reformation and modern revolutions can
only be indicated in general terms. In
1 Euseb. Hint. Eccles. x. 5 (Bohn's transla-
tion).
^ " Aurum P2cclesia habet, non ut servet. sed
ut erom't ct subveniat iu neoe.ssitnt ibus." St.
Ambr. quoted by SogUa, /. c.
CHURCH PROPERTY
CIBORIUM 201
];iigliind the Church -w-as deprived of the '
cathedrals, parish churches, universities, I
hi)si)itals, see-lands, glebes, and a variety
of other property, moveable and im-
moveable ; all which were transferred to
the new church founded by Elizabeth.
With regard to the monasteries, their i
lands passed chiefly into the hands of
private persons, their personal property i
to the Crown. In France, the enormous
landed possessions of the Church were
confiscated at the Revolution, and the
Catholic religion for a time suppressed.
By the Concordat which the First Consul
concluded with the Holy See in 180l^
the latter agreed to recognise the title of
the holders of all Church lauds alienated
up to that time, and the French State
on the other hand undertook to pay an
annual grant from the public revenue
for the supi)ort of the clerg}-. This grant
amounts at the present time to about
two millions sterling, a sum bearing but
a small proportion to the rental of the
property lost. In Spain, the tithe lias
been abolished in recent times, and the
greater part of the lands belonging to
the clerg}-, both secular and regular,
sold. But the position was somewhat
ameliorated by the Concordat of 1851, :
which, while ])rovidiug a new "dotation"'
for the clergy by means of a special tax,
leaves the Church free to administer the
property still remaining to her, and to
make fresh acquisitions. In Portugal
the state of things is much the same as
in Spain, but rather less favourable to
the Church. In Italy, the tithe, or a
portion of it, is stiU payable to the
clerg}- ; tliis is also the case in Austria
and Bavaria. In Prussia the ancient
patrimony of the Church was all lost
during the wars of the French Revolu-
tion, and M as replaced by an annual '
grant of very moderate dimensions. The
practical effect of the May laws of 1877,
which imposed upon the bishops and
clergy conditions which it was impossible
for them to comply with and remain at
the same time faithful to Chi'ist and His
A'icar, was to retrench this moderate en-
dowment very seriously, and to leave
several sees and hundreds of cures desti-
t ute of occupant s. Happily they are now,
for the most part, repealed. In Ireland,
the Protestant Church, which it was the
policy of the statesmen of Elizabeth to
ff)rce upon the people, and to endow with
the tithes and lands of the ancient Church,
Las recently (1869) been dise.<tablished.
No part of the recovered fund has been
returned to the Catholics ; but indirectly,
from the appropriation of a considerable
portion of it to the encouragement of
intermediate schools, which are to a large
extent Catholic, some advantage has ac-
crued from disestablishment to the cause
of religion.
Laws of mortmain, having for their
object either to restrict or entirely pro-
hibit the acquisition of landed property
by the Church, have formed a prominent
feature in secular legislation in most
countries of Europe, from the thirteenth
century down to the present day. But
it will be convenient to treat of such
legislation under the Art. Will (2).
CHVRCKXNTC OP WOAXEigr AF-
TER CHXZiSBIRTH. A blessing
which the priest gives to women after
childbirth according to a form prescribed
in the Iloman Ritual. He sprinkles the
woman, who kneels at the door of the
church holding a lighted candle, with
holy water, and having recited the 2.3rd
Psalm, he puts the end of his stole into
her hand, and leads her into the church,
saying, "Come into the temple of r4od.
Adore the Son (if tin- Blessed Virgin
Mary, who has gi^\n tliee fruitfulness in
childbeuriiiL:',"' Tlu' w niuiin then advances
to the altar and kneels before it, while
the priest, having said a prayer of thanks-
giving, blesses her, and again sprinkles
her with holy water in the form of a
cross. The rubric in the Ritual reserves
this rite for women who have borne
children in wedlock. Women are under
no .-triet obligation of presenting them-
s Iv s to be churched, though it is the
" pious and laudable custom," as the
Ritual says, that they should do so.
Properly speaking, the churching of
women is not counted among strictly
parochial rights ; still it ought to be per-
formed by the parish priest, as appears
from a decision of the S. Congregation of
Rites, December 10, 1703.
This rite was suggested probably by
the prescriptions of the old law in Levit.
xii. In the Christian Church, the first
mention of the rite is said to be found in
the so-called Arabic canons of the N icene
Council. Among the Greeks, the blessing
after childbirth is given on the fortieth
day after the birth of the child, and the
child must be brought with the mother
to the church.
CHURCH-YARD. [See Cejieteet.}
CZBORXTTM. The use of the cibo-
rium, or canopy over the altar, has been
already described in the article Baldac-
202 CIRCUMCELTJONES
CIRCUMCISION, FEAST OF
CHixo. Ill England ciborium is the name
commonly given to the pyx in which the
Ble.-sed Sacrament is kept. Pyx (also
Vas) i.-5 the recognised name in our pre-
sent liturgical books, and under that head
the Mibject will be treated. The name
"Ciborium minus" is first used for the
receptacle of the Blessed Sacrament in
the middle ages. It is foimd in an Ordo
Eomanus printed in the " Bibliotheca
Patr."' Lugdun. vol. xiii. 724. (Kraus,
" Real-Encyclopadie.")
cxRCTfnicz:XiX.zoxrES. A name
given to certain Donatist fanatics [see
Di >x \ I i^Ts". These heretics were natiu-aUy
eiii ag^'il and embittered when Constantine
deprixed them of their churches and
banished the most distinguished among
their bishops. Their fury increased when
Constaus renewed his father's laws in
their full severity ; and hence crowds of
Donatists, belonging to the lower classes,
gathered together under the leadership
of some cleric or layman, made open war
on the Catholics, and brought immense
sufi'ering upon them. These Donatists
called themselves Agonistici, "men eager
for the iight ; their adversaries called
them Circumcelliones, because they wan-
dered " round the country huts " (" circa
cellas rusticas") to do all the mischief
they could. They exacted provisions by
force, put out the eyes of Catholic clerics,
possessed themselves of their chui-ches,
k.c. &c. They themselves were actuated
by a morbid craving for martyrdom; so
much so that they not unfrequently
inflicted death on themselves. This
fanaticism lasted beyond the middle of
the fourth century. Mention is made of
it by Optatus, "De Schism. Donat." ii.
c. 18, seq. iii. c. 4, and by Augustine in
his works against the Donatists. Besides
.Circumcelliones, we also find the forms
Circelliones and Circuitores. (Kraus,
" Real-Encyclopadie.")
CZRCVnXCXSZOM', FEAST OF.
The connection of circumcision with grace
and the removal of original sin will be
discussed in the article on the Sacra-
ments OP THE Jewish Chukch. Here
it is enough to say that circumcision was
the rite by which every male Jew entered
into the covenant of God with Abraham,
and became a partaker in its privileges
and blessings; and that it was also
instituted as a remedy for original sin.
The law of circumcision was imposed on
the Jews under the jjenalty of excision
from the people of God. This law could j
not in any way bind our Lord. He was ■
absolutely sinless, and therefore stood in
no need of any remedy for original sin.
He was the Son of God by nature, and
therefore did not require adoption into
the number of God's children. Still, as
St. Luke relates, our Saviour was cir-
cumcised eight days after His birth, ac-
cording to the precept in Levit. xii. 3,
and then He received the holy name of
Jesus. The rite no doubt was performed
at home, probably in the cave at Bethle-
hem, and Benedict XIV. remarks that
painters err in representing the scene as
taking place in the Temple. Circum-
cision was sometimes performed by the
father of the family: Abraham, for ex-
ample, in Gen. xvii. 23, is said to have
cu'cumcised " Ishmael his son and all
that were born in his house ; " sometimes
by the mother, as appears from Exod. iv.
25, and 1 Mach. i. 63; so that Christ
may have received the rite either from
His Blessed Mother or St. Joseph.
Various reasons are given bj' theolo-
gians and spiritual writers which made
it fitting for our Lord to be circumcised.
As it pleased God to send His Sou,
"made under the law, to redeem those
who were under the law," so it became
Christ to submit to the yoke law by
receiving circumcision, that He might
free His brethi-en from subjection to that
law. Moreover, He came " in the Hke-
ness of flesh of sin," and therefore He
allowed Himself from the first to be
numbered in appearance with sinners,
and thus to aftbrd a perfect model of
obedience and humility. Lastly, al tho ugh
in His circumcision Cliiist did not actually
redeem us by the blood which He shed,
still the drops which then flowed were a
pledge of all the blood which was to
follow, when He hung upon the cross.
Thus, in the beautifvd language of a me-
diaeval writer, Peter of Blois, once Arch-
deacon of London, "He who lor thirty
years was to work salvation in the midst
of the earth, from His very cradle and
from the breasts of His mother, began
the business of our salvation, and tasted
the first-fruits of His Passiim."
We find the first mention of the feast
by its present name in Canon 17 of a
council which met at Tours in 567. " In
order," so the canon runs, "to tread
under foot the custom of the heathen, our
fathers ordained that private litanies
should be held (Jiert) at the beginning of
January (in Kalendis), psalms sung in
the churches, and at the eighth hour on
the first of the month {in ipsis Kalendis)>
CmCUMCISIOX, FEAST OF
CISTERCIANS 203
the Mass of the Circumcision, pleasing
to God, should be said." It is clear from
this canon that the feast was already
ancient in the sixth century. In the
"Codex Sacramentorum Ecclesiie Ro-
manae," which Benedict XIV. attribute.s
to St. Leo and to his predecessors, and
in a Roman Calendar not later than the
middle of the ninth century, the feast is
named the "Octave of our Lord," and
this name is used alonir with that of the
Circumcision in the "Coi-pus Juris." But
it is evident from the prayers, gospel, &c.
appointed for this " Octave of the Lord "
that the Circumcision was commemorated
on that day. In the Martyrology of
Usuard, the feast is mentioned by its
present name. In the Roman Martyr-
ology the double title is used, "the Cir-
cumcision of our Lord Jesus Christ, and
the Octave of His Nativity."
In some ancient Missals we fijid two
Masses appointed for January 1 : a Mass
of the Blessed A'irgin, and another for
the Circumcision (if our Lord. Durandus,
■WTiting in the thirteenth century, speaks
of this custom as still continuing in his
time. Connected with it is a name given
to the feast, or rather to the day, in an
ancient Roman Calendai-, viz. Natale S.
Mariaj, "the feast of Holy Mary." The
origin both of the name and of the custom
cf saying the Mass de Beata Yirgine are
thus explained in the Micrologus :
" Lately, when we celebrated our Lord's
Nativity, we could not give any special
office to His Mother. 'J'herefore not
unsuitably do we venerate her more
specially on the Octave of our Lord [i.e.
on Jan. 1] ; lest she should seem to have
no share in the solemnity of her Son,
though we do not doubt that in that
same solemnity she deserves the chief
honour after our Lord." A curious and
interesting relic of this ancient usage
still survives. The Mass of the Blessed
Virgin, indeed, can no longer be said on
that day, but there is, both in the Mass
and Office of the Cii'cumcision, a marked
and repeated reference to the Blessed
Virgin, whicli seems strange and almost
inexplicable till we see how it arose.
The Circumcision used to be kept as
a fast, though probably the fast was not
jirolonged beyond three in the afternoon,
ht. Augustine in his second sermon for
Jan. 1, St. Peter Chi-ysologus, and other
Fathers, inveigh against the heathen re-
velry on this day, connected as it was j
with the idolatrous worship of Janus and
Strenia and with immoral excesses. This
I no doubt occasioned the institution of the
fast. Certain Sacramentaries contain a
Mass for Jan. 1 "ad prohibendum ab
idolis." (Benedict XIV. " De Fe-tis.")
CZSTERCXAItrS. Of the ancient
and illustrious order of Citeaux, the
most flourishing and prolitic of all the
offshoots from the great Benedictine
trunk, there are now but scanty traces
remaining. The monastery at Citeau.x
itself has been turned into a Reformatory
and Penitentiary, managed by secular
priests, after the failure of a Socialist
experiment made by the Fourierists to
establish what in the jargon of the sect
is called a^/i«/«?(.s^"'/-e within those vener-
able walls. Sic transit (jloria nwndi /
St. Robert, the son of a gentleman of
Champagne, devoted himself at an early
age with all his heart to the service of
God. He took the Benedictine habit, and
studied carefully the rule of the great
founder, from many things in which he
found that tlie majority of the French
monks deviated considerably. The chief
points of difference seem to have regarded
the use of trowsers and furred garments,
eating meat, and using fat in cooking,
none of which things were allowed by
the rule, yet were generally practised in
France. In several monasteries over
which he presided St. Robert and the
monks could not agree, on account of
the strict observance of the rule which
he desired to introduce. In 1075 he
founded a monastery, consisting of a
group of cells, in the forest of Molesme,
near ChatiUon. Here he and other
! fervent hermits lived many years ; but
his thoughts still ran on the necessity of
closer conformity to the rule, and as
most of his followers saw things differ-
ently,' he at last quitted Molesme, and,
followed by twenty zealous adherents,
formed a new monastery in a desert then
covered with forest and thickets, at a
place called Cistercium (Citeaux), five
leagues from Dijon. This was in 1098,
which is regarded as the date of the
foundation of the order. St. Robert was
not to water the shoot which he had
planted, for in the following year, the
monks of Molesme having applied to
Rome and represented the forlorn condi-
tion in which his departure had left t hem,
the Pope directed St. Robert to appoint
his successor at Citeaux, and return to
his former charge. St. Robert obeyed,
and for the rest of his life remained at
' See their arguments in the eighth book of
Ordericus Vitalis.
204 CISTERCIANS
CISTERCIANS
-•lolesme, where he died in 1110. Al-
bei-ic, his sviccessor at Citeaux, drew up
the first code of Cistercian statutes; it
was he who changed the habit from
brown to white ; and in liis time the
order took the Blessed Virgin for their
special patroness, and the first Cistercian
nunnery was founded. Alberic dying,
in 1109, was succeeded by Stephen
Harding, an Englishman from the monas-
tery of Slicrliorne, a man of great energy,
wisdom, and virtue, who in his twenly-
fi\ f years (if office governed Citeaux with
so much ability and success that he is
usually regarded as the second founder
of the order. Stephen, who is honoured
among the saints on April 17, had been
prior under Alberic. In his time, and
in great part by his exertions, were
founded the four famous monasteries
of La F.Tte (UV.',). Tontigny niM),
Clairvaux (111.5), and Morimoud (1115),
which nuuntaiucd, after Citeaux, a
kind of superiority in the order doM ii to
the time of its destruction. St. Stejilieii,
in whom the instinct Of government \v;is
strong, took care that all the new ali^eys,
wherewr found.'d, should be Miliordiiiale
to the mother house, and thai the alihots
should often confer together on common
ad'airs: he is said to ha\e first instituted
"general cli.ipters." lie wrote the account
"Ch.iile lie Charite," and caused the
"U-aeev" and the "Exonliunr" of
Citeaux to be compiled. Tin- I'sai^es.
acconlinc' to .Vlhan Tkitler, " ha\ e alw a\ -
made tlie code of this order." A t mi, lung
>torv i~ tol.l about the an-ival of St. Her- I
nani at ( iieaux in lll.'l The sturdy
Ent:li>h ahliot had given ofl'ence at the
Burgundian Court by objecting to its too
frequent visits to the monaster}'; themoid<s
were left in extreme poverty; sickness laid
many of them jirostrate ; no new subjects
presented theniseh cs; and it seemed as if
the order, too austere for the weakness of
human nature, must speedily perish.
Stephen betook himself to jirayer, and
soon afterwards the youthful ]>ernard,
with some thirty of his kinsmen and
friends, presented liim.self at the gate of
Citeaux and requested admission, the
attraction of the place to these high-
minded men having been that very aus-
terity which aii])alled souls less firm. The
accession of sucli a novice was in itself an
invigoration of the order ; and the abbot, 1
who soon discovered his merit, sent Ber-
nard two years later, at the head of a
colony of twelve monks, to found a new
monastery at Clairvaux. By the middle
of the twelfth century there were five
hundred abbeys of the filiation of Ci-
teaux ; soon after 1200 the number had
increased to eighteen hundred. In Eng-
land the order soon took deep root ; the
first abbey founded here seems to have
been that of Furness in Lancashire, which
the united exertions of Stephen of Blois
and the abbot his namesake erected in
1127. Several military orders — e.ff.thoae
of Calatrava, Alcantara, and Avis — were
subject to the jurisdiction of the abbot of
Citeaux. For two hundred years, says
Alban Butler, the order admitted no re-
laxation of its observances. The rule of
St. Benedict was followed in all its rigour;
there was little sleep to be had, much hard
labour to be done ; fasting was obsen-ed
1 from Sept. 14 to Easter; meat, fish, eggs,
and grease were never touched, and even
nnlk but rarely. Their churches, instead
of being profusely adorned with .sculp-
ture and painting according to the fashion
of the times, were distingiushed by
a bare simplicity, as may be seen at Pon-
t igny to this day.
In (he fourteenth century the preva-
lence of wars in Europe caused many
abbeys to be disturbed, plundered, and
impoverished. Discipline sufiered, for
r.nder such circumstances the rule could
not |iossili]\- he oliserved. Long contro-
\ e]sies arose in tlie order as to the la w-
Inlness or Uie expediency of dispensing
with the rule, especially as to eating meat.
The Papal decrees called the Clcmevtine
(126.5) and the Benedictine (1333), while
changing several matters of jurisdiction
confirmed the observances, which certain
abbots had even then begun to infringe.
But the tendency to relaxation gradually
became too strong to be resisted, and in
1475, a brief of Sixtus IV. authorised the
general chapter and the ahbot of Citeaux
to permit to any monks who applied for
it, the use of meat. The variety of
practice which ensued was so embarrass-
ing, that in 1486 the general chapter
decreed that meat should be used in all
the convents on three days in the week.
Meanwhile a count er-cuiTent of austerity
exhibited itself in many places, and a
reformation, reviving the primitive Cister-
cian rigour, was introduced by Martin de
Vargas in Sjiain (14.30), and spread to-
wards the end of the same century through
the provinces of Tuscany and Lombardy.
In later 1 imes there were three or four
celebrated reforms of this order; on one
of which — instituted at La Trappe by the
CISTEKCIANS
CIVIL LAW
205
Abb^deRanc^— see the article Trappists.
The reformed congregation of Feuillans
was founded in 1577 by Dom Jean de la
Barri^re ; that at Sept Fonds, in the fol-
lowing centurv, by the abliot Eustache de
Beaufort. The convents generally, inclu-
ding those of the English province, fol-
lowed what was called the "common
observance" according to the dispense of
Sixtus IV.
At the Dissolution there were upwards
of a hundred Cistercian houses in Eng-
land; the names are given below.' Unlike
' This list of Cistercian houses existini; at
the date of suppression is extracted from the
materials provided by Tanner and Dugdale.
Nunneries are distinguished by an asterisk,*
cells bv the letter C.
Alba Landa (Caer.)
Appletou, Nun *
( York.")
Basedale (York.)
Basinsrwerk (Flint.)
Beaulicu (Hants)
Bid(llesden( Bucks)
BiUhvas (Salop)
Bindon (Dors.)
BleaTarn,C.(\Vest.)
10 Bordeslev (\V,>rc.)
Boxlev (Kent)
Brewood* ••^Vhite-
ladies"' (Salop)
Bruerne (Oxf.)
Buckfastleigh
(Dev.)
Buckland (Dev.)
Bvland (York.)
Calder (Cumli.)
t'leeve ( Som.)
Coiriresh^lUKssex)
20 Cok.-hill - (Wore.)
Coinl.c Kilnuc.) C.
(■..n.l... (Warw.)
('uiiilj.iiiiciv(Ches.)
Cotf.n * ( I.inr.)
Cro.\4en (Staff.)
Cwnihyr (Kadn.)
Cvninier (Merion.)
Dieulncres (Staff.) |
Diink<'>\vell ( [)ev. )
30 Dun-.rroft(York.),C.
EUerton • (York.)
Esholt * (York.)
Farrinjidoii
(Berks.). C.
Flaxlev (Glouc.)
Ford (Dev.)
Fountains (York.)
Furnecs ( Lane.)
Garendon (Leic.)
Goxhill* (Line.)
40 GraceDieu(JIonm.)
Greenfield • (Line.)
Hales (Glone.)
Hampole* fYork.)
Heyninftes* (Line.)
Holm Cultram
rCum.)
Jervaulx (Y'ork.)
Keldon* (York.)
Kinf;swond(Glouc.)
Kirklees * (York.)
50 Kirkstall ( York.)
Kirkstoad (Line.)
Le,i;boriie* (Line.)
Leiuhton Buzzard, C.
Llanleir * (Card.)
Llanlu;;an *
(Montg.)
Llantarnani, near
Caerleon (JIou.)
London : Tower Hill
„ St. James's, C.
Louth (Line.)
Maenau ( Caern.)
60 Jlar^an (Glam. )
Marham * (Norf.)
Medmeiiham
(Bucks.)
Melsa,or Meaux, in
Holderness
(York.)
Merevale ( Warw.)
Neath (Glam.)
Nttley (Hants)
Newenham (Dev.)
Newniinster
(Northumberland)
Piudlev* (Warw.)
70 Pipewell (North-
ants)
Quarr. or Arreton
(I-le of Wight)
I^•ve^by (Line.)
IJeuiev (O.xf.)
Kievaulx (York.)
Robertsbridge
(Suss.)
Roehe (York.)
Kosedale (Y(.rk.)
Bufford (Notts.)
Ku>hin (Man.)
80 Sawlev (York.)
Sawtry (Hunts)
Sewesley,* near
To»ce,ster
(Northants)
Sibton (Suff.)
I the Friars, who planted themselves in all
the large towns, the Cistercians, whose
original aim was personal sanctification
in Milituili' through prayer and penance,
usually built their houses by preference
in lonely valleys and sequestered nooks.
The French Revolution swept away
j their foundations in most countries ot
Europe, but several Cistercian convents
still remain in Austria, Belgium, and
Poland. In England they have one house,
that of Mount St. Bernard's in Charn-
wood Forest, Leicestershire, founded with
the liberal aid of the late Mr. Am-
brose Delisle, in 1844. In Ireland there
are two Cistercian abbeys, both of recent
foundation, and both, it is believed, in a
highly flourishing condition — that ot
Mount Melleray, in the Co. Waterford,
and that at Roscrea.
(Ilelyot, " Ordres Monastiques ; " Alban
Butler, April 17 and 24; Wetzer and
"VVelte, art. Citeaux; Tanner's "Notitia;"
Dugdale.)
CXVZIi I.A'W. The law of Rome, be-
ginning with the twelve tables, and end-
ing with the Code and Pandects of Justi-
nian, is so called. Immense powers of
mind were em])loyed during many cen-
turies in harmonising, rationalising, and
completely adapting to the wants of social
life, the laws of Rome. On this see Sa-
vigny, "Walter, Phillips, kc. Alter the in-
road of the Lombards into Italy, the in-
crease of anarchy and barbarism in every
part of Euro])e caused the authority of
the civil law to decline. The customs of
the Franks, the Burgundiaus, the Angles,
or the Visigoths, were of more accoimt
with the conquerors of Europe than all
the wisdom of Ulpian or Papinian ; and
out of these customs the lex loci, or com-
mon law of each country, gradually arose.
In the twelfth century, society being now
in a more stable condition, the study of the
Sinningthwaite,*
near Wctherby
(York.)
Stanlegh, near
Chippenham
(Wilts.)
Stixwould *(Linc.^
Stoneleigh(Warw.)
Strata Florida
(Caern.)
Stratford Lang-
thorne (Essex)
Swine,* near Hull
(York.)
Swinestieil (Line.)
Tarr.mt Kaines *
(Dorset)
Thame (Oxf.)
Tiltey (Essex)
Tintern (Monni.)
Vale Royal (Ches.)
Valle Crucis
( Denb.)
Vaudev (Line.)
Ward.In ( Beds.)
lOOWaverlev (Surrey)
Whallev'(York.)
Wintnev* (Hants)
Woburii (Keds.)
Wtu'cester *
Wvckham,* near
Pickering(York.)
106Ysfrat Marehel,
near Welshpool
(Montg.)
206 CIVIL LAW
CLASSICS
civil law was revived at the University
of Bologna, whence it spread to other
countries. The rulers of tlif^ Church have
■observed no uniform attitude towards this
study, because, as circumstances varied, so
did the duty of the Church vary. St.
Chrysostom, when he was converted to
■God, abandoned for ever, as he tells us,
the study of the Roman law. Yet St.
•Gregory the Great often made use of
the imperial laws himself, and advised
the bishops of several countries, when
these laws did not conflict with the
canons, to promote their observance. After
the twelfth century the civil and canon
law [C.\NON Law] were studinipari passu;
the Roman Pontifi' admitted that "the
laws were a support to the canons;" and
Ilonorius HI., early in the thirteenth cen-
tury', ordered that there should always be
a school of both laws, "utriusque juris,"
in the Roman Curia. On the other hand,
the German and imperial legists, who
were po.ssessed by the idea of " the Holy
Roman Empire" and all that the i)brase
involved, strove to give to the civil a
universality equal to that of the canon law,
and to make all national codes give way
to it. As mankind, religiously, were
gathered into one Church, so, civilly, ac-
cording to these dreamers, they were or
ought to be members of but one State,
the Empire, the head of which delegated
more or less of his power to the kings
and princes of other lands. "With such
theories of the civilians the Church could
have nothing to do ; and there was some
danger, if she should show unmixed
favour and countenance to the study of
the civil law, lest tlie (lovernmentsoutside
the Empire, which maintained their abso-
lute independence, and did not mean to
supersede their own codes by the Roman
Law, should take umbrage at her proce-
dure, and curtail her liberty of action
within their borders. Hence we meet
with various Papal briefs and orders
tending to discourage or at least to
place under restraint, the study of the
civil law. Pope InnociMit IV., in a letter
addressed to llie bl.linj.s of all Euro-
])eaii coiiiit ne- e\c(']il ( n • i n i .-my, d(>pIored
the e\i i-a\ a-aiii aililici ion u|' the clergy
to this study (" tota ( Iri icdi'um multi-
tudo ad aud'ieiidas seciinuvs leges con-
currit"), and forbade tlir civil law to be
publicly taught, iinli^-, by the desire of the
local SOVeivi^n. Xc\ el I he'lrss, I he lllll in-
sic excellences ol' tie' Jioruan Law are >o
great that recourse to it could but be
moderated; the Pontiffs neither could j
nor wished to supersede it by any other.
In aU countries it was introduced along
with the canon la-u- into Church courts ;
and the rule which the canonists still
observe ' gradually arose — namely, that
where the canons are silent or obscure,
if the matter under adjudication be of a
spiritual nature, reference shall be made
to the writings of the Fathers ; but if it l)e
of a secular nature, to the civil law. In
England a line of great lawyers, com-
mencing with Glanvile in the t\\elfth
century, and including the names of Brit-
ton, Bracton, and Littleton, laboured to
refine and harmonise the common law;
and no other code was recognised in the
King's courts. But in the Church courts the
civil law, as already stated, was in use ; and
it was carefully studied, and degrees were
given in it, at the two Universities.'^ At
the Reformation the study of the canon
law was abandoned at Oxford ; the law
of the land did not even yet appear to
have been rationalised sufficiently for the
purposes of academical study ; and hence
to this day the only legal degrees
conferred by O.xford are in civil law
(Bachelor and Doctor), a branch of leai-n-
ing the importance of which in legal
education is, indeed, now fully recognised
amongst us, but of which the actual
authority and practical application are,
we suppose, more limited in England than
in any other European country.
CZVZXi MARRZAGE. [See Mab-
EIAfJE.]
cx.AM'SZSSTZM'E. [See Impedi-
ments OF Marriage.]
cXiARES. [See Pock Clares.]
CX.ASSZCS. The word is used here
to denote the great writers of Greece
and Rome whose works have survived,
and it is the object of this article to
sketch the opinion held by Catholics con-
cerning them as a means of Christian
education.
I. T/ie Patristic Period. — In the early
days of the Church the pagan literature
of Greece and Rome was, apart from the
Bible, the one and only means of liberal
instruction, and to renounce the study of
the classics would have meant renouncing
all culture and forfeiting eveiy natural
means of influencing the educated world.
> Soglia, lib. i. cap. 3.
? AiiHin- thnso present at thp Convocation
^vlli.•ll , on, 1, .11111. ■<] Wvclif. in ISSl were " (loc-
(i.n^ |i -mil ■" ( u'triu^qiie jui-is," or "jnris
,-,iii nici 'i ri.i'i-"), n hisliop - voi-atus in-
i'i|iii'iiduiii in jure eivili,'' and --(loctores Ue-
cretoruni " (or " in decretis ") whose degree was
in canon law alone. See Fascic. Zhan. p. 28G.
CLASSICS
CLASSICS 207
Christians showed no disposition to adopt
Buch a course. St. Paul himself quotes
Menander (1 Cor. xv. 33) ; in the Acts of
the Apostles a line from Aratus and
Cleanthes is cited, as part of St. Paul's
speech at Athens (Acts xvii. 28) ; and in
the p:i)istle to Titus (i. 12) the evil cha-
racter of the (Cretans is piven in the
•vrords of " their own pn ipliet," Epimenides,
or perhaps Cullimachus. Irenreus, though
bred a Christian, was thoroughly familiar
with Homer ("Adv. liver." ix. 4), and
Tertullian (" De Idol." 10), fanatic though
he was, admits that it is absolutely neces-
sary for Chri.stian children to attend the
heathen schools of gnuumar. Clement of
Alexandria recognised the high import-
ance, even from a theological point of
view, of a classical education. He lays
down the principle ("Strom." i. 5) that
])hilosophy is useful fc^r pii-ty, and adds
that the (yKVK^^ia fiiidrinnTn. i.i'. lil)('ral
education, df which classical study was
a chief part, were the proix-r introduction
to philosophy. His extant works abun-
dantly testify to his high appreciation of
the classics. Origen taught the classics
personally at Alexandria (Euseb. " H. E."
vi. 2). He himself had acquin-d this
literary knowledge under his father, a zea-
lous Christian, and afterwards a martyr.
The zeal with which classical litera-
ture was studied in the t-hurch alter
Constantino's time is apparent from tlie
fact that Julian the Apostate (oGl-Si;;'/)
thought it worth while, as a means of
annoying the Christians, to forbid the
study of the classics in the .schools of the
religion which he bated. The Church
was determined not to allow classical
study to fall into disuse. The Christian
literature, called into existence as a make-
shift, was soon forgotten after I'reedDin
of instruction was restori'd (Socrates,
" H. E." iii. 16). In the 1-^ast Gregory
Nazianzen ("Or." 43, i. p. 777 in the
Benedictine edition) and Basil ("De Leg.
Libr. Gent." ed. Eened. ii. 17.1), in the
West Jerome (" E])." olt ' ad I'aulin.) and
Augustine (" Doctrin. Christ." ii. 2i>, ■•<eq.),
vindicated the claims of classical learning.
There is abundant evidence tliat these
enlightened theories -won' carried out in
practice. For exampli», St. Eulgentius,
when a hoy, by the desire of his pious
mother, learnt Homer and selections from
Menander by heart (BoUand. Jan. i. 3:1),
1 At least .Jerome does .so practic,ill\ . He
extols the i-lassic.s as models of style, and (juottv
Cicero with high praise, l)e.sidps Persius and
Lucan.
and at an earlier date St. Augustine
(" Civ. Dei " i. 3) takes for granted that
boys at school learn Virgil. At the same
time there were persons, some even high
in authority, who showed a jealousy of
classical learning, especially when culti-
vated by the clergy. Gregory Nazianzen,
in the pa.ssage quoted above, admits that
most Christians had an unjust prejudice
(oi TToXXot XfiiaTiaviav .... KOKcoy (iSores)
against pagan learning (tj)i/ e^o>6eu
irnlhfva-iv), and St. Gregory the Great, in
a letter to Desiderius, bishop in Gaul
("Ep." lib. xi. 54), says he has heard with
horror that the bishop teaches literature
(" grammaticam exponere "). Clearly,
the Pope's objection was not merely to a
))isho])'s employing himself in this way.
" It cannot be," he says, " that the praises
of Jupiter and Christ should proceed
from the same mouth. Consider yourself
how grievous and criminal a thing it is
for a bishop to sing what would be unfit
for a religious layman." '
II. The Mofiasfic Schools. — In two
ways the position of learning underwent
a change after the fall of the Roman
empire. During the Patristic period the
whole of ancient literature was comprised
in the classics, whereas the monks of the
great Benedictine period were able to look
back on a long line of Christian Fathers,
on a literature represented by such names
as Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, Gregory
the Great. The pagan element had
vanished from the face of Europe, or,
where it remained, lingered only as a
remnant, not of civilisation, but of bar-
barism. Hence the classics were no
longer the one and only means of literaiy
cultivation outside of the Bible : there
were other writers whom the educated
world was content to revere. Again,
education was now in the hands of the
monks, and there was a natural feelini:-
that devotion to classical studies ini;ht
interfere with their religious engagements.
Certainly Mr. Maitland, in his fascinating
work on the "Dark Ages," has collected
a number of passages from monastic
writers which depreciate classical study.
Thus Alcuin, when a boy, is said to have
vowed that he would no longer prefer
Virgil to the melody of the Psalms
(Maitland's "Dark Ages," p. 181).
1 See, however, Ncander, Kircheiigeschkhte,
v. p. 10-i. s«/.. wlio sliews that there are reasons
tor hclicviiiu tli;it (;r.'uor\ 's fixed judgment on
clnssiciil liter:iiur w.is net so adverse as might
appear from the qimtatidn in the text. The
story ofhishaviui; the Palatine library " burnt "
is an idle le.;ouil.
208 CLASSICS
CLASSICS
About the middle of the eleventh cen-
tury the rigid St. Peter Damian blames
monks who " go after the common herd
of grammarians " and prefer the rule of
Donatus to that of St. Benedict (ib.
p. 184). "It grieves me," says the author
of the famous "Gemma Aninise," perhaps
about 1120, "when I consider in my mind
tlie number of persons who, having lost
their senses, are not ashamed to give their
utmost labour to the abominable figments
of the poets and the captious arguments
I if the philoso])li('rs. . . . Moreover," so
this chai-itaVile and enlightened author
priic fds, " liow is the soul profited by
tlic -ti iieol' Hector, or the argumentation
(if Plato, ^n• the poems of Virgil, or the
elegies of Ovid, who now, with their like,
are gnashing their teeth in the prison of
the infernal Babvlon under the cruel
tyranny of Pluto P ' (;7;. 185). It is
]ilain, however, tliai thet^e very denuncia-
tions witness to the zeal for classical
study in the monastic period. Long be-
Ibre, ( )vigen ("In Levit." Horn. VII. torn,
ii. p. 227) had compared heathen litera-
ture to the beautiful captive whom the
Hebrew might espouse after her head had
been shaved and her nails pared; and this
allegiirical fancy, as Mr. Maitland himself
allows, was the standing excuse among
niedi;eval monks for indulgence in secular
literature, and he gives an extract from
the letter of an abbot, written about
II.'jO, which treats the matter in a more
reasonable and manly tone. " Nor can I
bear," he writes, " that that noble genius,
those splendid imaginations, stich great
beauties both ofstyle and language, should
Ije lost in iiblivion" {ib. p. IZo). Rut
we can learn more from in(juiring wliat
tile acliuil curriculum of the Benedictine
scIhimIs ivallv was, and to this (juestion
(.'ardiual Newman has furnished a full
answer : '• In the monastic school the
language, of course, was Latin; and in
Latin literature first came Virgil; next,
Lucan and Statius ; Terence, Sallust,
Cicero ; Horace, Persius, Juvenal. . . .
Thus we find that the monks of St. Al-
ban's, near Mayence,had standing lectures
in Cicero, Virgil, and diIk i- authors. In
theschoolofPaderborn there were lectures
in Horace, Virgil, Statins, and Sallust.
. . . Gerbert, afterwards Sylvester the
Second, after lecturing his class in logic,
brought it back again to Virgil, Statius,
Terence, Juvenal, Persius, Horace, and
Lucan. A work is extant of St. Ililde-
bert's, supposed to be a school exercise ; it
is scarcely more than a cento of Cicero,
Seneca, Horace, Juvenal, Persius, Terence,
and other writers. Horace he must have
known by heart "(Newman's "Historical
Sketches," ii. p. 4G0). Nor were the
lessons forgotten in maturer age. " Let
us turn," says Cardinal Newman, "to the
familiar correspondence of some of those
most famous Benedictines, and we shall
see what were the pursuits of their leisure
and the indulgences of their recreation.
Alcuin, in his letters to his friends,
quotes Virgil again and again; he also
quotes Horace, Terence,Pliny. . .Lupus
quotes Ibirace, Cicero, Suetonius, Virgil,
and Martial. Gevliert quotes Virgil,
Cicr,., Ibuace, Terence, and Sallust.
Pet rus Cellensis (juntes Horace, Seneca,
andTerence. Ilildeliert (|unte.- Virgiland
Cicero. . . . Hincijiar nt' 1>' helms quotes
Horace. Paschasius Itadhert's favourite
t autli(ii-s were Cicero and Teieiice. Abbo
of h'leury was especially familiar with
Terence, Sallust, Virgil, and Horace ;
j Peter the Venerable with ^'irgil and
1 Horace. Ilepidann of St. (iall took
Sallust as a model of style " (ib. p. 4(34,
seq.). In their c<irres]Hnidence the monks
of that age were cnnsi aul 1 y he- - mg the
loan (if classical manuscripts; I hey raise
(luestiiins of grammar,and show "a loving
curiosity about the niceties of language."
Their igncirance of Greek was their mis-
fortune and not their fault, for they
eagerly seized the rare oj)portunities of
learnilig it. Tlius Theodore of Tarsus
bi'caine Archbishop of Cant erbiuy in llie
seventh (enlui'V. and taught it to the
Au,eln-S.-o.n vonth (Bede,"ll. E."iv.2),
wliile i;;ii alius Manrus is said to ha\e
learned it IVinu Theophilus of Ephesus.
As to Latin style of that period, it falls
fai- short of the strict classical standard,
but "it is gddd Latin both in structure
and ill ididui. At any rate, the change
is w ■iiidei riil when we jiass fniiii the
BeiiedicI me ci'iitiiries te the Iliiniinican
wllicll tullnwed " (Newman, p. 470).
III. The Period of the Midiaval
Universities. — In the later middle ages,
the period of the universities, 1150-1^50,
it seems to be admitted on all hands that
classical study, though it did not wholly
perish, languished and decayed. The
old tradition was maintained by John of
Salisbury and his disciple Peter of Bhiis
(died about 1200). In the college of
Navarre, founded at Paris in lo04, the
classics, accordiii;^ to the (estiniony of
Peter d'Ailly, were slndied, and Cer.soii,
educated there, shows a considerable ac-
quaintance with the ancients. But the
CLASSICS
CLERGY, CLERICAL STATE 209
ruling passion was for dialectic or philo-
sophy, not for grammar— «.e. literature.
The ancients were valued for their matter,
not for their style; and Aristotle, read in
barbarous translations, ruled the schools.
The faculty of arts was separated from
that of grammar, and in 1456 the
" grammarians " were excluded from the
privileges of universities and the title of
" regents."
Everyone knows the triumph which
the scholars of the Renaissance obtained
over the old Scholasticism, how the Greek
Muses, driven from their ancient homes,
found refuge in Italy, how the " new
learning" brought new insight into anti-
quity, witli a marvellous mastery of the
Latin tongue, and how powerful it was
for good and evil. All this does not
concern us here, except so far as these
new influences affected the Church. " In
itself," says Cardinal Hergenrother,
(" Kirchengeschichte," ii. p. 172), " the
new tendency was not hurtful to the
Church or theology, but, on the contrary,
beneficial. For that reason it was en-
couraged by Popes, bishops, and theolo-
gians." After the strife between the
Humanists and theologians had broken
out, the Church maintained the classical
discipline in her schools: nay, the seventh
rule of the Index pronmlgated by Pius
IV. in l.")64, after prohibiting licentious
books, says of classical authors, even if of
inimorul character, " propter sermonis
elegantiam etproprietatem permittuntur,
nulla tanien ratione pueris pr;ielegendi
>unt." This implies a fortiori that these
writings, when free from moral stain or
when objectionable passages have been
removed, are a valuable instrument of
education. The Jesuits in their '• Ratio
Studiorum " adopted this principle, and
attained brilliant success as teachers of
the classics. The "Delphin Classics"
and the " Gradus ad Parnassum " may be
mentioned among books familiar to the
Protestant schoolboy thirty years ago
which were due to the Society. Among
works of a higher class we may mention
1 he famous book of the Jesuit Viger, " De
Praecipuis Graecse Dictionis Idiotismis "
(Paris, 1628). It appeared in numerous
editions, it was perfected by the care of
Dutch scholars, and the gi-eat Hermann
edited it with annotations of his own.
The studj- of the classics is still pursued
at all the higher Catholic schools. In
P'rance, various provincial councils {e.g.
tliiit of Lyons in 1850) have recommended
that the students for the priesthood in
seminaries should read treatises of the
Fathers as well as the heathen classics.
The Abb6 Gaume and Veuillot, then
editor of the Paris " Univers," wished to
exclude the studj- of tlie classics alto-
gether. The cause of huni:nie letters was
defended by the celebrated Bisliop Dupan-
I loup; and when Veuillot. wlmse journal
had been ]irohibitc(l liv tli.' Aivliliisliop of
Paris, ai)]ii':ilr(l tn i;.nu.', l'iu> [X,. in an
encyclical nf to the Fiendi ejii-
scopate, expressed his wish that the youth
should be trained in the knowledge of the
best heathen as well as of tlie best
Christian authors : the former, however,
were to be expurgated, if necessary, for
moral reasons. Some zealots, such as
Father Ventura in his Lent discourses at
the Tuileries for 1857, tried to maintain
the war against the classics without con-
tradicting the encyclical, but the contro-
versy was virtually ended.'
[On the whole history, Daniel, "Etudes
Classiques " ; Pohle's article in the new
edition of the " Kirchenlexikou." P'orthe
Patristic period, Petavius, " Dogm. Theol.
I Prolegom." vii. ; Stephensky, in Krau.s'
" Real-Encyclop." For the Iknedictine
1 period, Newman; Guizot, "Hist. Civil."
vol. ii. For the modern controversy,
Hergenrother. Neander treats of the
subject incidentally, but always with
learning, and in that Christian and kindly
spirit which is peculiarly his own.]
C1.ATJSURA. "See Enclositee.I
CI.ERCY, CX.ERZCAX. STATE,
CXiERIC, CXiERK, &.C. The clerical
State is the rank or condition of tliose
who are separated from the mass of the
faithful, attached in a special manner to
the divine service and made ca]ial)le of
administering the power of the Church.
The word is of course derived from
the Greek xXT^poy, a lot, a word which
frequently occurs in its literal sense in
the LXX and Xew Testament. But how
did the word lot come to denote " the
clergy"? The answer to this question
is very far from easy. St. Jerome's
beautiful explanation, that the clergy are
so called because the Lord himself is tlie
lot, i.e. the portion, of clerics, does not
seem to be borne out by the history of
the word. The Pontifical, it is true,
evidently alludes to this mj-stical signifi-
cation, and no one will deny that such
an application may most fitly and natur-
ally be made ; but it is quite another
thing to maintain that the name was
1 The facts in the last paragraph are from
Hergenrother, Kirc/iengesclnehte, ii. p. 9!<9.
210 CLERGY, CLERICAL STATE
CLERK
first given among Christians for the
reason assigned by Jerome. The follow-
ing seems to us on the whole the way
in which the term " clergy " gradually
assumed a technical and restricted sense.
The notion of lot easily led to the sense
of oltice allotted. Thus St. Peter says
of Judas,' "he received the lot of this
ministry" (toi/ kXT^/jov r^y buiKovias
TavTt]s) and Irenpeus says of Pope Hygi-
nus that he held " the ninth lot of epi-
scopal succession from the Apostles"
{€i>uaTou xXripo)/) ; of Eleutherus that he
obtained " the lot of the episcopate."- A
little later than Irenseus — viz. in Clement
of Alexandria ^ and Tertullian * — we meet
^^■ith the word in its modern sense. The
former relates of St. John, that he travelled
from Ephesus through the surrounding
country, "in some places to establish
liishops, in others set up entire churches,
in others to admit some one individual to
the ranks of the clergy (xXijpo) eva ye nva
K^r^poiaaiv) of those who were signified to
him by the Spirit:" i.e. when a college of
presbyters, &c., already existed, St. John
admitted a fresh member. Tertullian
speaks of those who are pufi'ed up " ad-
versus clerum " — i.e., as is clear from the
context, " against the clergy." Thus the
word appears to have meant (1) a lot;
(2) an office allotted ; (3) as early at least
as the close of the second century, those
who held the office, or perhaps to whom
the office was allotted — viz. the clergy. It
may be objected that the technical use of
the word is much earlier, and that we
tind an exaui])le in 1 Pet. v. 3, where we
rea'l ill till' advice given to the "ancients,"
" lu iiliri- :i> (liiiiiiiu'rring over the clergy,
but 1)1111- iiiudf a ]iattern of the flock
from the heart." But " dominaiites in
cleris " {KdTdKvpievovTes twv xXr/ptot') can-
not have the meaning given to it in the
Douay version. This is shewn both by the
connection, and by the fact that the word
is in the ]>lural. Estius calls attention to
each of these points and interprets the
passage as a prohibition forbidding the
"aiK-icnts " to domineer over the "lots,"
or congregations placed under their care.
Thi' word " cleris " is parallel and equiva-
lent to the "gregis" or "flock" which
occurs in the latter half of the verse.*
I Acts i. 17. ■-' Ir. n. i. 27. 1 ; iii. 3, 3.
3 Clem. Al. De Dicit. Survandn, c. 42.
^ TertuU. J)e 3Innog. c. 12.
'■> This fixplaniuion aKrei's im the whole
■with that given by Dr. LiL;titte(>t, Cummentary
on I'liitippiiius. Baur (KiicliKngtsch. tier drei
erstcn Jahrhunderte. p. 26ti) makes the word
meau (1) lot or order ; (2) rank or station— iu i
"While, however, the name is wanting
in the New Testament, the thing intended
by the name is there. The very fact that
the epistles of St. Paul mention bishops
who "are to rule the Church of God," and
: prelates whom the faithful are to "obey"
and to whom they are to " be subject,"
is proof conclusive that the distinction
between clergy and laity was fully recog-
nised by the Apostles. The Church did
but act in accordance with the revelation
entrusted to her, when she separated the
clergy from the laity by outward marks,
and gave certain privileges to the former.
[For the privileges, decorum, &c., see
Clebk.]
CI.ERXCZ VAGATTTES. Ecclesi-
astical law has required from the earliest
times that before admission to holy orders
a cleric shall possess a title — that is, a
benefice sufficient for his subsistence, or
else a patrimony, belonging to him in his
own right, and competent to support him.
Btit this requirement was often waived
in particular cases, especially when a
bishop wished to send priests to a remote
and unsettled part of his diocese, or to
preach to the heathen in a neighbouring
country. Such priests would, in the
majority of cases, obtain settled cures in
the districts whither they went ; but those
who did not succeed in doing so had no
choice but to return home and put them-
selves at the disposal of their bishop.
Thus a class of " roving " or unattached
priests was gradually formed, the members
of which as a general rule could be use-
fully employed in supplementing the
regular diocesan work. But it was inevit-
able tbat abuses should arise out of such
a state of things ; and to put an end to
these, the Council of Trent decreed that
"no one should in future be ordained who
was not attached to that church or pious
institution for the needs or convenience
of which he was selected, so that he might
discharge his functions there, and not
wander about having no fixed abode."'
(Ferraris, Clericus, Ordo, Titulus.)
CXiERK. In a general sense, and
when we are considering who, are entitled
to enjoy clerical privileges, the name of
cleric or clerk is a]i])lipable to the whole
body of the secular clergy, including per-
sons in minor orders (Council of Trent,
sess. xxiii. c. 6, De Ref.) ; also to monks
and nuns, to lay institutes following a
1 Pet. V. 3, "not domineering over the diflerent
rank.s " ; (3) the rank par excellence, i.e. the
clerfcy.
I Sess. xxui. c. 16, De Ref.
CLERK
CLERK
211
relif;ious rule, to hermits leading their
lift' under authority, to the Knights of
Malta, &c. In the stricter sense, and
wlu-n penalties are under consideration,
tlit> name is only applicable to the inferior
ranks of the secular clergy, and does not
include bishops, canons, or any eccle-
siastical di;j;iiitary.
In the middle ages " clerk " was used
loosely for " man of learning," the latter
class being almost ■wholly comprised
within the former. Thus Henry I. of
England was called Beauclerk, and
Chaucer writes —
'• Fraunce\ s Petrark, the laureate poete,
Highte' this clerk;"
and Wyclif, or some other,' says, " Lin-
colne 'Robert. Grnssetete] and other
rifrkix proven," where all that is meant
is '■ learned men."
Till rect'iit times, secular rulers and
legislators lecnpnix-l the fundamental
character of this disrinction, as investing
the Catholic clergy with cf-rtain immu-
nities, and furnishing a sutticient p-ound
for a separate system of ecclesiastical law,
towlneh clerical things and persons should
be subject. rSee Peiviiege, IjoirxiTT.]
The tribunals in which this law was ad-
ministered were the forum externum of
the Church, and all clerics, high and
low, enjoyed the pnvile(/iiim fori — that
is, the right of trial according to the
canon law. The various national codes
having, through the constant pressure of
Christianity and the action of the canon
law. Iiecome in most things rational and
hunijine, modern statesmen tend to the
doctrine that all subjects of the State
should be treated alike — that the law
should be the same for all, and civil
burdens be borne by all indiscriminately.
Yet the failure to recognise a distinction
of status which is real and fundamental,
and rests on divine institution, can but
lead, wherever found, to trouble, confu-
sion, and the depravation of morals. If
in every Catholic country having the
conscription, the so-called Liberals suc-
ceeded in destroying the clerical immu-
nity from military service, as they have
done in France, a great decrease would
soon thin the ranks of the clergy, accom-
panied by unspeakable distress and damage
to Christian souls. The Church in Europe
has lost the tithe, the greater portion of
her property, and much of the considera-
' ^V'as called.
- Unprinted English TVorkt, frc, Matthew,
1880.
tion which she formerly received from
society ; the mixed motives which once
tended to fill the ranks of the clergy no
longer operate ; the laljourers are few,
and their fair hire is withheld from them.
Under such circumstances, it would be
the wisdom of the Governments to smooth
the way for young men to enter the clerical
state, and to lessen the hardships which
siuTound them in that state. Yet we see
modem society, in too many once Catholic
States, taking the opposite course : and
"Liberal" statesmen legislating against
the clergy as if they were some destructive
anti-social caste, instead of the necessary
and divinely-appointed guides by whom
human beings are prepared in time to
face eternity. Thej- may succeed in
nipping in the bud many vocations, but
they will not succeed in making men
happier and better, nor in strengthening
the bases of social order, which, when
religion languishes, are inevitably im-
perilled.
According to the canon law, the dress
of the cleric must be sober in form and
colour. Trade and secular business are
forbidden to him. He is required to use
groat caution in frequenting the company
of the other sex, and must not be present
at public balls or mas(juerades. In the
J)ecretum there is a prohibition against
the attendance of clerics at stage plays of
every description. Hut in the course of
ages a contrary custom has arisen, which
causes this prohibition no longer to bind
under mortal sin, unless enforced by some
diocesan or provincial law. Grambling
and games of hazard are forbidden to
clerics, though some modification has
been introduced in later times, and an
approved canonist quoted by Ferraris *
says that "clerics who play seldom and
moderately, for amusement's sake, are
altogether excused from sin if the diocesan
law does not prohibit to them games of
chance, and local custom sanctions it."
Clerics must not carry arms without just
and necessary cause ; hence shooting, un-
less for the sake of procuring food, woidd
seem not to be allowed ; but a moderate
indulgence in hunting and fishing is not
forbidden.
Till quite lately, the server at Mass
used to be called the "clerk," even though
a layman, by English and Irish Catholics,
because he did clerk's work ; just as the
boys at Mass are called " acolytes,"
though not really so, because they do-
acolytes' work. (Ferraris, Clcricus.)
• Layman.
p2
212 CLERKS, REGULAR
CLOISTER
CXiERKS, Rx:cvx.ii.R. The idea
of a Regular Clerk is that of a combina-
tion of functions : that a man, while as
clerk he converses with the world, should
by obeying a rule of life attain to the
virtues of a monk. This combination is
generally ascribed to St. Augustine. The
history of St. Lawrence shows us what
great and saintly characters could ari.se
among the clergy of the Roman Church
in the third century ; but we hear of no
definite rule of life to which they all con-
formed. In the fourth century the life
of cities, espf'cially in the eastern por-
tions of the empire, seems to have been
So turbulent, so full of distractions and
alarms, that it would have been difficult
to introduce in any urban clergy a ju acf-
ful methodical ])lan for the disi l ilml ion ( i|'
their hours. About the end of tlir lom-th
age Roman Africa was very pcaeei'ul and
pro.sperous ; and when St. Augustine, in
Sit"), was elected to the bisliojiric of
IIi])]>o, it seemed to him that the religious
intmests of the city would best be pro-
moted if all its clergy were to live under
the .same roof with himself ; mini.ster, each
in his own place and station, to the
spiritual needs of the po])ulation ; and
ob>erYe a common way of life, so far as
was com])atil)lc with this ministration, in
what regarded j)rayi'r, dirt, sleep, and
other matters. The saint, with that
force of character and intelligence which
distinguished him in all things, soon
cari ied out his purpose ; see his " De
Moribus Eccl. Cath.," and the Life by
Pos.sidius. " He harmonist d," says Tho-
massin,' "in a wonderful union the func-
tions of clerics with the virtues of monks."
This is considered to have been the first
original and jiattern of all bodies of regu-
lar clerks and canons that have since
existed in the Church [Augustiniax
C.\NONs]. Under the former designation
fall the Regular Clerks of Somascha,
i'ouiuled by St. Jerome ^Emiliani, the
J.arnabites (.see that article), and other
communities.
CX.XM-ZCAX. BAPTISM. A name
given in the early Church to baptism
received on the bod of sickness, those who
reci'ived it being called clinici or kXivlko'i.
Tl)r fir>t nni ii'c wliieh \ve have of baptism
so conl'rrivd is cniit.'ilnrd in a letter of
P(i]i.' (.'oi-iirliii., \\riit>'n about the middle
of t he third century to Fabius of Antioch.
The subject is important from two distinct
points of view, for it throws light both
* Vetut et Nova Ecdtsite Disciplina, i. 3, 2.
on the doctrine and the discipline of the
early Church.
With regard to the former, the custom
of conferring clinical baptism proves that
baptism given, not by immersion, but by
sprinkling the recipient, or by pouring
water over him (by aspersion or perfusion),
although unusual, was still considered
valid. This validity is clearly laid down
by Cyprian, in Ep. Lxix., when he answers
the question whether those who had not
been "washed with the water of salvation,
I but had had it poured over them," were
"Christians in the strict sense" {legitimi
Christiant). He replies that we need
not he concerned because the baptised
person incase of sickness hasheen sprinkled
or had water poured over him (instead
of being immersed), since in any case he
receives the " grace of the Lord."
However, the discipline of the Church
made a difieivnce between cliniei and
other Christians, and did not allow the
former to he ordained, on the ground that
they probably had received the sacrament
rather from fear than from a higher
motive. In the letter already mentioned
Cornelius states that it was against the
law for one who had received clinical
ba]itisni to onter the ranks of the clergy.'
Thr Ciimicll of Neocaesarea (can. 12), in
the ]iurt of the fourth century,
rl•nl■^^s this .■mcient prohibition, making,
hdw. nil rxi-cption in the case of
clinici w'hd signalised themselves ]>y zeal,
and for times when there was great want
of clergy. This canon was received into
the " Coiiius Juris," c. 1. Dist. 57.^
CZiOZSTER. An enclosed space,
usually square, surrounded by covered
passages, which have continuous walls
on the outer side, and rows of pillars on
the inner side facing the square, in con-
nection with monastic, cathedral, or
collegiate buildings. We do not possess
any in this country of earlier date than
the thirteenth century. They doubtless
first appeared in monasteries, furni-shing
monks with the means of exercise under
cover in wet weather. The interior space
was sometimes used for a cemetery, as at
Salisbury. Schools are said to have been
held in them, though they can scarcely,
at any rate in this climate, have been
very suitable for the purjjose. lu no
country in Europe have .so many fine
specimens of Gothic cloisters been pre-
served as in England. That at Gloucester
is of remarkable beauty ; the cathedrals
1 Euseb. .H. .E. vi. 43, 17.
2 Hefele, Concil. i. p. 249.
CLUNY, CONGREGATION OF
COADJUTOR
213
of Durham, York, and Lincoln, and New
Collefre, Oxford, furnish fine examples.
CX.VXO'T, COSrCRECATZOXr OF.
This branch of the Benedictine order
attained in the middle ages to a pitch of
greatness and influence which entitle it
to a separate article. It was founded by
Bernn, ablxit of (4igny, in 912, with the
assistance of "William Duke of Aquitaine,
•who endowed the new monastery with
his whole domains, forests, meadows,
vineyards, &c., at Cluny, fifteen miles
from" Macon-sur-Saone. A succession of
great and saintly abbots — Odo, Avmard,
St. ilayeul, St.'Odilo, and St. Hugh-
procured for the Abbey of Oluuy a world-
wide reputation, gi-eat wealth and political
influence, and a filiation of many hundred
monasteries. The bond of (lependence
was strictly maintained in all the houses
founded from or connected with Cluny ;
in nearly e\ery instance they were
governed by priors, not abbots. Urban
II., the Pope who preacluMl the first
cru.sade, had been educated at Cluny
under St. Hugh. The great Earl of
"Warenne, the friend and companion in
arms of the Conqueror, founded the first
Cluniac house in England, at Lewes, in
1077, dedicating the church in honour of
St. Pancras. LTnder Peter the Venerable,
the ninth abbot, the contemporary and
friend of St. Bernard, Cluny reached its
apogee. Peter drew up a reformed rule;
two thousand convents recognised him
as their superior; and in 1131 the Pope
himself. Innocent 11., came to Cluny and
consecrated the new church, the master-
piece of Gothic architecture and one of
the wonders of the world. At the Revo-
lution, the town of (^luny bought the
church from the Republican Government,
and pulled it down ; nothing but the two
towel's and a few other fragments were
left standing. Some time afterwards the
people of Cluny invited Napoleon to visit
their town; the emperor replied, "No,
no, you are Vandals."
There were thirty-two Cluniac houses
in England at the time of the suppression; '
the list is given below.'- Only one was
' The Chiniac houses in EngLand were
orisinally ^ubjent to the abbot of Cluny, on
which account many of them were su|)iiressei1
in the fourteenth century as '■.■ilicn I'riorie.s."
Those that remained wpregraduallv'-ilisoliarired
from all manner of subjection and oltedieme "
to the mother house, i'auner's Xotilia, xv.
' Nunneries are distinguished bv an asterisk ;
cells by tlie letter C.
Barnstaple (Dev.) i Bretton Monk, near
Bermondsey (Sur.) | Barnsley (York.)
an abbey — Bermondsey ; the rest were
priories or cells. (Hefele's art. in Wetzer
and Welte ; Tanner's " Notitia.")
COASTVTOR. One who helps a
prelate, or a priest holding a benefice, in
discharging the duties of his bishopric or
benefice. Coadjutorship may ))e of two
kinds: one temporary and revocable,
allowed on account of sickness or other
incapacity, and implying no right of suc-
cession; the other perpetual and irrevoc-
al)le, and carrying with it the right to
succeed the person coadjuted. In this
latter sense it is expressly forbidden l)y
the Council of Trent;' nevertheless the
Pope, for special causes, sometimes con-
cedes it, the plenitude of his apostolic
power enabling him legally to dispense
with the law. If a coadjutor is required
for a parish priest, it is for the bishop of
the diocese to nominate one ; if for a
bishop, the nomination belongs to the
Pope, any usage to the contrary notwith-
standing. In the case of a priest, if the
incapacity is temporary or curable, he
must a1)point a vicar or substitute, not a
coadjutor. The various infirmities which
justify coadjutorship — serious and in-
curable illness, leprosy, loss of speech, itc.
— are specified in the canon law. In the
case of a bishop, the terms "adminis-
trator " and " suffragan " mean much the
same as coadjutor, the differences being,
that the administrator's function ceases
when the bishop resumes charge of the
diocese or dies, and a suffragan assists the
bishop in things which relate ti~i his
ministry, but has no jurisdiction ; while a
coadjutor has jurisdiction, and his rights
mail, as we have seen, by special Papal
permission, subsist after the death of the
coadjuted. Vai-ious points affecting the
precedence, dignity, and ceremonial
attaching to a coadjutor bishop have been
Bromeholni, near North
Walsham (Norf.)
Castleacre ( Xorf.)
Clilloni (Heref.), C
Davcntrv (Northants.)
Derby, C
Dudley (Wore), C
Ilitcliam (Norf.), C
Dolme (Dors.), C
Horksley (Essex). C.
Ilorton, near Hvthe
(Kent), C
Kershall (Lane), C
KerswelKDev.), C.
Lenten (Notts.)
Lewes (Su-s.)
Malpas (Mourn.), C
Melton Mowbray, C
' Sess. XXV. c
Mendham (Suff.)
Monkton Farlev
(Wilts.), C
Montacute (Som.)
Norniansbereh. near
Fakenham (Noi-f.), (;
Northampton, .St..\ndr.
Northampton. De la
Pre •
Pontefraet (York.)
Prittlewell (K~sex)
Slewsham, ne.-iv I\Ieth-
wold (Nort.), »'
Stanesg:ite, near Mal-
Tl'.e'tfovd"(Norf)
Waugford (Sutf.), C
Weidock (Salop)
7. De Ref.
214
COADJUTOR
G(EN0B1TE
settled from time to time by the Congre- i
gation of Rites. (Ferraris," Coadjutor.)
COAT, THE HOIiy {tunica incon-
stitilts, der heilige Rock, la sainte Robe).
This celebrated relic is in the treasury of
the cathedral of Treves, and a very an-
cient tradition asserts it to be identical
■with the seamless coat which our Saviour
wore at the time of his Passion. The
empress Helena, having come into pos-
session of it in the Holy Land, is said to
have given it to the city of Treves, where
she resided for a considerable time. The
earliest written testimony tn this effect is
found in the Gesta Trevii-orum, a chroni-
cle of the first half of the twelfth century,
where Helena is said to have presented
the relic to the church during the epi- [
scopate of Agritius (314-334). Several
other notices of the Holy Coat are found
in documents mounting up to, or nearly ;
to, tlie twelfth century. But the most
remarkable and interesting piece of
evidence, in support of the authenticity
of the relic, is an ancient ivory belonging
to the cathedral (lost for some time but
recovered in 1844), on which the Empress
is figured, seated at the church donr, and
awaiting the arrival of a procession
closed by a chariot in which are two
ecclesiastics guarding a chest. Above the
chariot is the face of Christ, by which
some relation between our Lord and the
contents of the chest seems to be indicated.
This ivory was examined by the Archpeo-
logical Society of Franlrfort in 1846, witli
the result of fixing its date at the end nf
the fourth or beginning of the fifth century.
We read of the translation of the
relic from the choir to the high-altar of
the cathedral in 1196. After an interval
of more than three hundred years, it was
exposed in 1512, and on several other
occasions in the sixteenth century, for the
veneration of the faithful. During the
wars of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, it was deposited for safety in
the castle of Ehrenbreitstein, or at Augs-
h\irg. In 1810, with the permission of
Napoleon, the bishop of Treves, Mgr.
Maunay, brought the sacred relic bade
from Augsburg to his own city ; and, in
spite of the confusion of tlie times, a
multitude of pilgrims numbering over
two hundrfd thousand visited Treves to
celelirate this joyful restoration. But the
most striking and successful exposition
was that of 1844, when eleven bishops
and iiinro than a million of the laity
floclied to Treves from all sides during
•he period (from August 18 to October 6)
for which the Holy Coat was exhibited.
Several miraculous cures were reported,
and the joy and piety of the believing
throng must have been a very moving
sight. Certain unstable Catholics, with
a secret leaning to rationalism, took
offence at the proceedings, and wrote
against the authenticity of the Holy Coat.
Among these were Czerski, an ecclesiastic
from Posen, and Ronge, a suspended
priest of Breslau. A long controversy
arose, in the course of which these men
seceded from the Church and founded a
sect which they called the "German
Catholic Cliurch." The movement made
a great noise at the time, but is now
seldom heard of. The well-known
(^'atholic writer, Giirres, published a
pamphlet on the question, entitled " The
Pilgrimage of Treves," in 1845.
At the period at which we write
(Sept. 1891), another exhibition of the
Holy Coat is going on at Treves, under
the sanction of MgT. Korum, the bishop.
A million pilgrims have visited the relic
up to the middle of this month. Several
cures, apparently miraculous, are re-
ported. ["WetziT and Welte.]
COBEX CAKTON-Vni ECCX.. AF-
RZCATTJE. This collection of canons, 138
in number, consists substantially of the
disciplinary decisions of the great African
council which sat at Carthage between
419 and 422. Dionysius Exig-uus [see
Caxon Law] admitted the greater part of
them into his first collection. The synod
in Trullo (691) approved and adopted
these canons, with thf)se of many other
councils, as suitalile for use in the East.
They were fii-st pulilished at Paris by
Justeau in Kil"); Mansi included them in
his collection ; tlu'v have been discussed
by the brothers Ballerini, De Marca, itc.
CODEX CAXrOM-iriVI ECCX.. vttx-
VERSa:. Under this title the two
Justeau (1610-1661) published the
canons of which the Fathers of Chalcedon
made chief use (namely, those of Nicaea,
Ancyra, Neo-Cscsarea, Gangra, Antioch,
; Laodicea, Constantinople II., and Ephe-
sus) on the implied assumption tliat they
intended to, and did in fact, erect these
canons, along with their own twenty-nine,
into a code receivable and binding
throughout the Church. For such an
assumption there was no foundation. The
collection contains altogether 207 canons.
! CSN'OBITE. St. Jerome distin-
; guislii s co nnbites from anachorites or
hermits. He translates the former word
by " in communi viventes." The word is
COGNATE
COLLEGIATE CHURCH 215
derived from Kotvhs /3tW, common life.
The place in which they lived was called
ccenobium or koiv6i3iou, and the superior,
Koivo^idpxris. Ccenobites were also
named a-woSiTai, which answers to tlie
Latin conventuahs. The word coenobite
is thus equivalent to our word "monk."
(Kraus, " Kcal-Encvcl.")
cocxr ATE ; COX.X.ATX:RA&. [See
COXSAXGIIXITY.]
COXiXiATZoW TO A BENSFXCE.
This, as we have seen [I3ishop, II.], is a
right ordinarily beloiiping to bishops. It
may be either free and ^ oluntarj' {collafio
libera), or restricted to the institution of a
clerk presented by a third person [collatio
necemtria, non libera). Collation by lay
persons is null, except in a few cases
where, by a special privilege granted by
the Holy See, a king or an abbess confers
a particular benefice as the procurator or
vicar of the Pope.
The right of conferring the higher
ecclesiastical dignities is now in the
greater part of Europe regulated by Con-
cordat between the Holy See and the
respective Governments. In Austria the
Emperor has the right of nominating to
most canonries ; occasionally this right is
exercised by the municipality. In France
the nomination as well as collation to all
benefices is usually in the hands of the
archbishii])s and bishops ; but the appoint-
ments made are subject in the ease of the
eures cantomnu: to the approbation of the
Government ; which on the other hand
nominates to the almonerships of public
establishments, subject to episcopal ap-
proval.
"The rulers of the Church," says
Soglia, " confer benefices by a triple right,
plenary, ordinary, or delegated : the Pope
by his plenary, the bishops by their
ordinary, cardinals and others holding a
Pajial indult by their delegated right."
(Soglia, "Instit. Jur. Can." !ii. l>, 18.)
cox.l.ATZOxr. [See Fasting.]
COIiXiECT (collecta) occurs in
several senses in ecclesiastical ■wTiters.
(1) It signifies "collection." Thus ^St.
Paul mentions the "coUectre quae fiunt
apud sanctos," where the Greek has Xoyt'a.
{■2) For the assembly of the faithful.
Thus we meet with "collectam agere,"
"adesse ad collectam," &c. Hence (3)
for the prayer said in the Mass after the
Gloria and before the Epistle.* The name
1 " Ideo Collecta dioitur. ([uia populo in unum
congregato et collecto recitatur, vcl quia sacerdog
legatione apud Deum pro (iinnibus fungens
omnium vota in unum colligit, vel quia ex
so used {colhctio or collecta) is found in
the Mozarabic Missal and in the old
Sacramentiiries. Many of the collects
now said in the Mass were composed by
St. Gelasius or St. Gregorv.
Originally only one collect was said.
Ritual writers lay it do^vn that the num-
ber of collects must not exceed seven.
They must always be unequal, the odd
number, it is said, denoting unity. In
the Roman Church the collect used to be
followed by certain other prayers, for the
Pope, Emperor, &c., which prayers were
called "laudes."
Almost all the collects are addressed
to tilt' Father, and cud with the words
" through our Lord Jesus Christ," &c. ;
o!iIy a few and tliose of recent date are
addrcsst'd t^ the Son : none to the Holy
Ghost. "The Mass," says Cardinal r>ona,
"represents the oblation by which Christ
offered Himself to the Father, and there-
fore the pravers of the liturpy are directed
to the Father Himself." (Benedict XIV.
"De Missa," ii. h.)
COZiliECE. Collegia, i.e. corpora-
tions or guihls of persons united in pur-
suit of a common object, were common in
the Roman empire from its commencement.
Tlie Government took cognisance of, and
controlled tliem. When Christianity ap-
licared everywhere, the churches, regarded
by jurists as collegia, were held to be
unlawful (collegia illicit a) and to belong
to them was reckoned a misdemeanour.
(Smith and Cheetham.)
COX.I.ECE, THE EWGIiZSK. [See
English College.]
COX.X.ECE, THE IRISH. [See
Ieish College.]
COI.I.ECE. THE ROMAxr. [See
RoMAx College.]
COX.X.EGE, THE SCOTCH. [See
Scotch College.]
COX.X.EGIATE CHURCH. After
the practice had become general for the
clergy of cathedral churches to live in
common, under the rule formulated bv
the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle (816), and
with the title of canons, the churches of
many large towns, besides those wliich
werg the residences of bishops, adopted
a similar organisation, and were called
collegiate churches. [See Canon.] Thus
Darlington, to which some of the canons
whom the bishop William of St. Carilef
(1080-1096) replaced by monks at Hur-
selectis S. Scripfuraj et Kcclesite verbis com-
pcndiosa brevitate collii;itur, vol quia omnes
coUectis animis affectus sunset, mentem ad Ucum
attollunt." Card. Bona, Rer. Liturq. II. 5. § 3.
21G COLTJMBANUS, ST., RULE OF
COMMANDMENTS OF GOD
ham retired, became, -with Papal sanction,
a colleg-iate church with dean and pre-
bendaries, and flourished as such till the
Reformation. At that time (1547) a
great number of collegiate churches in
this countrj' were suppressed, and their
revenues confiscated, with the exception
of a small portion employed in founding
schools, of which King Edward VI. 's
School at Birmingham is an instance.
Since the seventeenth century it has been
invariably ruled that a colk^iate- church
can only be erected with Papal sanction.
Anidiig the conditions for obtaining this
sanction are — that the locality should be
of sufficient importance ; that there be a
numerous and well-disposed population
and a large body of cU'r:;y : that the
endowment be suiliririit : that the church
bf of suitable size and dignity; and that
all things necessary for the divine worship
be provided in abundance. (Ferraris, Col-
legium )
COZ.VMBATrVS, ST., RVX.E OF.
The "Regula Monachorum" of St. Colum-
ban (t615) was printed by Ooblast from
a St. (?all IMS. in his "Para>.irtici
Veteres" (Insulte, 1(!()4). It consists of
only fourteen short chapter.^. Though
it speaks much of the beauty of modt-ra-
tiiui and discretion, and of the preser-
vation of a mean between excess and
defect, practically it prescribes a life
of extreme austerity. The keynote is
obedience to the abbot (capp. 1,2, 3, 14);
when a monk acts in obedience, even if
what he does i.s open to censure, he can-
jiot lie blamed ; while, if he act on his own
responsibility, though he may take the
right course, his indocility deprives him
of all merit. Chapter 4 prescribes per-
])etual silence, except so far as speech is
absolutely necessary. The one meal
(caj). 5) is to be taken at even ; it was to
consist of common vegetables, pulse,
dough, and a small twice-baked loaf
(" cum parvo pane paxmate "). The true
" mortincatio " of a monk (cap. 14) ex-
tended to his thoughts, his words, and
bis movements; he should be ready al-
ways to say to his superior, even when
giving contrary orders, "Not as I will,
but as thou wilt."
COMB. The liturgical use of the
comb is. so far as we know, mentioned
once on in our present books — viz. in
the Poni ifical, where the rubrics for the
consecration of a bishop require an " ivory
comb " to be provided. But Ducange
{ad voc. " Pecten") shows that its use was
once far more general. " It was," lie says,
" counted among the sacred instruments,
and was used priests and clerics for
combing their hair before they went ^from
the sacristy] into the church." Thus
Ducange quotes a will of Count Everard,
A. D. 837, leaving a comb among the other
" ornaments i>f his chapel." So in the
will of Bishop Riculfus, A.D. 915, a
charter of 1231, a charter of John, bishop
of Capua, A.D. 1301. Mr. Maskell ("Mon.
Rit." ii. p. 256) gives other examples —
e.ff. from an inventory of St. Paul's,
Londim, A.D. 1295 — and he quotes a rubric
from the Pontifical of Archbishop Bain-
bridge of York, which directs the ])ishop,
wheu about to say Mass, to comb his hair
after putting on his sandals, and before
he assumes the amice. The combing of
the l)ishop's hair was as much a part of
the ceremonials as putting on his mitre,
and was done by the deacon or subdeacon,
sonirtinies liv both. (Mabillon. "Museum
Italicuni," ii'. p. 292.^
comniAxrBiMCEii'TS of gob (in
Hebrew of E.vodus xxxiv. 28, Deut. iv. 13,
x. -I. "the ten words," of which "the
Decalogue," ol SeVa Xoyoi, ra 8(Kti Xoyia, ra
5(/cu piffj-ara, is a verbal translation) were
given to Miises by God on Mount Sinai.
They were written by the finger of God
on two tables of stone, which were placed
in the Ark. Thus the commandments
formed the centre and kernel of the
Jewish religion. They were given more
directly by God than any other ])art of
the Jewish law, and they were placed in
the most holy place, which none but the
high-priest could enter, and lie onlv once
a year. Tlie 1 Ionian Cat.'eliisni (iii. 1. 1),
qiiotieg St. An.ii-tiii.'.pointsout tliat all
theivst of tbr -Mosaic law depeiuls on the
decalogue, while the ten commandments,
in their turn, are based on two precepts
— the love of God with the whole heart,
and the love of our neighbour as ourselves.
Two questions about the connnand-
ments must be mentioned, the former of
which concerns the binding force, the
latter the division and arrangement, of
thedecalogue.
As to the former question, the Council
of Trent defines, against antinomian
heretics of ancient and modern times,
that the ten commandments bind the
consciences of all mankind, Christians
included. " If anyone say that the ten
commandments have nothing to do with
Christians, let him be anathema." " Ii
anyone say that a man, though justified
and ever so jjerfect, is not bound to obser\ .■
the commandments of God and the
COMMANDMENTS OF GOD
COMMANDMENTS OF GOD 217
Church, let him be anathema.'" The
reason on •which this obligation rests is
manifest. God did not give a new law
to Moses; He only republished a law
written originally on the conscience of
man, and obscured by his sinful ignorance.
The ten comniaudnients, then, did not
begin to bind when proclaimed to the
people of Israel, and they have not ceased
to do so now that Christ has done away
with the Jewish law.^
The second question turns on the divi-
sion of the commandments, and here there
are three principal views. It is well to
remind the reader, first, that there are
several diH'erences in the exact words of
the commandments as given in Exodus
XX. and Deuteronomy v., one of which is
of special moment. In Exodus, the last
prohibitions run, " Thou shalt not covet
thy neighbour's bouse : thou j^lialt not
covet thy neighbour's wii'e, nor his ser-
vant, nor his maid, nor his ox, nor his ass,
nor anything that is thy neighbour's." In
Deuteronomy, the order is changed thus :
■" Thou shalt not covet tliy neighbour's
wife; and thou shalt not desire" [a dif-
ferent word in Hebrew from that trans-
lated "covet," though the Vulgate ob-
literates the distinction] " his field, or his
servant, or his maid, his ox, or his ass,
or anything that is thy neighbour's."
We may now proceed to consider the
■different modes of division.
(1) Philo and Josephus, followed by
Origen and other early Christians, by the
Greek Church, and all Protestants except
Lutherans, divide the commandments into
two tables, containing each five precepts:
viz. 1, on strange gods ; 2, on image
worship ; 3, on taking God's name in
vain ; 4, on the Sabbath ; 5, on honouring
parents ; 6, on murder ; 7, on adulteiy ; 8,
on stealing; 9, on false witness ; 10, on
«ovetousness.
(2) The Talmud, the Targum of
Jonathan, and many rabbinical com-
mentators, make the preface, " I am the
Lord thy God," &c., the first " word ; "
they regard the prohibition of strange
• Concil. Trident. sess.vi.De.Justif.cHU. 19,20.
' Cat. Rom. iii. 1, 3. An exception must
be made of that clause m the third com-
mandment which fixes the seventh day for
divine worship. As to the apparent prohibi-
tion of image.s, see Petav. De Incarn. xv. 6.
Here it is enough to say that if, with Josephus,
we hold that the commandment absolutely pro-
hibits sculpture and paintin;;, so that Solomon
broke it when he made the twelve oxen under
the l)razen sea or the lions for his thnme, then
we nuist also hold that this ceremonial part of
the commandment no lonj^er binds.
gods and images as one single " word,'
Tiz. the second; for the rest they agree
with the division of Philo, .fee.
(3) Augustine places in the first table
three commandments, relating to God —
viz. 1, on strange gods and images (so that
he regards the prohibition of idols as a
mere application of the principle, " Thou
shalt not have strange gods before me ") j
2, the name of God ; 3, the Sabbath. In
the second table he places seven precepts,
relating to our neighbour — viz. command-
ment 4, on parents ; 5, on murder ; 6, on
adulteiy ; 7, on stealing ; 8, on false wit-
ness ; 9, on coveting our neighbour's wife ;
10, on coveting our neighbour's goods.
This division has prevailed in the Catholic
Church, and has been retained by the
Lutherans, except that they, following
the order in Exodus, make commandment
9, on coveting our neighbour's house ; 10,
on coveting his wife or goods : a division
to which Augustine himself in some places
gives support.
^^'llat has been already said shows
that ignorance alone can charge Catholics
with introducing a new mode of division
in order to give less prominence to the
prohibition of idol-worship. The division
was cui-rent long- before any strife on
images had ai'iscu in the Church.
Next, the Catholics, in this division of
the first and second commandments, have
the whole weight of rabbinical tradition
on their side.
Thirdly, the modern Catholic division
is the only one consistent with the Hebrew
text, as usually found in MSS. and printed
editions. The text is divided into ten
sections, which correspond precisely with
our Catholic division. These sections are
admitted to be very ancient, older even
than the Masoretic text, and the Protes-
tant scholar Kennicott found them so
marked in 460 out of 694 MSS. which
he collated.'
Lastly, the wording of the text both
in Exodus and Deuteronomy strongly
favours the Catholic division. , The pro-
mises and threats, "I am the Lord thy
1 There is no doubt that the prohibition of
polytheism and of imn<;e-worship always forms
one section. In some MSS., however, of ICxniUis
there are only nine sections in the text of the
decalogue, our ninth and tenth commandMifnls
fonnintc one section. Kennicott, says Kiil, ti>iiii(l
the division wanting in 234 out of C'.'l .MSS.
which he collated, and an examination of
Kennicott's Bible contirnis Ki'il's statement.
Dillniann's assertion that Kennicott found the
division between the ninth and •cuth com-
mandments wanting in most of his MSS. seems
to be wholly inaccurate.
21 S COMMAXDMENTS OF CHURCH
COMMEMORATIONS
God, mighty, jealous," &c., are much more
suitable on the theory that the prohibi-
tion of .-^tranpe oods and idols forms one
commandment, while in Deuteronomy,
after the prohibition of coveting our
neighbour's wife, the change of the verb
mentioned above seems to indicate the
beginning of a new commandment ; nor
is there any difficult}' in distinguishing
carnal desire from coveting another man's
goods. (The facts as here given will be
found in Kalisch, Knobel, and Keil in
their commentaries on Exodus. The first
is a very learned Jew, the second a
Rationalist, tlir tlilnl an orthodox Pro-
testant. All aiv (.iniiised to the Catholic
mode of (li\ isimi. i tiUmann's Commen-
tary (1881) has also l)een consulted.)
COMMAM'DniSXI'TS OF THE
CHURCH. Parents, and other persons
invested with lawful authority, have
power to make rules for those placed
under them, so that things lawful in
themselves become unlawful by their
prohibition. The Scripture teaches plainly
that the Church has this power. We are
to hear the Church (Matt, xviii. 17). The
Holy Ghost has placed bishops to " rule
the Church " (Acts xx. 28). St. Paul com-
manded Christians to keep the " precepts
of the Apostles and the ancients" (Acts
XV. 41).
The Roman Catechism makes no spe-
cial enunu'ration of the commandments
of the Church; but such an enumeration
is prjifialiy I'niind in popular Catechisms,
winch lia\i' loUowed in this respect the
exainiilc m I by the Catechism ofCanisius.
The English Catechism, like the French
ones of Fleury, &c., counts six command-
ments of the Church. Many other Cate-
chisms reduce them to live. In our
English Catechism they are given as
follows: 1, to keep the Sundays and
holidays of obligation holy, by hearing
Mass and resting from servile works;
'J, to keep the days of fasting and absti-
nence apjinintcd by tlie Church; 3, to go
to confession at least once a year; 4, to
receive tin- IJlr^s-d Sacrament at least
once a year, and that at Easter or there-
abouts; 5, to contribute to the sup])ort
of our pastors; 6, not to marry within
certain degrees of kindred nor to solemnise
marriage at the forbidden times.
COMMEnXORATZOIO'S OF FEASTS
&c. As the Church celebrates many
feasts, some moveable, some fixed, it may
often happen that two of them fall on
the same day ; or again the Church may
institute the feast of a saint, just
canonised, on a day already occupied by
the feast of another saint. Further, as
senii-dduliles and all feasts of higher
rank lia\c iirst and second vespers, the
second \ e>]iers of one least would often
have to be said at the same time as the
first vespers of another. As it would be
difficult to say the Mass and office of two
feasts on the same day, the Church, as a
rule, celebrates the greater feast, and
merely commemorates the inferior one.'
We must begin by distinguishing
special from common commemorations,
the former being subdivided into partial
and complete commemorations.
Partial commemorations are made
when the fii'st vespers of one feast coin-
cide with the second vespers of another.
In that case, the vespers of the feast
higher in rank are said, while the other
feast is commemorated by the recital of
the antiphon before the Magnificat, the
versicles and the prayer.
Complete commemorations are made
when two feasts fall on the same day.
In that case, the collects of the lesser
feast are added in the Mass of the day,
and on certain occasions (e.ff. if a Sunday
,if greater feria is commemorated) the
Gospel from the Mass of the day com-
memorated is said at the end of Mass
instead of the Gospel of St. John. More-
over, the antiphous for the Benedlctus
and Magnificat, with the \ ersicles in the
office omitted, are added in the lauds and
vespers of the office which is said. Finally,
the Gospel of a Sunday or greater feria,
with the homily and the lections of a
simple feast containing the life of the
saint (provided such lessons are " proper "
and not merely taken from the conmion)
are substituted for the ninth lection in
matins. Supposing that a simple feast
and a Sunday or greater feria have both
to be commemorated, the ninth lection is
taken from the latter in preference to the
former. The life of the saint com-
memorated is also omitted if the matins
of the office said does not end with the
Te Deum.*
The common commemorations consist
of antiphons, versicles and prayers re-
lating to the Blessed Virgin, St. Joseph,
St. Peter and St. Paul, the Patron or
title of the church, and peace ; such com-
memorations are made on semi-doubles,
simples, and ferias, at Ijhe end of lauds
1 A f^reater feria or octave may also have
to be commemorated.
2 Gavant. sect. iii. 11, 33, " De Commemo-
rationibus."
COMMEMORATION
COMMENDATORY LETTERS 219
and Tespers, except during octaves, and
except from the first Sunday of Advent
till the octave of the Epiphany, and from
Passion Sunday till Trinity Sunday.
They are preceded on ferias by a com-
memoration of the Cross ; while in Paschal
time a special commemoration of the Cross
is made, although the other commemora-
tions are omitted.
Commemorations are made in the fol-
lowing order : a double is commemorated
first, then a Sunday, then a semi-double,
an octave, a greater feria, a simple ; last
of all come the common commemorations.
Many of the rules on this subject,
some of which are very elaborate, have
been left out here for want of space.
They are fully discussed by Gavantus
and Meratus. "V\'e may, however, men- j
tion the general principle, tliat the greater ;
the solemnity of a day or season, the
more it absorbs attention and therefore
tends to exclude commemorations. (See
Gavantus, with Meratus' note, p. 11, 1
sect. iii. cap. 11.) '
COnfMETCORATZOIO' OF TBS
XiZVIirC AND OF THE DEAD ZU
THE MASS. See DlJ'TYCHS.]
COnxMENDA. It is a Low Latin
word, formed from the verb commcndare,
signifying the custody of a church or
convent in the absence of a regular in-
cumbent. A church, i.'vrc., so treated, was
said to be held in commendam. This
commendation had nothing abusive in its
origin, which was perfectly natural : thus
when a bishop of Fundi was driven from
his see by the barbarians, Pope Gregory
the Great nominated him to the vacant
see of Terracina, at the same time com- |
mending Fundi to his care. A Council ;
of Merida commended to the metropolitan
the churches of certain bishops who had j
been ordered to retire i'vom their sees and ;
do penance, for absenting themselves
from a provincial council. In process of
time the Roman See claimed the right of
allowing a bishop, or other dignitary, to
hold other benefices in commendani w ith
his own preferment. For this there
might often be reasonable and sufficient
cause ; but the practice became much too
common. Matthew Paris complains
(a. 1246) of this permission to a well-
beneficed ecclesiastic to retain his bene-
fices in commi-ndnm with a bishopric to
which he might be appointed, as an abuse
of recent origin. The Council of Con-
stance, in its last year (1417), strove to
put an end to reservations, expectatives,
and commendams, but only succeeded in
ottaining from the new Pope (Martin V.)
a promi.se that all these favours should
be brought under more strict control.
]>ut political reasons {e.g. the au^er or
good will of an emperor or king, iiu iirrt-d
by thwarting or gTatifying his \\i>lies
res])ecting the cumulation of l)eneficrs on
some favourite churchman) niadi', or
seemed to make, the complete abolition
of the practice impossible. Even the
Council of Trent, honestly zealous as it
was for reform, ventured no more than
to express its confidence that " the Roman
Pontiff' in his piety and prudence would,
so far as he satv the times could hear it,
set over monasteries at present held in
commendam [by seculars] monastic per-
sons belonging to the respective orders,
capable of representing and ruling the
communities." '
Since the destruction of Church pro-
perty which recent times have witnessed,
the practice of commendation has greatly
dwindled, if not wholly ceased, through-
out Europe.
COnXMEIO-DATZOM' OF THE
SOUK {Ordo cojnmendationis anima).
A form of prayer for the dying contained
in the Roman Ritual. The practice of
bringing the priest to the bed of dying
persons is coeval with the Chui'ch itself,
and Amalarius tells us that several of
the ancient Antiphonaries contained
prayers for the dying. Parts at least of
the present form are very ancient. The
words " Subvenite," kc, " Come to his
help, all ye saints of God ; meet him, all
ye angels of God," &c., occur- in the
Antiphonary of St. Gregory the Great;
I the beautiful address, " Go forth, O
i Christian soul," &c., is found in a letter
of St. Peter Damian, written to a friend
j of his who was near death.
COnsnXEIlirDATORY BETTERS
{crvtrTariKai (TrtaroXat, 2 Cor, in. 1). The
Christians of Ephesus, when Apollo the
newly converted Jew wished to pass into
Achaia, wrote to theii- fellow-believers
at Corinth, that they should receive him
(Acts xviii. 17). 'While the general
society of the empire was still heathen,
I the bond between believers was close,
I and the distinction between Christians
and non-Christians had to be firmly and
shar]>ly drawn. Commendatory letters
— " letters of introduction" as we should
now say — were required for everyone
who travelled to a foreign countiy, if he
wished to receive hospitality there, and
to be admitted to communion. They
1 Sess. XXV. c. 21, De Re£.
220 COMMrSSAKT
COMMUNION
were given by the bishop. For a long
time after the conversion of Constantine
the prevalence of Avianism and other
heresies made it necessary still to adhere
to the practice, lest those should be
unawares admitted to communion whom
St. John had warned Christians not so
much as to bid Go(jl-speed to (2 John i.
10). It is the crowning argument of St.
Austin against the Donatists, that " their
letters would not be received in any
churches but their own." The Councils
of Elvira, Chalcedon, and Ai'les framed
regulations about these letters, on which
!-o much importance came to be laid that
no one, whether clerk or layman, was
received in any city who came unprovided
with tliem. They were also called
cnn'iiiu fc, and communicatoria. The eVi-
(TToXfil (IprfviKcu recommended the bearer
specially for alms. The dn-oXvrtAtat {di-
mii<f<irice), first mentioned in the Council
in TruUo (691), referred to a permanent
settlement of the bearer in the country
visited ; the truo-rart/cal to a tempoi'ary so-
journ. Commendatory letters are still
given to a cleric passing from one diocese
to audtlier. 'Hirv testily not only to his
lawful (irdinatii)ii and freedom from
canonical fault.-, Ijiit also to his character
and al.iility. (Sinilli and Cheetham, art.
by I'l'ot'. riuniptre.)
conXMlsSARY. An ecclesiastic
who, by delegation from the bishop,
exercises a portion of the episccipal juris-
diction in a particular part of the diocese,
especially with reference to licences,
institutions, the examination of wit-
nesses, vS;c.
COMMON-. rSeeBEEviARY, Missal.]
COMMON^ I.IFE, CXiERKS AWD
BROTHERS OP THE. A holy deacou
of Deventer in th(> Xetherbinds, Gerhard
Groot (t]?)84), was the founder of this
remarkable institute. He had sat at
the feet of liiiysbroek, one of the most
eminent myst ics of that age, and had been
deeply impressed by the spectacle of love,
peace, and joyful co-operation presented
by the August inian brotherhood which
he directed. Not long before, Ruysbroek
had obtained a similar influence over the
celebrated Tauler. Gerhard applied his
fortune to the work of establishing and
endowing a building to receive clerics,
and <ilso laymen, who, without taking
perpetual vows, were desirous of leading
an austere Christian life in common.
Great preachers, besides Gerhard himself,
came forth from this institute ; among
them was Thomas k Kempis, or of
Kempen (tl471), supposed by many to
be the author of the " Imitatio Christi."
In the schools of Deventer was also trained
Nicholas of Cusa, afterwards Cardinal,
the most learned theologian at the Council
of Basle, author of " Concordantia Catho-
lica " and many other works. Gerhard's
chief convent wasat Windesheim; whence
some of the canons were invited into
France at the beginning of the sixteenth
century, and established at Chateau
Laudon. The order spread far and wide
in the Netherlands, and was not unknown
in Germany. Houses of nuns were
aggregated to the institute, which is
represented by celebrated monasteries in
Belgium even at the present day. (Ile-
lyot, vol. iv. ; Mohler, " Kirchengesch.")
COMMVirZCATZO ZDZOMATVM
^also contmunio idiomatum — and in the
Greek Fathers dvrl^oa-is). The appro-
priation of divine attributes to Christ as
man, and of human qualities to Christ as
God, because one and the same Person is
at once God and man. Thus we may
say " God died," " Mary is the Mother of
God," though it was as man that Christ
died and had a mother; or again, "The
man Chi-ist Jesus is the Creator of the
world." This usage is consonant with
Scripture, which speaks of the Lord of
glory as being crucified; of the Son of
God as being delivered for us, &c. ; and
with the definition of the Council of
Ejihesus, that Mary is the Mother of God.
The reason on which the usage rests is
that " the man Christ " implies, not only
human nature, but also the divine Person
united with it ; " God," when we think
of God the Son incarnate, implies, not
only the divine Person, but also the
human nature, which he made proper
(idwv, hence Ibloifia) to himself. Olj-
serve, however, that we cannot say "the
Divinity sufiered," "the Manhood is
eternal," &c. (See Petavius, " De Incam."
iv. 15.)
COMMVirzOM'. That the body, soul
and divinity of Christ are given in the
Communion, and that Christ is received
whole and entire under either kind— j.e.
under the form of bread alone, or wine
alone — is an article of the Catholic faith,
explained and proved under the article
Eucharist. In this place we shall only
treat of the rite according to which Com-
munion is given. At every Mass the
celebrant is bound to communicate, be-
cause his communion is necessary for the
completion of the sacrifice. [See Euch-
ABIST, II.] In the Roman rite, the
COMMUNION
COMMUNION 221
priist, after the words "Domine, non
sum dignus," bowing low, but still stand-
ing, receives the body of Christ, saying
" Corpus Domini nostri," &c., " May the
body of our Lord Jesus Christ preserv e
my soul unto everlasting life." Then,
having collected any particles of the
Blessed Sacrament which may remain on
the corporal or paten, lie puts them into
the chalice and takes the precious blood
with tlie words, "May the blood of our
Lord Jesus Christ," &c. Afterwards, if
any of the people desire to communicate,
the clerk says the Confiteor,' the priest
pronounces a form of absolution, holds
the Blessed Sacrament before the people,
saying, " Behold the Lamb of God," &c.,
and finally gives them communion under
the form of bread, usina- the words " ]\Iay
the body of our Lord Je^us Christ," Sec.
The clergy, servers, ^tc, usually com-
municate on the altar-sti ps ; the people
at the altar-rails, on whic h a white cloth
is placed for the communicants to hold
up near the face and so to prevent any
particle from falling to the gi-ound. In
some churches a small tray, can-ied by
the clerk from one communicant to
another, is substituted for the white cloth
— (this is in reality a return to the more
ancient custom : Benedict XIV. " De
Miss." iii. 22, 3). Communion is given
to all who are sufficiently old to under-
stand the nature of the Sacrament ; and,
although the communion of the people is
in no way essential, either to the integrity
or lawfulness of the sacrifice, still the
Council of Trent (Sess. xxii. cap. 6) desires
that the faithful should communicate at
every Mass. Of course this desire implies
as a condition that the faithful should be
fervent enough to communicate often
with advantage. Communion may be
2;iven on all days of the year, except
Good Friday — (the ancient usage per-
mitted the faithful to comnumicate even
on Good Friday: Benedict XIV. "De
Fest." i. .3.39) — when it cannot be given
except in dangerous sickness : and at any
hour of the day : not, however, at night.*
Communion may be given out of Mass,
by the priest, wearing a sui-plice and
1 This practice came in during the thir-
tfenth ccntiuy, through tlie influence of the
bogging friars.— Benedict XIV. Ue Miss. iii.
22, 2.
-' Manual. Decret. S. Hit. Cniipr. n. 969-
971, whore the Communifm of the faithful
at midnight M.nss on Christmas Eve is pro-
hibited. On Holy Saturday, Communion may-
be ;,'iven after, "but not "during, Mass.— 76.
1088-90.
I stole of the colour of the day (a red stole
1 is used in the Ambrosian rite), and with
almost the same form of words which is
used in giving Communion during Mass,
I except that he adds the antiphon " O
j sacred banquet, in which Christ is taken,"
and concludes by blessing the people.
This blessing is omitted if the priest gives
Communion before Mass in black vest-
ments.
We may now go on to trace the his-
tory of the administration of Communion.
The essential points have remained un-
changed from the time of the Apostles ;
still several striking changes have un-
doubtedly been made.
(1) The ordinary minister of the
Sacrament is the priest, nor can a mere
deacon, accord iiig to the present discipline,
give communion without grave necessity.*
In early times, leave to administer this
Sacrament was given to deacons much
more freely. Justin (" Apol." i. 65) speaks
of them as distributing the consecrated
bread and wine. A little later, Cyprian
(" De Laps." 2-5) and the Apostolic Con-
stitutions (viii. 12) describe the celebrant
as administering the body of Christ, while
the deacons gave the chalice. The Council
of Nicaea, canon 18, forbids deacons to
give Communion to the priests — who,
according to the wont of that time, joined
with the bishop in celebrating Mass — or
to receive Communion themselves before
a bishop who might be assisting at the
sacrifice." In times of persecution, the
faitliful took the Blessed Sacrament away
witli tliem, so that even women gave
t]ien)selves Communion at home.^ Ordi-
narily, the deacons conveyed the Holy
Connnunion to the sick, but sometimes
even laj men did so.* Pius V., in modern
times, is said to have allowed Mary Queen
of Scots to receive Communion from her
own hands in prison. * By the present
law of the Church, the parish priest is
bound to give his parishioners the oppor-
tunity of communicating, and no other
priest can lawfully give Communion
without his consent, except in case of
necessity. In England, where there are
no parishes, the leave of the priest in
charge of the mission is required in order
to give Communion.
(2) All baptised persons, who are in
1 S. Liguor. vi. n. 237. The necessity need
not be extreme.
- See the oxjilanation of the canon in Hefele,
ConcU. X. p. A-: \ s, ,,.
3 Tertull. .I<l. I'ror. ii. 5.
* Euspb. H. E. vi. 44.
* Billuart, De Eucli. diss. vii. a. 8.
COMMUNION
COMMUNION
a state of grace, ami fasting, and who are
{-uffioii'utly instructed, may receive com-
vnniloii. In .■iiicient t inu>s all who assisted
at Mass were oliliLit'il tii conimunicate,
and It was oi\ly tlu' liigliest class of peni-
tents who did not come under this rule.'
However, in Chrysostom's time the
charity of Christians had already grown
cold, and many heard ^lass without com-
municat iiiL;-. Afterwards, the faitliful
wefe ojdy reiiuired to communicate three
times in the year; and finally the Fourth
Lateran Council introduced the present
rule of communicating once at least in
the year, and that al)out Easter time.
Further, it is to this day the custom in
the East to conmiunicate infants ju^t after
baptism, and this use, Fleury >ays, con-
tinued in the West tilltlie opening of the
ninth - centurv, wliile even in the thir-
tt-enth Communion wa> given to children
in dangrrof .h'atli. Thc'Couneil of Trent
(Si'>s. xxi. ca]>. 4, l>i' ('<immun.) dct-lares
that childivn who lia\e not come to the
lise of i-fa>oii 11, 'I'd not receive (_''om-
munlon. At jii-csi'iit . cliildren usually
makr their tirst Communion lii't\\ii.ii ten
and t\vcl\>> years of age. 'S'cry oftni
this first ( 'oinmunioii is accoin]iaiiit d wit li
the renewal of liajili-uial \ (n\ s : iIp'
children hold light rd lanilli's in tlirir
hands, and an adiln -.^ is made to thfiii
by their pastor, but uone of tlu>se obser-
vances are prescribed by the Church.
QT) The church was the jilacc of
admin istraf 1011, :\\thimir]i in sicliiiess and,
as we have seen, in times of jiei'secution
Communion was given in pri\ate houses.
I'siially, the jirit'sts and deacons coni-
muiiieated at the altar, the re-t of the
clergv in the (dioir, tlie l.aity ont-ide the
choir. r.ul in the Ivist t he' iMiijien ir liy
ancil'Ilt ])I'i\-ilege, AN hen lie lll.'ide his olfel-
ing, ii]i]iroa< bed and remained at t he altar';
while in some parts of (Jaul the laitj'
generally did the same.^
(4) The time for Communion was
usually early in the nmrninu. .ind it was
always,in \ irt iie ,,f.-iii Apostolic tradition,
received fdslin-i. The mie and iiid\ ex-
ception was tlie jirartiee in the African
church of celehratiiie Mass and eiving
Communion ou tlie exeuiug of Maundy
Thtirsday [.see Agapi;]. Natural reverence
' Can. Apos. 9, 10. Concil. Ancyr. (anno
••514). . an. ."j.
Fliurv, Ixxxiv. 0 Tlie remain* of the
saiircMl s|iiTio.'i wcro m\\pn te cliilitrcn at Con-
Btaiiliie.ple l.ite a- the leint I'ciith centurv.
See VWu' v. xx^iii. -11
5 Trull. Syii. can. G'.).
* Council of Tours (anno 507), an. 4.
forbade Christians to receive the body of
Christ after common food.
(5) The ceremonies in the adminis-
tration have varied considerably and still
are very difl'erent in different rites. At
the cry "ILdy things to the holy," Chris-
tians drew near with 1)ent body but still
standing, and received the Holy Sacra-
ment in the hollow of the right hand,
supporting it with the left.' When the
administrant said, "The body, the blood
of Christ," the communicant answered
"Amen."'- The longer form, now em-
jiloyed, viz. "The body of our Lord Jesus
Christ, preserve thy soul unto everlasting
life," came into use in the time of Gregory
the Great, though even after this date the
form of words was by no means uniform
throughout the West. Under Pope Aga-
petus (tr)-'56) the custom began of placing
the Blessed Sacrament in the mouth; a
council of Kouen, a^'giied l,y Maiisi to
the niidiUe of the ,-eveiii li cent ury. forbids
it to be given in any nt lier way.'' 1 leiiedict
XIV.-* nieiitieii- I'li,. faet that th,' I'opes
in solemn Mass used to communicate
>iitiiie on their throne and facing the
people. At present, the Pope, on these
oei-,i^ioiis, conimunicates standing at his
throne |irofonntlly inclined; but Benedict
Nn\ dor- ii.it sav when this change in
the Tap.-.l rite was made.
(6) We now come to the most im-
portant of all changes in the discipline of
the Church on this matter. Down to the
middle ages, the faithful throueliont the
whole church usually i-ecei\ed the Eu-
charist under both kinds. Tliat the cele-
brating priest should con>eer.ite and
receive under both kinds is of divine
institution and thendore unalterable [Eu-
cii.AKiST, II.]. Cut wrileiv of the eleventh
.and following cent uries notice the custom
springing up in the Latin (.'hure'i. of
giving the Eticharist to all communicants
except the celebrant under the form of
bread alone, jiartly to counteract the
heretical error that Chri>t is not recei\ ed
whole anil entire under either liind,
partly to prevent the .-].illiim of the Pre-
cious" lilood. St. Thomas ■ (tlL'74) ,says
that in his day ( 'ominiin ion under one
kind 2'revailed " in >onie ( linrches." The
Council of (/onstaiie;-. to meet the errors
I Dionv^. A\. I'.i.-rl.. vii. I). TertuU.
De hill. 7, Avhcic Hie ieM|.ti(iii in tlie hands
and the st.iinHn;;- |io,sture are mentioned.
- Tcrtull. I)k Spectac. 25. Coiistit. Apo:
vii. !2.
3 Hefele. Coucil. ii. p. 97.
4 De Miss. ii. 21, 4.
5 III. Ixxx. 12.
CO-MMUXIOX
COMMUNION OF SAINTS 223
of Hus and Jerome of Prague made this
custom of universal obligation in the
AVest '#ee Hussites] ; this decree was
renewed bv the Council of Basle against
the Taborites and Calistines, and by that
of Trent against the Lutherans and Cal-
vinists. Exceptions have been made by
special privilege. Thus, Clement VI. gave
the kings of France leave to communicate
under both kinds. In solemn Mass cele-
brated by the Pope, the deacon and sub-
deacon receive the Precious Blood, and so
even in the last century the deacon and
subdeacou \ised to on Sundays and solemn
feasts in the church of St. Denis near
Paris, and in the church of Clugny."
We take for granted here that Christ is
given wlio'i md entire under either kind
[see ErciiAKiSr" ; but it is often alleged
that in any case the Church has altered the
custom of communicating under both
kinds which was impii>ed by our Lord.
To this we reply with the Council of Trent
that there is no divine precept binding
anyone, except the celebrant, to receive
both species. Communion under one or
both kinds is a matter of discipline, which
the Church may alter as she sees fit.
This Catholic truth is indicated in Scrip-
ture and fully certified by tradition. It
is indicated in Scripture, for our Lord
says, on the one hand, " Unless ye eat the
fiesh of the Son of Man and drink his
blood, ye will not have life in you;" "He
who eateth my flesh and drinketh my
blood, hath eternal life;" but also, on the
other hand, " If anyone eat of this bread
he shall live for ever ; " " The bread,
which I shall give, is my flesh for the life
of the world," '• He who eateth this bread,
will live for ever." It is fully certified
by tradition, because the Church, from the
begiiming, has permitted both modes of
communicating. Children received Com-
munion under tlie fnnu of wine alone the
sick, and the faithful generally who com-
municated at home, under the form of
bread alone.- True, Popes Leo and Ge-
lasius emphatically condemned persons
who abstained from the chalice, but this
because they did so on private authority
and in consequence of the Manichean
error, which made them look on wine
as evil. Moreover, the present use of the
Greek and Oriental Churches makes it as
' Benedict XIV. speaks of all these privi-
leges as continuing in his time.
- Cvprian. J)t Laps. 25.
5 Tertull. Ve Orat. 19; Ad Uxor. ii. 5.
Dionys. Al. apud Euseb. H.E. vi. 44. Cyprian,
De Laps. 25.
clear as day that they do not consider it
a matter of necessity to give Communion
under both kinds, though it is their
usual practice to do so. Thus the Church
has ever faithfully maintained the same
I principles on this matter ; her discipline
' has, indeed, changed from time to time, but
never in any essential particular; while,
I on the contrary, tho:~e who rli;trgeherwith
I innovation are themseh i-s convicted of
I introducing a new principle, directly
I opposed to the unanimous teaching of
I antiquity. (In the works of Bo>>uet,
I there is a short but ma>terly treatise on
Communion under one kind. On the whole
subject of Communion much interesting
matter will be found in Benedict XIV. "De
Missa"; Denzinger, "IJitus Orientalium ";
Chardon, "Histoire des Sacrements," &c.)
COniniVlJ'XOIV (llturgrical term).
The antiphon which the priest says after
the iiblutions, at the Epistle side of the
altar. Formerly, it used to be >ung, while
the people communicated : hence the name.
The " Communion " is mentioned in the
Roman Ordines. Cardinal Th^iuiasius
quotes an example of a "Communion
Psalm," which was sung in alternate
verses, till the Pontiff, the people having
communicated, gave the choir a sign to
end with the "Gloria Patri," after which
the antiphon was repeated.
COMIVIXrM'ZON' OP SAZirTS is
I mentioned in the ninth article of the
Apostles' Creed, where it is added, accord-
ing to the Koman Catechism, as an ex-
planation of the foregoing words, " I be-
lieve in the holy Catholic Church." The
communion of saints consists in the union
which binds together the members of the
, Church on earth, and connects the Church
I on earth with the Church sufiering in
Purgatorv" and triumphant in heaven.
(1) The faithful on earth have com-
I munion with each other because they par-
' take of the same sacraments, are under
one head, and assist each other by their
prayers and good works. Even the per-
sonal merits of a just man profit his
brethren, because the greater his good-
ness, the greater the eflicacy of his prayer
lor others, the more fitting it is that, as
he does God's will, so God should deign
to do his by increasing the graces or
[ converting the souls of those for whom
he prays.
Catholic commentators understand St.
Paul to refer to this conuimnion in
good works when he encourages the Corin-
thians to help their needy brethren at
, Jerusalem. '' Let your abundance," lie
COMPLINE
concxa^t:
says (2 Cor. viii. 14), " supply their "vrant,
that their abundance also may be the fill-
ing up of your want " — t.e. that you may
share in their spiritual, as they have
shared in your temporal, riches.^ Again,
God spares his people for the sake of the
saints among them, just as He was ready
to spare Sodom had ten just men been
found in it; or forgave Job's friends
at the sacrifice and prayer of Job him-
self; or so often restrained his wrath
against his people for his servant
David's sake. Of course also many graces
are given primarily for the edification of
the Church.
(2) We communicate with the souls in
Purgatory by praying for them. [See
PUKGATORT.]
('■\) With the blessed in Heaven by
obtaining their prayers. [See Saints,
Intekcessiok of the.]
COMPI.ZI1-E. [See Breviaet.]
cosrcEXiBBRATZOxr. Under the
head of ErcHAKiST and the subdivision
Ministration, it will be found that in early
days the bishop in conjunction with his
presbytery celebrated Mass. Until about
the beginning of the thirteenth century it
was customary for several priests to unite
in oflering the same Mass, concelebrate,
on the more solemn festivals of the year.
The custom .still prevails in the Oriental
Churches, but the only vestige of it in
the Latin Church is found in tlie Masses
said by priests on the day of their ordina-
tion and by bishops on the day of their
consecration.
coircEPTZOxr. [See Immaculate
Conception.]
conrciiA.VE (Lat. conclave; pro-
|i(-'rly, a chamber that can be closed with
one key). The term is applied both to the
place where the Cardinals assemble for the
election of a new Pope, and to the assem-
bly itself. Several questions relating to
the ('lection of Popes — e.g. whether the
Popian Pontiff can legally nominate his
successor ; who is or is not eligible; what
would happen in the event of all the
Cardinals dyivig before the election; &c. —
are considered under Pope; in this article
we shall treat excliisiM ly of the mode of
election, as finally settled by Gregory X.
In the course of the dark ages the secular
rulers of Rome made various attempts to
interfere with the freedom of Papal elec-
tions. A statement even appears in the
' See Estius, ad Inc. Meyer, who attacks
this interpretation, admits thai it is the tradi-
tional one ; and it has been adopted by eminent
Protestants, e.g. by Bengel.
Decretum of Gratian (and was used in ar-
gument by James I. and Bishop Andrewes,
when attempting to justify the subjection
of the Anglican Church to the crown), to
the effect that Pope Hadrian granted to
Charlemagne the right of electing the
Pope and regulating the Apostolic See.
But this canon was shown by Bellarmin
to be spurious ; it was probably invented
by Sigismond of Gemblours, a strong sup-
porter of imperial pretensions, and, laeing
found in his chronicle, imposed upon the
unwary Gratian. Another canon also
found in Gratian, which states that Leo
VIII. granted a similar privilege to Otho
I. , soon after the commencement of the
revived " Holy Roman Empire," at once
falls to the ground when it is remem-
bered that Leo VIII., for the unan,?wei--
able reasons given by Baronius, is not to
be accounted a true Pope. In 1059 an
important decree was made by Nicholas
II. in a council at Rome, assigning the
election of future Popes to the Cardinal
Bishops, with the consent of the other
Cardinals and the clergy and people of
Rome, saving also the honour due to
Henry, King of the Romans, and to any
of his successors on the imperial throne in
whose favour the Holy See should make
the same reservation. This partial recog-
nition of a right to interfere in the
election proved to be fertile in antipojies
and vexations of every kind; and Alex-
ander III., having experienced what
trouble an arbitrary emperor could cause,
in his long struggle with Frederic Bar-
barossa, resolved with a wise boldness
to take away from the imperial line the
locjis standi in Papal elections which the
canon of 1059 had allowed, and to vin-
dicate her ancient freedom for tlie Oliurch.
In a General Council held at the Lateran
in 1179, it was decreed that the election
should thenceforth rest with the Cardinals
alone, and that, in order to be canonical,
it must be supported by the votes of two
thirds of their number. In the following
century, the Lateran decree was contirnied
and developed at the Council of Lyons
(1274) presided over by Gregory X.; and
in all its substantial features the disci-
pline then settled is still observed.
In the election of a Pope, it is obvious
that there are certain conditions the
exact fulfilment of which is of the utmost
consequence. These are such as the fol-
lowing:— that all those qualified to vote,
and only tliose, should take part in the
election; that the election should not be
unnecessarily delayed ; that it should not
CONCLAVE
COXCOEDAT 226
\iQ precipitated; that the electors should
be in no fear for their personal safety,
•which -would prevent the election from
ha'mg free; lastly, that they should be
subjected to no external persuasion tend-
ing to make them vote, or at least come
under the suspicion of voting, from mo-
tives lower than those which ought to
actuate them. All these conditions, the
regulations for the conclave fixed in 1274
endeavour, so far as human forethought
can ensure it, to cause to be observed.
After the death of a Pope the Cardinals
who are absent are imineiliately to be sum-
moned to the conclave by one of the sec-
retaries of the Sacred College; the election
is to begin on the tenth day after the death.
In whatever city the Pope dies, there the
election must be held. Within the ten
days the conclave must be constructed in
the Papal palace, or in some other suitable
edifice. The large halls of the palace are
so divided by wooden partitions as to
furnish a number of sets of small apart-
ments (two for an ordinary Cardinal,
three for one of princely rank), all open-
ing upon a corridor. Here the Cardinals
must remain until they have elected a
Pope. On the tenth day a solemn Mass
of the Holy Ghost is said in the Vatican
church, and after it the Cardinals form a
procession and proceed to the conclave,
taking up their respective apartments as
the lot has distributed them. For the
rest of that day the conclave is open ;
crowds of persons flock in and circulate
among the apartments and corridors;
and the ambassadors and delegates of
foreign States, besides their personal
friends, visit the Cardinals for the last
time. In the evening everyone is turned
out except the Cardinals and those autho-
rised to remain with them, and the con-
clave is closed. This is done imder the
superintendence of two guardians of the
conclave — one a prelate previously appoin-
ted by the Sacred College, wlio is called
the (jovernor; the other a lay official,
designated the marsluil. Each Cardinal
is allowed to have two members of his
liousehold in personal attendance upon
him ; these are called conclavists. A
number of other attendants and minor
officials — a carpenter, a mason, a sacrist,
a monk or friar to hear confessions, two
barbers, eight or ten porters and mes-
sengers, and several others — are in the
common service of the whole body of
Cardinals. All the entrances to the
building but one are closed: that one is
in the charge of officials who are partly
prelates, partly officials of the munici-
pality, whose business it is to see that no
unauthorised person shall enter, and to
exercise a surveillance over the food
brought for the Cardinals, lest any written
communication should be conveyed to
them by this channel. After three daj-s,
the siijijily of food sent in ig restricted ;
if five days more elapse without an elcc-
tiou being made, the rule used to be that
the Cardinals should from that time sub-
sist on nothing but bread, wine, and water ;
but this rigour has been somewhiit modi-
fied by later ordinances. Morning and
evening, the Cardinals meet in the chapel,
and a secret scrutiny by means of voting
papers is usually instituted, in order to
ascertain whetlier any candidate has the
required majority of two-thirds. A Car-
dinal coming from a distance can enter
the conclave after the closure, but only
if he claim the right of doing so within
three days of his arrival in the city.
Every actual Cardinal, even though he
may lie under a sentence of excommuni-
cation, has the right to vote, unless he
has not yet been admitted to deacon's
orders. Even in this case, tlie right of
voting has sometimes been conferred by
special Papal indult. There are three
valid modes of election— by scrutiny, by
compromise, and by what is called qitasi-
inspiration [see Acclamation]. Com-
promise is, when all the cardinals agree
to entrust the election to a small com-
mittee of two or three members of the
body. Scrutiny is the ordinary mode;
and although, since the thirteenth cen-
tury, elections have usually been made
by this mode with reasonable despatch,
yet in times of disturbance, the difficulty
of obtaining a two-thirds majority has
been known to protract the proceedings
over a long period, as in the celebrated
instance of the conclave of 1799, described
in Consalvi's Memoirs, which lasted siz
months, resulting in the election of Pius
VII. (Ferraris, Papa ; ZoepfFel, " Die
Papstwahlen," Gottingen, 1871).
cozrcoiaxTAM-CE. [See Eucha-
rist I. 6.]
coircoRBAT (Lat. concordata,
things agreed upon). A treaty between
the Holy See and a secular State touch-
ing the conservation and promotion of
the interests of religion in that State.
It were to be wished that Christendom
did not require concordats, for a treaty
between two powers implies some felt
divergency of sentiment and principle,
which, having already resulted in oppo-
22C CONCORDAT
CONCUPISCENCE
sition and contention more or less serious,
dictates to the contracting parties the
necessity of coming to an understanding
a>t(i the limits beyond -which neither will
gi\ (■ way to the other. Such divergency
of sentiment only arises, speaking gene-
rally, when the secular State aims at
excluding the Church from its rightful
share of control over hunmn affairs — an
aim which familiar e\]>erience shows to
he eminently pernicious and disastrous.
"When Ethelljerts or St. Louises rule in
temporals, we do not hear of concordats
with the Holy See, for such rulers desire
to se." i-fliMidu more, not less, in the
a>ci'iL(lint ainnng their subjects. Never-
thi'lfs,-, ( iiiiMilfring the actual condition
of things in Europe and America, it is
generally a subject of congratulation
when the Pope concludes a ficsh con-
cordat ; we know that, at any ratf for a
time, religion and its ministers will l)e
treated with some justice and modera-
tion in the treaty-making State ; that if
the Church has been robbed there in
time past, some modicum of a yearly
grant ^\ ill now be given by way of resti-
tution; and that the churches and con-
vents will be made over to her — at any
rate till the next revolution.
Among the more celebrated concordats
of former times are the following : —
1. 'I'hat of "Worms in 1122, between
Calixtus II. and the Emperor Henry V.,
hy which the aliiisive right of appointing
bish(jps and abbots "by ring and crosier,"
long usurped by the emperors, was re-
t-igni'd, and only the investiture by the
sci'jitrt', in token of the gTaut of their
temjjoialit ir>. retained. On the lines of
this cnncordat the question of investiture
wa- si iilc.l throughout Europe in such a
wa\ :i- to |ra\e intact in theory the uni-
vri -:il |ia~iorate of the successors of Peter,
how iM v seriously it may have been here
and tlifi-e eomjiromised in practice.
1'. That of I'rankfort or Vienna
(im; S), . allrd the Concordat with the
rinniaii Nation, }>y which the Popes
l']n-i )iiii,- l\ . and Nicholas V., employing
Nirholas of Ciisa l;\si,i;, Oouxril,^ and
..'Eneas Sylvius a,- n. -, ,i i;it ors, aLir^MMl
with the emiieror I'n iN i ic 111. todu idc
in a partic dar manner the patronage of
ecclesiastic d dignities in Germany, and
as to the payment of firstfruits and other
matters.
3. That of 1515, between Leo X. and
Francis I., by which the latter agreed to
abolish the pragmatic sanction of Charles
VII. (limiting appeals to Rome, and pre-
tending to set a general council above the
Pope), and the former resigned to the
crown of France the nomination to vacant
bishoprics and abbeys, with the proviso
that the persons named should be accept-
able to the Holy See.
In later times, the concordat of 1801,
between Pius VII. and the first Napoleon,
restoring to the French nation the public
practice of the reliffion of their fathers,
which the detestable wickedness of the
revolutionists had proscribed since 1790,
is a treaty of primaiy importance. Under
its terms the Holy See agreed to a new
demarcation of the boundaries of French
dioceses, reducing their number from over
100 to about 80, and declared (art. 13)
that neither the reigning Pope nor his
successors would molest the purchasers
j or grantees in the peaceable possession of
! Church lands alienated up to that date.
! On the other hand the French Govern-
ment agreed to the free and public exer-
cise of the "Catholic, Apostolic, and
Roman" religion in France; consented
(art. 4, 5) to the canonical institution by
the Po})e, under the ancient discipline, of
the bishops whom the Government should
nominate ; promised (art. 14) a suitable
annual grant for the support of the
French bishops and clergy ; and undertook
to facilitate (art. 15) fresh endowments
on the part of any French Catholics
desiring to make them. These were the
principal articles of the concordat signed
by the Papal envoys on behalf of the
Holy See. The Government of Napoleon
soon afterwards added to the concordat a
number of clauses called "organic arti-
cles," the tenor of which was of course
highly Erastian, and by which it has been
often maintained by the French and other
publicists that the French clergy are
bound. This, however, since the Holy
See never ratified the "organic articles,"
is not the case.
In an interesting supplementary article
in vol. xxvi. of Wetzer and "\^'elte's
Dictionary on Concordats, the text? of
several modem conventions of this kind
(with Russia, 1847 ; with the republic of
Costa Rica, 1852; with Austria, 1855) is
given in full.
(Ferraris, Concordata ; Soglia, i. 4,
De jure novissimo ; Mohler's " Kirchen-
geschichte.")
coircvPZSCBircE. Concupiscence
according t o St . Thomas, 1" 2*, qu. 30, a.2,
is tlie a]i])i tlte which tends to the gratifi-
cation ol' the senses (" bonum delectabile
abseus"). This tendency is in itself neither
CO^TUPISCEXCE
CONFERENCES OF CLERGY 227
good nor evil, because the object may be
either lawful or unlawful. The desire of
eating and drinking in moderation is
goxl : that of eating and drinking to excess
is evil ; but in the one case and in the
other we have an instance of concupis-
cence. However, the word concupiscence
is constantly used for that appetite which
exists in fallen man and is an incentive to
sin, because it seeks forbidden objects, or
permissible objects in a forbidden way.
St. Paid, in Kom. vii., speaks of it as
" the flesh," and again as the " law of sin,
that is in my members." Such concu-
piscence, in rebellion against reason and
against the commandments of God, did
not exist in Adam, till he had fallen from
original justice. From him it has passed
to all his descendants ; it remains even
in those who have been bom again by
baptism, so that the saints themselves
have had to fight against this tendency
in the sensual apjietite to forbidden plea-
sures, without being able to eradicate it.
We now come to the diflereiice on
this matter between Catholic doctrine and
the tenets of the Reformers. The latter
taught that concupiscence, even if the will
did not consent to harbour or encourage
it, had the nature of sin. Cathol >■
doctors on the other hand, following the
principle of St. Thomas, that no action
can be moral or immoral except so far as
it depends on the free-will of the agent,
deny that concupiscence which remains,
in s])ite of the eflbrts made by the will to
.-ubdue it, is to be considered sin. Tt is
plain that the Catholic doctrine is the
only one consistent with belief in the
moral freedom of man. It is, moreover,
the only one consistent with experience
and common sense : for who can believe
that a man engaged in heroic struggle
with the temptations of the flesh, is all
the while ofl'ending God? The Council
')f Trent hays down the doctrine of the
Church with great clearness, in the fol-
lowing words : — " This holy synod con-
fesses that concupiscence or the fuel of
sin {fomex peccafi) remains in the bap-
tised; but since it is left that they may
strive against it, it cannot hurt those who
give no consent, but resist manfully by the
grace of Jesus Christ ; nay, more, he who
strives lawfully will be crowned. The
boly synod declares that this concupis-
cence, which the Apostle sometimes calls
sin (R(mi. vi. \2, vii. 8), has never been
understood b} the Catholic Church to be
ro called because it is truly and properly
sin in the regenerate, but because it is
I from sin and inclines to sin. But if any
I man hold a contrarj- opinion, let him bo
anathema." ' Propositions of Baius re-
newed the error of the Reformers with
a diflerence of terminology — e.ff. Prop.
Ixxv. : "The evil motions of concupiscence
have been prohibited for the state of
fallen man [in the words], Thou shalt not
^ covet. Whence, a man who feels them
and does not consent, transgresses the
precept. Thou shalt not covet ; although
the transgression is not reckoned as sin."
COsrCTTRSirs. An examination
into the qualifications of candidates for
ecclesiastical benefices with cure of soids.
The Council of Trent ordered^ that a
board of six examiners should be ap-
pointed every year in the diocesan synod ;
and that when any parisli bfcame vacant,
within ten days, or such period as the
bishop might appoint, candidates having
been duly invited to attend, an examina-
tion should be held by any three selected
by the bishop from tlie board above men-
tioned. A list of those found (jiialified
having then been made by the examiners,
it was competent for the person rn- per-
sons to whom the patronape appeitained
to select from among these the candidate
of their choice, and pre^ent him to the
bishop for institution. (Art. by Perma-
neder in Wetzer and Welte.)
CONFEREM-CES OF THE
CKERGT. In the ninth century when
dioceses became much larger than they
had been in early times, the diocesaiii
synods were no longer sufficient for the
maintenance of discipline, ecclesiastical
spirit, kc, among the clergy. Accord-
ingly in many parts of Europe — e.(/. in
France, Germany, Italy, and England —
the clergy of each district were required
to meet under the archpriest or dean, and
these meetings were called "Calendars"
(because held on the first of every month),
also consistoria, synodi, sessiones. The
clergy were summoned originally by the
archpriest or archdeacon. They consulted
on difiicult cases of conscience and the
like, but besides this they often investi-
gated crimes which had occuned since the
last meeting, and announced the penal-
I ties attached to them by the Church.
I These Calendars seem to have fallen out
' of use about the thirteenth century. The
last mention of them is said to be found
! in the Acts of a council held at Loudon
in 1237.
St. Charles Borromeo revived these
* Concil. Trident, sess. v. De Peccat. Origin.
8 Sess. xxiv. c. 18, De Reform.
(l2
228 CONFESSION, SACRAMENTAL
CONFESSION
assemblies of the clergy, or rather intro-
duced conferences in the modern sense for
the discussion of questions in morals,
ritual, &c., with the object of providing
that the clergj- engaged in the cure of
souls should have the knowledge neces-
sary for their duties. Tlie example of
St.' Charles was followed very soon by
councils in France, Italy, the Low Coun-
tries, &c. Such conferences again fell
into disuse at the end of the last century,
but have been once more revived in many
countries. All the dioceses of England
are now divided into districts, each with
its conference, which meets at stated
COM-FESSZOItr, SACRAMSirTAX..
This consi>ts in accusing ourselves of our
sins to a priest who has received authority
to give absolution. It is the pinns custom
of thefaitliful to accuse thfuisrhes of all
post-baptismal sins, mortal or M-iiial, sn
far as they can remenibrr thcni, and the
priest, if duly commissioned, has power to
absolve from all. But there is an absolute
obligation imposed, not only by the law
of the Church, but also bv' divine insti-
tution, upon all (.'hristians, of confessing
all mortal sins counnitted at'tm- bajitism,
so far as the penitent is able to recall
them by diligent examination of his con-
science. So the Council of Trent has
deKned (sess. xiv. can. 7).
The proofs of this obligation from
Scripture and tradition will be found
below in the article on the Sacrament of
Penance. Here it suffices to say that
sacramental confession must be
(1) Entire. It must include the differ-
ent kinds of mortal sin committed and
the number of sins under each class, so
far as it can be ascertained. One mortal
sin wilfully concealed vitiates the whole
confession. If, however, mortal sins are
omitted unintentionally and without fault,
they are forgiven when absolution is pro-
nounced ; only, if they occur to the
penitent's recollection afterwards, he must
mention them in his next confession.
Further, various causes may excuse from
this completeness of enumeration. Thus
in ship\vreck, before a battle, when the
penitent is unable to speak, or can only
say very little from physical weakness, a
very general confession of sin may be
enough for absolution; but the confession
must be completed afterwards, if the
opportunity offers itself.
(2) It must bp vocal, though for a
grave reason the penitent may make it
by presenting a written paper, or by signs.
(:3) It must be accompanied by
supernatural sorrow and firm purpose of
amendment.
(4) It should alflo be humble and
sincere; as short as is consistent with
integrity ; in language which is plain and
direct, but at the same time pure and
modest.
The form of confession is as foUows.
The penitent, kneeling at the confessor's
feet, says, " Pray, Father, bless me, for
I have sinned." The priest gives the
blessing prescribed in the Roman Ritual,
" The Lord be in thy heart and on thy
lips, that thou mayest truly and humbly
confess thy sins, in the Name of the
Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
Ghost." The penitent then recites the
first part of the Confiteor, enumerates the
sins of which he has been guilty since
his last confession, and then adds, " For
these and all my other sins which I
cannot now remember I am heartily sorry ;
I purpose amendment for the future, and
most humbly ask pardon of God, and
penance and absolution of you, my spirit-
ual Father."
C07I-FESSZ0N' (THE TOMB OF
A MAETYB). The word was used from
early times as equivalent to fiaprvfiiov, the
actual tomb in which a martyr was buried.
If an altar was erected over the grave,
then the name " confession " was given
to the tomb, the altar, and the cubiculum
or subterranean cham1)er, in which they
stood. In later times, a basilica was some-
times erected over the cubiculum or
chamber beneath; the high-altar was
placed over the altar on the tomb below,
and so this high-altar also was called a
" confession," though it was not till the
middle ages that the entire building
received the name of " confession." Some-
times, when the "basilica" was set up in
a different place, the relics of the martyr
were removed to it, and the name " cou-
fessio" was transferred to the spot in
which the remains rested. In such cases,
the relics were placed in a crvpt under
the high-altar, or else they were deposited
in a hollow space under the high-altar in
the church itself, this hollow space l)eing
enclosed with a grating or with perforated
marble, and room left for the faithfid to
approach and touch the shrine with cloths
(Brandea). Such an arrangement, which
was possible because Mass was said at
the further side of the altar, is still found
in the Roman churches of St. Clement
and St. George in Velabro. Lastly, the
name "confession" was given to that
CONFESSIONAL
CONFIRMATION 229
part of an altar in which the relics are
placed. Thus the Pontilical, even in its
present form, speaks of " the confession,
i.e. the sepulchre of the altar."
The most famous " confession " is that
of St. Peter in the Vatican basilica.
Anacletus is said to have constructed " the
monument of the Blessed Peter (" memo-
riam B. Petri"); it is mentioned by Caius,^
a writer of the second or the beginning
of the third century, while a new " con-
fession " was set up by Constantine when
he built the Vatican basilica. On this
"confession" the reader may consult
Card. Borgia's work " Vaticana Confessio
B. Petri, chronologicis tarn veterum quam
recentiorum scriptorum testimoniis illus-
trata" (Romae, 1776). (Kraus, "Real-En-
cyclopndie.")
COTTFESSlOXrAXi. The seat which
the priest uses hen hearing confessions.
According to the Roman Ritual it ought
to be placed in an open and conspicuous
part of the church, and to have a grating
between the priest and the penitent.
"The present form of confessionals is
somewhat recent in the Church, for in
more ancient times people confessed in
the open church (a decouvert), kneeling
before the priest or simply seated by his
side, as is still usual among the Greeks.
The division fof the confessional] into
compartments cloes not appear to go back
further than the sixteenth century and the
time of St. Charles Borromeo, who left
ordinances on that matter, but this ar-
rangement did not become general till
the following century." (Mgr. de Mon-
tault, "Traite pratique de la Construction,
&c., des E<rlises," i. p. 233.)
COWFESSOR (species of Saint).
A name used from the earliest times for
personswho confessed the Christ ianfaith in
times of persecution, thus exposing them-
selves to danger and suffering, but who did
not undergo martyrdom. For a time the
martyrs were the only saints who received
special and public honour after death
from the Church, and martyrs only (with
the Blessed Virgin and the Apostles) are
mentioned in the canon of the Roman
Mass, though the Ambrosian canon has
tlie names of other saints also.^ But at
tlie beginning of the fourth century,
public honours were also given to persons
of heroic sanctity even if they had not
been martyred. Thus St. Antony, as St.
Jerome tells us, directed that his body
after death should be concealed, because
» Euseb. H.E. ii. 2.5, 7.
» Benedict XIV. De Miss. ii. 13, 24.
he did not wish a " martyriuni " erected
in his honour. Hilarion kept the vigil
and feast of St. Antony; he himself after
death received the same honour. Thus
the name " Confessor " got the technical
meaning which it now has in the Missal
and Breviary — i.e. it was applied to all
male saints who do not fall under some
special class, such as Martyr, Apostle,
Evangelist. The names of confessors
were added to the Martyrology after the
time of Gregory the Great.' St. Martin
was the first, or at least among the first,
of the Confessors whom the Church
honoured with an office and feast. -
In the office on Good Friday "con-
fessor " means " singer," because in the
Scriptures " confessing to God " is used
for singing His praises. That "confessor"
had this meaning is certain from the 6th
canon of a coimcil of Toledo which met
in the year 400.'
CONFESSOR (in Sacrament of
Penance). The priest who hears con-
fessions. He must have received facul-
ties from the ordinary of the place.
Formerly by the canon "law the faithful
were bound to confess once in the year to
their parish priest ("proprio sacerdoti")
Aftei-wards, various religious orders re-
ceived privileges which enabled them to
hear confessions of seculars at all times ;
and by the present law seculars may
always choose any approved priest for their
confessor. (St. Liguori, "Theol.Moral." vi.
564; where, however, another interpreta-
tion of the words " proprio sacerdoti " is
given.)
cONFiRAXaTZOSr. A sacrament
of the new law by which grace is con-
ferred on baptised persons which
strengthens them for the profession of
the Christian faith. It is conferred by
the bishop, who lays his hands on the
recipients, making the sign of the cross
with ckrism on their foreheads, w-hile he
pronounces the words " I sign thee with
the sign of the cross and confirm thee
with the chrism of salvation, in the Name
of the Father, and of the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost." Besides conferring a special
grace to profess the faith, it a. so sets a
seal or character on the soul [see Cha-
Eaciee], so that this sacrament cannot be
reiterated without sacrilege.
Protestants have universally denied
that confirmation is a sacrament ; either
1 This, at least, seems to be the meaning of
Gavaiitus, ii. p. 178.
2 Thomassin, Traite des Festes, 1. 8, 19.
5 Het'ele, Concilien, ii. p. 78.
230 COX FILIATION
CONFIRMATION
rejecting it altogetlior, or retaining a |
spurious imitation of it, in wliicli young
people renew and confirm tlic promises
made for tbem in baptism. In oi)])osition
to this error, the Council of Trent (Sess.
vii.) defines that it is a "true and proper '
sacrament," and we shall endeavour to
establish this point from Scripture and
tradition before entering upon questions
of detail.
We read in Acts viii. that when
Philip the Evangelist had baptised tlie
Samaritan converts, St. Peter and Si.
John, going down from Jerusalem, " laid
their hands upon them, and they received
the Holy Ghost." Thus the gifts con-
veyed to the Apostles and their first
converts at Pentecost were imparted by
the ministry of the Church to all Chris-
tians willing to receive them. It is true-
that when the Ajiostles imposed their
luinds miraculous gifts often accompanied
the communication of the Holy Ghost.
But this was an accident, and, just as the
miraculous signs promised at the end of I
St. Mark's gospel to those "who believe"
aftei-wards ceased without prejudice to
faith, so when miraculous signs no longer
accompanied the imposition of hands,
confirmation still bestowed the presence
of the Holy Ghost in increased measure ;
it still gave that power and courage to
make confession which will always be
essential to the Christian calling. Hence
in the Epistle to the Hebrews the "laying
on of hands" is numlicred among the
elementary articles of the ( 'lii-lsl i;in reli-
gion, and placed in inimrdiatc j)i()ximity
to baptism, in order to distinguish it from
the "laying on of hands" in Holy Order.
In allusion to the same sacrament of con-
firmation, the Epistlf lo the Hebrews, in
the same context, drsci ilirs Christians as '
"partakers of the Holy tilio>t ;" and, with
at least a probable reference to confirma-
tion, St. Paul tells Christians that they
were "sealed with the Holy Spirit of
])romise." ' Thus the miraculous gifts
were only intended to make men recognise
and believe in a presence of the Holy
Ghost which was afterwards to be recog-
nised liy i'aif li alone.
'I'hi- Sei-ipture is thus in perfect keep-
ing Willi the Trident ine doctrine that
coiiliniial ion is a •'ti-iii' and ])i-opiT sacra-
ment." W e have the outward sign, viz.
the laying on of hands ; the inward grace,
viz. the communication of the Holy Ghost,
already given in baptism, with greater
» Ephes. i. 13.
fullness; divint; institution, for the Apo-
stles could not have used an outward
sign as a certain means of giving grace,
unless they had received authority to do
so from Christ, the author of grace ;
lastly, the sign and the grace which
accompanied it were to continue perma-
nently in the Church, as ap^iears from
the Epistle to the Hebrews. The earliest
tradition illustrates the teaching of Scrij)-
ture on this liead. Thus Tertullian
niriitions the imposition of liaiiils on the
li^qili-r,] which ".•iiUr.l an,! invitr,! the
Holy Gh.ist."' Klsrwheiv,' in a n mark-
able passage, he places "ilir -. mIIu^ of
the soldiers on the forthcad" hciwi-m
baptism and the Holy Eucliavist, jilainly
indicating that he belie\ ed confirmation
to be a true sacrament. Many quotations
might be added from Cyprian.' In the
earliest councils we meet with formal
legislation on confirmatiiui, but hvvr one
instance will sufllce. The Council of
Elvii-a, in oOO, in canon 38, decrees that
jiersons ))aptised in case of necessity by
laymen are al'tiTwards to lie brought to
the bislioii> and " pn-frctcl bv the inqxi-
sition of han.l,-." Ih iv thi' otlrit of the
sacrament (\\ hich iiialies iis perfect Chris-
tians), and il> oidinai-y minister (viz. the
bishop), nrr plalnlv expressed. Further,
the fact that llic Church never allowed
the sacrament to he reiterated pro\ es the
ancient belief in the imli'lihlc character
or mark with which confirmation stamps
the soul.
We will now examine certain points
with regard to this sacrament, following
as our chief guide in the historical por-
tion Cliardon, in the sicoiul volume of
his "Hist. lire de S.acivnimt s."
(1) The ordinary minister of the
sacrament is a lii>hop, as is defined by
the Council of Ti-rnt, and this statement
is gTounded on Scri]il iiiv, which speaks
of the A]iosth's, hut nc\cr of siin]ile
priests, as imposing lln-ii- hands to give
the Holy (ihost. In the West, confirma-
tion has always been given by bishops.
Permission, however, to confirm was
given to some abbots— e.,^. to the abbot
of Monte Cassino — and there was an
exception to the general rule of the West
in Sardinia, where Pope Gregory I, for a
time I'orhade, lint later, to avoid greater
evils, jierniitted, simple priests to confirm.
In Chrysostom's time it was customary
in the East also to reserve the administra-
1 J)(i Baptism. ^ Prescript. 40.
5 Sw .il.sd IiiiKioeiit I. in his \Mvr Ad De-
leiitium (Albaii Butler, July 2S).
CON'FIKMATIOX
CONFTKMATION
i'31
tinn of this sacrament to bishops. But a
writer of the fourth century — the author
of a coniinentarv on St. Paul at one time
attributed to St". Ambrose— remarks that
"in Egypt priests confirm (cimsii/nant)
in the bishop's absence." This custom
nnist have been well established before
the schism, for Photius reproached Pope
Xicholas-\vith causing the l?iili:arians who
liad been conlirmed bv priests to be recon-
hnned. At Florence nothing was done
to alter the Greek custom of allowing
priest- to confirm (tbniigh the Latin
usage had been inipi si'd at Constanti-
nople by Innocent III. and in Cyprus by
Innocent IV.), and at present it continues
not only among the Greeks, but also
among the Oriental Christians generally.
Stich are the facts, and the following
are the principles held by Catholic theo-
logians on tlie minister of confirmation.
In ordinary cases, a bishop only can con-
firm, but the Pope may empower, and
has repeatedly empowered, a simple priest
to do so, provided at least the chrism
which he uses has been consecrated by a
bishop. It is commonly held that the
Pope alone can give simple priests this
power, so that if they attempt to confirm
without permission from the Pope, or in
any case without his tacit consent, the
act is null.^ Confirmation given by a
bishop according to the rite of the Church
is always valid, but it is unlawful unless
given by the bishop of the diocese, or
with his leave.
(^) There has been much dispute
among theologians as to the essential
matter of confirmation. Some, with the
learned Jesuit Sirmond, make it consist
in the mere imposition of hands, arguing
that this alone is mentioned in Scriptnre,
and appealing to the canon of Elvira,
already quoted, as well as to the Council
of Orange (anno 441), canon 2, which
seems to deny in express terms that
anointing with chrism is necessarj-.'^
Others, and they are much more nu-
merous, contend that anointing with
chrism is a necessary part of the sacra-
ment. They irrge that the Greeks have
no special imposition of hands, apart
from the unction ; that St. Cyril of Jeru-
salem in his third "Catechesis" never
mentions the imposition of hands, though
this " Catechesis " is entirely occupied
with confirmation ; that the Greeks have
always regarded the chrismation as the
principal matter ; that Cyprian makes the
> BiUuart, l>e Confirmat. a. 7.
' See Hefele, ConcU. ii. p. 292.
I unction a matter of iiei rs.vity ; while it is
j prescribed in all Latin Saeramentaries.
This latter opinion seems far the 7nore
])robable. Unction is almost certainly
needed for tlu' validity of the sacrament,
imposition of hands being also required,
Imt only such imposition as is implied
in tlie act of putting the chrism on the
forehead.
The ))resent form of confirmation
In the West has been already given ; tlie
(ireek form is, "The seal of the gift of
the Holy Spirit," and this they have em-
ployed from very ancient times. The
present Latin form, on the contrary, is
not older than the twelfth century. In
an Ordo Romauus of the eighth century
we find the form, " I confirm thee in the
Kame of the Father," &c. ; in a Pontifical
of Egbert, Archbishop of York, " Receive
the sign of the holy cross with the chrism
of salvation in Christ Jesus unto eternal
life;" in the Sacramentarv of Gelasius,
"The sign {sig7itnn) of the cl■..^s with
eternal life." All of these forms have
been permitted, because all sufiiciently
indicate the grace given, and were there-
fore valid.
(4) All baptised persons are capable
of receiving this sacrament, though to
receive it with fruit they must be in a
state of grace. The Greeks and Orientals
give it immediately after baptism, and in
the West down to the thirteenth century
a child was confirmed as soon after bap-
tism as possi})le. A synod of Worcester
(1240) forlilds parents, under pain of
exclusion from church, to leave their
children without confirmation more tlian
a year. But the Roman Catechism ad-
vises that confirmation should not be
given till the age of reason, wlien
Christians have to begin their warfare
with sin, and it sugge.'its the twelfth year
as a suitable time for confirmation. This
sacrament is not necessary for salvation,
though so great a means of grace cannot
be neglected without sin.
(5) The ceremonies accompanying
confirmation are these. The bishop, wlio
wears an amice, stole and cope, of white
colour, spreads his hands over those be
is to confirm, praying that the Holy Ghost
may descend on them ; immediately after
confirming them, he gives them a slight
blow on the cheek, in token that they
must be ready to suffer for Christ, and
finally dismisses them with his blessing.
Those to be confirmed are brouglit to the
sacrament by their god-parents (s])ecially
appointed for this sacrament, each mala
232
CONFITEOR
CONFRATERNITY
having a god-father, and each female a
god-mother), and, if old enough to do so,
place their foot on the right foot of the
god-parent. In ancient times a white
cloth bound round the forehead after
chrismation was kept on for seven days
afterwards. This custom is mentioned
in Egbert's Pontifical and in many other
places. The ceremony of the blow on
the cheek is comparatively modern. It
is usual to take another Christian name
at confirmation, which, however, is not
used afterwards in signing the name ; and
the Pontifical says the "confirmandi"
should be fasting.
(6) The place for giving confirmation
is the church. Formerly it was some-
times given in the baptistery, but occa-
sionally the old basilicas hiid a special
place between the baptistery and the
church called " Consiguatorium " — i.e.
place for giving the seal of confirmation.
Such a " Consigiiatorium " may still be
seen at Salona.
COTTFZTEOR. A form of prayer
("I confess to Almighty God, to blessed
Mary ever Virgin,"' &c.) used in the
sacrament of pi nance and on many other
occasions, particularly by the priest in
the Roman rite at the beginning of ^Ia<s,
before he ascends the steps of the altar.
This practice of making some general
coni't'ssiiin before Mass is grounded on
llir .Jr^\i^ll Use of malting confession
before sacrifice, and is very ancient, being
found in the liturgies of St. James, St.
Mark, St. Chrysostom, St. Basil, &c.,
although (at least in the liturgies of St.
James and St. Chrysostom) this confes-
sion was made by the priest while pre-
])aring for Mass, and before approaching
the altar. The present form of the Con-
fiteor came into general use during the
thirteenth century. A council of Ra-
venna (anno 1314) mentions that a
variety of forms was cun-ent, and imposes
the present one. A difficulty has been
raised by Protestants against confessing
to the IBlessed '^'iigin and the saints.
But it is reasonahlr to do so, not only
because we nml thi'ii- ]ira vers for pardon,
but also becausr thr >aints, as St. Paul
tells us, will jii<l^;i' the world. (From
Merati, "Nova> Ohservat. in Gavant."
tom. i. p. 174.)
CONFRATERTTZTT. An associa^
tion, generally of laymen, having some
work of devotion, charity or instruction
for its object, undertaken f)r the glory of
God. The Roman jurisprudence, instinct
as it was with the spirit of centralisation,
looked with little favour on independent
c orporatious ; originally a Christian church
was in its eyes a collegium illicitum ; and
in the face of this strong political senti-
ment it was a great thing that the Church,
the diocese, and the parish, did in the
CO use of the first four centuries succeed
.11 establishing their rii^ht to exist, grow,
and energise by their own hn\ s, and not
according to the dictation of the State.
The Roman empire was broken up ; its
centralisation gave place to feudalism ;
underwhich local privileged corporations,
circumscribed in area, but all the more
intensely active within that area, tended
to multiply themselves over the face of
Europe. Thei-e now arose, by the side of
the organisation of the parish, which
on the whole had survived the storm of
barbarian invasion, minor organisations,
governed by by-laws and endowed with
privileges, which laboured earnestly to
repair the ravages and reform the confu-
sion of the times. Hence arose confra-
ternities ; which, under the names Gil-
' (lonue and Confvafrice, appear to be first
mentioned in tlie writings of Hincmar,
Ai-chbisliop of Rheims in the ninth cen-
tury. Hinemar laid down rules for them,
prescribing to the members frequent obla-
tions, alms, prayers, and Masses. They
were to interest themselves in every reli-
giouswork and ministration — inpro\ iding
lights, ordering funerals, in the collection
and distribution of alms, &c. If they
desired to meet together, it was to be in
the presence of the parish priest, who
was to exhort them to concord, give them
bread to eat, and after one drink dismiss
them (" semel potos dimittat "). In the
three succeeding centuries little is on
record as to the progress of confraternities.
In the thirteenth century they received a
sudden and amazing development. Odo,
Bishop of Paris (tl208), is recorded as
having fixed the annual fete for a Confra-
ternity of the Blessed Virgin in his diocese.
In Italy the Confraternity of the Standard
{del Gonfalone) was erected at Rome
about 1260, and the example was so
extensively followed that in a short time
there was no city or town in Italy, and
hardly even a parish, that was without
its confraternity.
Canon law contains a great number of
decisions given for the regulation of con-
fraternities. Thus it is forbidden to erect
more than one confraternity of the same
kind in the same place : they may not
have processions without the licence of
the ordinary ; nor can the members have
CONGREGATIO DE AUXILIIS CONGREGATIO>'S, ROiL^^' 233
confessors whom he has not approved. In.
maiiv other ways their free action ia
subjected to the assent of the bishop.
^I'he ends which confraternities pro-
pose to themselves are extremely various :
they include personal sanctification by
means of special religious practices and
exercises, and works of charity of many
kinds, for the relief of the poor and sick,
the payment of the last rites to the dead,
the support of orphan and abandoned
children, &c., &c.
When a confraternity reaches the
stage at which filiations, similar to itself,
are Ibrmed in other places, and adopt its
rules, it takes the name of arch-confra-
teniity, and acquires certain particular
privileges.
The most important arch-confrater-
nities at present existing are — that of
the Most Holy and Immaculate Heart of
Mary for the conversion of sinners, founded
in 1S37 by the saintly Abb6 Desgenettes,
cur€ of !Notre Dame des Victoires, Paris ;
that of the Scapular [see Scapulae];
that of St. Francis Xavier, or of the
Missions, instituted to assist in the work
of the propagation of the faith ; aud
that of Christian Mothers (1S59), insti-
tuted by the Abb^ Theodor Ratisboune.
Confraternities of the Most Holy Rosary
can only be established with the sanction
of the authorities of the Dominican order.
The Society of St. Vincent de Paul [see
that article[ is really an arch-confi-ater-
nity ; and the " Conferences " of which
it consists are confraternities. (Ferraris,
Confratei-v.it as ; Thomassin, " V. et N.
Disciplina Eccl."')
CONGREGATZO DE AVXZX.ZZS.
[See Grace.'
COirCREGATZOIirS, REXiZCZOVS.
A congregation is a community or order
bound together by a common rule, either
without vows (as the Oratorians, the
Oblates of St. Charles, &c.), or without
solemn vows (as the Passionists, tho
Redemptorists, &c.).
In France this term is extended to lay
associations, whether of men or women,
which, having a religious end in view,
devote themselves to some work of in-
struction or charity. So understood, it
would comprise all confraternities. In
England, the use of the term is in practice
more restricted, and perhaps the only lay
association to which it is here applied is
that of the Christian Brothers, founded by
the Yen. J. B. de la Salle, which, how-
ever, since the brothers take the three
■vows, partakes of the monastic character.
Among the more noted congregations are
the following : —
1. The Oratorians of St. Philip Neri,
a congregation of secular priests founded
in 1564. [See OEiioBr op St. Philip.]
2. The French Oratorians, founded bv
Cardinal de B^ruUe in 1611. [See Oea-
lOET, IHE FeENCH.]
3. The Dames Anglaises, founded by
the Countess Luigia Torelli in 1530.
I [See Ls-sTiiuTE of the B. V. M.l
4. The "Fathers of the Mission,"
! founded by St. Vincent of Paul in 1624;
they are usually called Lazarists, q.c.
0. The Oblates of St. Charles, founded
by St. Charles Borromeo. [See Oblates.]
6. The Passionists, founded in 1720
by St. Paul of the Cross. [See Pas-
SlOIflSIS.]
7. The Redemptorists, founded by
St. Alphonsus Liguori. [See Eebemp-
toeists.]
8. The Marists, founded by some
priests of Lyons in 1836. [See Maeists.]
9. The Brothers of the Christian
Schools, founded in 1681 by the Blessed
J. B. de la Salle. [See Cheistiax^ Beo-
ihees.]
.Inother kind of religious congregation
is a gToup of monasteries belonging to
some great order, which agree together to
I practise the rule more strictly in theii- re-
I spective houses, and to unite themselves
together by closer ties of government aud
discipline. Such was the great congi-ega-
tion of Cluiiy [Cltjxx], that of St. Maur
Blxlhii riXEs", and that of La Trappe
CiSIEEClANS. TraPI'ISTS].
COSrCRECiiTION-S, BOMAXT.
From the earliest times the chair of Peter
has been resorted to by Christians who,
being in doubt on some matter of religion,
desired an authoritative solution of that
doubt. In later times the number of
converted nations aud tribes having on
the whole, in spite of the losses of the
sixteenth centuij, been much increased,
and the means of communication ex-
tended— the amount of business of all
kinds which the divinely appointed cen-
trality of the Holy See brings upon it
has become far too great to be dealt
with except by means of an organisation,
planned and framed with consummate
prudence and skill, which pennits the
Pope to use the eyes, ears, and judgments
of a great number of trained and om-
petent assistants, while retaining that
initiative and that complete coafiiisance
in every question, of which he cannot
divest himself. This organisation con-
234 CONGREGATIONS, ROMAN
CONGREGATIONS, ROMAN
sists in the main of the congregations
into -which the Cardinals are distributed.
The decisions of these congregations,
■when duly authenticated, are final in
any case for the individual, and must be
taken as the decisions of the Pope him-
self. If, however, they pass beyond in-
terpretation, and grant or forbid anything
beyondwhat thewords of the lawwarrant,
they have not the force of a general law
unless they are issued by the special
mandate of the Pope.
According to the enumeration of Fer-
raris, the Roman congregations are the
following : —
1. The Congregation of the Consistory
(constsfortalis). [See Consistoet.1 Its
duty is to prepare the business (chiefly
relating to the erection, removal, and dis-
continuance of churches, and to the pre-
conisation or translation of bishops) which
is to be brought before the Consistory.
2. The CongTegation of the Holy Oliice
of the Inquisition. [See Inquisition.]
3. That of the Index {Indicis librorum
prohibitorum). This congi-egation, estab-
lished by St. Pius v., consists of a com-
petent number of Cardinals, with a secre-
tary belonging to the Dominican order,
and a number of eminent theologians as
Consultors. [See the article Index, &c.]
4. The Congregation of Rites {sacroi um
Rituum) was instituted by Sixtus V. to-
wards the end of the sixteenth century.
The Council of Trent (sess. xxv.) ordered
that the bishops and metropolitans should
watch with anxious care all that was
done respecting the invocation of saints,
and the use of images and relics, and
sanction no novelty without consulting
the Roman Pontiff. Moreover it defined,
with especial reference to t'.ie Mass, that
the Church has instituted certain rites
and ceremonies, " such as mystical bene-
dictions, lights, incense, vestments, and
many other things of the like nature, in
accordance with Apostolical discipline
and tradition, so that both the majesty
of so gi-eat a sacrifice might be recom-
mended, and the minds of the faithful
aroused by these visible signs of religion
and piety to the contemplation of those
deep and high things which are hidden
in this sacrifice."' The object of the
CongTegation is to promote a general
uniformity (which is consistent, however,
with the permission of innumerable difier-
ences of detail, according to the customs
and traditions of difi'erent nations) in the
externals of divine worship, since by this
^ Sess. xxiL c. 5.
I uniformity the unity of faith is mirrored
and more easily retained. "With regard
I to all such matters the congregation is
I ordinary, and is assisted only by Con-
I suitors, among whom are the " Papal
Sacrist and the Master of the Sacred
Palace ; with regard to the beatification
! and canonisation of saints it is extra-
\ ordinary and is assisted by a promotor
I Jidei, three auditors of the Rota, theolo-
gians, medical men, professors, &c. [See
Beatification.]
5. The Congregation of Immunities
{immunitaiis Ecclesi<e et controversim-um
jurisdictiunalium), instituted by Urban
VIII. All matters connected with the
' right of asylum and clerical immunity
cume imder this congregation, but this
branch of its business is less important
than formerly, owing to the tendency of
modern civil legislation to do away with
all these immunities. It is now chiefly
concerned with matters relating to eccle-
siastical jurisdiction, where it comes in
contact with the civil power. Before the
time of Sixtus V. there was a special con-
gregation of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but
it was abolished by that Poutifl".'
6. The Congregation of the Fabric
{reverendce Fabricce D. Petri), founded by
Clement VIII., has under its charge
everything that relates to the conservation
of the Vatican basilica.
7. That of the Coxmcil {intei-pretum
Co7icilii Tridentini). In its last session
the Fathers of the Council of Trent ex-
pressed their confidence that the Roman
Pontiif would take care, if doubts and
difficulties should arise with regard to the
meaning and due execution of anything
contained in their decrees, that these
should be solved and smoothed away by
whatever means might seem to him most
suitable for the pui'pose. Pius IV. ac~
cordingly, soon after the dispersion of the-
Council, instituted the above-named con-
gregation for the purpose of interpreting
such of its decrees as related to discipline ;
of those concerning faith he reserved the
intei-pretation to himself and his succes-
sors.
8. The Congregation of Bishops and
Regulars {episcopurum et regularium).
This also was instituted by Sixtus V. ; its
chief business is to take cognisance of the
differences that arise from time to time
between bishops and the regular com-
munities within their dioceses, in regard
to exemption, visitation, and other mat*
ters.
1 Kanke, Hist, of the Pupes, bk. iv.
COXC^REnATIONS (COXCTL.)
CONSANGUINITY 2.^^
0. Tilt' ConsTPfjntion of Discipline
dixfipliiia reffiilari), established by
Innocent XII., superintends all that re-
lates to the interior discipline of monastic
conimuiiities.
10. That of Propaganda {propayanda
Ji-lei) will be treated in a separate article.
[See Proi'.\ga>-da.]
11. The Conureofation of Iniliilpcnces
{induli/mtiuritm ct relir/innnu))). cstnlv
lished by Clement IX., siipri-iiitt'iids the
t'.Kamination of relics and the certification
of their auth(>nticity, as well as the grant
of indulgences, any abuses connected
with which it is required to check.
Two other congifgntions of minor im-
portance are — that of the heads of orders,
presided over by the Pope, which selects
the subjects which are to be brought
before the consistory: and that oi prelates,
attached to the Cmigregation of the
Council by Pii'nedlcl XI V., to assist them
in their niultila'rii)u,s labours.
The Honiau PinitifV sometimes con-
stitutes a f-]iecial cougrpgation ad hoc;
this was lately done by His ITi)liness
Leo XIII., who selfctivi carilin;ils from
the congregations of Bishops and lirgulars,
and of Propagamla. and formed tlu'ni into
a special coiivi'^^nt iiui t'l iwamiin' -niidiy
points of com i-MMi-v \„->.\x,-vu tin- lu^liops
and regular mi.-Monaiifs of iMiylaiul and i
Scotland. See the Constitution 7iV?«rv//(i.?
Prnif.ifices of May 8, 1881. (Ferraris,
Congrei/ationes.')
CON'GRfiGi'.TZOllI-S AT CENE-
RAK COVn-CZX.S. When a Council
meets, congregations of bishops must be
appointed, by or with the approval of the
Pope, for drawing up rules for the
orderly despatch of business, determining
when and where tlii> M's^ions shall be
held, preparing tin (|ii(-t Mm-, to be de-
bated, and many mlin nuitt.rs of the
same kind. A ditil ivnt kind of congre-
gation came prominently into view at
the Council of Constance — that of tli"
Nations. The Latin Church was at that j
time understood to be divided into four
nations — theIlalians,Fivncli,Eiigl!>]i,and
Germans — and the vote was taki'U in the
Council by nations, not by individuals.
The bishops of each nation, therefore,
formed themselves into a congregation, in
order to prediscuss all questions about to
come before the Council, in the light of
their bearing on the interests of their
respective countrymen,
coxrcRiTZSM. rgee Grace.]
COSrSASTGTTZM'ZTT is taken here in
its widest sense, to include all that theo-
logians mean by co^wai'w. Natural con-
sanguinity {cof/natio rarnalix) is the lioud
between persons d( ~( ( iii].'il I'nimtln- >ame
stock. By the law of natuiv. inarnage
is prohibited — ami, in.lerd, a tint- mar-
riage is in]po>sil !i — lii'twct'U ]iart')it and
child. :>Iaiiy thrologianseoiisidt-r fui'tluT
that tlif law of nature nnllitifs mari-iage
bctwt'.'U all ]»'i-sons n-latcd in the " diivet
line" — i.e. l/rtwpen oi-anil-])ai>'nt and
grand-child^anil als,., in tli,. ■•collat-Tal"
line, between lu'otliers and >i>ti r<. They
argue from tlu' horror nf >iuli unions
which nature itself >crnis to in-pir'-.
The Levitical law forbids a man to
"a])proach " one who is a blood relatioTi,
and sjiecially interdicts mairiagc with the
mother, grand-daughter, sister or half-
sister and aunt.' Proljalily the^f ]>i'o-
hibitions are no more than instaiici'S,
meant to be e.xtended on analogy, for the
mariiage of a man with his daugliti-r is
omitted; and we can scarcely sujipose
that this is an enormity which did not
require to be considered, since it is not
more unnatural than the marriagf of a
man with his mother, and vi't I hat is
specially forbidden. As a matter uf fact,
the Levitical prohibitions were extfuded
by the Talmudists.2
In the 1 toman law the degrees of col-
lateral relationship are calculated by sum-
ming up tile iiimiljer of persons in each
line, omitting tlie ]ier-on from •w hom they
descend. Thus, limtliers and si.-tei's are
akin in the second, cousins in the tourth
degree. Several changes were nuule in
the Roman prohibitions of marriage.
That between cousins was not allowed in
early times, though not infrequent after
the second Punic war.
Such a union was prohibited by Theo-
dosius, though Ills son Arradlus rejiealed
this interdict and Justinian adliejed to
the more lenient vie\v. Marriage ln-i w eeu
uncle and niec<' was unlawful anioiiL; the
Komans. Claudia.--, to contract a mar-
riage of this kind, exercised strone pi-es-
sure on the senate, and so got the law
altered on this point: and later authorit ies
restored this general prohibition.
In the Eastern Church, the Council in
Trullo forbade marriage between cousins.
1 The most complete list is given in Levit.
xviii. 6 seq.\ but see also Deut. xxvii. 22;
Levit. XX. 17 seq.
3 However, only to a very slight extent.
Marriages between uncle and niece were en-
rouraued by the rabbins. But the Karaite*,
the great opponents among the Jews of rab-
binical tradition, objected to the marria-v of
cousins.
236
COXSAXGUINITY
CONSCIENCE
Under the Isaurian emperors, Leo and
Constantinus, alliances were interdicted
between persons standing in the sixth
degree of consanguinity according to
Roman computation — i.e. between the
graiidcliildren of brothers and sisters.
Not long afterwards the seventh degree
like-\vise was forbidden, and so the law
stands to this day among the Greeks.
In the West, the old Teutonic mode
of computing collateral consanguinity
obtairpd, according to which brothers and
sisters are related in the first dogree,
cousins in the second, uncle and niece
in the second, &c. The canon law
prohibited maiTiage to the seventh de-
gree of kindred, a prohibition which,
though in words the same as the
Greek rule, did in reality extend the
prohibited degrees twice as far. In the
year 1216, Innocent III., in the Fourth
Lateran Council, reduced the prohibition
to the fourth collateral degree. This
ordinance continues in firce, and hence at
jiresent a man cannot marry any woman
from wliom he is descended or who is de-
-cended from him, nor again anyone who is
related to him colliiterally (cousin, second-
cousin, niece, grand-niece, &c.) as far as
the fourth degree inclusive. The changes
made in the church law by Protestant
sects and Governments are very numerous
and diverse. (See any of the ordinary
treatises on Moral Theology; and for the
historical facts the very learned essay of
Kalisch on Matrimonial Laws in his
" Commentary on Leviticus," vol. ii,
p. 354 seq.)
Besides real consanguinity, the Church
also recognises such relationships as are
spiritual and legal {cognatio spiritualis et
legalis). Spiritual consanguinity is an
impediment to marriage between the god-
parent and the god-child, and between
the god-parent and the natural parents
of the cliild, and again between the
minister and receiver of the sacraments
of baptism and confirmation. Such is
the present law of the Church. Spiritual
relationship first appears as an impediment
to marriage in the sixth century, and
there have been important changes in the
law respecting it. Among the Greeks
the impediment from this kind of affinity
extends much further than among the
Latins, but among the former it can only
arise from baptism, for they have no con-
firmation sponsors. Legal affinity im-
pedes marriage (1) between the adopter
and the adopted and his children, so long
as these children are under their parent's
I control ; (2) between the adopted and the
j children of the adopter, so long as they
are under their parent's control; (3) be-
tween the adopter and the wife oi the
adopted, as well as between the adopted
1 and the wife of the adopter [see Aiop-
tion].
j COM-SCZEN-cx:. The word "con-
scientia" is used in the Vulgate as the
translation of a-welBrjms, the latter word
being scarcely found in classical writers,
though it frequently occurs in the New
Testament. St. Thomas and other theo-
logians define conscience as " the judg-
ment or dictate of the practical intellect,
which [arguing] from the general prin-
ciples [of morals] pronounces that sduie-
thing in particular here and now is to be
avoided, inasmuch as it is evil, or to be
done, inasmuch as it is good."
A few words are needed to explain
this definition and to point out how St.
Thomas's conception of conscience differs
from others common among modern
philosophers. The reader, then, will ob-
serve that conscience denotes an act, and
so is very different from the " faculty of
conscience," of which Bishop Butler ' and
others speak. Further, it is concerned
with a judgment, not on general prin-
ciples, but on an act to be done or
omitted. Conscience, for example, does
not tell me that theft is sinful. General
principles are perceived, according to St.
Thomas, by the intellect, and the mind
recognises primarj' moral truths without
any process of reasoning, through a habit
congenital to it, which the scholastics
call synderesis (i.e. a-wTfiprja-is). Con-
science is the conclusion from premisses
ultimately derived from this synderesis.
Thus, knowing that evil acts are to be
avoided, and that theft is an evil act, I
form the practical conclusion, "I am
hound to avoid this particular act of
theft." Lastly, conscience is an act of
the intellect, not of the will, though the
will influences, in more ways than one,
the formation of conscience.
From the definition given it is plain
that conscience is not an infallible guide
of action. As in speculative questions,
so in morals, the reason may start from
false principles or may argue wrongly
from true principles. Hence conscience
is said to be true or false; and, again,
' The writer attributes this to Bishop Butler
from recollection, without pledging himself to
its accuracy. But anyhow, the opinion that
conscience is a special faculty has been main-
tained.
CONSCIENCE
CONSECRATION 237
Cr-rtain and doubtful, so far as the con-
clusion is formed with or without doubt ;
also scrupulous, if an action is judged or
feared to be evil on grounds unworthy of
serious consideration : nnd lax, if a judg-
ment is formed on trifling grounds that
an evil action is permissible or that a
great sin is a little one. Other divisions
of conscience are of less importance or
are really included in those already given.
Thus a " doubtful conscience " is either
absolutely doubtful— t.e. the intellect,
because it can see no reasons for enabling
it to decide, or else reasons equally
balanced on both sides, suspends judg-
ment— or " probable," i.e. the intellect
forms an opinion on grounds good, as far
as they go, but not positively convincing.
Two gi-eat principles concerning con-
science are laid down by Cutbolic ines.
First, a man is always bound to follow
his conscience, even if false and erroneous.
Thus St. Paul, speaking of eating food
which it was really la^-ful to eat, says,
"He who distiuguisheth [i.e. this food,
as unbtwful, from other food], if he eatetli
is condemned, because it is not from faith
[i.e. as is evident from the context, be-
cause it is not from conscience] ; but all
which is not from faith is sin." ' The
reason is obvious. We apprehend the
law of God in the particular case through
the dictate of conscience, and liere a dis-
obedience to conscience is an act of re-
bellion against God; just as a man who
believed that the governor of a province
conveyed the command of tlie sovereign
would, even if the L'overnor had altered
the connnand, he guilty of disobedience
to the sovereign if he set the order inti-
mated to liini at nought. Accordingly, a
Protestant who is seri^msly convinced that
it is a sin to hear Mass or to speak to a
priest would undoubtedly commit sin by
so doing. Nor can any injunction of any
authority, ecclesiastical or civil, make it
lawful for a man to do that which his
conscience unhesitatingly condemns as
certainly wicked. God Himself, Billuart
says, cannot make it lawful for a man to
act against his conscience, because to do
so without sin is a contradiction in terms.
Secondly, a man is bound to form his
conscience, or, in other words, his judg-
ment on the moral character of bis ac-
' Rom. xiv.23. So the Vulgate. The Greek
really means, " he who doubts is condemned, " i.e.
by Go I. Cf. for the sense of StaKplveaSai. iv. 20.
and iKirlaTews = from Cliristian faith, informing
the conscience. But this does not affecc the
argunient we have dr.iwn from the text.
tions, with great care. It is not always
a sufficient excuse to say that one who
does wrong is following his conscience.
If a person has grave grounds for sus-
pecting that his conscience is erroneous,
he is under a strict obligation of looking
well into the matter. He is bound to
take all reasonable means — such, in other
words, as good and honest men do take
when there is danger of offending God.
He ought to pray and also, according to
his opportunities, to consult others, par-
ticularly those set over him, to reconsider
the grounds on which his conscience was
formed, &c. If after the due use of means
his ignorance cannot be overcome, it is
plain that he is not responsible for the
error into which he has fallen. The
diligence spent on the inquiry need not
be the greatest possible. The amount
required depends on the gravity of the
matter, the strength of his motives for
doubting whether he is right, and the
circumstances of the agent. (From St.
Thomas, I. Ixxix. 12 and 13; Billuart,
" De Actibus humanis," diss, v.)
COM-SECRii.TZOif. The form of
words by which the bread and wine in
the Mass are changed into Christ's body
and blood. This technical use of the
word first occurs in Tertulhan, " De An."
17.' The form for the consecration of the
bread in the Roman Missal is, " Hoc est
enim corpus meum ; " that of the wine,
"Hie est enim calix sanguinis mei, novi
et seterni testamenti, mysterium fidei, qui
pro vobis et pro multis effundetur, in re-
mlssionem peccatorum." Some reckon
tlie following words, " Hjbc quotiescunque
feceritis in mei memoriam facietis," as also
pertaining to the form. Probably the
mere words " This is my body," " This is
my blood," would suffice for validity. The
opinion of Scotus, that the words imme-
diately preceding the form, viz. " who
the day before he suffered," &c. ; or of
Toutt^e and Le Brun, that the validity of
the consecration depends, not only on the
words of Christ, " This is my body," &c.,
but also on the prayers of the Church,
need not be discussed here. But it is
necessary to say something on a special
difficulty with regard to the words of
consecration. It arises from the liturgies
of the Greeks.
In these liturgies, as well as in those
' St. Ambrose makes St. Lawrence say that
Pope Xystus had entrusted to him, though only
adeacon, •' doniinii i sanguinis consccrationem,"
i.e. probalily '• the consecrated blood of oul
Lord," viz. for distribution to the people.
238 CONSECRATIOX OF ALTARS CONSTANCE, COUNCIL OF
of otlier Orientals, we find prayers, after
the consecration, imploring the Holy
Ghost to descend on the gifts, making
the bread the body of Christ, and the
wine His blood. This has led some of
the schismatic Greeks to make the con-
secration depend on these prayers. But
1. No mention is made of prayers after
the words of consecration by any one of
the synoptic evangelists or by St. Paul.
2. The earliest Fathers, Justin, Ire-
nffius, Tertullian, Ambrose, Chrysostom,'
evidently make the consecration depend
on the words of consecration.
3. The Greeks themselves at the
Council of Florence unanimously ad-
mitted that the change was effected by
the words of consecration, "Hoc est
coi-pus," &c. convinced, as they said, by
the words of their great doctor Chij-
sostom.^
4. The Oriental liturgies admit of a
satisfactory interpretation. The prayers
referred to are really a petition that what
has been bread and wine may manifest
itself by the efl'ects produced on the souls
of the communicants as the true body and
bloi^d of Christ : or, again, the prayer for
the change of the gifts may be regarded
as one act with the consecration. These
interpretations will not appear forced to
anyone familiar with the language of the
Eastern liturgies. Thus in a Ritual of
Severus God is asked after the actual
baptism to sanctify the baptised persons
with the laver of regeneration. Simi-
lar examples are collected by Meratus.
(There is a special Catholic treatise on
this subject, " Die Eucharistische Wand-
lung und die Epiklese," by Dr. Joseph
Franz.)
COnrSECRATZOM- OF AX.TAaS.
Altars and altar-stones are consecrated
by the bishop with ceremonies prescribed
in the Pontifical. The most essential
part of the rite consists in the anointing
with chrism (to indicate, according to
Gavantus, the richness of grace), and the
placing of relics in the sepulchre or re-
pository made in the altar-stone and
afterwards senlrd up. The consecration
endures till the altar-stone is broken or
the seal of relics broken. Cardinal Bona
contends that the practice of consecrating
altars is of Apostolic origin. Putting
1 TertuUian's statement is explicit : " He
made the bread his body, saving, This is mv
body."— ^do. Marc iv. 40. The difficulty in
the words which follow has nothing to do
with the question before us.
2 Hefele, Concil. vii. p. 740.
aside doubtful decrees of early Popes, we
find such consecration first mentioned by
the Fathers of the fourth and councils of
the sixth century. [From Gavantus, and
Kraus, " Real-Encyclopadie." See also
Dedication of Chueches.]
COSrSECRATZOIO- OF BISHOPS.
[See Ordee, Holy.]
COSrSECRATZOSr OF CHVRCHES.
[See Dedication of Chueches.]
COHrSECRATZOSr OF CHAXZCE
AWS PATEN is made by the bishop
with chi-ism, the prayers to be used being
given in the Pontifical. This rite is very
ancient, being found in the Gregorian
Sacramentary, the most ancient Ordines,
&c., where, however, no mention is made
of the chrism.
cozrszSTORY (Lat. consistoi-ium).
A meeting of official persons to transact
business, and also the place where they
meet. The word is classical, and was
used of the privy council of the Roman
emperors.' Before the Reformation every
English bishop had his cousistoiy, com-
posed of some of the leading clergy of the
diocese, presided over by his chancellor.
The name is still retained in the Anglican
Church, but the consistory is with them
a court and nothing more. In the
Catholic Chm-ch the term is now seldom
used except with reference to the Papal
consistoiy, the ecclesiastical senate in
which the Pope, presiding over the whole
body of Cardinals, deliberates upon gi-ave
ecclesiastical affairs, and communicates
to his venerable brethren, and through
them to Christendom, the solicitudes and
intentions of the vicar of Christ as to the
condition of some Christian nation, or
the definition of some Catholic doctrine.
The ordinary meetings of the consistory,
held about once a fortnight, are secret ;
they are usually, but not invariably,
presided over by the Pope. Public con-
sistories are held from time to time, as
occasion may require ; they are attended
by other prelates besides the Cardinals,
and by the representatives of foreign
Courts. In them the resolutious which
the Pope has arrived at in secret con-
sistory are announced, and an allocution
on some matter of pressing importance is
commonly delivered by the Pontifl' to the
assembled Cardinals.
coM-STAiircE, covxrczx. OF.
An attempt had been made early in the
' A usonius ( Grat. Act. 29), addressing the
Emperor Gratian, speaks of " ilia sedes, ut ex
more loquiinur, consistorii, ut ego seutio, sacrarii
tui."
CONSTANCE, COUNCIL OF
CONSTANCE, COUNCIL OF 239
fifteenth century to close the schism in
the Papacy by the convocation of a
general council at Pisa (1409). Twenty-
tour Cardinals assembled there had
claimed to depose both Gregory XII.
and the antipope, Peter de Luna, and
had elected Cardinal Philargi, who took
the title of Alexander "\^. On the death
of Alexander in a fetv- months at Bologna,
the Cardinals chose B.althasar Cossa, then
governor in that portion of the Papal
States, to succeed him. Balthasar took
the title of John XXIII. Neither Gregory
nor Peter de Luna consented to make a
renunciation in favour of John ; hence
there were three persons each claiming
to be the true Pope, and the action of
the Council of Pisa had nuly resulted,
for the moment, in making- the confusion
worse than before. The emperor of
Germany, Sigismund of Luxemburg,
formed the praiseworthy determination
to use every means in his power to ter-
minate so di.sastrous a state of things.
In concert with John XXIII. he sum-
moned a general council, with the three-
fold object of terminating the schism,
extii-pating heresy, and reforming the
Church in head and members. Constance,
an imperial city on the lake so named,
was fixed upon as the place of meeting.
John, though his blemished character
made him shrink from facing the council,
had been able to find no excuse against
the emperor's importunity ; but he trusted
that it would meet somewhere in Italy,
and that the great pre])i)nderance of
Italian bishops, many of whom were
bound to him in various ways, would
suffice to screen him from attack. His
heart sank when he heard that his legates
had consented to the selection of a city
beyond the Alps, and he went to the
council with a reluctance which the
result completely justified.
All through the autumn of 1414,
whatever was most illustrious in Europe
for piety, learning, power or enterprise —
the princes of the empire, the Emperor
and Pope, Cardinals, statesmen, bishops,
theologians, merchants, artists, repre-
sentatives of every rank and every calling
in the then civilised world — was stream-
ing fix)m all directions along the roads
that led to Constance. Among the
English bishops the chief was Ilobert
Hallam, Bishop of Salisbury. France
was represented by Peter d'Ailly, the
Cardinal Archbishop of Cambray, and
Gerson, the famous chancellor of the
University of Paris. Among the Italians,
nonewas of greaterweight thanZabarella,
the Cardinal Archbishop of Florence; he,
with D'Ailly, soon came to the front, and
took the lead in the deliberations of the
fathers.
The council was opened by John
XXin. on November 5 ; the first public
session was held on the 16th of the same
month. With regard to the form in
which business should be carried on, it
was prearranged that the bishops should
be divided into congregations answering
to the nationalities to which they be-
longed (Italians, French, English, Ger-
man.-^a fifth was added for Spain in
1416), and that the voting in the council
should be by nations, not by individuals.
The object of this was to neutralise the
overwhelming numbers of the Italian
bishops, who would othervs'ise have been
able to outvote all the rest. It must be
remembered that the objects for which
the council met were to a large extent
political and disciplinary ; there was as
yet no real schism on a grand scale with
regard to any point of faith. Hence
a mode of voting- which would have
been improper at Trent might offer the
best solution of existing difficulties at
Constance.
John Huss, rector of the University
of Prague, who had adopted many of the
opinions of Wyclif, and was to justify
himself if he could before assembled
Christendom, arrived at Constance just
before the opening of the Council,' fur-
nished with a safe-conduct from the
Emperor. Other Bohemian ecclesiastics
also came, and denounced the preaching
of Huss; before the end of the month
the council ordered that he should be
arrested and put in custody. A commis-
sion of three theologians was appointed
to examine his teaching. In the following
March he endeavoured to escape, but was
retaken.
The more the antecedents of John
XXIII. became kno-wn, the more evident
appeared his unfitness for the Pontifical
office ; and the majority of the council
came before long to the conclusion that
he, with the other two claimants, must
resign his pretensions, so that the Cardi-
nals might proceed to a new election.
This John agreed to do (1415, March 2),
provided Gregory and Peter de Luna
would do the same. Soon after, finding
that his past career was being inquired
into, he secretly witlidre-w (March 21)
1 Nov. 3, 1414, not, :is Milmnn states (£a<m
Chnstianity, xiii. 8), Dec. 3.
1^40 CONSTANCE, COUNCIL OF
CONSTANCE, COUNCIL OF
from Constance, and -went to Sol'.aff-
hausen, to be within reach of his friend
Frederic, the Archduke of Austria. Long
negotiations ensued; at length (1415,
May 29, Sess. xii.), John having failed
to make the cession of his office in the
form prescribed — the commission ap-
pointed to inquire into the charges
brought against his cliaracter having
also reported most unfavourably, arid
John himself having admitted tlie truth
of a portion of those charges — tlie council
declared him guiltv, and (li']Miscd hiui
from tlic rontificr.l . tlic, of wlilcli he
slinrtly nl'ti'i \\ :ir(l> iii.ii'.r the formal resig-
natiiin lli.'it lie h:i(l jiniiniM'd.
Ill thr I'oiiith and liftli sessions
(^laicli -'to, April 6) di'crees were ado]ir<'d
declaring that the council, representing
the Catholic Church, held its jhiwi'V
immediately fmni Jesus Chr;,-t, and tliat
everyduc, even the Pope liiuiself, was
bound to oliey it in all that concerned
the t';iitli, the extinction of tlu' schism,
and the reform of the Church in its head
anil members. These decrees liaxc often
l.erii ,|ii,.ted as if tliey involved a dog-
matic definition subordinating tlie I'ope
to a geui'ral council. Attentively cou-
s'.dered, they appear to lie carefully
restricted in their range, and to ap]'ly in
thiTr fullness only to that jKniicuiiir
grouji of circumstances which tliev wi re
inteiuled to remedy. Im en so intfu-jireted.
they must be regardeil a.- unl enable, and
as excluded from the guarded and limited
confirmations given by Martin V. and
Eugenius IV. Still, in the midst of the
uncertainty which prevailed as to who
was the true Pope— an uncertainty which
the best-disposed Christians, owing to
the obscurity of the facts, often could
not clear up for themselves — it may be
admitted that there is much to be said
in extenuation of the violent and un-
canonical acts and speeches which appear
on the conciliar record ; since, unless the
council could succeed in enforcing obe-
dience to its decisions, there seemed to
be no hope of restoring unity to the
Church.'
The commission whicli had been ap-
pointed to examine the opinions of Wyclif
and the LoUards was aided by the learning
I The learned Cardinal de Tnrrecremata,
who was present at the council, writes : — "Ma-
nifeste, decretum illorum Patrum non loquitur
universalitcT, sed de ilia [synodo] singulariter,
jiro cujus tempore non erat in Ecclesia unus
ji istor totius Kcclesise indubitatuB." (Quoted
in Bail's Summa Conciliorum, i. 485.)
I and zeal of the great English Carmelite,
Thomas Walden, authorof the " Doctrinale
Fidei " and the " Fasciculi Zizaniornm."
The wild and monstrous opinions to which
Wyclif had set his hand were maturely
examined, and the rejiort of the com-
mission was made aboiit this time to the
council. In the eighth session (May 4)
the memory of Wyclif was ■ solemnly
condemned, and it was ordered that his
remains should be exhumed, and, as those
of an impenitent heretic. Cast forth from
the place of Christian burial in which
they lay.
In the thirteenth session (1414, June
]•')) the lawfulness and evjiedimcy of
gi\"ing coiiiiiuniioii to the laity under oiii;
sjiieies \\eiv aliirii;>-il, and those who
ohsf iiiately maim ;i;ueil the contrary were
to he Ireateil a> heretics.
Ill the fourterllth sessiou (Julv 4),
Creuorv XII. gave in Ins resignalion of
the I'apacy. The aiiti]" i]ie, Peter de Luna,
in sjute of the entreaties of the king of
Ai'agon, refused to renonnce his preten-
sions. I le was consequently disregarded,
anil, alianiloued by nearly all his adhe-
rents, he w as h it to fulminate idle cen-
sures fi ^'ui the rock of Peniscola.
In the (ifteeiith session (July f!) the
docU iiie of Jean Petit, who had written a
' lio'.k' to .justify the assassination of the
! Dulie of' OrleaiK hv the order of the
Duke of lairjiiiiilv iu '407, was part-ally
com], -mm ,!. A I'ondemuation of lluss,
who hail refused to recant his heretical
ii|iinions, was at the same time puhlished,
and he \\ as ile]i\ered to the secular arm.
lie was burnt at the stake on the same
day. An outcry being raised on the
ground of the violation of the safe-con-
duct given him, the council (sess. xviii.
Aug. 17) adopted a decree by which the
emperor was exonerated from' all blame.
He had done, it was said, all that de-
pended on him to keep his word ; and if
lluss had been less obstinate, he would
have gone and returned in safety. But the
emperor had not the power, nor did he
intend, to control the course of ecclesi-
astical discipline, which, when defied, *
executed itself by the means regarded in
that age as efficacious.
About the same time the case of the
margraviate of Brandenbiu-g, vacant by the
death without heirs of the last margrave
of the house of Pallenberg, was brought
before the council. The qualifications of
several princes having been discussed, the
choice of the council fell on the young
Conrad of Ilohenzollern, an insignificant
CONST-^'TINOPLE
C0NST.\2sTtX0PLE HI
principality in South Germany. This
was the beginning of the extraordinary
rise of that now celebrated and imperial
hou>e, which has of late years dealt so
hardly with the Church to which it owes
its greatness.
The years 1416 and 1417 were chiefly
taken up with negotiations respecting the
election of a Pope, and endeavours to
remedy ecclesiastical abuses. The Enghsh
and Germans wished to postpone the
election of a Pope till after the completion
of the reforms ; the French and ItaUan
nations took the opposite view. The
latter, in the opinion of Moehler, were
clearly in the right. At last (1417, Nov.
11), the Cardinal Otto Colonna was
elected Pope by tweuty-three cardinals
and a representative delegation of thirty
prelates, six for each nation, Spain being
now included. Cardinal Colonna, who
took the name of Martin V., was a man
of great integrity and ability, and of irre-
proachable morals. The new I'ope con-
lirmed the coimcils acts, limiting his
confirmation to what had been done " con-
cihariter in materiis fidei, et non aliter nec
alio modo."
The bishops were now weary of their
conciliar labours, and anxious to return
to their dioceses. Concordats between
Rome and the principal nations, regu-
lating future relations and cutting otf
some of the worst abuses, were hastily
framed, and the council was dissolved in
its forty-fifth session, April 22, 1418.
(Fleury, " Hist. Eccl. ; " Bail, " Summa
Conciliorum ; " Moehler, " Kirchenge-
schichte.")
COSTS TAM-TZIirOPX.E,COTra-CXZiS
or. {l)G(iieral Councils. — The Second
General Council (1st of CP.) A council
of 150 Eastern bishops, which met in 381.
It was presided over first by Meletius of
Antioch, then by Gregory- of Xazianzus,
who bad re-estabUshed the orthodox faith
in the city. The true faith was main-
tained against Arianism iu all its manifold
varieties, as well as against ApoUinarian-
ism and Macedonianism. The last heresy
— named from Macedonius, a semi-Arian
bishop of Constantinople, deposed by the
Catholics in .360 — consisted in a denial of
the Holy Ghost's perfect Godhead. To
meet this error the council added to the
Xieene Creed the words "and in the
Holy Ghost, the Lord and life-giver,
who proceedeth from the Father, who
with the Father and Son is together wor-
shipped and glorified, who spake by the
prophets." This council had in itself no
claim to be oecumenical, but it was gene-
rally recognised as such since the sixth
century, because its doctrinal definitions
(not its disciplinary canons) were accepted
throughout the Church.
The Fifth General Council (2nd of
OP.) met in 553 with 165 bishops. It
condemned Theodore of Mopsuestia, the
erroneous portions in the writings of
Theodoret, aud the letter of Ibas, because
of their Nestorian tendency. [See Three
Chapters.] There was no explicit con-
demnation of Origen's errors, though he
was named and anathematised among ot lier
heretics. The decrees of this council were
received by Popes Vigilius and Pelaglus,
but it was long before its wcumeuical
character was acknowledged throughout
the West. [See Three CH.iPTERs. 1
Sixth General Council (3rd of "CP.),
convoked in 680 by Constantine Pogonat us
in union with Pnpe Agatho, and presided
over by the Papal legates. It accepted
Pope Agatho's definitions of " two physi-
cal wills [i.e. in Christ], without division,
change, partition, confusion, the two wills
not being contrary to each other, but the
human will being subject to the divine."
rSee MoNOTHELiTEs.j Sergius, Cyrus,
Honorius [see the article], Pj-rrhus, Paul,
were anathematised. Pope Leo II. con-
fii-med tlie decrees.
Eighth General Council (4th of CP.)
met in 869, and endeavoured to heal the
schism which threatened to separate' the
East from Rome, by deposing Photius and
restoring Ignatius lawful patriarch of Con-
stantinople. The Greeks finally refused to
acknowledge the council, substituting for
it a council of 879, in which the conduct
and ordination of Photius were approved.
(2) Particular Councils. — Special
mention is due to the synod in Trullo,
which met in 691. It passed 102 canons
dealing with numerous questions oC dis-
cipline, and partly with the worship of the
Eastern church. The decrees betray a
strong animus against Rome, and though
regarded as oectunenical hj the Greeks, it
was never received in the West. The
name " in Trullo indicates the domical
building in which it was held. It was
also called irfvOiia-rf or quinise.vta, because
it was meant by its disciphnaiy decrees
to complete the labours of the fifth and
sixth councils.
(3) Of schismatical councils we may
name two, held in 1638 and 1642, against
the Calvinistic errors of Cyril Lucar.
COSrSTAM'TZirOPX.B.PATRZA.R-
CHATE or. The church of liyzaiitium
242 CONSTANTINOPLE
CONSTANTINOPLE
was originally a simple bishopric, subject
to the metropolitan see of Heraclea. A
new state of thing? began when the city
became the seat of the imperial Court ;
the metropolitan of Heraclea could no
longer exercise his authority over his
suffi-agan of Constantinople ; and in 381
canon 3 of the Second General Council
assigned to the see of Constantinople a
primacy of honour {npeape'ia Trjs rifirji)
after that of old Rome. The Greek
canonist Zonaras frankly admits that this
canon acknowledges the superiority of
the Roman bishop. But did it give real
patriarchal power to the bishop of Con-
stantinople? De Marca answers in the
negative ; so does Cardinal Hergenrother ;
but Hefele considers it more lilcely that
this canon gave, not only a primacy of
honour, but also real jurisdiction in the
district of Thrace to the Bishop of Con-
stantinople.
With this power the bishops of Con-
stantinople were not content, and they
found it easy to extend their jurisdiction.
In the AVest, Cyprian, the Council of
Sardica, and other authorities, accepted
the principle expressed by St. Augustin
when he says, " The Lord laid the founda-
tions of his Church in the Apostolic sees,"
and to such foundation Constantinople
could make no plausible claim. But in
the East the notion prevailed that the
ecclesiastical should correspond with the
civil dignity of a city, a principle clearly
implied in the 9th canon of the Synod in
Encseniis, which met at Antioch in 341.
Moreover, bishops came from all parts of
till' East, to lay their petitions before the
eni])('ror. He often referred them to the
bisiiop of the place, i.e. of Constantinople,
and the latter settled the matter in a avv-
oSos (vbr]ixov(Ta composed of the bishops
who happened to be in the capital, over
which .synod he himself presided. Thus
very often the affairs even of other patri-
archates were tried by agreement of the
contending parties, and soon this custom
led to a flaim as of right. This power
grew undi r St. John Chrysostom, of
whom Thi'.jdoret says that he ruled
Thiacr, A-ia and Pontus, in all twonty-
ci^lit provinces. Atticus, the second
bishop after Chrysostom, was empowered
by an imperial edict to consecrate metro-
politans even beyond Thrace. In the
earlier part of the fifth C(>ntury we find
Proclus of Constantinople ordaining
bishops for Pontus and Asia. About the
middle of the fifth century Anatolius of
Constantinople actually appointed Maxi-
mus bishop of Antioch and thus assumed
authority over the ancient patriarchal see.
True, opposition was made to these pre-
tensions, but without permanent effect,
and at the Fourth General Council, Ana-
tolius tried to get the claims of his see
fully and formally acknowledged. The
time singularly favoured such a project.
The bishoprics of Alexandria and Ephesus
were vacant. Maximus of Antioch was
a creature of Anatolius, while Juvenal of
Jerusalem was specially indebted to him.
Accordingly, in canon 28 of Chalcedon,
the decree of the Second Council placing
Constantinople next in dignity to Rome
was confirmed, and further it was deter-
mined that the bishop of Constantinople
should consecrate the metropolitans of
Pontus, Asia Proconsularis, and Thrace,
and also the bishops in " barbarous coun-
tries." Pope Leo absolutely refused to
confirm this canon, as his predecessors
had ignored canon 2 of Constantinople,'
and for long the Greeks, who had ac-
knowledged that it needed Papal confir-
mation, omitted it in their collection.
Still the see of Constantinople did in fact
exercise the power assigni'J to it at Chal-
cedon and continued to do so, iu spite of
repeated protests on the part of the Popes.
Gregory the Great had to protest vigor-
ously against the assumption of the title
" fficumenical Patriarch " by John the
Faster (about 587). Justinian confirmed
the rank of Constantinople ; while the
Greek synod in Trullo repeated canon 28
of Chalcedon. Illyria during the Icono-
clastic controversy was torn from the
Roman, and united to the Constantino-
politan Patriarchate, under which it
continued when the strife on images was
over ; and finally, after the schism of the
East, the patriarch of Constantinople
became independent head of the whole
(schismatic) Eastern chiirch, with the
provinces of Pontus, Asia, Thrace, and
Illyria in immediate subjection to himself.
Later, he also obtained a primacy over
Russia, in accordance with the canon of
Chalcedon, which placed the territory of
barbarians under his care.
However, in modern times, political
causes, which had originally established,
grievously diminished the power of Con-
stantino] Tie. In the sixteenth centuiy
(158'.)), a Russian patriarchate was insti-
tuted at Moscow, and although it exists
no longer, the Russian church is
governed by a "holy synod" (1721) in-
' On tlie ecclesiastical hierarchy in the East,
I see Fleury, xviii. 7.
CONSTITUTIONAL CLERGY CONSTITUTIONAL CLERGY 243
dependent of Constantinople. The church
of the kingdom of Greece also secured its
independence in consequence of the revo-
lution of 1821. The Greek schismatical
bi.~hop8 in the Austrian territory are also
independent of Constantinople. So now
are the schismatics of Bulgaria and Mon-
tenegTo, and the patriarch's jurisdiction
is limited to Tui-key in Europe and all
those dioceses in Asiatic Tm-key which
do not belong to the other three
patriarchates.
A Latin patriarchate was founded at
Constantinople during the time of the
Latin rule there (1204-1261). The title
is still borne 1iv nne of the high dignitaries
of the Pap;il C.mrt. There is also u Vicar
Apostolic for the Latins. In the Fourth
Lateran Council Innocent III. gave the
second place among the sees of Christen-
dom to the Greek Patriarchate, and this
privilege was renewed in the Second
( 'niincil of Lyons and in the Council of
Florence. (See Le Quien, " Oriens
Christianus ; " Hefele, " Concil." vol. ii.,
and for the present state of things an
article on the Greek Church by Professor
Lamy in the " Dublin Review " for July
1880. See also Cardinal Hergenrother's
"Photius.")
COia-STZTTrTZON-A.!. CX-ERC-r.
This was the name given to that portion
of the French clergy which gave in its
adhesion to the " civil constitution " pro-
vided for them by a law of the National
Assembly passed in August 1790, and
took the oath of fidelity to it in the
maimer prescribed in the law itself.
The committee which ; .-. w up this
notable scheme were not atheists, nor
deists, nor Protestants ; they were what
would be called now bad, or liberal.
Catholics. They aimed at introducing
what they considered principles of liberty
into the religious life of the nation, by
releasing the bishops trom their obedience
to the Pope, and the inferior clergy from
their dependence on the bishops. Yet '
they did not desire, like the English !
reformers of the sixteenth century, abso-
lutely to reject the Pope and break ott"
communion with him. For the 19th
article of the Civil Constitution, after
forbidding a newly-elected bishop to
obtain any confirmation from Rome, pro-
ceeds : — " But he shall write to him [the
Pope', as to the chief of the universal
Church, in testimony of unity of faith and
of the communion which he is bound to
maintain with him." Some priests,
steeped in Galilean opinions, such as the
Abb^ Expilly and Dom Gerle, and Jan-
senist advocates, like Chasset and Marti-
neau, were members of the committee,
and bore an active part in framing the
new law, whUe all the time professing
great reverence for the Catholic Church,
and a determination not to sever France
from her communion.
The French clergy, to relieve the
distress of the nation, had voluntarily
renounced tlieu- tithes; of their landed
property tliey had, on the motion of the
notorious Bishop of Autun,' been stripped
by a decree of the National Assembly.
The Assembly recognised the oliligation
under which it lay, having expropriated
the landed property of the clergy, to sup-
port them by a competent annual sub-
vention from the public revenue. Had
the bishops and the Holy See been allowed
to frame the new arrangements which
the change in the mode of supporting the
clergy rendered necessary, it is probable
that no serious difficulty would have
arisen. But the Galilean party thought
they saw their opportunity of erecting a
church almost entirely national and self-
governed ; they seized it eagerly, and the
result of their action was a terrible in-
crease in the distractions of France, and
a potent stimulus to the horrors and
abominations of the Revolution.
The new constitution suppressed
many of the French dioceses (which at
that time were about 130 in number),
and pretended to assign the boundaries
of others, without the concurrence of the
ecclesiastical authority. It decreed that
the bishops should be elected by local
conventions of the clergy, and confirmed
by the metropolitans, without having
recourse to the Holy See for canonical
institution. It prescribed a number of
minute regulations for the internal govern-
ment of the French church, of which it
is enough to say that, whether good or
bad in themselves, they were such as no
secular authority had any right to impose
without the consent of the ecclesiastical
authority. Moreover, all beneficed and
employed clergy, whether bishops, priests,
or others, were required to take an oath
to maintain " the constitution decreed,"
on pain of deprivation ipso facto if the
oath were refused.
The Pope (Pius VI.), on learning the
nature of the law that was passing through
the Assembly, wrote to Louis XVI., and
to the archbishops of Bordeaux and
Vieime, urging the inevitable fall into
' Talleyrand.
244 CONSTITUTIONAL CLERGY
CONSTITUTIONAL CLERGY
schism which must be the result of such
legislation. Thirty bishops, who had seats
in the National Assembly, signed a paper
called " Exposition of Principles on the
Civil Constitution of the Clergy," which
was drawn up in a sense antagonistic to
the constitution by M. de Boisgelin, arch-
bishop of Aix. Nearly all the French
bishops, and the doctors of the Sorbonne,
adhered to this Exposition, and the gTeat
niiijority of the inferior clergy followed
llicir example. This fidelity is in re- ]
nmrk.ible contrast with the conduct of
the English bishops under Henry VIIL, ■
and with that of the majority of the
beneficed clergy at the accession of ,
Elizabeth.
The constitution was finally decreed !
on August 24, 1790, and the period termi- I
Dating on January 4, 1791, was named as |
that within which the oath must be taken.
The day came, and all the eccli-ia. I ic s In
the As.-finbly, whether bishops or priests,
refused the oath, and lost their seats in
consequence. In the provinces also the
oath was very generally refused ; the only
archbishop who took it was Lomenic de
Brienue, archbishop of Toulouse, whose [
weakness was imitated hy three bishops,
those of Autim, Orleans, and Viviers.
One hundred and twenty-seven prelates
remained firm and refused the oath.
Among the inferior clergy a similar con-
stancy was manifested ; still the influence
of the Government, of a lay society much
infected by unbelief, and of the old Gal-
ilean prejudices, was strong enough to
induce a large number of priests to take
the oath. These were the "jurants," the
" pretres assermentes," or " constitution-
nels;" while the other side were called
" dissidents," " pretres non asserment6s,"
&c. Between the two parties a violent
conflict arose.'
The Pope acted with great vigour ; in
briefs dated in March and April, 1791, ^
and addressed to the clergy and people of \
France, he discussed the terms of the '
constitution, showed how repugnant they
' Carlylc <lcsaribe3 with evident satisfaction
the l)lows and insults wliich the "dissident"
|)ricsts had to cnduif at the hands of revolu-
tionarj' citnyennes in Paris. He sums up the
quarrel as amounting to this: that one party
heM that a bishop, "his creed and formularies
boint; h'ft quite as thev were, can swear lidelity
til Viwii, Law, and Sation;'' the other, that
"he cannot, but that he must become an ac-
cursed thing." The extreme unfairness of this
■way of ])utting the matter is apparent even
from the short sketch of the facts that we
have given. {French Revolution, vol. ii. book
iv. 1, 2.)
were to the just freedom of the Church,
and how inconsistent with the rights
of that divine institution which Jesus
Christ established upon earth, and laid
under the ban of religion both those
among the actual clergy who had taken
the oath, and those who, in order to
obtain clerical emolument and position,
might in future take it. He also degraded
LomiSnie de Brienne from the cardinalate,
as one who had soiled the Roman purjjle
by swearing in a sense contrary to those
sacred and venerable oaths by which he
was before bound.
Nevertheless, the schism continued to
extend itself in France; new pretended
bishops were consecrated by Talleyrand
and his accomphces, according to the
forms prescribed by the civil constitution,
and the Government soon lent its weight
to the persecution which the revolutionaiy
sect had commenced against the faithful
priests. The Legislative Assembly decreed
(Nov. 1791) that priests refusing the oath
should be reputed under sii>picion of revolt
against the law and disallectl.ni to their
country ; that they should be deprived of
all salaiy, and imprisoned in sucli places
as the departmental administrations mi Li lit
appoint. Further decrees in the course of
the following summer condemned all eccle-
siastics "non-asserment6s" to banishment.
More than fifty thousand of the clergy
came under this proscription; they left or
prepared to leave the country in great
numbers. The hatred and fear of the revo-
lutionists were aroused, and a massacre
of the priests began simultaneously in
many parts of France.
The schism took the dovraward course
usual with such movements ; before long
several of the constitutional bishops and
priests married ; those of them who had
seats in the Convention nearly all voted for
the king's execution ; and in Novemljer
1793 the Bishop of Paris (Gobet) and his
grand-vicars publicly abjured Christianity
in the hall of the Convention.' Yet these
unhappy men did not save their lives by
their apostacy; the greater number of
them fell victims either to private ven-
• " Le citoyen Gobet alia done, accomijaiine'
de ses grands vicaires, abjurer au sein de la
Convention toutes les h^rdsie- que les pretres
avoientpr^chdesdepuisdix-huit cents ans contra
la loi et contre la religion naturelle. Son dis-
cours dlectrisa toutes les ames. . . . Tous les
pretres de la Convention (et il y en avoit Ijeau-
oimp) abjurerent leurs erreurs.eurcnt rimnneur,
quoique tardif. de se ddpretriser, de se ddpisco-
i piser." — Prudhomrae, Revolutions de Paris,
I vol. XV.
CONSlTBSTANnAL
CONTRITION
246
geance or to the sanguinary patriotism of
the Jacobin Government. Merged in the
more horrible revolt against all law and
" all that is called God/' into which the
Satanic energy and determination of the
Jacobins plunged the whole French nat ion,
the less criminal schism of the consti-
tutionals almost disappears from sight.
The worship of Reason and Nature was
solemnly inaugurated in the church of
Notre Dame; wherever the Convention
had power the voice of religion was
silenced, and the churches closed. "SMien
in 1801 the First Consul concluded a con-
cordat with the Holy See for the resto-
ration of Christian worship, twelve con-
stitutional bishops were allowed to have
sees, but only upon making the following
declaration : " I declare before God that
I profess adhesion and submission to the
judgments of the Holy See on the ecclesi-
astical affairs of France." (TS'etzer and
Welte, article Constitution Civile du
Clerge.)
COSrStrBSTAia'TZA.& {ojxoova-iot).
The word used by the Fathers of Nicnea,
to estabhsh the true Godhead of the Sou,
inserted by thera in their Creed, and ever
since the watchword of those who have
true faith in the divinity of Christ. A
man may be said to be of one substance
with another because he has the same
specific nature : but the Son is consul)-
stantial with the Father in another sense,
for his nature is numerically one with
that of the Father : else, there would be
two Gods. Hence, when we say that the
Son is consubstantial with the Father, we
confess Hi." perfect equality and co-eter-
nity with the first Person of the Trinity
and at the same time exclude all imper-
fection from His eternal generation. A
human son receives an individual nature
and is separate from his father; but God
the Son is ever in the Father and the
Father in Him.
The word had long been used in the
Church. Tertullian (Adv. Prax. 13 and
4) says the Son is " of one substance " and
" from the substance of the Father,"' and
closely similar phrases occur in Clement
of Alexandria and Novatian.^ At the
same time Paul of Samosata had used the
word in an heretical sense, and, so under-
stood, it had been cojulemned by an ortho-
dox council at Antioch. Probably, as
Hefele, following St. Epiphanius, thinks,
Paul made the Son (apart from His
humanity) a mere attribute of God. not a
' See Cardinal Xewman's note on Athanas.
Dt Deer. Nic. cap. v. § 64.
distinct Person from the Father, and
expressed his view by the word consub-
stantial.'
At Nicaea, the word was chosen
because it did, which other and Biblical
terms did not, exclude the Arian error,
beyond possibility of evasion. The Arians
were willing to allow that the Son was
from God, His power, His image, even
that He was eternal, because their so-
phistical skill enabled them to rob these
words of their natural meaning, and to
show that they might in a certain sense
be applied to creatures. Accordingly, to
put their meaning and faith beyond all
doubt, the Fathers of Nicsea chose the
word consubstantial. -
COXrSVBSTANTZATZOXr. [See
Etjcha.eist.~
CON'TEMPX.ATZOM-. A word used
to describe the life of those (religious and
others) who devote themselves to prayer
and meditation, rather than to active
works of charity. No doubt such a life, in
order to be real, implies a vocation of no or-
dinary kind. But when Protestants or ill-
instructed Catholics condemn such a life
as useless, &c., they oppose themselve-- to
the tradition of the Church, since the earli-
est religious — the Fathers of the desert,
&c. — devoted themselves to the cnnt empla-
tive life and were venerated throughout
the Christian world for doing so. More-
over, reason itself may teach us that a
contemplative is not a useless life. Man's
merit consists in loving God and man for
God's sake. And in itself the life which
is occupied directly in the love of God is
more meritorious than that which is occu-
pied chiefly in the love of our neighbour
for God's sake. Protestants who accuse
contemplative orders of idleness really
take for granted that the love of God is
no part of man's dnty, whereas it is the
noblest occupation in which lie can pos-
sibly engage. And whereas the ministries
of the active life cease after death, the
contemplative life is perfected and con-
tinued in heaven. It is that "be-t part"'
which Mary chose and which will never be
taken away. It may of course happen
that a person merits more by resigning
the sweetness of contemplation for a time
in order to obev the call of God to the
active life. (St". Thnm. 2» 2», 181, 2.)
COirTItZTZOW. in its wide-t sense,
is defined by the Council of Trent as
"grief of mind and detestation of sin
committed, with a purpose of sinning no
1 Hefele. ConciL i. p. 140.
» Ibid. p. 306.
246 CONVERSION OF NATIONS
CONVOCATION
more." Thus understood, it includes at-
trition [see the article] ; but in its nar-
rower sense contrition is used for that
sorrow for sin which arises from consi-
deration of God's goodness' which sin
has outraged, and which includes a resolu-
tion never to offend God (at least mortally)
because God so deserves our love. The
Council of Trent declares that "contrition
perfected by charity," and accompanied by
a desire to confess and be absolved, may
reconcile the sinner with God even before
he receives the sacrament of penance.
It is not necessary that the grief for sin
arising from the love of God should be
more intense^ than other and natural
sorrow ; it is enough for reconciliation
with God, apart from the sacrament of
penance, if the sinner would rather en-
dure any evil or sacrifice any good
than offend so good a God. Thus, for
example, a man may feel more intense
sorrow for his wife's death than for all
his mortal sins, but this is not inconsistent
with perfect contrition, unless it implies
that he would sin mortally against an all-
holy God if by this course he could undo
the calamity which has fallen upon him.
(From St. Liguori, "Theol. Moral." vi.
tract. 4, cap. 1.)
cowvERSzoir OF n-ATxoiirs.
[See Missioxs to the Heathen.]
COirVBN'T. The hermitages and
" lauras " [Lauea] of the first ages gra-
dually gave place to the coenobite mode of
life : only in the orders of Chartreuse and
Camaldoli has the solitary Ufe been
partially retained to this day. Monachism
was firmly planted in Western Europe
by St. Benedict of Aniane in the ninth cen-
tur\', and from that time the name " con-
ventus"— applied alike to communities of
men and women living under a rule and
practising the evangelical coimsels — came
into common use.
Different orders preferred different
sites for their convents. The Culdees of
lona chose islands or lonely spots, re-
moved from the beaten tracks of trade
and travel ; this pious instinct is attested
by the position of lona, Lindisfame,
and Old Melrose. The Benedictines
were said lo prefer hillsides; the Cister-
cians chose quiet valleys; the mendicant
orders, who depended on alms, and made
jireaching one of the great aims of their
' So thp inajority of theolo^n.ins ; hutothers
think the consideration of any flivine attribute
may supply a sulhcient motive for contrition.
^ This may now be considered an admitted
jioiut, though it was once keenly debated.
institution, repaired to the cities and
towns. The Society of Jesus, as a rule,
is found in cities :
fiernardus valles, montes Benedictus amabat,
Oppida Fracciscus, magnas Ignatius urbes.
In illustration of these preferences, the
reader is referred to the hsts of old Eng-
lish monasteries which he will find under
Cistercians, Franciscans, Dominicans,
&c.
The parts of a convent are : 1. the
church ; 2. the choir, viz. that portion of
the church in Avhich the members say
the daily office ; 3. the chapter-house, a
place of meeting in which the rule is
read, elections made, and community
business discussed ; 4. the cells ; 5. the
reft'ctory (in old English, fraitour, or
frnter) ; 6. the dormitory ; 7. the in-
firmary ; 8. the parlour, for the reception,
of visitors ; 9. the library ; 10. the
treasury; 11. the cloister; 12. the crypt.
The legislation on convents forms a
large and important section of canon law.
Among the chief regulations is the law
of enclosure, which " separates the con-
vent from the world by the prohibition or
restriction of intercourse from without."^
coirvEN'TVAi.s. [See Francis-
cans.]
COTrvocATXOiO'. The assembly of
the clergy, in the provinces of Canter-
bury and York, chiefly for purposes of
taxation. Blackstnne says ' : — " The
convocation, or ecclesiastical synod, in
England, differs considerably in its con-
stitution from the synods of other Chris-
tian kingdoms : those consisting wholly
of bish(i]>s : whereas with us the convo-
cation in each province is the miniature
of a parliament, wherein the archbishop
presides with regal state : the upper
house of bishops represents the house of
lords ; and the lower house, composed of
representatives of the several dioceses at
large, and of each particular chapter
therein, resembles the house of commons
with its knights of the shire and burgesses.
This constitution is said to be owing to
the pohcy of Edward I." The origin of
Convocation is treated of in Burn's
" Ecclesiastical Justice " and Hody's
" History of Convocation." It seems to
have assumed its peculiar form owing to-
the endeavour of Edward I. to organise
the clergy as a third estate of the realm,
which should meet, deliberate, and grant
the king taxes, concurrently with the two
other estates, the lords and the commons.
1 Commeiita
,i.7.
COPE
COPTS 247
The writ of summons which he addressed
to tlie archbishops and bishops, requiring
them to call tofrether the elergr of their
respective dioceses, received, from the first
word of it, the name of the prwvumientes
writ. He experienced great resistance
from the clerg-y, who were indisposed to
admit any right in the civil power to
summon them together; and at last it
was settled that while the Icing issued
his writ of summons to the archbishops,
they should issue their writs, as of their
own authority, to the bishops, deans,
archdeacons, colleges, and diocesan clergy
of the province, calling them together in
Convocation. The mode of obeying this
summons was ultimately arranged thus:
the bishops, deans, and archdeacons were
to attend in person, the chapters and
colleges to be represented by one proctor
each, and the clergy of each diocese to
be represented by two proctors. The
archbishops and bishops sat separately in
an upper house, corresponding to the
House of Lords. The P'nglish clergy
were in those days so careful to guard
the rights and freedom of the Church
that they frequently, without waiting for
the king's writ, met in Convocation under
the archbishop's writ alone, and trans-
acted business. For the national Chureli
created at the Reformation this was
rendered impossible by the Act of Sub-
mission (25 Hen. VIII. c. 19), which,
starting with the false assertion that
Convocation had always been assembled
only by the king's writ, purports that
the clergy will never presume thereafter
to meet in Convocation except by royal
authority, nor ever attempt to pass any
canons or ordinances there unless with the
sovereign's assent. For the later history
of Convocation, in Anglican times, see
Hody.
COPE {cnppa, pluviale). A wide
vestment, of silk, &c., reaching nearly to
the feet, open in front and fiistened by a
clasp, and with a hood at the back. It
is used by the celebrant in processions,
benedictions, &c., but never in the cele-
bration of Mass, for the Church reserves
the chasuble for the priest actually en-
gaged in offering sacrifice, and thus care-
fully distinguishes between Mass and all
other f\nictions. The cope is used in
processions by those who assist the cele-
brant, by cantors at vespers, &c., so that
it is by no means a distinctively sacerdotal
vestment. Mention is made of the cope
in the ancient Ordo Romanus for the
consecration of bishops. No special
blessing is provided for the cope. (From
Gavantus and Meratus.)
COPTS. The Monophysite Christians
in Egypt. Dioscorus, the Patriarch of
Alexandria, was deposed by the council
of Chah'cdon in 451, because he main-
tained that there was oulv one nature in
Christ. Orthodox Patriarclis and other
(ifHeials, ecclesiastical and cix il, were sent
from Constantinople to ]*'gypt, hut the
mass of the people were fauutically at-
tached to Monophysite error. Manv tied
to Upper Egypt or took refuge among the
Arabs, and at last, when the occasion
came, the Copts betrayed Egypt to the
Saracens, who drove Greeks and Romans
out of the land, and for a time treated
the Copts well. But it was only for a
time, and under successive Mohammedan
dynasties, the Copts were subjected to
cruel oppression, and had to pay an ex-
tortionate price for leave to practise their
religion.
At present they form about a tenth of
the population in the country. They
represent the ancient inhabitants of
Egypt, and celebrate Mass in the old
Coptic language. In doctrine they agTee
I on the whole with Catholics, excejit on
I the single point which led to their sepa-
ration from the Church, viz. the two
natures of Christ. Their supreme head is
the Monophysite Patriarch of Alexandria,
who has great authority and who is
chosen from the monks. Then come the
bishops, priests, deacons, inferior clergy,
and monks. The priests are allowed to
live with their wives, and, as they re-
ceive scarcely any support from* the
church, generally pursue an ordinary
trade. They are obliged to acquire some
acquaintance with Coptic, for this, the
language of the liturgy, is a dead lan-
guage, Arabic being the vulgar tongue.
They have four fasting-seasons which
they observe with remarkable strictness.
Their Lent begins nine days earlier than
ours, and during it they abstain from
eating, drinking, and smoking, till the
service in the church is over, i.e. till
about one o'clock. The princip-il pecu-
liarity in their ritual is in the administra-
tion of the sacrament of extreme unction,
which they give along with the sacrament
of penance, to lieal the diseases of the
soul even when there is no bodily illness.
They have also a custom of blessing large
tanks of water in which the ]ii'ople bathe.
They have adopted circumcision, probably
to satisfy Mohammedan prejudice.
The Egj-ptian Abbot Andrew went to
248 CORDELIERS
CORPT'S JURIS CI^^LIS
the Council of Florence to seek reunion
for the Monophysites with the Roman
Ghurch. But most of the Copts adhere
to their heresy. There is lunvever, a
Catholic Vicar Apostolic of the Coptic rite
■who has about 1J,000 Catholic subjects.
CORBEXtZERS. fSee Fkanciscans.]
COROMATXOM'. " The Jewish kino-s
were anointed for their office, and the
Church has instituted the same ceremony
for Christian sovereigns. The ceremony,
as given in the Pontifical, chiefly consists
(1) in the admonition which the bishop
(usually a metropolitan) gives on the
duties of the royal dignity, and the pro-
111 i>.' on the part of the sovereign elect to
fulfil them; (2) the Litany of the Saints
is sung while the sovereign elect lies pro-
strate before the altar : (3) the bishop
anoints the king with oil of catecliumens
on the right arm and between the
shoulders; (4) the bishop, after Mass
has liegun, presents him witli the sword,
places the crown on his head and the
sce]ttre in his hand, and enthrones him.
Finally, the new king malies the bishop
an ottering of gold at the oli'ertory, and
afterwardsreceives Communion, the bishop
also giving, him wine (not the Precious
Blood) from the chalice.
Theodosius was the first Christian
emperor to receive the blessing of the
Cliurch. The Gothic Wamba was
aiKiiuted with the holy oil at Toledo in
672, and " this," says Flemy,' " is the
first example that I find of the unction
of kings."
coROM'ATXOxr OP POPE. [See
Pon:.]
CORPORA,!!. The linen cloth on
■which the body of Christ is consecrated.
It used to cover the whole surface of the
altar, as may be gathered from an Ordo
Rnmanus where the corporal is said to be
S]iread on thi- altar by two deacons. The
chalire also was covered by the coqioral,
a custom still maintained by the Carthu-
sians. The corporal isau ' must be blessed
by the bishop or by a priest with special
faculties. It represents the winding-
sheet in which Christ's body was wrapped
by Jo.se])li of Arimathea.
CORPVS CHRZSTX. From Apo-
stolic tiin.'s the Church has celebrated
the institution of the Eucharist on
Thursday in Holy Week. But, since the
Church at that season is occujiied with
the consideration of Christ's Passion, it
was desirable that another day should
he set apart as the feast of the Blessed
1 xxxix. 61.
Sacrament. The B. Juliana, a holy
religious of Liege, believed that she had
seen a vision encouraging her to use her
influence with the ecclesiastical authori-
ties for the introduction of this feast.
In 1230, when she became prioress of her
order, she consulted several theologians
and Church dignitaries on the matter,
among others the Archdeacon of Liege,
who afterwards became Pope with the
title of Urban IV. An office was com-
posed, and in 1246 Robert, Bishop of
Liege, ordered the day to be kept
throughout his diocese.
After Juliana's death. Eve, a holy
woman who had been in her confidence,
induced Henry, the next bishop of Liege,
to petition Urban IV. for the celebration
of the feast throughout the Church.
Urban IV. assented, moved in part by
the miracle of Bolsena [see the articlel,
jKirtlv by his former knowleilt;'' of
Juliana. ])artly by his desire to stem the
heresy of Berengaritis, which consisted
in the denial of transubstantiation ; and
in 1264 he pul)lished a bull commanding
the celebration of the feast on the
Thursday following the first Sunday after
Pentecost throughout the Church. How-
ever, Urban IX. died shortly afterwards,
and, as Durandus (who lived twenty-two
years after Urban) is silent on the feast
of Cor})us Christi, probably the bull was
never executed, although undoubtedly
Urban himseli' and the Roman Court
celebrated the feast. Clement V. in the
Council of Vienne confirmed Urban's
constitution. John XXII., who suc-
ceeded Clement in 1316. took great pains
to secure the celebration of the feast;
while Martin V. and Eugenius IV. pro-
moted the devotion to Cori)us Christi by
grants of indulgences. The Council of
Trent speaks of Corpus Christi as a
triumph over heresy, and in Sess. xiii.
can. 6, anathematises those who censure
the feast or procession of the Blessed
Sacrament. This custom of carrying the
Blessed Saciaiiieiit in procession on Cor-
pus Christi lias been almost from the first
a recognised part of the ceremonial, if it
was not, as many authors think, actually
instituted by Urban IV. The office which
is still used was composed by St. Thomas
of Aquin at the bidding of IJrban IV.
CORPUS JVRZS CZVXI.ZS. The
body of the Roman law, as it %yas codified
and reduced to order by Justinian, in the
sixth century alter Christ. It consists of
(I) the Digest, a classified compilation of
the decisions of the best Roman juriscon-
COTTA
COUNCIL 249
eulis on all points of disputed law: this,
when translated into Greek, was called
" Pandectas " ; (2) the Code, a general
collection of the laws then in force in the
empire ; (3) the Institutes, a treatise,
founded on the Digest, on the first prin-
ciples and elem<^iits of law ; (4) the Novels,
a collection of the constitutions and edicts
published by Justinian himself, whereby
great innovations and alterations were
made in the ancient law. In imitation of
the Roman lawyers, the canonists have
digested the great body of decisions and
decrees constituting the canon law [see
that article] into a Corpus juris canoiiici.
COTTA. Cot(s (the form Coti is also
found) are mentioned, as an ordinary
garment worn by laymen, in the synod
of Metz, anno 888. But in the thirteenth
century cota were regarded as identical
with surplices, and the 14th Roman (3rdo
says the Pope's chaplain must wear a
cotta or surplice (" cottam seu superpelli-
cium"). The word cotta is commonly
used now in Italy for surplice, and is
also employed by some English Catholics.
(Ilofele, " Beitr'age," vol. ii. p. 178. See
under Stieplice.)
COlTircn. Concilium and o-vi/oSor
are synonymous, and denote, first, meet-
ings of any kind, and next, in a more
restricted sense, assemblies of the rulers
of the Church legally convoked, for the
discussion and decision of ecclesiastical
afl'airs. We find concilium employed in
this technical sense by Tertullian about
200 A.D., and o-vvobn'; perhaps a century
later in the Apostolic Canons. Acts
XV. furnishes the fijst example of such
a council, and we may conclude that the
Apostles held it in consequence of a
divine commission; otherwise they would
not have dared to say " It hath seemed
pood to the Holy Ghost and to us."
Language of the same kind is frequently
used by or applied to later councils.
Thus Constantine professed to revere the
decision of the Nicene Fathers as "the
Sentence of the Son of God."' Athanasius
and Augustine ex])ress themselves in the
same way, while Gregory the Great
compares the authority of the first four
councils with that of the four Gospels.
After the Apostolic Council, held accord-
ing to the most probable chronology in
A.D. ol, we next hear of councils which
met in Asia about 150 and were occa-
sioned by the Montanist controversy.
I . Classijication of Councils.
(a) (Ecumenical councils are those to
■which the bishops and others entitled to
vote [see below] are convoked from the
whole world {oiKovixivrf) under the pre-
sidency of the Pope or his legates, and
the decrees of which, having received
Papal confirmation, bind all Christians.
The definition assumes the ])o>slbility that
a council oecumenical in its convocation
may not succeed in getting its decrees ac-
knowledged as of oecumenical authority.
Such was the case with the Robber-synod
of 440, and, in part, with the councils of
Constance and Basle.
(/3) Synods of the East or of the West.
The first Council of Constantinople was
originally a mere Council of the East and
ranks as oecumenical only because its de-
crees on faith were tiltimately received in
the West also.
(y) Patriarchal, national, and prima-
tial councils, representing a whole patri-
archate, a whole nation, or, lastly, the
several pro\ inces subject to a primate.'
(S) Pr'viiicial councils, under the
metropolitan of a province.
(e) Diocesan synods, consisting of
the clergy of the diocese and presided
over hy the bishop or vicar-general.
We may add two other kinds of
council, which are abnormal, viz. —
{() Councils held at Constantinople
and consisting of bishops from any part
of the world who happened to be at the
time in that imperial city. They were
called crvvo^ioi evhrjyLova-ai.
{tj) Mixed councils, meeting to
settle both spiritual and civil matters.
They were composed of secular as well
as ecclesiastical dignitaries. Sometime>,
though not always, the clergy and laity
voted in separate chambers. Such coun-
cils were held during the early middle
age in Italy, France, England, Germany,
and Spain.
II. Convocation of Councils. — The
right of the bishop to convoke diocesan,
the metropolitan to convoke provincial,
the patriarch or primate to convoke
national synods, &c., has always been
clear and undoubted. Logically and
according to the nature of the thing, the
convocation of general councils must
proceed from the head of the universal
Church, viz. from the Pope. This prin-
ciple was recognised in ancient times, for
Socrates tells us that Pope Julius I., about
the year 341, stated the acknowledged
law of Christendom to be, that "the
churches must not pass laws {Kavovl^(t.v)
1 Another class may be .added, viz. those re-
presenting certain neighbouring provinces, but
not all the provinces subject to the primate.
200
COUNCIL
COUNCIL
contrary to the judgment of the Bishop
of Rome." However, in early times,
the emperors, who often defrayed the
travelling expenses of the bishops, wen-
allowed to take a great part in convoking
g.'ni'ral councils. "The first eight general
cruincils were convoked by the emperors.
All the later ones, on the other hand, were
called and summoned by the Popes : but
even in the earlier councils we see the
Popes taking a certain part in their con-
vocation, and this share wliich the Popes
took in summoning them appears more
or less prominently in individual in-
stances." (Hefele, " Einleitung Concil."
§ 3). All general councils from the
ninth onwards were directly convoked by
the Popes ; although, even in the West,
lesser councils were convoked by emperors
and kings. In the Fifth Lateran Council
(Sess. xi.) Leo X. put great stress on the
principle that the right of convoking, re-
moving and dissolving general councils
belongs to the Popes.
III. Members of Councils. — The dio-
cesan synod must be distinguished from
all other .synods or councils. It consists
(putting aside the bishop of the diocese),
as a rule, only of the inferior clergy. The
bishop alone decides, the other members
having at most a consultative vote. The
bishop is bound to summon the deans,
arch-priests, vicars foran, the vicar-gene-
ral, the clt-rgy with cure of souls, and,
according to the later canon law, the
canons of the cathedral and collegiate
churches, with their provosts, and the
abbates saculares. Cathedral prebendaries
who are not canons need not be sum-
moned, but are bound to attend if called
upon to do so. The " simple clerics " —
i.e. those without cure of souls or dig-
nity— need not attend, unless the object
of the synod is to reform the clergy, or to
communicate the decrees of a provincial
council. Members of exempt reUgious
orders, if their monasteries are connected
with others and placed under a general
chapter, need not attend, unless they have
cure of souls. In other cases, religious
must be present at the synod.
As to other councils, they are com-
posed
(fi) Of bishops. Chorepiscopi appear
at early synods. Whether titular bishops
are entitled to vote has been disputed.
They had, however, equal rights with
other bishops at the Vatican Council,
where 117 such bishops were present.
0) Priests and deacons had a decisive
vote in a council if they represented
absent bishops, as appears from innumer-
able instances in the acts of early councils.
At the Council of Trent this ri^lit was
given to the procurators of absent bishops
only with great limitations. At the Vati-
can Council such procurators were not
even admitted to the Council Hall. Other
clerics have been employed from early
times as notaries.
(y) The archimandrites, even if
priests, had no voice at the early councils.
From the seventh century the practice
with regard to admitting the votes of
abbots began to vary ; and archdeacons
sometimes were allowed to vote, even if
their bishop was present. At the end of
the mediieval period it was generally held
that Cardinals, even if not bishops, and
!il)lK)ts were entitled to vote, and this
right they have maintained; while a like
privilege is extended to the generals of
regular orders. At the last general
council Abbots Nullius {i.e. of quasi-epi-
scopal jurisdiction), mitred abbots of whole
orders or congi'egations of monasteries,
generals, ko.., of clerics regular, mendicant
and monastic orders, were allowed to vote.
(S) Theologians {e.cj. doctors in theo-
logj^ and canon law) were also called to
consult at synods. But it was only in
exceptional circumstances — e.g. in times
of storm and confusion such as prevailed
during the Synods of Constance and
Basl( — that they voted.
(e) Although the earliest councils
were composed merely of bishops, still in
the third century laymen began to attend
in Africa and Italy ; and even in 1 508, the
Congregation of the Council expressly
declared that distinguished and well-
instructed laymen might be invited to
attend provincial councils. Lay people,
however, were merely present to give
advice, make complaints, assent to the
decisions, &c. They had no claim to a
decisive vote, and usually did not sign the
decrees. We even find the Abbess St.
Hilda present at the Council of Whitby,
in 664, and her successor ^Elfleda at a
Northumbrian council. The Roman
emperors, personally or by their repre-
sentatives, attended general councils. We
also find kings or their commissaries pre-
sent at national and provincial synods.
However, Rome holds fast to tlie prin-
ciple that no royal commissary may be
present at any council, except a general
one in which " faith, reformation, and
peace " are in question.
IV. The Presidency at Councils.— T\ie>
bishop of right presides at diocesan, the
COUNCIL
COrNCIL
251
metropolitan at provincial, the Pope or
Lis legates at general councils. True,
ancient authorities do undoubtedly at-
tribute a presidency at general councils
to the Emperor. However, this is but
an apparent difficulty. The presidency
of the emperor was a mere presidency of
honour. It was his place to provide for
peace and order, to assist in giving effect
to the concihar decrees ; but it was the
Papal legates who presided over the coun-
cil when occupied in it.i proper business
of deciding questions on faith and dis-
cipline. Thus the Emperor Theodosius II.
says, in his edict addressed to the Council
of Epliesus, that he had sent Count
Candidian to represent him, but that this
commissary of his was to take no part in
dogmatic disputes, since " it is unlawful
for one who is not enrolled in the list of
the most holy bishops to mingle in eccle-
siastical inquiries." That the Papal
legates did as a matter of fact preside at
the early councils is proved at length by
Ilefele. The Council of Chaleedon ac-
knowledged that Pope Leo, by his legates,
presided over it — " tlie head r>vi r the
meml)ers." At Nu ien. r)-iii>, ^ im^, and
Yincentius, as Papal Irwair,-, ,m;.|„.,.1 hrfore
all other members of the eijuocil. It
would be useless to multiply evidence on
this point from later councils.
V. The C'oiijirmation of Conciliar
Decrees. — The decrees i)f general councils
have no binding authority till confirmed
by the Pope. This admits of easy proof
from the nature of the case, because a
council cannot be said to represent the
teaching (Church till the visible head of
the Church has given his approval. At
the same time, the evidence on this point
with regard to early councils is not always
conclusive, a fact which need not sui-prise
us when we rememlier that the Popes
were accustomed to send legates with full
instructions, and that usually the Pope
had already made his own mind clear on
the points in debate, so that the formal
approbation of the Pope did not attract
special notice. Still, the principles of
the early were identical with those of the
present Church on this point. It cannot
be denied that the Council of Chaleedon
considered the Papal confirmation of its
decrees a matter of absolute necessity ; and
the strong language in which this tlecla-
ration is made shows that the Pope's
right of confirmation was an understood
thing in the Church. Taking this for
granted, we may well believe that the
Koman synod of 485 has preserved the
true tradition of historical fact in its
statement that the Fathers of Nicisa
"reserved the confirmation and authorisa-
tion of their proceedings to the holy
Roman Church" ("confirmationeni reiMim
atque auctoritatem sanctaj Romanre
ecclesiae detulerunt"), strengthened asthis
statement is by the words of Julius I.
quoted above.
VI. The infallibility of general coun-
cils so confirmed follows from that of the
Church [see the article]. "What God,"
says St. Athanasius, "has spoken through
the Council of Nicaea remains for ever."
St. Leo considered the " consent " of the
Council of Chaleedon to be irretractabilis
— i.e. to exclude all further question — and
denies that anyone who rejected its de-
crees could be counted a Catholic.
VII. Order and Method of Voting.—
Usually bishops took theu' places accord-
ing to the rank of their sees, though in
Africa they sat according to the date of
their ordination. At the Vatican Council
the members were arranged in accordance
with their liierarehieal rank. First came
the five cardinal legates (unless, of course,
the Pope himself was there), then the
Cardinals, patriarchs, primates, arch-
bishops, bishops (according to seniority),
abbots, generals of orders, &c. As a rule,
the voting at councils has always been by
single voices. At Constance, however,
in order to keep the Italian prelates from
outweighing the rest, the voting was by
nations [see the article Constance.] At
Basle the members were divided into four
deputations, which met separately. De-
crees passed by three deputations were
accepted as conciliar. At Trent the
matters to be discussed were first delmted
and prepared for the council in special
comniitssions, so that no disputations
appear in the Tridentine acts. A similar
method was pursued at the Vatican
Council.
VIII. Numbe)- and Names of CEcume-
nical Councils.— (!) Nicaja, 325 ; (2) First
of Constantinople, 381 ; (3) Ephesus, 431 ;
(4) Chaleedon, 451 ; (5) Second of Con-
stantinople, 553; (G) Third of Constanti-
nople, 680; (7) Second of Nicaea, 787 : 1 8)
Fourth of Constantinople, 809; (U) First
Lateran, 1123; (10) Second Lat. Tan. 1 l:5i>:
(11) Third Lateran, 1179; (li') l ourth
Lateran, 1215; (13) First of Lyons, 1245;
(14) Second of Lyons, 1274 ; (15) Vienne,
1311 ; (16) Constance, 1414-1418. This
council was only oeciiraenical in its last
sessions (42-45 inclusive) and with respect
to certain decrees of earlier sessions, ap-
252
COWL
CREATION
proved by Martin V. (17) Basle, 1431 and
following- years, only oecumenical tiU the
end of the 25tli session, and of these
decrees Eugeniiis IV. approved such only
as dealt with the extirpation of heresy,
the peace of Christendom and the reform
of the Church, and which at the same time
did not derogate fi-om the rights of the
Holy See. (18) Ferrara-Florence, 1438-
144i*: reaUy a continuation of Basle.
(19) Fifth Lateran, 1512-1517; (20)
Trent, 1 545-1563; (21) Vatican, Decem-
ber 8, 1869, to July 18, 1870 : still un-
finished.
IX. Collections of Councils. — Early
collections bv Merlin (Paris, 1523, in one
folio); Crab'be (Cologne, 1538, in two
folios) ; Surius (1667, Cologne, four folios) ;
Binius (Cologne, 1C06, four folios). The
Roman edition of 1608-1612 only contains
general councils ; in it the Greek text of
very many conciliar acts was for the first
time printed. Tbis Roman edition formed
the babis of all the later collections, of
which the chief are the CoUectio Regia
(Paris, 1644, in thirty-seven folios) ; the
colb'ctiini of the Jesuit Ilardouin (Paris,
1715, ill 1 wive folio,) ; and that of Mansi,
who. building on the foundations of
Lalilii_', Cossart, and Colet, published at
Florence in 1759 and the following years
his great collection consisting of thirty-
one fohos. This is the most perfect of all
the collections, but it only reaches to the
fifteenth century. Hardouin, which goes
down to 1714, and is more correct in the
printing than Mansi, is still much used.
(From lletele's"EinieitungConcil."vol.i.)
COWli {ciccullm, cuculla). Cuc/dliis
is classical; in a well-known passage in
Juvenal's sixth satire "nocturni cuculli"
mean a cap or hood enveloping the head,
and at the wearer's will conceahng the
features. In p"st -classical and medinsval
writer^ fiictillii is the more usual form.
The ^•()^\ 1 was a garment with a hood,
cestis lajiuttafa, black or grey or brown,
varying in length in difierent ages and
according to the usages of dlHerent orders,
but having these two ])ermanent charac-
teristics, that it covered the head and
shoulders, and that it was without sleeves.
Cassian, speaking of the sohtaries of
Egypt about the end of the fourth
century, says that they used very small
cowls (covering the head, but barely
reaching the shoulders), which they wore
both day and night. St. Benedict of
Aniane, about a.d. 800, finding that his
monks had adopted the practice of wear-
ing the cowl very long, so as to reach the
heels, ordered that for the future it should
not exceed two cubits in length. In the
fourteenth century the cowl was some-
times confounded with the frock ; whence
Clement V. at the Council of Vienne
said, "We declare that we understand by
the name of coiol {cueulla), a habit long
and full, but without sleeves; and by
frock, a long habit with long and wide
sleeves." (Ducange, Cucullus.)
CRBATZOir. Making out of nothing.
That God did so create out of nothing is
the great doctrine which is expressed in
the first verse of the Bible, and which
became a cardinal doctrine of the Jewish
and afterwards of the Christian faith.
The belief in creation is, indeed, a tenet
peculiar to revealed religion. Heathen
religions attributed the origin of the world
to emanation, or else represented it as
made out of pre-existing matter. The doc-
trine of ancient philosophers is summed
up in the famihar axiom, "Nothing is
made out of nothing."
It is true that neither the Hebrew
word nor the Latin crenre, by which
it is rendered in the Vulgate, means of
itself to make out of nothing. Creare
may mean to " bear a child," as in Virgils
line, " Silvieolce Fauno Dryope quam
uympha crearat," and which pro-
bably meant originally to " hew out," ' is
employed to express all that God pro-
duces in the kingdom of nature (Num.
xvi. 30), or of grace (Ex. xxxiv. 10,
Ps. li. 12), even if such prodn. tion does
not answer to the idea ni creai i..n iu the
strict sense. But that (Tcuesis means to
teach that the world was made out of
nothing is plain, because it is said that
" God created the heavens and the earth,"
the Hebrew phrase for the entire uni-
verse, and also because the mention of
chaos (" the earth was without form and
void") is ])laced significantly after that of
God's creative act.
The Fourth Lateran Council defines
that God created everything out of nothing,
and that the world is not eternal, but had
a beginning. God created by his free
act and without any change in his own
nature. According to the common teach-
ing of theologians, no creature can receive
power to create, because it needs an in-
finite might to bridge over the infinite
distance between nothing and being.
Whether we can suppose, without involv-
1 If at least we may judge from the use of
the Piel in Jos. xvii. 15. The Piel is used only
of the slow work of man ; the Kal only of the
free act of God. See Ewald, Grammar, § 126 a.
CREDENCE
CREED
253
int ourselves in contradiction, that God
could, had it so pleased him, have created
fix)m all eternity, so that, e.g.. angels
■would have been eternal by participation,
is a question freely di>puted in the schools.
We are only required to believe that as a
matter of fact God did not so create.
The scientific difficulties in the six
days of creation cannot he discussed here.
But we have a few words to say on the
latitude of intei-pretation permitted in
the Church. (1) St. Augustine interprets
the six days in a purely figurative and
mystical sense; and St. "Thomas, though
he does not actually adopt this view,
treats it with marked respect. In com-
paratively modern times C'ajetan gave an
interpretation which agrees at least on the
main point with that of St. Augustine,
for he taught, according to Petavius, that
" all was produced in a moment : but that
the history of creation was aiTauged by
Moses in six days, that he might adapt
his narration to six grades of natiu-al per-
fection.'' (2) Although undoubtedly the
scholastics as a rule understood the
" days " as natural days of twenty-four
hours, still many Catholic wi-iters in
modem times have intei-jireted the days as
geological periods, and this without incur-
ring any censure. "Since the divine
Scripture," says St. Thomas, "maybe ex-
pounded in many ways, it is not right to
attach oneself so strictly to any one
opinion as still to maintain it after sure
reason has proved the statement, sup-
posed to be contained in Scripture, false;
lest on this account Scripture be derided
by infidels, and tlie way to faith closed
against them." (See St. Thomas, Par. I.
qu. Ixxiv., and Petavius, " De Opere VI
l);erum." The last quotation from St.
Thomas is taken from a note to Petavius
in the edition of 1S66.)
CBEBEWCE. A table on which
the cruets with wine and water, the
htmieral veil for the subdeacon, the burse,
chalice, the candlesticks home by the
acolytes, &c. &c., are placed during High
Mass, and from which they are taken
■when required for use in the function.
The credence should be on the epistle side
of the altar. It should be covered with
a linen cloth, but neither cross nor images
should be placed upon it. In ancient
times, when the oblations were presented
by the faithful during Mass, there was
not the same necessity for the use of a
credence. (Gavant. torn. I. p. ii. tit. 2.)
The name is derived from the Italian
credenzare, to taste meats and drinks
1 before ofltring them to another for the
purpose of sho\ving him that he might
believe them free from poison and whole-
some. This practice is still observed
when the Pope celebrates Mass. The
wine and altar-breads are tasted before
being brought to him at the olfertory.
J C&EES. A summai-y of the chief
articles of faith. Various names are used,
to signify what we now mean by the
word Creed, in early ■writers. Clement
of Alexandria speaks of the ttiVtu or
" faith " which served as the basis of
catechetical instruction.' Origen, in the
L^tin translation of Rufinus, describes
the Creed as a " compressed word
("verbum breviatum "), in allusion to
Romans ix. 28. Tertullian - speaks of
the "words of the oath" ("verba sacra-
menti"), perhaps ■svith reference tothecon-
fessiou of faith made in baptism. Lastly,
in Cyprian's^ time we meet with the
word " symboliun " or token, by -which a
man might be known and recognised as
a Christian ; and this term has been ever
since familiar in the Church. Our "Credo"
or Creed of course simply indicates the
word with which most such professions of
faith begin.
Four Creeds are at present used in the
Catholic Church, viz. the Apostles' Creed,
the Nicene, the Athanasian, and that of
Pius IV.
I. The Apostles' Creed. — It is certain
from the Acts that persons desirous of
baptism were questioned as to their faith.
"S^Tien the Ethiopian eunuch wished to
be baptised, "Philip said: If thou be-
I lievest with thy whole heart, thou mayest.
And he an>wering, said: I believe that
Jesus Christ is the Son of God." Thus
even in Apostolic times a profession of
faith was made in baptism, and from this
no doubt the so-called " Apostles' Creed "
arose. But neither Scripture nor any
single writer of the first three centuries
gives at length the profession of faith
j made at baptism. However, in Irenaeus
I and Tertullian -we meet -with allusions
from which we can construct a form used
at baptism and approaching very nearly
to the "Apostles' Creed" in its" present
shape. It is impossible, for example, to
beheve that in the following passage of
I > Clem. Al- Piedag. i. 1,§38; Strom, vii.
' 10, § .=56. So Probst interprets theise pa&iages ;
but the allusion to a definite Creed seems far
from certain.
- Tertullian, Ad Martyr. 3. Here again
Probst's interpretation is precarious.
I * Cypri;.n, Epp. ed. Hartel. Isix. § 7.
254
CREED
CREED
Irenseus tlie coincidence, in words and
order of idea;!, with our present Creed is
accidental. He says that in virtue of
Apostolic tradition all who belong to the
Church have the same faith, since " all
teach one and the same God the Father,
and believe the same economy of the
Incarnation of the Son of God, and know
the same gift of the Spirit, and meditate
on the same precepts, and maintain the
same form of constitution with respect to
the Church, and look for the same coming
of the Lord, atid wait for the same sah-n-
tion of the whole man — that is, of the
soul and body." ' The supposition tluit
Irenseus had a formula like the Apostles'
Creed in his mind when he wrote is con-
firmed by a statement which he makes
elsewhere, that the catechumens received
the unchangeable rule of the faith
in baptism ; and by the fact that other
traces of the formula appear in Clemt-nt
of Alex.andria and in Tertullian. At a
later time, Rufinus ft 410) wrote an ex-
position of the " symbol "' of the Apostles,
and from this work we receive definite
inf )rmation on the form of words in use.
Rutinus says that whereas in other
churches changes were made in tlie
Apostles' Creed in order to meet new
heresies, the Roman Church, on the con-
trary, bad preserved the original form,
partly because no heresy hn,d ever ari.sen
in that city, partly because there the cate-
chumens had to recite the Creed publicly
l)efore receiving baptism, 'i'lie Roman
form according to Rufinus ran thus: "I
believe in ftod the Father Almighty, and
in Jesus Christ, his only Son. mir Lord,
who was born from (de) the Holy Ghost,
of {ex) the Virgin ^lary, cruciiied under
Pontius Pilate and buried, rose the third
day from the dead, aseeniled into heaven,
thence he will come to judge the living
and the dead. And in the Holy Ghost,
the holy Church, the forgiveness of sins,
the resurrection of the flesh.'' Thus the
articles "de.scended into hell," " tlie com-
muninn of saints/' " eternal life," and the
words " sufliTcd,' "catholic,"' "amen,"
wer*' not in the original form of the Creed.
They were added in the fifth century.
We are now in a position to answer
the question. How far does the " Apostles'
Crepd " desei've its name ? It is rightly so
called, if we undei-stand tlie title to signify
that it is a sumuiarv ^f Apn>;tolic teaching;
and tiiere are at h>ast ]inilialili' grounds
for the hypotlicsis that it is ihc iv\triision
of a form used from the Apo*ties' time
• Iren. i.9, 4.
in baptism. But, on the other hand, the
legend that each of the Apostles contri-
buted one of the twelve articles to the
Creed is not supported by good evidence
and is hard to reconcile with attested fact.
It probably arose from a misinterpretation
of the word "collatio," which Rufinus used
to translate " symbolum." He explaias
"collatio" to mean that which several
collect together (" id quod plures iu unum
conferunt "), so that the " symbol " was a
summary of the faith common to all the
Apostles. But the word " collatio " led
to the notion that the Apostles actually
contributed articles to the Creed ; and in
a sermon falsely attributed to Augustine
we actually meet witli the legend that
St. Peter said, "I believe in God the
Father," &c. ; St. Andrew, " and in Jesus
Christ," &c. ; and St. James, " who was
conceived by the Holy Ghost," &c. Traces
of the story also appear in letters of
St. Peter to St. James, spurious in the first
instance, and then interpolated by Pseudo-
Isidore. (See Probst, "Lehre und Ge})et
in den ersteu drei Jahrhund.")
II. The Nicene Creed ( really the Creed
of Nicaea and Constantinople). — The fol-
lowing Creed was put forth by the Fathers
of Xica?a in m25. " We believe in one
G,),l the Father Alnii-lity. Maker of all
things visil.le and in\i,-il)le, and in one
Lord Jesus Christ the Son of God, only
liegotten from the Father, i.e. from the
substance of the Father : God from God,
light from light, true God from true God,
begotten not made, consubstantial with the
Father, through whom all things came into
being, both tlae things in heaven and the
things in earth : who for us men and for
our salvation came down and was made
flesh, became man, sufi'ered and rose again
ou the third day and ascended into heaven,
and is to come to judge the living and
the dead. And in the Holy Ghost." '
Osius of Cordova, according to St. Athan-
asius — Athanasius himself, according to
St. Hilary — had great part in di-awiug up
this Creed.
At Constantinople in 381 a Creed with
one notable exception almost precisely
identical with what we are accustomed
to call the Nicene Creed was received.
"We say received, for Tillemont has proved
that this enlarged form of the Nicene
Creed was in use some years before the
Council of Constant iiiojjle. Two additions
to the old Nicene formula adopted at
1 The toxt is t:ikcii from a letter bv Kuse-
bhis of Ca'^.iroa to his Hock. See Hefeip, Con-
cil.i. p. 314.
CREED
CREED
255
Constantinople deserve special notice.
The clause "of whose kingdom there
ahaU be no end " was added against Mar-
ceUus of Ancyra, who denied that Christ's
reign would continue after the day of
judgment." Again, after "and in the
Iloly Ghost," the words " the Lord the
life-giver, who proceedeth from the Father,
■who with the Father and Son," &c., were
appended against the Macedonians who
denied the divinity of the Holy Ghost.
The words Filioque, "proceeding from
the Father and the Son," occur in Spanish
confessions of faith the earliest of which
was drawn up in 447. Pope Leo, at-
tacking the anti-Trinitarian errors of the
Priscillianists in a letter to Turibius, a !
Spanish bishop, s])oke of the Holy Ghost
as proceeding ''from each,"' i.e. from the
Father and the Son, and hence the for-
mula " proceeding from the Father and
the Son" became usual among Spanish
Cathohcs, and was added by them to the
Nicene Creed in the Sym d of Toledo
(anno 653). During the rei<;n of L'harle-
magne the Nicene Creed wa> sung with
the addition of the "Filioque" in the
Frankish church, and the Latin monks
settled on the Mount of Oliver offfii.U-d
the Greeks by singing the Creed as they
had been accustomed to hear it in the
imperial chapel. As late at least as the
ninth century this addition was not made
to the Creed in Eome itself. In fact Leo
m., though he approved the doctrine that
the Holy Ghost proceeds from the I'atlier
and the Son, refused to add the words
" Filioque " to the Creed, even when urged
to do so. For the doctrine of the double
procession we must refer to the article on [
the Trixity. But this is the place to j
mention an objection made by the Greeks i
to the addition, upurt from the dogmatic
controversy. Thty >aid that the Council
of Ephesus had e.xpressly forbidden any
Creed except the Nicene to be used. Pe-
tavius replies that the council meant
simply to forbid a Creed contrary to that
of Nicaea, and that a Creed in perfect
agreement with that of Nicaea is not
"another Creed" {irepav ttI(ttiv) in the
sense of the Fathers of Ephesus. They
were referring to a new and heterodox
Creed concocted by Nestorius. ^^'e may
add that even if the council had meant to
interdict the use of another Creed, this
■was a mere disciplinary rule, and that it
could be set aside at any time by com-
petent authority. At Florence it was
' Petav. De Incanmt. i. 3, § 11. Hefelc,
ConcU. ii. p. 9 seq., i. pp. 523, 527, 528.
defined that this addition was " lawfully
and reasonably " made to the Creed.
On all Sundays and on the feasts of
our Lord, his Blessed Mother, Apostles,
doctors, &c., the Creed is sung at Mass
immediately after the Go-p. l. that the
people may show their faith in tin- doc-
trine of Christ which the Go>pi ls contain.
It is fitting, St. Thomas says, that it
should be sung on the feasts of our Lord,
the Blessed Virgin and the Apostles,
"who founilfd this faith." At what time
the Creed l;r_,;ii to be recited in the Roman
Mass is very doubtful. Apparently it
was said as early at least as the ninth
centurj-, though it was not sung till the
beginning of the eleventh. In the East
this practice was introduced much earlier,
viz. in the fifth or sixth century.
III. Athanasian Creed. — By this name
is commonly called the confession of faith
in the breviary (known as "Quicuuque
vult," from its fir^t words), which is said
on Sunday at prime. Its proper desig-na-
tion would seem to be "Fides Catliolica,"
so at least it is headed in the Utrecht
Psalter, a MS. of the sixth centiuy, which
contains the earliest copy known to exist.
IIow early it was attributed to St.
Athanasius, among whose genuine works
it does not appear, it is difficult to say.
A canon passed by a Council of Autuu,
in the time of Bishop Leodegar, about
64:0, enjoins the use of what can be
nothing else than this Creed under the
name of " the faith of the holy prelate
Atliaiia.-ius ; " but >ome doubt "exists as
to the true date of thi,- canon. The
Creed, being in Latin, was unknown in
the East for many centmies after it had
received wide diffusion in the West. The
fact of its being ■s\;ritten in Latin wa?
accounted for by the Papal envoys who
visited the East in 12.3-3, after the Latin
conquest of Constantinople, on the ground
that St. Athanasius composed it during
the period of his exile in the "West. It
was after this translated into Greek, and
its doctrine was admitted by the Eastern
Church. In this theory of its composi-
tion while Athanasius was in exile there
is nothing intnu^ically improbable : only
it lacks direct confirmation. Waterland,
who wrote a learned dissertation on this
Creed near the begimiing of the last cen-
tury, was inclined, as is well known, to
assign its authorship to St. ILlaiA of
Aries (about 430). Others have given
it to Yenantius Fortunatus, bishop of
Poitiers in the sixth century. A third
conjecture, of greater plausibility than
250
CREED
CREED
either of the former two, would trace it
to Tirgilius of Thapsus, an African bishop,
who composed a treatise ou the Trinity
in the fifth century. This perhaps is a
matter which never can be certainly de-
termined. A far more important fact
about the Quicunque is, that, whether
written by Athauasius or not, its teach-
ing is distinctlj- Athanasian. This was
proved to demonstration by the bite Mr.
Brewer, in the work ' in which he replied
to the volume by Mr. Ffoulkes presently
to be noticed. It has also been often
observed that the cast of doctrine which
this Creed presents stiits the second half of
the fourth centui-y better than any earlier
or later time. It is difficult to believi- that
if it had been written after the Council
of Ephesus (431) it would not ba\ e con-
tained words excluding more pointedly
the error of Xestorius ; still more that, if
later than the Council of Chalcedon (451),
it would not have used some expression
.about thr -'two natures," coiulcmning
more distinctly the heresy of Ivityches.
Again, it is absolutely silent on the (jues-
tions agitated in the gxeat Pelagian con-
troversy, and by the Mouothelites. It
seems undeniable that it might have been
written by St. Athanasius, even if it was
not.
An elaborate attempt* was made a
few years ago to prove the Quicunque to
be a forgery of the age of Charlemagne!
The author of this view, after reading
Alcuin's letter to Pauhnus the patriarch
of Aquileia, written about 800 (in which
our countryman thanks Paulinus for hav-
ing sent him a "libellus" containing a
description [taxatio] of the Catholic faith,
which in the writer s opinion might with
great advantage be circulated among the
clergy as a "symboliim fidei," and com-
mitted by them to memory), boldly came
to the conclusion that the tract here
spoken of — though Alcuin does not cite
one word of it — was and could be nothing
else tlian the Quicunque vult ! He stopped
at nothing which could discredit the
nat ural objections to such a view, charging
Alcuin, Paulinus, and Cluirlemagne with
being leagued in a conspii acy to palm off
this composition of Paulinus upon the
whole church as the genuine work of
Athanasius, taxing Alcuin in particular
with having lent himself, out of mere
cowardly subserviency, to the propagation
1 Athanasian Origin of the Athanasian Creed.
1872.
^ On the Athanasian Creed, Rev. E. S.
Ffoulkes, n. d.
of the forgery, and crediting the emperor
alone with what are called "the damna-
tory clauses." Mr. Brewer, in the work
already cited, pointed out that Mr.
Ffoulkes's theory rested simply on a sub-
jective hypothesis, and that not a single
shred of positive evidence could be pro-
duced in its support. He might have
added that the concluding portion of th&
same letter of Alcuin on which Mr.
Ffoulkes relies appears to be inconsistent
with his theory. After speaking of the
" symbolum fidei " com])osed by Paulinus,
as above mentioned, Alcuin goes on to-
speak of three prevailing errors: one, a
revived Adoptionism springing up in
Spain ; the second, an irregular mode of
administering baptism which had come
into use in some northern region ; the
third, a wrong view as to the condition
of the souls of saints before the day of
judgment. " But it is thy part," he pro-
ceeds, "0 chosen pastor, when the
Philistines . . . blaspheme the army of
the living God, to crush them all ivith a.
single stroke of truth " (" uno veritatis
ictu totos contcrere "). The "hbellus"
of Paidinus, thru, contained a refutation
of tliese three iTvors; if so, it could not
be thv Atlianasian Creed, which contains
nothing of the kind.
But the tlicory of the late origin of
the Creed was dr>tined to be still more
elTectually dfuidli-lii'd. As the contro-
versy raised by .Mr. Ffoulkes's book pro-
ceeded, it transpired that there was in
Holland an ancient copy of the Creed,
known as the Utrecht Psalter. Photo-
graphs of this MS. were obtained, and
Lord Romilly, then Master of the Rolls,
instructed the late Sir Thomas D. Hardy,
Deputy- Keeper of the Records, to prepare
a report ou the subject of the antiquity
of the Psalter. The report — a most in-
teresting and valuable dociunent — was
prepared accordingly. For our present
purpose it is enough to say that it records
the unhesitating opinion of all skilled
palffiograpliists who had seen the MS. or
the photographs, that the copy of the
Quicunque vult which it contains is in a
handwriting not later at any rate than
the seventh century. The words of Sir
Thomas Hardy — and no one could speak
with more authority on such a matter —
are, " The handwriting is certainly of the
sixth century."
It is well known that Cranmer and
the other reformers, far from rejecting
the Quicunque, treated it with great
honoirr ; and to this day, in spite of many
CREMATION
CROSIER 267
efforts to get rid of it, it is recited on
certain specified days in the Anglican
service. The disestablished Irish Church
has rendered its use optional instead of
compulsory. In the Catholic Church it
is said, as above mentioned, on Sundays
at prime, except on those Sundays
(Easter Day, Pentecost, and others) for
■w hich there is a .-pecial office.
IV. The Creed of Fius JF.— The
Council of Trent (Sess. xxv. De Reform,
cap. 2) required archbishops, bishops, &c.,
in the next provincial council to promise
true obedience tn the Pope, and to ana-
thematise all hei-esies, especially those con-
demned at Trent. All the clcrgj- bound to
attend the diocesan synod were required
to make the same protestation at the first
diocesan synod at which they were pre-
sent ; and from doctors, masters, &c., in
xiniversities an oath to teach according to
the decrees and definitions of Trent was
to be exacted at the beginning of each
year. Accordingly, Pius lY., in the year
1564, published a " Profession of the Tri-
dentine Faith." It consists of the Nica;no-
Constantinopolitan Creed with a summary
of the Tridentine definitions. It now also
contains a profession of belief in the de-
finitions of the Vatican Council.
CREAXATZOlff. On May 19, 1886,
the following decree was issued at Rome :
"Several bishops and prudent members
of Christ's flock, knowing that certain
men possessed of doubtful faith, or
belonging to the Masonic sect, strongly
contend at the present day for the practice
of the Pagan custom of cremation, found-
ing special societies to spread this custom,
fear lest the minds of the laithful may be
worked upon by these wiles and sophistries
so as to lose by degrees esteem and
reverence towards the constant Christian
usage of bui-ying the bodies of the
faithful — a usage hallowed by the solemn
rites of the Churcli. In order, therefore,
that some fixed i le may be laid dowTi
for the faithful, to preserve them from the
insidious doctrines above mentioned, the
Supreme Congregation of the Holy
Roman and Universal Inquisition is
asked:
" 1 . Is it lawful to become a member
of those societies whose object is to
spread the practice of cremation ?
"2. Is it lawful to leave orders for the
burning of one's own body or that of
another ?
"Their Eminences the Cardinals
General Inquisitors, after grave and
mature consideration, answered :
" To the first question, No ; and if it is
a question of societies connected with the
Masonic sect, the penalties pronounced
against this sect would be incurred. To
the second, No.
" When these decisions were referred
to our Holy Father, Pope Leo XIII., His
Holiness approved and confirmed them,
and directed them to be comniuuicated
to the bishops, in order that they miglit
instruct the faithful upon the detest;ible
abuse of burning the bodies of the dead,
and miglit do all in their power to keep
the flock entrusted to their charge from
such a practice."
We have given this decree in full, so
that the exact position of the Church's
teaching concerning cremation may be
clearly seen. There is nothing intrinsic-
ally wrong in burning the bodies of the
dead. The practice might become neces-
sary at times of excessive mortality or of
danger tu the living, e.g. after a battle or
during a plague. But in ordinary times
cremation disturbs the pious sentiments
of the faithful ; it is not in keeping with
the beautiful rites of Christian burial ;
and it has been introduced by enemies of
the Church for the purpose of shutting
her out from one of her most touching
functions. These reasons justify the
condemnation above quoted. To go into
the various sanitary, legal, and economical
I arguments for and against cremation
would be beyond the scope of the present
work. (See Dublin Review, April 1890 j
Mo7M, May 1884.)
CRIB. The actual crib in which
Christ was born is said to have been
brought from Bethlehem in the se\enth
centuiy, and to be now preserx ed in the
Liberian basilica at Rome. The present
custom of erecting a crib in the churches
at Christmas time with figures represent-
ing our Lord, the Blessed "S'irgiii, St.
Joseph, &c., began during the thirteenth
centnrv in the Franciscan order. (Bene-
dict X'lV. "De Festis," i. n. 041, n. (i7i».)
CROSZSR or PASTORAXi STAFF
{baciiluspastornlis,pedvm, cambuta). The
stafl' given tn the bishop at his consecra-
tion as the symbol of the authority with
which he rules his flock. It is said that
such a stafl' is first mentioned bv Isidore
of Seville (t 6.36). This stafl' is curved at
the top, straight in the middle, and pointed
at the lower end. Hence the medi;eval
line quoted by Gavantus, " Curva trahit,
quos dextra regit ; pars ultima pungit."
The Pope alone of all bishops actually
j ruling a diocese does not use a pastoral
268 CROSS, SIGN OF THE
staff. According to some, this is because
the curvature in the staff is a token of
limited jurisdiction (?V
CROSS (siOTsr or ; aboratzoio-
OF; PARTZCXiES OF TRUE CROSS;
FEASTS OF, &.C.).
I. " God forbid," says St. Paul, " that
I should glory, save in the cross of our
Lord Jesus Christ," i.e. in the sufferings
and death of our Saviour. No wonder,
then, that the mere form cf the cross,
which could remind the heathen only of
a horrible and ignominious death, should
be dear from the first to the Christian
heart ; no wonder that Christians began
their prayer and sanctified each action,
with that sign which reminds us at once
of that Sacred Passion, which is the
iount of all grace and mercy. "At every
step and movement," Tertullian writes,
"when we go in or out, when we dress or
put on our shoes, at the bath, at the table,
when lights are brought, when we go to
bed, when we sit down, whatever it is
whicli occujnes us, we mark the forehead
with the sign of the cross." ' From early
times the image of the cross (the cru.v
e.xemplata, as distinct from the c)-u.v
usualis, made with the hand) was familiar
to Christians. Constantine placed a cross
of gold with precious stones in the chief
hall of his palace.^ Indeed, so great was
the devotion of Christians to the cross
that in Tertullians time they were
charged, just as Catholics are charged
now, with worshipping the cross.* ,
Two points witli regard to the Chui-ch's
use of the cross need explanation. The 1
former of these points is connected with
the Mass. It is natural that the Church,
accustomed to bless everything with the
sign of the cross, should so bless the
unconsecrated bread and wine. But it is .
surprising at first sight that the sign of
the cross should be frequently made over |
the body and blood of Christ. Many ex- ]
planations have been given, but the truth
st>ems to be that no single explanation
meets all the difficulties, and that the sign
of the cross is made over the conser rated ;
S])ecies for several reasons. Usually the
rite is meant to indicate the blessing
which flows forth from the ))ody and
blood of Christ. At tlie words "Through
whom, 0 ]>ord, thou dost ever create all !
these good things, sancti + fiest them,
givest them + life, bless + est them and
• Tertull. De Coron. 3.
' Euseb. Vita Constant, iii. 49.
s ' Qui crucis nos religiosus putat.' — Tertull.
Apol. 16.
CROSS, SIGN OF THE
bestowest them on us," the signs of
the cross were originally meant to be
made over the euhijia or blessed bread
placed on the altar and then given to
those who did not communicate. Lastly
the signs of the cross made with the Host
at the words, "Through Hi + m,aud with
Hi + m, and in Hi + m, is unto thee, God
the Father + Abu ighty in the unity of
the Holy + Ghost, all honour and glory,"
probably arose from the custom of making
the sign of the cross in naming the Per-
sons of the Trinity. Such at least is the
result of Bishop Hefele's careful investi-
j gation of the subject. The mystical
interpretations of (javantus and Merati
deserve all respect, but scarcely explain
the actual origin of the practice.
The second point concerns the " ado-
ration" of the cross on Good Friday, and
the well-known statement of St. Thomas,
that the cross is to be adored with latria,
i.e. supreme worship. The word " adore "
j with respect to the cross occars from early
times — e.g. in a verse of Lactantius
quoted by Benedict XIV.' The lanpuage
of St. Thomas ' need create no difficulty
if properly understood. We may, he
I says, regard an image in two ways : (1)
in itself, as a piece of wood or the like,
I and so " no reverence is given to the image
I of Christ ; " or (2) as representing some-
thing else, and in this way we may give
to the cross relatively — i.e. to the cross as
carrying on our mind to Christ — the same
honour which we give to Christ absolutely,
i.e. in himself. We need not, as Bossuet
points out, in a letter on this subject,
adopt St. Thomas's mode of expression,
but there is nothing in it to scandalise a
person of sense and candour.
11. Particles of the true Cross. — From
the time that the cross on which Christ
died was found by Helena, mother of
Constantine, Christians esteemed it a
great happiness to possess a particle of its
sacred wood. St. Panlinus speaks of such
a particle as a "protection of present and
pledge of eternal salvation." Many such
minute particles of the true cross are still
in the possession of religious houses,
churches, or even private persons. Usually
the particle is placed in a glass like a
monstrance which is closed with the Pa-
pal or episcopal seal. The faithful usually
show their devotion by kissing this glass;
the particles may be placed on the altar,
incensed at solemn Mass, used to bless
the people, &c.
1 De Fest. i. § 329. * III. xxv. a. 3 et 4.
CROSS, FEASTS OF THE
CRUCIFIX
259
III. Feasts of the Cross.
(a) The "Finding of the Cross," a
feast kept on May 3rd, commemorates an
event which occurred iu ^l'O. The heathen
had filled up our Lord's tomb with rubbish,
and Hadrian had erected a temple of Venus
on the spot. Constnntine wrote to Ma-
carius, then bishop of Jerusalem, telling
him that he wished to erect a costly
church over the sepulchre, and in 326
Helena, mother of Constantine, instituted
a search for this holy tomb. Not only
did she find the tomb itself, but also three
crosses near to it, with nails and the
inscription on our Lord's cross, lyintr apart.
Macarius. unable to discover which of
the three was the cross of Christ, brought
a lady in the last extremity of illness
to the spot, and when the last of the
three crosses touched her, she was sud-
denly cured. Helena sent the nails, the
title' and a considerable part of the
true cross, thus miraculously attested, to
Constantine. The rest of the cross was
left at Jerusalem, placed in a silver case,
and in the succeeding age it was shown
once a year, on Good Friday, in order that
it might be venerated by the faithful. This
finding' of the cross and the miracle are
attested by authors, so many, of such high
authority, and who lived so near the
event (viz. Rufiuus, Socrates, Sozomen,
Theodoret), that we cannot reasonablj'
refuse to believe it. (See Fleurj-, xi. 32,
and Benedict XIV. " L)e Fest." where the
references are given.) The BoUandists
conjecture that the feast, which is men-
tioned in the Sacramentary of St. Gre-
gory, was first kept in the church of
Santa Croce at Rome and that gradually
the commemoration spread through the
West. Gregory XI. ordered a special
office to be composed for this feast. Cle-
ment VIII. raised it to a double of the
second class, and removed certain parts of
the old office which were founded on
apocryphal " Acts."
(i3) The "Exaltation of the Cross"
was celebrated from ancient times in
memory of the miraculous apparition
which Constantine saw in the year 317
as he was preparing to fight against
Maxentius. He beheld in the daylight a
luminous cross, with the inscription
" Conquer by this " (tovt<x> vIko). luise-
bius assures us that he had lieard the story
related on oath by Constantine him-
' See, however, Fleury, cxvii. 26. It is
said tliat the title of the cross, having fallen out
of sight, was found in a vault under the chureh
of Santa Croce at Kome in 1492.
self.' Thomassin supposes that Constantine
himself may have caused the feast to be
instituted.- The day was afterwards kept
with greater solemnity when, after his
victory over the Persians in 627, Heraclius
recovered the true cross, which Chosroes,
the Persian Emperor, had carried away
when he became master of Jerusalem,
three years before. Coins were struck to
commemorate the recovery of the cross.
Heraclius first of all replaced the cross iu
Jerusalem, and then for the sake of safety
put it in the church of St. Sophia at
Constantinople. Clement VIII. made the
feast of the Exaltation (Sept. 14) a greater
double.
IV. Q-oss and Cross-bearers in Pro-
cessions.— The cross is carried between
two acolytes bearing lights. The cj'oss-
bearer in the more solemn processions
should be a subdeacou, distinct from the
subdeacon of the Mass, and wearing ttie
vestments of his order. Regulars carry
the cross wnth a veil hanging from it, "t:>
indicate," if Gavantus may lie trusted,
"their subjection and inferinrity to tlie
secular clergy. The back o( tlie cross
should be turned to the crnss-ljearer, as a
symbol of the duty laid on Christians of
following their Master; but the Papal or
archiepiscopal cross is turned towards the
Pope or archbishop, to .-how that the
thought of Christ crucified is to support
them in their toils." The use of the cross
in processions may be traced, Baronius
savs, further back than the year 308.
(Gavantus, P.I. tit. 19.)
CRTTCZFZX. The cross, as we have
shown in an earlier article, was used iu
Christian worship from the earliest times ;
the crucifix, or representation of Clnisr.
crucified, was probably introduced miieli
later. No crucifix has been found n the
Catacombs ; no certain allusion to a cru-
cifix is made by any Christian -m-iter of
the first four centuries. It is true that
in excavations made on the Palatine hill
near the church of St. Anastasia, a pic-
ture was found on the wall known as
the "blasphemous crucifix." A figure
with the body of a man and the head
j of an ass is hanging on a cross, a slave
stands by adoring the figure, and the in-
scription,inGreek uncials, runs 'We^afifvoi
a-('^(T([ai ?] 6(6v, Alexamenus worshi])S
[his] God. ThiscaricaturebelongsnocU)uljt
to the aute-Niceneage; but does it prove
the use of crucifixes among Christians at
I that time ? It might be regarded as an
> Euseb. Vita Constan. i. 28.
2 Thomassin, Traite da Festes. ii. 24.
' s2
260 CRUCIFIX
CULDEES
additional proof, were other and more
convincing ones forthcoming. As it is,
we must suppose that a heathen, having
heard that the Christians worshipped a
crucified God, and heing also familiar with
the common calumny that the Christians
worshipped the head of an ass, combined
the two ideas in his rude fresco.
In the first four centuries, then, there
is no conclusive evidence that Christians
ever placed a figure on the cross. In
the fifth century it became usual to
put the figure of a lamb or even a bust
of Christ on the cross, sometimes above,
sometimes below, sometimes in the middle,
and many crucifixes of this kind still
exist. St. Paulinus of Nola (Ep. 32)
describes one of them in the words
" Sub cruce sanguinea niveo Stat Christus in
agno; "
so that the cross here must haye been red,
the figure on it white.
From the sixth century onwards cru-
cifixes in the strict sense were in use. St.
Gregory of Tours ("De Gloria Martyrum,"
1, '2, 'A), towards the end of the sixth
century, mentions a picture of the cruci-
fixion in the church of St. Geiu-sius at
Isarbonne. A small cross of l)ra;s with
the figure of Christ on it was found in the
grave of the Fraiikish sovereign Chil-
peric. ASyriac MS.of the Gospels, written
in 586, and now in Florence, contains a
picture of the crucifixion. In 692 the
Synod in Trullo, recognising a custom
which had already become predominant,
decreed (^can. 82) that tor the future,
instead ol the Lamb, the figure of Christ
should be placed on the cross.
We pass on to speak of the form
given tothe crucifix. In the Syriac book of
the Gospels, Cbrist is completely clothed,
with hands and feet nailed, each foot
being fiustened by a separate nail. In the
crucifix at Narboune described by St.
Gregory, Christ's body was almost naked.
But in one point all the earliest crucifixes
aijreed. They all represented Christ, as
nailed, indeed, to the cross, but with open
eyes, in dignified repose, and without
any trace of pain on his face. Sometimes
a roval crown was placed on bis head.
AVhen the Greeks, though not before the
tenth century, painted (Jlirist on the cross,
with anatomical correctness, as dying or
already dead, the inno\iition gave great
scandal to the Latins. Cardinal Humbert
attacked the Greeks for this practice in
very violent language, while a synod' under
» Hefele, Condi, iv. p. 737.
the schismatical patriarch Michael Cerul-
arius speaks of godless men from the
West who anathematised the orthodox
church because it " did not change unna-
turally the form of man " which Christ
took. Gradually, however, the Greek
custom prevailed even in the West,
partly because it was reasonable, partly
because Greek artists often settled in
Western Europe ; and D'Agincourt gives
copies of Italian crucifixes from the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries which
follow the Greek fashion. (From Hefele,
" Beitrsige," &c.)
CRVPT {a-ypta, from KpvirTos). The
word originally meant an underground
place, natural or artificial, suitable for
the concealment of persons or things.
Juvenal gives the name of " crypta " to a
sewer (Sat. v. 106) ; Suetonius uses it as
equivalent to " cryptoporticus," a shel-
tered shady arcade or gallery (Calig. 58) :
A itruvius classes "cryptje "with"hon-ea"
and"apothecse,'' with the general notion
of cellar, store-room, or granary. Secret
and undergTOund places, crypta, were
often used for Christian worship in the
;Loe> fit' persecution. After the conversion
(jf Constantine, churches were often built
over the ancient crypts ; but more gener-
ally crypts were excavated beneath
churches. Besides the great advantiipe
of securing the church from damp, this
arrangement also provided a space which,
when furnished with altars, con' ' -ubserve
at need the purposes of public worship,
or might be used as a place of interment
for the ecclesiastics serving the cluuch.
Good instances of the crypt may be
observed at Gloucester Cathedral, at one
of the churches of Bordeaux (where some
remarkable property of the air in the
crypt preserves bodies from decay), and
beneath the ancient chapel of St. Audry
belonging to the bishops of Ely, in Ely
Place, lately recovered for Catholic wor-
ship. (Ducange ; Facciolati.)
CVX.SEES. A Celtic word {ceile De,
servant of God) denoting those who had
strictly devoted themselves to the divine
service, whether as monks or seculars.
It is commonly applied to the monks
Avhom St. Cohunba planted at lona, and
to the numerous communities which grew
out of that foundation; the word, how-
ever, does not occur, nor is it in any v.-.\y
referred to, in the writings of Beda. A
kind of hereditary transmission of office
is sometimes traceable among them, for
in the distraction and confusion of the
dark ages the discipline of celibacy was
CULTUS
CURIA IKJ.MANA I'Ul
much neglected; see the account by |
Synieon ol Durham of the custodians of
the body of St. Cuthbert at Lindisl'arne.
(" Hist. Eccl. Duuelui." ii. U, iv. 3.)
CVXiTUS. Veueratioii or worship.
Catholic theologians distinguish three
kinds of Cultus. Latria (Xarpeia) or
supreme worship is due to God alone, and
cannot be transferred to any creature
without the horrible sin of idolatry. The
vord Xarpda 13 used in this sense by the
Greek Fathers and corresponds to the
Hebrew m'ny- Dulia (bovXtia) is that
secondary veneration which Catholics give
to saints and angels as the servants and
special friends of God. The same idea is
expressed by Cyril of Alexandria when he
speaks of the "relative veneration and
cultus of honour'' {ovTe Trpoa-Kweiv
(lOia-fitda \aTf)(VTiK(os aWa crxf'i'KMS K(U
TitirjTiKas).^ Lastly, hyperdulia, which
is only a subdivisimi of dulia,- is that
higher veneration which we give to the
Blessed Virgin as the most exalted of mere
creatures, though of course Lntinitely in-
i'erior to God and incomparably inferior to
Christ in His human nature.
CURATE {curat us, one entrusted
with the care of souls). The tenn can
hardly be said to be in use among Em^lish
Catholics, though common in Ireland.
Irish curates, acting under the pai-ish
priests, appear to correspond to the
" capellani, vel vice-cm-ati " of Ferraris,
who says of them that " they administer
the sacraments, not in their own name,
but in that of another — namely, the rector
(parish-priest) — and there lb re they ought
to be called assistants (cooperafurc.-:), not
rectors, although they have cure of si.uls.
When it is said that there ought to be
oniy one rector in a parish, this must be
understood to refer to ordinary jurisdic-
tion, not to delegated jurisdiction, such
as is that of a chaplain or vice-curate."
(Ferraris, Parochia.)
CURE or SOUX.S. [See Parish
and Pakish-Peiest.] As now understood,
a cure of souls is that ixirtion of respon-
sibility for the provision of sacraments
to, and the adequate instruction ol', the
Christian faithful, which de\()l\rs iqxm
the parish-priest of a particular dibtricl
in regard to the souls of all persons
dwelling within the limits of that district.
In ancient times the cure of souls through-
> Petav. De Angel, ii. 9.
s St. Thomas, -i^ •>«>, 103,4. This is an im-
]>(>rlant point, for we must not, of course, put
the Blessed Virgin between creatures and God.
She IS herself a mere creature.
out his diocese (often called paroecia) was
held to fall upon the bishoji, who dis-
charged his responsibility by the agency
of priests sent to such places as he j udge'd
suitable, supported with such disbtirse-
ments as he thought sufiBcient, and re-
movable at his pleasure. The division of
dioceses into parishes with fixed incum-
bents and permanent revenues caunot be
traced back beyond the fourth century.'
It was once commonly held that this
change was introduced by Pope Dionysius
in the second half of the thu-d century,
but the statement to that efiect only rests
on the authority of the Pseudo-Isidore.
A district is not allowed by law to
have a parish priest appropriated to it,
if it contain fewer than ten houses or
families. There can be only one parish-
priest or rector in a parish, having cure
of souls by ordinary right. (Ferraris,
Parochia.)
CURZA ROMAirA. The Curia, in
the stricter sense, designates the authori-
ties which administer the Papal Primacj' ;
in a wider acceptation it embraces all the
authorities and functionaries forming the
immediate entourage or Comt of the Pope.
The following sketch of its history is
abridged from the article by Buss in the
" Dictionnaire Catholique " of Wetzer and
Welte. While there are many features
in the Curia which resemble an ordinarj-
episcopal administration, there are also
certain characteristics which from the
first distinguished it, and g:ne to it a
peculiar elevation. The ancient Presby-
terium of Rome was gradually, as we
have seen [Caedinal], transformed into
the Cardiualate. The power of the arch-
deacon, exercised in the third centmy by
the martyr St. Laurence (the glory of
whose virtues shone throughout Christen-
dom), passed to the Cardinal Camerarius,
or Camerlengo, who was the head of the
Camera, or financial department of the
Apostolic See, and as representing the
ancient archdeacons, wielded also an ex-
tensive jurisdiction. Otlier great oliicials
in ancient times were the arclipriest, and
the Primicerius of the Notaries. The
former had the chief charge of w lial re-
lated to worship, and ^\as n ])!.- ii',f<!,
as the cardiualate developed it>rlf, iiy the
Cardinal Vicar. The Priniiceriu.-. 'leing
at the head of the department which
came in due time to be called the Can-
celleria, or Chancery, corresponds to the
Cardinal Vice-Chancellor presiding over
that important ministry. But there were
' Soglia, ii. 8, «1.
262
CUBIA ROMANA
CURIA ROMANA
also in the body of functionaries by whom I
the Roman PoutifF was surrounded points
of resemblance to the Imperial Court at
Rome or Constantinople ; this appears in
the Familia, or household, of the Pope
{F<nni<iltu P(mtijiti,i) in many ways, and
is also observable in the important post
of rrirfectus Apostolici I'nlatn.
In the middle ages the business which
flowed in upon the Papal Curia was im-
mense. The changed conditions, civil
and religious, of Europe made inevitable
the multiplication of appeals from metro-
politan courts to the Holy See. -Dispen-
sations also, and nominations to reserved
benefices, could not easily, at a time when
communication was still difficult and
intermittent, be obtained without per-
sonal visits to Rome. To dispose of the
various applications and petitions, and
try the various suits, a large staff of
officials, both administrative and judicial,
had to be employed. The Popes could
not always exercise an efficient control
over this mass of subordinates; hence
abuses arose, and extortion was loudly
imputed to the Roman officials. The ,
high rates of the ta.rcs, or fees of office, j
demanded at the Chancery for the ex- !
pediting of any bull or brief, the delays
in the settlement of affiiirs, and the mul-
tiplication of rules and formalities, were
the subject of frequent complaints. Re-
forms were begun by Pius IV. and carried
on energetically by St. Pius V. and
Sixtus V. Xevertheless, if any supine-
ness ever existed on the part of the
reigning Pope, abuses reappeared. Thus,
in the seventeenth centuiy, the practice
of burdening benefices, the appointments
to which proceeded from the Chancery,
with pensions to one or other member
of the Curia, attained to a very pernicious
height. However, Benedict XIV. " de-
creed a radical reform ; his system was
continued by Leo XII. and Gregory XVI.,
and is pursued under the strict and
regular administration of Pius IX."'
The diftevent branches of the Curia
have now to Ije descrilird in detail; but
it may assist us in di'aiing with this vast
and complicated subject, if we first en-
deavour to obtain a rough general view
of it, by considering what are the chief
ends for which the Papacy exists, and
which the action of the Curia is directed
to promote. As the succc-sor of St. Peter
and the Vicar of CIiimM, the Pojie has,
first of all, to govrvn and feed with sound
doctrine the whole flock of Christ — i.e.
• Buss, writing before 1870.
the universal Church — and his own dio-
cese in particular. The agencies in the
Curia by whicli he fulfils these purposes
are the Sacred Congregations of Cardinals,
the Secretariat of State, and the Vicariate
of llome ; and the machineiy tvi])loyed
is sujjplied by the Chancery, the Duta'ria,
and the Camera Aixistolica. As the
" supremus judex " in Christendom, the
Pope acts, partly through special congre-
gations and delegated judges [Delega-
tion],partly through the'rcgular tribunals
of the Rota and tlic Scf>iiatura {furinn
externum) and the I'enitenziaria {forum
internum). Before the usurpation of the
temporal power, the Camera also was a
court of justice. Again, the Vicar of
Christ must be diligently and uninter-
ruptedly occupied with the worship of
the true God ; to this end corresponds
the institution of the Papal Ghapel
( Capella Pontificia). As living- and reign-
ing, the Pope, hke any other sovereign
or any other bishop, has his "family"
or household {FamiijUa runfificici), one
important branch of whicli is tlie depart-
ment having charge of the Papal resi-
dences {Pnfettura del Sacro Palazzo
Apostolico). To carry on the necessary
external relations with the powers of the
woi-ld, the Pope has Legates, Nuncios,
and Apostolic Delegates, receives ambas-
sadors, appoints and admits consuls.
Lastly, as a sovereign ruling over that
extent of dominion which came in the
dis])o>itions of Providence to the Papacv,
and was usurped by vicilence a few years
ago, the Pope had ministries, judges civil
and criminal, boards, commissions, and
all the usual macliinery of administration
in civilised countries.
In the onliT indicated by this brief
sketch, we shall nnw describe the prin-
cipal attributions of the various branches
of the Curia. The mode in which the
action of the Cardinals is ap])lied to assist
the Pope in the government of the Church
has been already described in the article
on CoNGBEGATiONS (Roman) ; but men-
tion was not there made of a Congregation
the action of which is important in refer-
ence to the present subject- — viz. the Con-
qreijatio Vkitationig Apostolicfp, oi •^•\\\ch.
the Cardinal Vicar is president. This
Congregation, organised by Clement VIII.
and Innocent XII., rcjire>ents the Pope
in his character of a bishop visiting, his
diocese.
The Cardinal Secretary of State is the
exclusive channel through whom must
pass all communications carried on be-
CURIA ROMANA
CURIA ROMANA
263
twt>en the Holy See and foreign Powers.
He is the Pope's Prime Minister — not of
course in the sense which the word bears
in countries where the Minister is more
powerful than the SoTfrein:ii, so that the
former's " advice " overrides the latter's
initiative — but in the proper sense of the
term : a faithful agent and servant exe-
cuting the intentions of his master, whom
he serves to the best of his ability. He
carries on the negotiations, in which the
Pontiff is perpetually engaged, which have
for their object to secure the liberties, ex-
tend the limits, and promote the welfare
of the Catholic Church. Under him are
placed the Nuncios and other diplomatic
agents of the Holy See, and to him they
make their reports. The oflicials under
him consist of several " Miimtanti," a
writer in cypher, aji archivist, a sub-
archivist, &c. Being in close and per-
manent relations to the Pope, " he repre-
sents the principle of the Pontifical
(Tovernment ; his influence is conseiiuently
felt in all ways in acts emanating directly
from the person of the Pope ; he directs
all important political measures, puts in
force the decisions relative to the organic
institutions of the Church, and transmits
the instructions by which the function-
aries of the Curia are guided." '
The Vicariate of Rome is under the
Cardinal Vicar, assisted by a Vicegerent,
a Promotor Fiscal, and two or three
other officials, of whom one is the " De-
fensor ^latrimonii " [see that articlej.
The Celebrated department of the
Roman Chancery is that which drafts
and expedites the bulls and briefs by
which the mind of the Pontiff is made
known to Christendom, or to particular
suitors. The Cardinal at its head is not
called " Chancellor," but " Vice-Chan-
cellor," probably because the title of
Chancellor, having sprung out of a func-
tion which was originally purely subor-
dinate and ministerial, was thought to be
beneath the dignity of the Sacred College.
" At what time," says Ferraris, " the
oflice of the Chancellor attained to tliat
height of eminence and prerogative which
it is now seen to possess in the I toman
Curia, is a point not accurately deter-
mined. Inquirers into its origin tell us
that it was planned and established after
the time of Innocent III. In his time,
it is known that the duties of Chancellor
were discharged by private persons, but
such as were of known and conspicuous
probity and erudition. In course of time,
1 Buss.
under Boniface VIII., it is certain that
the dignity of Chancellor was assigned to
one of the Cardinals." He explains the
addition of " vice " to the title, and pro-
ceeds: "The Vice-Chancellor has a fixed
cardinalitial title — namely, that of the
collegiate church of St. Laurence in
Daniaso. The more pressing, weightv,
public, and solemn affairs of the Apostolic
See, such as are those debated on in the
( 'onsistory, pass through the hands of the
Vice-Chancellor, so that he must be
called, by analogy with similar offices
elsewhere, the Papal Chancellor. Among
j his numerous subordinates, the one of
highest ranli is he who is called the
Regent of the Chancery, who revises
bulls that have been exjuulited and ])ro-
mulgatrd, and, if anv err(>r lias crryt in,
corrects it. The othi>r oflicials of the
Vice-Chancellor to wliosi> posts prelatical
rank is annexed, aiv I lie Presidents of
the greater or lesser " I'arcus," so called
from the name by which the place in the
Chancery where they meet is popularly
called. The prelates of the greater Parens
of the Chancery constitute a kind of
tribunal, when they meet and decide
doubts which may arise concerning the
form of documents, or the clauses and
decrees which have to be inserted in
them, and also respecting the payment of
fees and charges. The prelates of the
lesser Parens have a restricted jurisdic-
tion, the one object of their institution
being to transmit and deliver bulls to the
prelates of the greater Parous. The
writers, abbreviators [see that art.], and
others responsible for the ])reparation of
documents in the Roman Chancery, all
share in those riglits and emoluments
which are commonly called the Taxi s of
the Apostolic Chancery. That these
rights derive their origin from John XXH,
is jilain from the section in his Extrava-
gautes beginning "Quum ad Sacro-
sancta." '
The proceedings of the Chancery are
governed by certain fixed rules, which,
as already mentioned [Caxon I^aw^ form
a substantive part of the Jii.f Ndri.^^niii/m.
They are only of force, however, during
the 'lifetime of a Pope; every Pontilf, on
the day after his accession, publishes
them anew, with such omissions or addi-
tions as he may think fit to make.
For an account of the Dataria, see
that article. The Camera ."Ipostolica or
department of finance in the Papal (to-
vemmeut is presided over by the Cardinal
I Ferraris, " CanccUaria," § 44
2fi4 CURTA ROMAXA
CURIA ROMANA
Ciimerlengo. Previously to the event of
September 1870, the Camera was also a
court of justice, -which, like our Court of
Exchequer in ancient times, took cognis-
ance of oflences committed against the
revenue laws, or by persons in its em-
ployment. The staff of the department
is still kept up nearly at its former
strenjrth ; for although many sources of
revenue have been cut oil' since the usur-
pation, and the Pontift' does not and can-
not accept the anniial subvention vi-hich
the usurping Government places at its
disposal, still the revemies of the Papacy
cannot but be large, in view of the im-
lueiisf int('re^^ts which it administers, the
nunilirrs and diffusion of the Catholic
])opulations where<if it is the centre, and
the indignation and sympathy which the
spoliation to which it has been subjected
lias aroused in all ujiright minds. The
office of Treasurer, the highest official in
thedepavtmi'ut after the Yice-Camerlengo,
is at ])i-i'scnt vacant, and many of the
revenui' departments, of which he liad the
contnilare in abeyance: l:)ut the "prelate
clerks " of the Camera, who form the
council of the Camerlengo, still perform
their functions.
Coming now to the organs by which
the Papal jurisdiction is exercised, we
have first to name tbe Rota: for an ac-
count of which the reader is i-elVrn'd to
theartielc IJuta Romana. The .SVy,,,,/,,^/
Pnpalv <ll (/ii/.-ffizia "takes cognisiiiic of
cases which may or may not come beiore
the Rota on a]ipeal, suits of competence,
causes of nullity of marriage, demands
for restitution, Sec. ... It is composed
of a Cardinal President, p/vff refits, seven
prelates, and a few refei-eudaries, who
have a decisive, not merely a consultative,
voice. An Auditur appointed in connec-
tion with tbe Segnatura determines what
affairs it is competent to try, and may
give decisions on various preliminary
issues, from which, however, a suitor
may apj)eal to the Si'gnalnra itself. The
Dean of the Rota, the !;.'griit of the
Chancery, and two repivscniafivcs of the
("amcra, have seats at tlir S.'unatura.
The sentriKTS are sImiiimI by lln' I*ope
with tlie word 'Fiat' in his own hand,
f)r, in i>ii'seiice and in his name, by a
Canliniil, ^\\in says,' Concessum in pree-
sentiir Dnin 'nii nostri Pnpee.' " '
Connected with the above tribunal is
the Segnatura di Grazia, which "decides
in suits where an appeal is made to the
personal favour of the Pope, such suits —
I Buss.
as being matters of favour — allowing of
more prompt decision. A suit on which
the S. of Justice has given judgment
may, with the authorisation of the Pope,
be opened again before the S. of Grace.
The Pope himself presides in this college,
which consists of Cardinals named by
him; the Cardinal Penitentiary, the
Secretary of Briefs, and the President of
the Dataria, belong to it ex officio. Besides
other prelates, the Auditor of the Camera,
one of the Auditors of tlu' Rot;i, the
Regent of the Chancerx . t;i!>v part
in the deliberations. Thit o ri'lcivndary
prelates draw up the repoi ts ; the mem-
bers present have only a consultative
voice; tlie Pope alone decides and signs.'" ^
The Penitenziaria Romana has a Car-
dinal at it.- head, called the Penitentiarius
Major, who is assisted by a Regent, a
Theologian, and other officials. The
Grand Penitentiary is a]i))ointed by the
Pope : he must be of the order of Cardinal
Priests, and a master in theology, or a
doctor in canon law. His faculties e.xtend
to — absolving from sins and censures,
dispensing in cases of irregularity [Ie-
EEGTJLAKITV], Commuting, or releasing
fi'om, oaths and vows, and in v.irious
other ways exercising the power of bind-
ing and loosing given to St. Peter by our
Lord. He sits in one or other of the
three great basilicas of Rome on four
days in Holy Week (in St. John Lateran
on Palm Sunday, in St. Mary Maj(n- on
"Wrdni'sday. and" in St. Peter's on Holy
Tliur-day and Good Friday), and there
hears the confessions of such of the faith-
ful as resort to him, and touches the
heads of those who stoop low before him
— pic .le.'^e subiiiittcntimn " — with the
rod of the Penitentiary, granting to them
at the same time an indulgence of a hnn-
di-ed days. He is entitled to solemnise
Mass in the Capella Pontificia on three
days in the year, viz. on Ash Wednesday,
Good Friday (Mass of the Presanctified),
and All Smds' Day. and to bring to an
e.\])iring Pope the last rites and succours
of religion. The voluminous Constitution
of Benedict XIV. beginning " Pastor
Bonus " defines with exactness the duties,
powers, and privileges of the Penitenzi-
aria, and of all the officials connected
with it.
On the Capella Pontijicia the reader
will do well to consult the learned worlv
of Dr. Baggs entitled " The Pojje's
Chapel." The dignitaries, prelates, &c.,
who have a recognised place in the
1 Bass.
CUKIA ROMANA
CUSTOM
263
clmpel for the sacred functions, are all
arranged according to their respective
order and precedence. First, the College
of Cardinals ; next, the College of Patri-
archs, .Irchbishops and Bishops assisting
at the Pontitical Throne. Ten patriarchs,
more than ninety archbishops, and about
two hundred and thirty bishops, enjoy
this chgnity at the present time. Then
come, in the order named, the Yice-
Camerlengo, the Princes assisting at the
Throne, the Auditor and Treasurer of the
Camera, the Majordomo, archbishops and
bishops generally, the prelates (some two
hiuidred in number) of the College of
Apostolic Protouotaries, abbots, heads of
orders, chamberlains, chaplains, the offi-
cials of the various Papal depai-tmeuts,
clerks, sacrists, vergers, Otc, everyone
having his proper place and just prece-
dence assigned to him.
The Famiylia Pontificia consists of
certain Cardinals selected by the Pope,
the Majordomo, the Master of the Sacred
Apostolic Palace, a number of domestic
{)relates, and clerical and lay chaiiiber-
ains of various grades, some paid, some
honorary — among the latter being reck-
oned the honorary chamberlains •' di
spada e cappa," who are laymen of family
And position selected from the various
European countries. The Swiss Guard,
the Noble Guard, the Pope's private
chaplains, and many other otHcials vai'i-
ously designated, belong also to the
Famiylia. It includes, moreover, the
Prefectui'e of the Sacred Palaces, an im-
portant department with a Cardinal at
its head.
As sovereign of the Roman States, the
Pope formerly carried on the government
■with the help of the following depart-
ments, which now — pending the re-estab-
lishment of tbe temporal power — remain
in abeyance: viz. the Ministry of the
Interior, the Ministries of Finance, Com-
merce, and War, a Council of Ministers,
a Council of State, several boards and
commissions, a Consulta (financial), and
courts of law for trying civil and criminal
cases.
The authorities of the Curia, below the
rank of Cardinal, are technically divided
into two classes — the prelates of the
viant.elletta (a short cloak), and those of
the mantellone (a long cloak, re;ichlng
to the feet). In the first class are in-
cluded Patriarchs, Archbishop?, IJishops,
Protonotaries Apostolic, Domestic Pre-
lates, the Clerks of the Camera, the
Auditors of the Rota, the Referendarii of
the Segnatura, the Abbreviators of the
greater Parcus, the Majordomo, and the
Maestro di Camera. Four among these,
designated prelates of the Jiucchet.ti, take
precedence of the rest — the Auditor of the
Camera, the Treasurer, the Vice-Camer-
lengo, and the Majordomo. Among tbe
prelates of the mantellone are ecclesia.-?-
tical chamberlains, masters of ceremonies,
&c. (Ferraris, Cancellaria ; " Aunuario
Pontificio," 1870; "G^rarchia Cattolica,"
1884.)
CVRXAI.ZA.. The duties and func-
tions of a curialis, one attached to the
curia or court of a prince. Ducange cites
passages from mediiBval writers in which
curialis plainly signifies a mere clerk or
secretarj-. But the sense of "courtier"
was much more common, as in the title
of two well-known works by John of
Salisbury and Walter Map, " De Nugis
Curialium." There is a canon in the
Corpus Juris bearing the name of Pope
Innocent I. (a.d. 404) which excludt-s
those who were invested with curialia from
the clerical order, the due performance of
both functions by the same person being
considered impracticable. (Wetzer and
Welte. )
CTTSTOnx, according to St. Thomas
and canonists generally, has three legal
effects :
(1) It may, either through the con-
sent, tacit or express, of lawful authority
or by prescription, impose a new law.
This is clearly laid down both in the
canon and civil law. To have the force
of law, the custom must be good and
useful ; it must have been formed by
public acts, proceeding from the greater
part of the community ; the people from
•whom the custom proceeds must have the
intention of binding themselves (thus the
custom of taking holy water in entering
churches has not the force of a law). It
I it is introduced by way of prescription,
; the custom must continue uninten-upted
for a certain space of time before it binds
the conscience.'
(2) On much the same conditions
custom may abrogate an existing law,
or modify it, unless the law in question
» St. Liguori, De Leg. 107 seq., says irene-
rally that custom to have the force of law must
be continued for a long time without interrup-
tion. Some sav that the length of time re-
quired depends on circumstances : others that
ten years is the time required. Again, some
maintain that while a prescription of ten years
suffices to change civil law, a custom must last
forty years to abrogate Church law. Probably
ten years is enough in either coae.
26(i GUSTOS
be natural or divine. But here, if the
custom operates bv way of prescription,
ten yi av- arfordiug to the common opinion
:u-'' ii i|iiii ril lit' fore custom abrogates civil,
forty 111 ici-.' it abrogates ecclesiastical,
(3) Custom interprets law, and, unless
the law be natural or divine, may intro-
duce an " authentic " interpretation — i.e.
it may give an authoritative sense to a
law, although that sense is discordant
with the original intention of the legis-
lator. (Billuart, " De Legibus," Diss. v.
a. 2.)
CVSTOS. By this name was formerly
designated the canon, in a cathedral or
collegiate church, who with the approval
of the bishop had the spiritual charge of
the cure attached to the church. It was
also applied to sacristans or treasurers
who had charge of the sacred vessels,
church ornaments, furniture, &c. In the
revolutionary period this office was gene-
rally in abej'ance ; in Austria, however, I
it stood its ground, and has been again
introduced in Prussia, the canon hax ing
charge of n metropolitan cure being called i
mmmus ciistos. In France the ecclesiastic
with corresponding functions is called
archipretre.
CYCXiE (including Golden Number,
Dominical Letter, Epact) is a series of
numliers, letters standing for numbers,
always counted over again in the same
order when the seriev has been completed.
Cycles are employed in ecclesiastical as
well as civil chronology, since the solar,
liiiini-, ami paschal cycles enable us to I
reckcin the time at wh'ich the feasts of the
church M'ill fall in each year. The lunar
cycle (i-i/clus luncf, dcc('iii'noremialis,ii'v(a-
h(Ka(Ti-jpU) consists of nineteen years, and
alter the expiration of each lunar v\c\i-
tbe new and full moons fall once nxnri-
on nearlv the same .'la\s of the month.
This evc'le wa,^ inveiilr.l l.v the (ireek
asln.nnni. r M'X^m. Anatolius, bishop of
I.aodicpa, eni],lnv.-,l it towards the close
of (he third eciidnv U<r calculating the
date of Easter.' hnnu afterwards the
Nici'iie Council ordained that Easter
>lniiild he celebrated on the Sunday
w hich followed the first new moon after
the \friial equinox (.M .arch 21), and this
li'd to a more exact cdniputation of the
lunar cycle. The hisliojis of Alexandria,
the seat of mathematical science, were
entrusted with the task of fixing the day
on which Easter fell.- In order to lighten
1 Euseb. H. E. vii. 14.
' The Alexandrian bi.shop was to fix the
CYCLE
their task, the Alexandrian church con-
structed Paschal ci/cles, which contained
a number of hmnr (yclcx, and fixed tbe
date of Ivister Sunday foi' a long course
of years. Tliu.- Throphilu^ of Alexandria
drew up a Pasclial ( (/c/e of 418 years — i.e.
of twenty-two lunar C!/c/es— beginning
with the year .'^HO. This cj'cle, partly
on account of its ohscnrity, partly on
accoiuit of its incon-e< tiit ss, found small
acceptance in the West, and in the year
444 I''a>ter Sunday, according to Roman
reckoning, fell on ^larch 26, according to
Alexandrian, on April 23. In conse-
quence of a letter from Pope Leo, Cyril
corrected the Paschal cycle of his prede-
cessor and reduced it to one of ninety-five
years, extending from 437 to 531, and
embracing five lunar cycles. As this,
cycle was drawing to its end, Dionysius
Exiguus, in 525, constructed a new one
of ."504 Julian years or sixteen ///wr/r cycles.
The defects of tlie Dionysian computat ion
weri^ inseparable I'roni t hose ot' tin' .liili.-m
year, wliich coiisi.-lod of ;;(;.") davs. {\ hoiu-s,
instoad of 3fi5 days, lioms, 4'.l minutes,
so that the calculation of the vernal
equinox became more and more eiToneous
as time went on, forty-four minutes too
much being added to each leap-year.
The remedy was provided by the 'Gre-
gorian reformation of the Calendar.*
[See CALEJfDAE, Julian.]
The Golden Number, which is closely
connected with the lunar cycle, indicates
the place any given year holds in the
hniar ciicle (wliether, e.q., the vear of
Christ 1881 is 1. 2, 3. X-c. in tlu' lunar
cycle f>f nineteenV It l.i s its name from
the fiict that it \\a> -( I in LTolden colours
against the day,- on w liiidi the new moon
fdl in the IJonian and Alexaiulrian
lalrndars. Christ, according to the
l omnion recko)nng, wa> horn at the end
of the first year in the lunar cycle, SO that
the Golden Number for each year is ob-
tained by adding one to the number of
the year {c.y. to IS'^O and dividing the
sum hy nineteen. The remainder gives
the (lolden Numlier: if there is no re-
maiiuler the Golden Number is nineteen.
Thus if to 1881 we add one aiul divide
by nineteen, we get one as a remainder,
and (his is the Golden Number for the
yeai- in qm-fion.
Thr solar cycle or cycle of Dominical
Letters is a series of twenty-eight years,
after which Sundays and week-days again
(late, and the Bishiip of Rome was to notify the-
(lay fixed to the wliolc Cluirch.
1 See llc^ole, Concil. i. 324 seg.
CYCLE
CYCLE
267
fall on tbe same days of the month. The
first seven letters are used to indicate the
days of the week, A being used in all cases
to mark the first of January, and the letter
•which thus comes to mark the first
Sunday being the Sunday letter or littera
dominicalis of the year. Thus 1 881 began
with a Saturday, and hence the Dominic al
Letter is B. The same Dominical Letter
would recur every seven years. But as
a day is intercalated in the February of
each leap-year, viz., February 25, wliich
has the same letter assigned to it as
February 24, hence each leap-year has
two Dominical Letters, the fonner e.xtend-
ing to February 24 inclusive, the latter
embracing the rest of the year. Now, as
this intercalation interrupts the sequence
of the Dominical Letters seven times in
twenty-eight years, the same order of Do-
minical Letters cannot recur oftener than
once in twenty-eight years. However, a
new disturbance in the order of Dominical
Letters arises from the fact that in the
Gregorian calendar it was arranged that
although each secular year — i.e. the first
year of each century — would naturally be
a leap-year, only the first of each of four
seculars should be reckoned as such.
Thus 1600, the secular year which fol-
lowed the Gregorian reformation of the
calendar, was reckoned as a leap-year — i.e.
it had a day intercalated in February — hut
this was not the case with the rears
1700 and 1800, nor will it be with litOO.
In showing how the Dominical Letter for
each year may be ascertained (we restrict
our calculations to the present century),
first, we must ascertain the number
which the current year, e.g. 1881, holds
in the solar cycle of twenty-eight years.
The first year of the Dionysian era is the
ninth of the solar cycle. Hence by add-
ing nine to 1881, and dividing the sum
by twenty-eight, we get three as re-
mainder, so that we now know that the
year 1881 is third in the solar cycle of
twenty-eight. The following table gives
the order of Dominical Letters for the
solar cycle of twenty-ei;^ht years and will
serve for calculating the Dominical Letter
of any year in this century.
lED
8C
15 A
22 F
2C
9 B A
16 G
28 E
3 B
10 G
17 FE
24 D
4 A
11 F
18 D
2.5 C
5 G F
12 E
19 C
26 A
6 E
13 DC
20 B
27 G
7 D
14 B
21 A G
28 F
We had already found that 1881 is the
third year in the cycle ; now we know
that its Dominical Letter is B, or in other
words that the first Sunday falls on
January 2. When we have oot so far,
it is easy to ascertain tlie iluy- ^i' rhe
month on which the Sunday^ ul the year
fall. The twelve months have letters
assigned to them, contained in the follow-
ing memorial verses ,
Astra Dabit Dominus Gratisque Beabit
Egonos ;
Ctratia Christicolse Feret Aurea Dona
Fideli :
i.e. A is the letter for January 1, D for
February 1, Jtc. As B is the Dominical
Letter for 1881, and as F is the letter
which marks the first of December, the
first of that month will be on a Thursday,
and the Sundays will fall on the fourth,
eleventh, eighteenth and twenty-fifth
days.
Epncts {inaKT'i\ rjfifpai, dies arljecti,
adscit.itii) are used because of tlie dift'er-
ences in duration between the lunar
and solar years. Annual epacts determine
the age of the moon on each new year's
day. The lunar falls about eleven days
short of the solar year. In the Gregorian
calendar the new moon of the lunar cycle
(see above) falls on Januarj' 1, so that
the epact = 0, an asterisk (*) being some-
times used to mark the epact in this case.
In the second year the epact or addition
which must be made to the lunar j'ear =
XI ; in the third XXII. The epact of
the fourth year would be XXXIII, but on
the thirtieth of these thirty-three days a
new moon has again appeared, so that the
epact corresponding to the fourth year iu
the lunar cycle (or in other words to the
Golden Number 4) is HI. If we subtract
one from the Golden Number, multiply
by eleven and divide hy thirty we get the
epact. Thus the epact for 1881 is *, for
1882 it will .be XI.
The calculation of the monthly epact
enables us to determine the days of the
civil or solar month on which the new and
full moons occur. The lunar month con-
sists of twenty-nine days, eleven hours,
fortj--four minutes : so that the monthly
epact in January, which has thirty-one
days, is one day, six minutes ; and the
epact, of course, for each month increases,
till in December it reaches eleven days.
To .shorten the process of calculation, the
limar months are reckoned at twenty-nine
and thirty days. If we ^'ubtract the
annual epact from thirty-one, we get the
day on which the new moon of January
falls : the new moon of February falls
thirty, that ot March twenty-nine, thai;
268
CYCLE
DALMATIC
of April thirty days later ; and so with
the rest of the months.
An example will illustrate tlie way in
•which these chronological determinations
are connected with and assist each other.
Let us suppose that we have to ascertain
the day on which Easter Sunday fell in
1879. First we must find the Golden
Number: ^^^^ ^ gives the remainder
eighteen, which is the Golden Number.
gives the remainder VII., i.e.
the epact. Consequently on January 1,
1879, the moon was seven days old. By
subtracting seven from thirty-one, we find
that the new moon falls on January 'I-l,
then on February 21, then March 24, the
full moon of the spring equinox falling
foui-teen or fifteen days later, i.e. on April
7 or 8 ; so that the Sunday following April
8 is Easter Sunday. We have now to find
on what day of the week April 8 fell, and
for this we need to know the Dominical
Letter. The remainder of ^^^^"^ ^ is
twelve, which is the number of the year
1879 in the solar cycle, and to this the
Dominical Letter E corresponds, as may
be seen from the table given above. April,
according to the memorial verses, begins
with G ; April 2 then will be A, April 3
B; E, the Dominical Letter, falls on
April 6, which was therefore a Suuday.
April 8, then, was a Tuesday, and the
Sunday following, viz. April 13, was
Easter Sunday. (^From the treatise " De
Anno et ejus Partibus " prefixed to the
Roman Missal ; from Wetzer and Welte,
and Hefele, « ConciL")
DAXiMATXC. A vestment open on
each side, with wide sleeves, and marked
with two stripes. It is worn by deacons
at IIii;h Mass as well ns at processions
and Ijcnedictions, and by bishops, when
tliHV celebrate Mass pontifically, under
the chasuble. The colour should conform
to that of the chasuble worn by the
celebrant.
The word is derived from Dalmatia,
and first occurs in the second century.
The dalmatic [Dalmatica ves'tk) was a
long under-garnipiit of white Dalmatian
wool corresponding to the lioman tunic.
,Fliiis Lanipridius blames the emperors
C'oniniiiilus and Ileliogabalus for appear-
ing pulilicly in the dalmatic. In the
Acts of St. Cyprian we are told that the
martyr drew off liis dalmatic and, giving
it to his deacons, stood ready for death
in his linen garment. In these instances
the dalmatic was clearly a garment of
everyday life.
According to Anastasius, Pope Sil-
vester early in the fourth century gave
the Roman deacons dalmatics instead of
the sleeveless garments {KnXnfiia) which
they had used previously. Gradually the
Popes conceded the privilege of wearing
the dalmatic as an ecclesiastical vestment
to the deacons of other churches.' Such
a concession was made by Pope Sym-
I 'Quando facerdoti ministrant.' — Ruhr.
Gen. Miss. tit. six.
machus towards the close of the fifth
century, to the church of Aries. In the
same way, the use of the dalmatic as an
episcopal vestment was first proper to the
Pope and then permitted by him to other
bisliops. Tims Gregory the Great allowed
Arcgitis, lii-liop of Gap in Gaul, toweara
(liilmatie, and Walafrid Strabo testities
tliat in the .seventh century this episcopal
custom was by no means universal. But
from the year 890 onwards ecclesiastical
writers all speak of the dalmatic as one
of the episcopal, and the chief of the
deacon's, vestments. The dalmatic was
originally always white, but Durandus
.speaks of red dalmatics, symbolising
martyrdom. The Greeks have a vestment
corresponding to our dalmatic, called
aTi)(dpiov or (rTOLX'ipiov from the o-ri^^oi
(lines or stripes), with which it is
adorned ; its colour varies, just as the
dalmatic of our deacons does, with the
colour of the clxXonnp oi- chasuble, worn
by the celebrant. Tlie Greek priests also
wear a a-Ttxt'ipiou under the chasuble, but
the former is always wliite.
Various mystical nvauings have been
attached to the dalmatic. When the arms
! are stretched it presents the figure of a
cross ; the width of the sleeves is said to
typify charity ; the two stripes (which
were originally purple, and are probably
a relic of the Roman latus clavus) were
supposed to symboMse the blood of Christ
DATARIA
DEACON
sli./d for Je-ws and Gentiles. (From Rock,
" Ilierurgia,'' and Hefele, " Beitriige," ii.
204 seq.)
BATAKXA. The office in the Papal
Court whence are expedited the graces,
accorded bv the Pope, which have their
effect and are cogni>;il)le hi foro externo.
Tlie term is derived from a Low- Latin verb
(hifare, to date, formed doubtless from
the " Datum " or " Datre," with following
indications of place and time, with which
the Romans commonly ended their
letters. The Dataria, originally a branch
of the Apostolic Chancery, attained to a
.separate organl.<ation in the thirteenth
century, at which time, owing to the
great number of benefices in all countries
reserved to the Pope, mistakes were
sometimes made In the appointments, and
the same benefice was confen-ed upon or
promised to two or more persons, whence
complaints and unseemly contentions
arose. The evil was eflectnally remedied
by the appointment of an official whose
special business It should be to register
the dates of the appointments to benefices.
The Datary (who is sometimes a
simple prelate, sometimes a Cardinal, in
which latter case he is styled pro-Datary)
has in the course of time had many other
duties laid upon him besides those con-
nected with the grant of benefices. He
has the charge of dispensations, the
various kinds of which, and also licences
for the alienation of churcli property, are
issued from liis office. A considerable
staft' of officials, at the head of whom is
the sub-Datary, are under his orders.
His functions cease ipso facto on the
death of a Pope, all applications reaching
the office during the vacancy being sealed
up and transmitted to the College of
Cardinals to be dealt with by the future
Pope. "See CrRiA Romaxa.']
SfiACOxr. The word in itself
(SmKocoy) means no more than "mini-
ster " or servant, and so it is used in the
LXX and in the New Testament (see
Esther i. 10, 1 Cor. iii. 5, 2 Cor. vi. 4).
However, the word deacon received a
more definite meaning in apostolic times,
for the mention of deacons along with
bishops in Phil. i. 1, 1 Tim. iii. 2, 8, besides
the qualifications which St. Paul requires
of a deacon, clearly prove that the
diaconate was a church office. According
to the Pontifical it is the part of a deacon
"to minister at the altar, to baptise and to
preach." He is the highest of all whose
office it is to serve the priest in the admini-
stration of the sacraments, and he is set
apart for his work, not merely by the
institution of the Churcli, but by the
sacrament of order which he receives
through the laying on of the bisho)) s
hands. Just as tht Levites were chosen
by God Himself for the ministry of the
tabernacle, so the diaconate is appointed
by Christ's institution and strengthened
by a sacrament of the new law for the
service of tht- Christian altar. The con-
stituents of a sacrament — viz. the sensible
sign, giiicf given, divine and permanent
j instltuiiou— are all found in a deacon's
I ordination. The laying on of hands is
the sensible sign ; giace is given, for the
bishop says, "Receive the Holy Ghost,"
and the Council of Trent (Sess. xxiii. can.
4) anathematises those who hold "that the
Holy Ghost is not given by sacred ordin-
ation, and accordingly that bishops say
i in vain 'Receive the Holy Ghost.' " There
is divine institution, for what power had
the Apostles to institute a sign which
should infallibly convey grace? And
besides, the Coimcil of Trent (/oc. cit. can.
6) defines that there is " in the Catholic
Church a hierarchy divinely constituted,
consisting of bishops, presbyters and
ministers," which last word must at least
I include deacons. Lastly, the form of
ordination was established permanently,
i as appears from the practice of the
Church.'
1 L'p to this point we have been arguing
on Catholic principles, but It will be well
(1) to consider more closely the grounds on
which the Catholic idea of the diaconate
rests, passing then (2) to the history of
I the office, and (3) to the rite of ordi-
nation.
(1) The Catholic Idea of the Diaconate.
— The duties of a deacon will be con-
sidered more fully at'terwards. Here it
is enough to say that a dt-aciui is ordained
chiefly in order that hv may assist the
priest in the celebration of >olemn Mass,
j and then, on certain conditlnus, to preach
and baptise. Li other words, he is the
chief minister at the altar. Against this,
Protestaut> have often alleged that the
seven deacons whose ordination is men-
tioned in Acts vi. were chosen in order to
administer the alms of the Church, and
that the New Testament gives no hint of
their duties at the altar,
1 That the sacrament of order is received
by (lo.ieons follows so plainly from the (1< tini-
tions of Trent, and is so univprs.illy held, that
the •ontrary opinion of Dunindus and Cajetan,
I liouiih not heretical, could not be maintained
I without temerity.
270 DEACON
DEACON
Now certainly the "seven" mentioned
in Acts vi. wore npjiointed on occasion of
disputes which arose hetween two chisses
of Jewish converts (viz. those of foreign
find those of ralestiniaii origin) on the
dist rihution of ahiis, and were entrusted
witli the administration of clmritahle
relief. Further, the seven, though not
called "deacons," have almost universally
been regarded as the first who held the
office. 1 Still, the sacred text indicates
tliat they were to be chosen for some
higher work than the administration of
charity. They were to he " full of the
Holy Ghost and of wisdom," We find
Steplien, one of their nunilicr, pifaehing
and instructing; Philip, another member
of their body, baptising (Acts viii. 38).
St. Paul (1 Tim. iii. 9) requires deacons
to "hold the mysterj' of the faith in a
pure conscience," nor does he allude to
this work of " serving tables " — i.e. of ad-
ministering alms.
We can only guess the nature of the
diaeonate from Scripture, but the early
and authentic tradition proves that the
Catliolic doctrine on tlie matter corre-
sponds to the original teaching of the
Apostles. St. Ignatius (" Ad Trail." 2),
speaks of deacons as " ministers of the
mysteries of Jesus Christ," "for tliey are
not ministers {hiAKovoi) of meat and
drink, but servants of the Church of God."
Here the mention of the "mysteries of
Jesus Christ" in contrast with ordinary
meat and drink, sliows tliat St. Ignatius
alludes to tlie service of the altar. Justin
(" Apol." i. W,) tells us that the deacons
gave IIolv ( 'onniiunion to tliosr jM ' sent
at Mass, and cmTifd it to tlir nLscnt.
TertuUian (" De Bai)tism." 17) . tliat
deacons had the right to liajitisc, not,
however, "without the authoi-ity of the
bishop." This chain of test imony might
easily be strengthened, but l lir t rst inionies
given prove that the coinj.lctc ('iilliolic
idea of the diaeonate was .■icci'])ti'd in the
early Churcli.
(2) Hiotnry of the Dw/jV-s ^V''.— With
regard to the ministry of the altar,
deacons, as -vve have sei'ii. nsi>(1 to 'j'wv tlie
people coniiiiuMMiii iiihI't Iml h kni(K, In
Cyprian's t line, and in tin' rollowing ages,
deiicons were only permitted to present
the chalice to the people.'-' At present
• This, however, was denieil l)v the (Ireek
Ooiinril in Tnillo, can. M)- and »Uo. PotMvins
sav-. Ii\ • rc-rt:iiii I.Mtnrii mihI ( 'al li. ihcold-
l;i,oi-.' '/<• (',itl,.,l. ,/„,hi,s,l„m Dniini llli.
ii. rap. i .
' Cvpi'iaii. ])e Lui>s. 25; Apost. Canst.
viii. 12".
they are forbidden to give commurdon at
all except in case of necessity, but they
retain the essential part of their office
as ministers of the altar by singing the
Gospel at High Mass, and assisting the
priest throughout the celebration. They
can also, as in ancient times, preach with
the leave of the bishop, and baptise
solemnly with that of the parish priest.
Formerly the deacons had other and
very important functions. They had to
acquaint the bishop with the state of his
flock, collect the oflertory at ]Mass, to
visit the confessors in prison, write the
Acts of the martyrs, so that in the Apo-
stolical Constitutions (ii. 44) the deacon
is said to be the " ear, eye, nioutli, heart
and soul of the bishop." Nay, in certain
cases even congregations in the country
were committed to their care.'
In many churches, of which Rome
was one, the number of deacons was •
limited to seven, in memory of the original
institution.- It was not till the eleventh
century that the number of Cardinal
Deacons in the Roman Church was raised
from se\"en to fourteen.
But the most important point in which
the position of deacons has altered is that,
whereas in the ancient and even mediaeval
Church a man often remained a simple
deacon for the rest of his life, the diaeonate
is now regarded as a steji towards the
priesthood. Among the Cardinal Deacons
at Rome a vestige of the ancient discipline
is still preserved.
(3) The Ordmation of Deacojw.— The
following is the form given in the Roman
Pontifical. The hidiop (|iit'.-tions the
archdeacon on the fit m - - of t lir ( andnlates
and then asks tlie cli rgy and the jifople
to state any grounds they have for ob-
jecting to the (U'dination of the person
about to be promoted. After a pause,
the bishop lays down the duties and
qii;dilirations of a deacon, while th"
candidates kneel at his feet. The candi-
dates then piM-irate themselves on their
lae.- wild. Litany of the Saints and
S(»i!i' Mthi'i piay: r> aiv recited. Next, in
a kind of pi el'a(a>, thp bishop gives thanks
to God for the institution of the sacred
ministry, and the most important part of
tlie rite bpgiiis. The bishop places his
richt hand on r:\r\\ .if the candidates with
tlir wonl> the Holy G host for
stivn^ih and lor iv>i~ting the devil and all
his tcni])tations in the name of the Lord."
I Concil. Illib. can. 77.
- I'aisi b, //. E. vi. 4.3 ; C ucil. Neocicsar.
can. la.
DEACONESS
DEACONESS
271
Then, holding the right hand stretched
out, he continues, " Send forth upon them,
0 Lord, we beseech Thee, the Holy Spirit,
that they may be strengthened faithfully
to perform the work of thy ministry by
the gift of thy sevenfold grace," c&c. The
bishop then invests the new deacons with
the stole on the left shoulder, and dal-
matic, and finally makes them touch the
book of the Gospels, while he says,
" Receive the power of reading the Gospel
in the church of God, both for the living
and the dead, in the name of the Lord."
The essence of the ordination, ac-
cording to the most probable opinion,
consists in the laying on of hands by a
bishop with words which express the
nature of the power given. This impo-
sition of hands is mentioned in the Acts
of the Apostles oud in various early
authorities — e.(/. In Canon 4 of the early
collection attributed to the Fourth Coun-
cil of Carthage. The present form of
words which accompanies lliis imposition
of hands is not older than the twelfth
century. With regard to the other cere-
monies, the questions put by the bishop
to the people on the iitness of the candi-
dates are in substance of Ajxistollc
institution.^ The recitation of the Litany
of the Saints is found in the oldest Pon-
tificals ; the prayer " Exaudi, Domine,
preces nostras," used after giving the book
of the Gospels occurs in a MS. more tlian
twelve hundred years old ; and the practice
of investing the new deacon with the
Stole was in use, according to Assemani,
long before the time of Gregory the
Great. In the Greek rite, as given by
Goar, the bishop makes the sign of the
cross on the head of the person to be
ordained, and places his hand on his head,
with the words, " Divine grace, which
ever heals the infirm and perfects the
imperfect, promotes the veneral)le sub-
deacon N. to be deacon. Therefore let
us pray for him that the grace of the
Holy Spirit may come upon him." The
bishop then makes on the head of the
deacon the sign of the cross three times,
uses two forms of prayer witli fresh
imposition of hands, jaits the orariinn or
stole on his left shoulder, saying, "He is
worthy," gives him the kiss of peace, and
puts the fan for driving away flies from
the holy sacrifice into his hand, again
saying, " He is worthy."
BEACOXTESS. Many have sup-
posed that 6t. Paul recognises the exis-
tence of deaconesses when in Rom. xvi. 1
» See Acts vi. 3.
he speaks of Phoebe as the hiaKovos or
servant of the church at Cenchrere, and
it has been suggested that the " widows "
in 1 Tim. v. 9, were deaconesses. In
any case, from very early times there was
an order of women in the Church known
as biaKovKTcraL, np(afivTLb(s, x^pat, diai un-
isscB, preshyfercB, viducB. Phny mentions
two Christian rninistrce, probably mean-
ing deaconesses.
They were employed in assisting at
the baptism of women,' which at that
time was by immersion, and after the
deacon had anointed the baptised person
on the ftn-ehead, the other unctions, in
the case of a woman's baptism, were given
by the deaconess.'^ Deaconesses also gave
private instruction to women, visited
them in sickness and prison, kept order
at the women's door and in the women's
Iiart of the church, assisted the bride at
marriages, &c.
Originally widows were chosen for the
ofiice, though even St. Ignatius speaks of
virgins who were called widows ^ — i.e.
because of this office — and later, married
women, if living in continence, might
become deaconesses. For a long time
deaconesses were required to be sixty
years of age, but the Councils of Chal-
cedon and in Trullo* reduced the re-
quired age to forty years. Women who
had been married twice were never ad-
mitted to the rank of deaconess. Deacon-
esses were strictly forbidden to marry
They were ordained by laying on of
hands ; sometimes, indeed, they even re-
ceived the stole and chalice.* But they
were servants of the church, not ministers
of the altar ; indeed, the Fathers regard
the exclusion of women from ecclesiasti-
cal office as a distinctive principle of the
Catholic Church.''
In the fifth and sixth centuries abuses
led to the abolition of the office in Gaul,"
and in the tenth century the office was
extinct in the West, though the words
diaconissa and archidiaconissa were some-
times used for abbess. At Constanti-
1 Constit. Apost. viii. 27.
2 Constit. Apost. iii. 1.5. s Ad Sviyrn. 13.
* Concil. Chalced. can. 1.t ; Coucil. in Trull.
can. 14.
5 Concil. Chalced. loc. cit.
« See Hefele, Concil. i. 429 seq.. and the
refeieiues in Kraus, Real-EncyclopUdie, sub.
voc. '• Diat-onissa."'
7 Tertull. Piasscr. 41.
Or at least put an end to the blessing of
women for the ottice. See Council of Oranare
(anno 441), can 26; of Epaon. (anno 517),
can. 21.
272 DEAD, MASS FOR
DECRETALS, THE
nople the office survived till 1190, and it
is still preserved among the Syrians.
(See Krnus and the article in Wetzer and
Welte.)
DEAD, KASS FOR. [See Mass,
III.:
SEAir (decanus, one who has autho-
rity over ten ; cf. centurio). Civil officials
so-called were known to the Roman law,
and are mentioned in the Codes of Theo-
dosius and Justinian. They seem to
have been in some way concerned with
the management of funerals. The title
was adopted for Christian use, and first
among the monks. For every ten monks
a decatms or dean was nominated, who
had the charge of their discipline. The
senior dean, in the absence of the abbot
and provost, governed the monastery.
Since monks hud the charge of many
cathedral churches, the office of dean
thus was introduced into tliem ; custom
gradually determined that there should
be only one dean in a cathedral; witli
the increase of property the proY.i>rs
time was largely taken up with teni]i(.ral
affairs ; hence the dean gradually a>-
bunied the chief charge of the ecclesias-
tical and ritual concerns of the cathedral,
especially in regard to the choir. When
a regular observance was introduced
among secular canons [Regular Canons],
the office of dean, borrowed ajiparently
from the monastic cliiipti-iv, came in
along with it. By thr cnuimon law the
care of souls, but no jurisdiction i/i foro
e.i ti'iiio, iscommittedtodeansof chapters;
but by special and customary law they
often enjoyed in France in former times,
and still enjoy in Germany in certain
cases, large powers of visitation, admini-
stration, and jurisdiction, so that their
authority is almost equal to that of
bishops. By the common law the right
of electing the dean belongs to the bishop
and archdeacon; but by custom and
prescription it is usually M sicd in tlie
canons, subject to the confirmation of the
bishop. In chapter-meetings the dean
pn sides e.v officio, and has a casting vote
when there is an equal division; other-
wise his po\\xr.- di iMi I \ceed those of
the canons. (F'.riaris, Dccanux.)
nsAsr OF tux: sacres coXi-
XEGE. The Cardinal Dean is the chief
of the sacred college; he is usually the
oldest of the Cardinal Bishops, and suc-
ceeds his predecessor as bishop of Ostia.
lie presides in the consistory in the
absence of the Pope. In all ecclesiastical
functions which he performs he has the
privilege of wearing the pallium ; and it
is he on whom the duty devolves of con-
ferring on the newly-elected Pope those
orders which he may not have already
received, and also of presiding at his
coronation. Ambassadors, on arriving
in Rome, pay their first visits to the Car-
dinal Dean, and newly-elected Cardinals
render to him their earliest homage. The
oldest in the ordi>r of bishops, after the
Cardinal Dean, is sub-dean of the sacred
college ; he is usually bishop of Porto.
DEANS, RURAX.. [See llURAL
Deans.]
SECAXiOCVE. [See Command-
ments.]
DECEASED WIFE'S SISTER,
nxARRiACE WITH. A few words
on the Catholic view of this vexed ques-
tion may not be out of place here. A
man and his deccaxil ^\if■'s -i-ter are
related in the first (lfMi,.r ni' .iH'm,' y. and
therefore any attempted n ■irri.iyc be-
tween them would be null ami void.
Si I' Affinity.] But the Church has
tlh piiwer of dispensing from this impedi-
ment ; hence Catlirdics who have ob-
tained such a dispensation are validly
nuirried in CmI's sight. The English
law, of course, refuses to recognise the
marriage. It is for this reason that some
Catholics have joined in the agitation in
favour of the Deceased Wife's Sister
Marriage Bill. The common view, how-
ever, is opposed to it on the ground that
the existing law is in accordance with
the canons of the Church.
DECX.ARATI011- OF CAX.I.ICAir
CIiERCY. [See GaLLICANISM."
DECRETAZ.S, THE. By this name
is commonly understood the collection of
laws anil decisions made bv St. Ravniond
of Pennafort at the conmiaiul nC ( i'l egnry
IX. After tlie ajiiiearance of the 1 ).'cre-
tum of Gratian [('axon Law] m 1151,
many juriscimsults aiijilied themselves to
the task of collecting and commenting
upon ecclesiastical laws. These collec-
tions being incomplete, it sometimes
happened that a Decretal deciding a
given case in a particular way would be
found in one collection and not in an-
other, whence much uncertainty arose.
False decretals also were not unfrequently
manufactured about this time, so that
Innocent III. was obliged to employ
severe measures to sujipi'ess the practice.
In order tliai all ''linrcli tribunals might
have a I i iiijM' 111 n,~i\ e and consistent
authority to guide them, Pope Gregory
IX. directed St. Raymond, who was his
DECEETIST
DEDICATION OF CnURCTTES 273
chaplain and penitentiary, to make a new
and authentic compilation of Papal Con-
stitutions and Decretals. This great
undertaking was completed in 1234.
The -work opens with a letter addressed
by Gregory IX. to the doctors and scho-
lars of the university of Bologna, in
which, after explaining the motives
which had influenced its preparation, he
states it to be his wish that the work
should be used both in the courts and in
the schools, and forbids the publication
of any similar collection without special
authority from the Holy See. The five
books of the Decretals, the principal
subjects of which are indicated by the
memorial line
"Judicium, judex, clerns, connubia, crimen,"
contain 185 Titles or Rubrics. The
first title, "De Summa Trinitate et Fide
Catholica," founding Church law on re-
vealed religion, is a short profession of
faith, with a statement of the divine con-
stitution and authority of the Church.
St. Raymond used abbreviation to the
utmost, in order to compress his mutter
within the limits of one volume. Thus
he frequently records in full the operative
part of a Decretal containing the Ponti-
fical decision, but suppresses the recitals
containing the case or cases on which the
decision was founded. The gloss-writers
and commentators, from not referring to
the earlier collections in which the De-
cretals were given in full, sometimes mis-
understood these decisions : their glosses,
however, were acted upon by the courts :
hence not a little perplexity arose. A
canonist named Contius pubhshed an
edition of the " Corpus Juris Canonici "in
1570, in which Raymond's omissions were
supphed ; but the innovation did not suc-
ceed, the original text having been used
by jurists for so long a period ; and the
Decretals are still edited and cited in the
form in which Raymond left them.
The last edition appeared at Leipsic inl840.
Among the chief commentators on the
Decretals are Bernard of Parma, a canon
of Bologna, and Sinibaldo Fieschi, after-
wards Pope Innocent IV.
BECRSTZST (decretuta). A gene-
ral name for a doctor of canon law ; the
word seems to be derived from the " De-
cretum " of Gratian. The university of
Oxford used to confer the degrees of
" Baccalaureus " and " Doctor " Decre-
torum. The term "decretalist'' signified a
canonist who was specially versed in the
Decretals of Gregory IX.
DECRETVIVX GHATZASTZ. [See
Caxox Law.i
BEBZCATZOir OP CHVRCHES.
These words mean, properly speaking, the
act by which a church is solemnly set
apart for the worship of God ; and after-
wards this event is commemorated by a
feast of the dedication. We have to treat
of both subjects.
I. The actual Dfidicafionof the Church.
— In the Jewish Church the tabernacle
and Temple were dedicated by solemn rites,
and Cardinal Bona supposes that the
practice of dedicating or consecrating
Christian churches dates from Apostolic
times, and was formally imposed by a law
of Pope Evaristus. However this may
be, we find the consecration of churches
mentioned just after the lienthen persecu-
tion was over by Euseb. (.\. ?>). It was
one of the charges made by tlie Arians
against Athanasius that he had said Mass
in an unconsecrated church. Many early
councils— e.(7. that of Orange in 441 (can.
10) — take the practice of dedicating
churches for granted, and legislate con-
cerning it. The present law of tlie
Church forbids the use of a church for
the celebration of Mass unless it has been
first consecrated or at least blessed, for
which blessing a less solemn rite is pro-
vided in the Pontifical. It is unlawful to
alienate a clnirch which lias been once
consecrated, according to the maxim
quoted from the " Kegu!;e J uris appended
to the sixth book of the Decretals— "That
which has once been dedicated to God
must not be transferred to common use."
The person who conscci-atcs a church
must be a bishop, and to him this conse
cration has always been and is still re-
served, though a simple priest may be
deputed to bless a church. Moreover, the
consecrating bishop must be the bishop
of the diocese or another bishop with leave
from him, and this applies even to the
churches of such religious as are exempt
from episcopal jurisdiction, although in
some cases special privileges in this matter
have been gTanted — e.ff. to the Friars
Minor, who got powers from Honorius III.
enabling them to invite another bishop
to consecrate their churches, should tlie
diocesan be unwilling to do so. In early
times it was common for many bishops to
assemble for the consecration of a church,
and in those days many bishops might
actually take part in the consecration,
though the principal part was assigned
to one only. At present, a bishop can by
^ virtue of his ordinary jurisdiction conse-
274 DEDICATION OF CHURCHES DEDICATION OF CHURCHES
crate any church in his diocese, but this
lias not been the case always and every-
where. Thus it appears from a Consti-
tution of Gelasius, and from a letter of
Gregory the Great, that Italian bishops
could not consecrate churches even in
their own dioceses without the Pope's
leave ; while in the province of Toledo
permission had to be obtained from the
metropolitan. These restrictions no longer
exist.
The ritual of consecration has of
course been gradually developed. Origin-
ally, to judge from Eusebius {loc. cit),
churches" were consecrated by preaching,
prayer, and above all by the acceptable
sacrifice of the new law. St. Ambrose
mentions the custom of consecrating
churches by relics as one which prevailed
at Rome and was adopted by him ; he
also speaks of the vigil kept by the rehcs
over-night before they were transferred to
the new church. In the Sacramentary of
St. Gregory and the Pontifical of Egbert
we meet with the rite of consecration
almost in its present form, and we may
trace the minor changes introduced in the
" Ordines " which Martene has collected
from different ages and dioceses. The
following are the chief points in the rite
prescribed by the present Roman Ponti-
fical. Theconsecratingbishop, who should
be fasting on the day before, sets apart over-
night the relics to be used in the conse-
cration. Lights burn before them, and
matins and lauds are sung in honour of
the saints whose relics have been pro-
cured. Twelve crosses are also marked
on the walls of the church with candles
attached to them. Next day these candles
are lighted, and all things needful are
prepared in the church, which is left in
charge of a deacon duly vested. The
bishop goes in procession round the out-
side of the church, three times sprinkling
it with holy water, knocks three times
at the chiu c-h door with his pastoral stafi",
saying, " Lift up your heads, ye princes,
and be ye lifted up, ye eternal gates, and
the king of glory will enter." Three
times the deacon within asks, "Who is
the k'ing of glory?" Twice the bishop
answers, " The Lord strong and mighty,
the Lord mighty in battle,'' and the third
time, " Tile Lord of armies, he is the king
of gloi-y." Tliereujion the bishop enters
wil li I III' cli'Mo .■111(1 i.fli.-i's whose assist-
ant' 111' i'i'i|iiin'-, li','i\iiii; llip rest of the
cliTi^y itiiil |ii'iipli' oiit>iiJi', and again
closing the door. lie forms a cross M'ith
the letters of the Greek and Latin
alphabets, which he inscribes with his
staff on ashes previously sprinkled upon
the floor of the church — a rite which
symbolises the instruction to be given to
catechumens in the elements of the
faith. Afterwards, he proceeds with the
consecration of the altars, marking five
crosses on each with his thumb, which he
has dipped in a preparation of M'ater,
ashes, salt and wine, specially blessed, and
sprinkling them seven times with this
mixture. He also goes three times round
the inside of the church and sprinkles the
walls, as well as the floor of the church.
Later on, the relics are borne into the
church, the bishop, clergy, and people
taking part in the procession. An ad-
dress is first made to the people on the
event of the day, and the outside of the
door is anointed with chrism. The
sepulchres of the altars are also anointed
with chrism, and the relics placed in
them. The table of the altar is anointed
in the same manner and incensed, and five
crosses are made on it with the oil of
catechumens, as well as with chrism.
Chrism is used later on to anoint the
twelve crosses which have been marked
on the walls, and incense is burned on the
five crosses which have been previously
made on the altar with blessed water, oil
and chrism. Finally, the bishop makes a
cross with chrism on the front and four
corners of the altar, the cloths, vessels,
ornaments, &c., are consecrated or blessed,
and the dedication of the church is com-
plete.
The meaning and use of this consecra-
tion are clearly stated by St. Thomas
(" Summ." III. Ixxxiii. 3). The rite, says
the saint, signifies the holiness secured to
the Church by Christ's passion, and re-
quired of its members. Moreover, in
answer to the Church's prayers, God
makes the church fit for His \^ orshlp — i.e.
He makes it a means of exciting special
devotion in the faithful who enter it, if
they do so with virtuous dispositions, and
He drives far from it the power of the
enemy. (From the Pontifical, with Cata-
lani's commentary.)
11. The feast of the dedication (" fest.
dedicatioRis," " encaenia;" in St. Leo's ser-
mon on the Machabees "natale ecclesiae")
is kept in consecrated churches on the
ann i versary of the consecration , as a double
of the first class with an octave. The bi.<hop
at the time of the consecration may for
grave reasons fix a day other tlian the
actual anniversary on which the feast of
the dedication is to be kept, but after the
d::i exdek of the faith
DEGRADATION
275
consecration no change in the day can be
made except by the Pope's leave. Here,
too, the Christian has followed the use
of the Jewish Church, which celebrated
yearly the purging of the Temple and
the rebuilding of the altar after Judas
Machabseus had driven out the Syrians
in 164 B.C. The observance of the anni-
versary of a church's dedication can be
traced back at least to Constantine's time.
Besides the obser\-ance of this anniver-
sary in the church itself, the feast of the
dedication of the cathedral is kept through-
out the diocese, also as a double of the
first class, but without an octave.'
Moreover, the dedication of certain Roman
basilicas (S. Marifp ad Nives, Basilicae
Salvatoris, Rasilicre SS. Petri et Pauli) is
celebrated throughout the whole Church,
the feast being in each case a double or
greater double. (From Gavantus, P. II.
sect. viii. cap. -5.)
DGFESTBER OF THE FA.XTK
{Defemorjidei). This title was conferred
on our king Henry VIII. and his successors
by Pope Leo X.'in the year 1521. In
that year Henry sent to the Pope his book
in defence of the seven sacramrnts against
Luther. The Pope received the book in
full consistory, eulogised it in the strongest
terms, and some days later consulted the
Cardinals on the best means of showing
how he felt Henry's services to the Church.
After a long conference, it was resolved
to bestowthe title of Defender of the Faith
on the English kings. Accord ingly a bull
was sent conferring the title in question,
and with it Leo despatched a brief thank-
ing Henry for his book. (See Pallavicini,
"Hist. Concil. Trid."lib. ii. c. 1, quoted in |
the Continuation of Fleury.)
DEFENSOR ECCX.ESIJE {(KK\r]a-i- '
e'/cSi/cor). A functionary of whom fre-
quent mention is made in the annals of
the primitive Church ; he was nominated
by the emperor, on the presentation of tlie
bishop, to protect the temporal interests
of a particular church. In the East he
was usually an ecclesiastic, in the West
a layman.
SEFEnrsoR MATRznxoirzz. The
law att'fcting official "defenders of the
marriage " is laid down in the Constitution t
Dei miseratione of Benedict XIV. In all
matrimonial suits a defensor matrimonii
must take part, his function being to sus-
tain the marriage of which it is souglit to
prove the nullity, by adducing every argu-
ment and consideration in its favour which
' The Octave, however, is c-Iebrated in the
churches of the cathedral city.
the case admits of. His function may be
compared to that of the Queen's Proctor
in the English Divorce Court, who " inter-
venes " between the parties, if he deems
that there is reason to suspect collusion,
or that the party applying for the divorce
is disqualified from obtaining it, the effect
of such intervention being to stay the
divorce and sustain the marriage. In the
Roman Curin suits of nullity of marriage
come before the Congregation of the
Coimcil [CoNGEKOATiONS, Roman] or the
Auditory of the Apostolic Palace: in the
former case the defensor is appointed by
the Cardinal Prefect, in the latter, by the
Auditor Dean. In courts of the second in-
stance— e.ff. that of a metropolitan, or of a
Papal nuncio — the judge is entitled, and
also bound, to appoint a defensor; except
where thehearingofa case has beendeputed
by the Holy See to a special commissary
who has no ordinary jurisdiction, for under
such circumstances the liishop of the dio-
cese where the hearing is to take place
nominates the defent'oi-. The same Con-
stitution directs that a defensor shall be
appointed, if possible, from among tlie
clergy of every diocese by the l)isliop, who
shall attend all matrimonial suits. A
defensor is to receive reasonable fees, pay-
able either by the litigant supporting the
validity- of the marriage, or, if he is indi-
gent, out of the fines of court or the epi-
scopal treasury. He must be swoni to
discharge his ofKcc faithfully; he must
be cited at, and kept duly informed of,
every stage of the case ; and it is his duty
always to appeal from the first sentence
by which the nullity of any marriage is
declared. (Ferraris, Defensor.)
DEGRADATXOsr. Degradation is
of two kinds, verbal and real. By the
first a criminous cleric is declared to be
perpetually deposed from clerical orders,
or from the execution thereof, so as to be
deprived of all order and function — e.g.
the sacerdotal or episcopal — and of any
benefice which he might have previously
enjoyed. But the person degraded does
not lose the priirilegium fori — that is, he
is not remitted for justice to the secular
courts, but may still use the ecclesiastical.
Nor does he lose the pririlegiimi cfinonis,
in virtue of wliich the assailant of a clprio
incurs excommiuiication ipso facto. Nor
does degradation cause a priest to lose
the character of the ])riesthood, which is
indelible. The consecration of the Eu-
charist by a degraded priest is therefore
valid, as well as his absolution of a ])eni-
tent given in articidn morfis. He is still
276 DEGRADATION
DEGREES
bound to continence, and to the recitation
of his office. The obligation as to the
latter point would seem to be a doubtful
matter in certain cases, according to de-
cisions of the Congregation of the Council
and Clement XI. in the case of clerks
condemned to the galleys.
Real or actual degradation is that
which, besides deposing a cleric from the
exercise of his ministry, actually strips
him of his orders, according to a pre-
scribed ceremonial, and delivers him to
the secular arm to be punished. The
person thus degraded loses the privilegium
fori et canonis; but as (if a priest) he
cannot be deprived of the sacerdotal
character, his consecration of the Eu-
charist and absolutions of persons in
articulo are still valid, as in the former
The canon law specifies minutely the
crimes on account of which the punish-
ment of degradation may be legally in-
flicted, and leaves no jurisdiction with
Ijishops of degrading except for the causes
determined by the law and by the Roman
Pontiffs.
For the ceremony of real degradation
a form was laid down by Boniface VIIT.
The delinquent clerk was to be brought
before the bishop, habited in the dress of
his order, and with a book or vessel, or
.some other instrument or ornament in his
liands, as if he were proceeding to the
performance of his clerical functions. The
bishop was then publicly to take away
from him the things, whether vestment,
chalice, book, or anything else, that had
been delivered to him at the time of his
ordination, beginning with that vestment
or ornami'nt which he had received last,
and ending with the vestment which he
put on when he was first tonsured.
Lastly, his head was to be shaved, so as
to obliterate the mark of the tonsure.
When the last of the clerical insignia was
taken away, the bishop was to address
him to the following effect : " By the
authority of God Almighty, Father, Son,
and Holy Ghost, and by our own, we
take away from thee the clerical habit,
and de])0se, degrade, and deprive thee of
all order, benefice, and clerical privilege."
The above ceremony can only be per-
formed by a bishop in person; but a
verbal degradation can be carried out by
the vicar-general, acting as the bishop's
representative, or by the vicar-capitular,
acting for the chapter, during a vacancy
of the see.
The Church dehvers to the lay power
with extreme reluctance those who have
once been her ordained ministers; and,
in doing so, " is bound to intercede effica-
ciously for them, that moderate sentences,
not involving the peril of death, may be
passed upon them." In ancient times
the bishops endeavoured from this motive
to shut up degraded clerks in monasteries
rather than hand them over to the secular
arm, as the former course seemed more
likely to lead to their repentance and
reformation.
Formerly the law required that a
number of bishops, varying according to
the rank of the delinquent, should concur
to the degradation of a cleric ; but since
the Council of Trent ' degradation of
either kind may be carried out by a single
bishop, assisted by as many abbots or
other dignitaries as bishops would have
been required under the old law.
The common opinion of the Fathers
was that a degraded cleric could be rein-
stated, upon pr(jof of sincere repentance
and amendment of life. The judgment
of Gregoiy the Great seems to have been
that tlie degradation, once inflicted, ought
to be irreversible. In modern times this
question can seldom be raised, because a
cleric is not now degraded excepting for
a crime of great enormity, punished with
the heaviest penalties by the civil power.
(Ferraris, Degradation
BEGREES (ZXr THEOX.OCY,
ETC.). The history of learned degree.- — •
i.e. of the titles doctor or master, licentiate,
bachelor — is closely connected with that
of universities. We find the first traces
of them in the legal school of Bologna.
There the title of doctor or master was
given first of all to any teacher, but
about the middle of the twelfth century
" doctor " was used as an honorary title,
and was given specially to the four
doctors, viz. Bulgarus, Martinus, Jacobus,
aiid Hugo. As the imiversity, which had
been founded about 1100, began to be
duly constituted, the teachers formed
themselves into a college, they acquired
a certain jurisdiction over the students,
and they subjected persons who wished to
lecture to a previous examination. Those
who were so examined and approved r>'-
ceived the dignity of the doctorate. At
first it was "legists" or professors of
civil law, and these only, who obtained
this title ; but towards the close of the
twelfth age canonists also were called
doctors, as appears from a Decretal of
Irmocent III. addressed to the " doctores
» Sess. xiii. c. 4, De Keform.
DEGREES
DELEGATION
277
dfcretorum Bononiae," as well as the
" doctores legum " at the same school.
In the thirteenth century "doctors of
medicine," of grammar, logic, philosophy,
and the other arts were recognised. The
jurists, however, claimed the title of
doctor as exclusively their own. and
would only grant the title of " master " to
the qualified teachers of theology and the
arts. At Bologna a candidate for the
doctorate had to swear before the Rector
that he had gone through the regular
course of studies — i.e. that he had studied
civil law for eight, or the canon law for
six, years. Next, the candidate was pre-
sented by a doctor to the archdeacon of
BologTia, who had the right, crounded on
a rescript issued by Honorius III. in 1219,
of granting or refusing permission to
graduate. This permission being given,
the candidate was examined privately in
civil or in canon law, or in each of them
if he wished to graduate in each, by the
doctors who were empowered to promote.
The doctors voted after the examination,
and if their votes were favourable the
candidate became a licentiate. As a rule,
this degree of licentiate was o mere step
to the doctorate. Occasionally we find
cases of persons remaining licentiates for
years, but as a rule the licentiate passed
on at once to the second and public ex-
amination for the doctorate. At this the
licentiate made a speech on his promo-
tion, gave a lecture on law, and held a
public dispute with the scholars, all of
which exercises toolc place in the cathe-
dral. Thereupon the archdeacon or his
delegate proclaimed him doctor, while the
j)residing doctor investiNl liiiii with the
book, with the doctor's ring and cap, and
Seated him in the doctor's chair. Both
licentiate and doctor received a diploma;
the earliest known is dated 1314.
The new doctor acquired very im-
portant rights. He had authority to
teach in Bologna, and Papal decrees
secured the recognition of this right
throughout Christendom. He was called
" doctor legens," or " non legens," accord-
ing as he did or did not exercise the
privilege, and it was when the doctors
who did not lecture became common that
the notion of the doctorate as an inde-
j)endent dignity became perlV cted. Next,
the new doctor was qualified to be chosen
member of the faculty for promoting
others to the same degree. Lastly, the
doctors had jurisdiction over their scholars,
who, by concession of Frederic Barbarossa
in 1158, might choose to stand their trial
I "coram domino vel magistro suo vel
I ipsius civitatis episcopo."
I The degrees of doctor, &c., were of
! course conferred by other universities,
such as Paris, Oxford, &c., when they
j came to be erected. Gradually also the
degree of bachelor or baccalaureus became
I an independent degree. Originally,
bachelor was the name given to a student
who, having taken his oath that he had
I studied law for six years, was permitted
j by the Rector to teach an entire book of
Roman or civil law. The origin of the
degree of licentiate has been explained
above. The word "magister," or master,
designated first the master of a cathedral
school, then the dignitary appointed to
give free theological instruction in the
cathedral churches. In diversities
" magister " was used at first vaguely as
synonymous with teacher or professor ;
then it became a synonym of doctor in
the technical sense, as the highest of the
university degrees. If there was any
distinction between magister and doctor
it depended simply on local custom.
Thus, in Italy, France, and Spain, those
who had obtained the highest theological
degree were usually called " magistri
theologiiB " the word " doctor " being
reserved for graduates in the other
faculties. In Germany, on the other
hand, graduates in philosophy used to be
called masters, those in the other faculties
doctors.
By the law of the Church the dignity
of doctor in theology and canon law
cannot be given except by such theolo-
gical faculties as have been confirmed by
the Pope. The doctor on his promotion
must make the profession of faith drawn
up by Pius IV. According to the Coiui-
: cil of Trent (xxiv. 12, De Ref.) it is
desirable that all dignities and half the
I canonries in each chapter should be con-
feired on doctors or masters in theology
or canon law, unless there are reasons to
the contrary. Doctors in theology and
canon law are also usually summoned to
consult with the bishops in general and
provincial councils. (From Wetzer and
AVelte.)
DEXiEGATZOSr. A judge or ad-
ministrator delegates, his jurisdiction and
power when he commits their exciri-c to
another. A judge-delegate difl'er- I'rom
a judge in ordinary in that the latter
exercises his own jurisdiction, and decides
cases in his own right, whereas the dele-
gate relies on the right and jurisdiction
of another. The delegate is bound to
278 DELEGATION
DENUNCIATION
show his commission or credentials to
the parties whose cause he is to tr}', to
give them due notice of the time wlieu
they are to come before him, and to fix
the place of hearing at a distance not
exceeding twenty miles from the locality
where the cause of action arose.
Not only supreme authorities, as
Popes, emperors, and republics, but, by
the canon and civil law, all ordinary
judges can delegate their jurisdiction to
another. The delegator is in such cai^e
responsible for all judgments given by
Ids delegate, for " Qui facit per alium est
perinde ac si faciat per se ipsum." But
the delegating judge cannot divest him-
self of his whole jurisdiction without his
sovereign's consent, and this for obvious
reasons, especially because such delega-
tion would be tantamount to an appoint-
ment, and so infringe on the right of the
superior authority. Moreover, a delegate
may commit his jurisdiction to a sub-
delegate, but only if he be commissioned
by a prince or some sovereign authority.
TIenee the question has been raised
whether the delegate of a Roman con-
gregation can appoint a sub-delegate, and
it has been answered in the affirmative.
All persons are capable of being
appointed judge-delegates who are not
hindered by nature, by law, or by custom.
By nature, as the deaf, the dumb, or the
insane, "quia tales carent judicio." By
law, as those whom a judicial sentence
has declared infamous. By custom, as
slaves and women. Delegates of the
Holy See, or of a Papal legate, ought to
be dignitaries or canons of a cathedral
church ; but the delegate of a bishop may
be any clerk whom he may see fit to
appoint. The reason of the distinction is ,
that the bishop, havuig com])lele ]irr>oiial i
knowledge of his clergy, may ha\ e good
reason for placing his confidence in an
undistinguished cleric ; but the Holy See,
being witliout that personal knowledge,
appoints delegates who may be presumed
from their high position to be well
qualified for the duty. Bishops and all
ecclesiastical judges below the Pope
cannot delegate their power in spiritual
causes to a layman, or even to a layman
jointly with an ecclesiastic. This rule
applies also to criminal causes in which
clerics are concerned ; but not to purely ■
civil causes, as about debts and money I
matters generally, for in regard to these t
a bi.-^hdji can appoint a layman as his j
delegate. This, however, has been con- j
tested. The Supreme Pontiff can, out of j
I his full and certain knowledge, delegate
I to a layman — e.ff. to an emperor or king
— the trial even of the criminal and
spiritual caiises of clerics. This right
emanates from the plenary power of the
Pope, in virtue of which he dispenses,,
when necessary, with the established
law.
The Council of Trent ' ordered that
in every provincial or diocesan synod
several persons should be elected who
were qualiti.'d to act as Papal delegates,
and that the bishops should notify such
appointments to the Holy See. But as
these notifications were seldom made, the
decree fell into desuetude, and the Holy
See was compelled to proceed as before
in appointing delegates to try causes in
distant countries, on tlie best information
that could be obtained.
! Since many powers are by Pontifical
law delegated to bishops, it is sometimes-
dillicult to distinguish whether, in a
given case, a bishop is acting as ordinary
or as delegate of the Holy See. If the
former, the appeal from his sentence is to
the metropolitan ; if the latter, to the
Pope. The canonists lay down many
rules and testing circumstances, by means
of which the necessary discrimination may
be made.
Delegation may cease (I) by the
death of the delegate, if the delegation
was personal, not official ; - (2) bv the
death of the delegator, at least if the
cause was not yet commenced; (S) by his
deposition from office, with the same
proviso ; (4) by rev(.)cation of powers ;
(5) by expiration of time; (6) by the
discharge of the commission ; and in
several other ways. (Ferraris, Delegare,
Delegatus.)
SEMOM'. [See Devil.]
DEsrvNCZATZon-. An edict of
the Roman Inquisition, dated in 1677,
orders aU persons, in virtue of holy obe-
dience and under the penalty of excom-
munication l(ita> sententifc, to denounce
to the Holy Olfice, within the term of
one month, all persons whom they may
know to be heretics, or suspected of
heresy, and the abettors of such ; also all
persons whom they may know to be
addicted to magic, witchcraft, and
diabolic arts, or to keep without per-
mission, or promote the circulation of,
1 Sess. XXV. c. 10, De Ref.
As when, for instanoe, Philip IV. and
Edward I. Cdininitted the arbitration of th '
disputes to the Pope, not as Pope, but as •' Ben
detto Gaetani."
DEPOSING POWER
DEPOSING POWER
279
books teaching heresy or the black art, j
or to have broken their religious vows i
or canonical obligations bv contracting |
marriage, or to have committed bigamy,
or abused the sacrament of penance, or
uttered heretical blasphemies, or treated
holy images with disj-espect and contempt,
or freijuented anti-religious conventicles,
or perverted Christians to Judaism or
any sect contrary to the Catholic faith,
or been guilty of sacrilegious invasion,
not being priests, of the priestly olKce.
It is inferred from this that anyone
who teaches one of the condemned propo-
sitions TkOPOSITIOXES DAMXAT.lf ought
to be denounced to the Holy Othce.
At the same time " Catholics are not
bound to denounce heretics in those
places in which hen-tics are mixed with
Catholics, the inquisitors and bishops
being aware of the fact, since no one is
under an obligation to do what is
useless." '
The probable risk of serious injury to
person, property, ami reputatiun does not
release from the obligation of denouncing
a formal heretic, though it does release
from the obligation in the case of persons
only suspected of heresy.-
Formal heretics, on account of the
pe>tilent and contagious nature of the
crime, ought to be denounced even after
their death, so that they may be declared
excommunicate, be deprived of eccle-
siastical sepulture, be disinten-ed, and
their bones burned, if they can be dis-
tinguished from those of Catholics; if not,
they should be burnt in effigy.^ (Ferraris,
Denuntiatio.)
BEPOSZM-C POWER. Few poli-
tico-religious questions have been more
keenly argued than that which treats of
the i-elatious of control or otherwise be-
tween the Roman Pontiff and secular
princes and governments. During the
middle ages it was held everywhere in
Christian countries with undoubting con-
viction that princes were amenable on
the score of heresy to the ecclesiastical
power, and that the I'ope as the vicegerent
of Christ could lawfully excommunicate,
and after excommunication depose nr])ro-
cure the deposition of a sovereign who
had fallen into heresy. This was no
Ultramontane theory, but the common
teaching of theologians everywhere. Thus
we find Alexander Hales, an English
Franciscan of the thirteenth century,
saying, '• The spiritual power has to in-
> Ferraris, "Den." § 18.
i Ibid.%% 2i, 2b. 3 iiirf. §19.
struct the earthly power, and to judge
whether it is good ; it was itself first
instituted by God, and when it goes
astray, it can be jmlijed hy (iod alone."
And, " God has willed that >onie should
have power overotliei>. more in number;
and then that a .--till Mualler uumlier should
have power o\er tin- first ; and so on by
asceniliiit;- decree's until one is reached,
namely the T'ljie, who is immediately
nndei- (iiul." The third canon of the
Lateraii Council (l^l"i) Mi-dains that if a
^ec^llar ruler ]ierM>t~. alter lieuig warned,
in lettiMij liere-y ;:rii\\- uj) undi>turlied in
liis (hiniinidiis, he is tobe excoinni ini leal ed
by the lii>hiip> of the reL;ien-. MilijecT to
him ; if lie ediitemn tin- exei iiiimiiuieat ion,
the Pope is to be inl'cirini'd, "so tliat he
may declare the vassals (if tliat rider al>
solved from his fealty, and invite Catho-
lics to oeeupy the country." No one,
making- any olijeetion to this canon: for
"not yet in truth luid the i-aee ol' pai-a-ites
to tem])oral princes appeared, who, tliat
they may ap])ear to establish their earthly
liingdoins, take away the eternal kingdom
tidiii tho>e whom they fawn upon."'
On the other liaiid, many theologians,
while aihiiitting the I'aet of tlie general
belief in the middle at;e> that the power
of the Pontiff was aho\ e that of all tem-
poral so\ ereigiis, and iiieliided, in exi leme
cases, till' x\'A\\ of dejiosing tlieni. aeeoiiilt
for this helief ill various ways, lint do not
admit that it has any root in X\n^ di-p(if:i'ti_m
Jidei. Some say that the influence of the
feudal idea ( if suzerainty caused the Pope
to lie regarded as suzerain over all sove-
reigns within the limits of Christendom,
but that, with the weakening (U' abolition
i of feudalism, this theory and all its con-
j sequenee> must lie abandoned. Others
ground 1 he l'a]ial claims in this res]ieet on
the received puiilic law of t ho>e aiie-. tliat
emperors and kings had to jirofess the
true faith, and be in communion with the
I'ope, as essential conditions of their
reigning lawfully ; if these conditions
were broken, of which the Pope was tlie
jildee, then, at the demand of the suli-
jeets. he eould relieve them of their alleei-
aiice and declare their ruler unfit toi eiun.
Here again, a temporary basis only is
allowed to the deposing power, as depend-
ing on a condition of ojiinion which in
modern times has ceased to exist, (ierson,
Diqieri-Mii, and I'eilelou go miicll further
\ than this, hut sto]i short of allowing any
I coercive jurisdiction to exist in the INijie,
I in right of his primacy, over sovereigns.
280 DEPOSING POWER
DEPOSING POWER
"The Cliui'cli," says FtSuelon, "neither I
deprived nor appointed lay rulers, but I
only replied, when the nations consulted
it, explaining what concerned the con-
science in regard to the ])olitical contract j
or the oath [of allegiance]. This is not a
juridical and civil, but only a directive
and ordinative power." The power, he
adds, consists only in this, "that the
Pope, as the chief of pastors — as the
principal director and doctor of the Church
in the greater causes of Christian moral
discipline — is bound to instruct a people
consulting him on what concerns their
keeping the oath of fealty which they
have sworn." *
The ordinary opinion of Roman theo-
logians may be seen stated in full in the
pages of Ferraris. " The common opinion
teaches that the Pope holds the powt'r of
both swoi-ds, tile spiritual and the tem-
poral, which jurisdiction and power Christ
Himself committeil to I'l'ter and his suc-
cessors, saying (Matt. xvi. 19) 'I will
give to thee the keys,' itc. ; where
doctors note that he did not say 'key'
but 'keys,' thereby coni]ii-elieii(liiin- tlie
tenii)oral along with iIh- sjnnt ua 1 ]>n\\ er."
The contrary opinion is held to >;i\oiir of
the heretical ))ellef condemned l)y Boiii- !
face VIII. in the Constitution " Cnani
Sauctam." "Accordingly, nnlielievlng
kings and princes can lie deprived by thi'
sentence of the I'opr. in certain cases, of
the dominlou which tliey have over Ije-
lievers; for instance, if tin y ]ia\ e Ioi'i-DjI)
seized U])()U Christian count ni--. or iivi'
endeavonrlng to turn tlinir Ijelieving sul)-
jects from the faith, and tlie like." Bar-
Dosa and oth(u- canonists Injld that "a i
king who has become a heretic can be [
removixl from his kingdom by the Pope,
to whom the right of electing a successor
passi's, if his sons and kindred are also
heretics." "Th(>re is notliing strange in
attributing to the lionnm I'ontill', as the
vicar of Him whose is the earth and the
fulness thereoi', the world and all that
dwell therein, the fulli'st authority ami
i)ower to lay bare, a just cause moving
lini. not only the s|iiiilnal lull also the
liMlrM.-il s\\-oi'd. and >o to t i-aii.-fer sove-
roi;;iit ir>, iiiviilv sce|i1res. and remove
crowns." The canonisis jjrodiice nmne-
rous instances where t hi- has h' I'li aci n.iily
done, as -when Gregory 11. d. |Hi>('(l i hr
liyzantiiu! emperor Leo III. ; ( i i i y i )ry V H.
deposed the emperor Hein-y IV. ; Inno-
cent IV., in the Council of Lyons, deposed
the emperor Frederick II. ; Sec.
1 Suglia, l>e Romano I'onlifice, § 33.
The celebrated Constitution "Unam
Sanctam"! (1303) teaches that "both
s^^■ords, the spiritual and the material,
are in the power of the Church, but the
latter is to be wielded for the Church,
the former by the Church; one by the
hand of the priest, the other by the" hand
of kings and magistrates,- but at the
pleasure and sutl'erance of the ])rlest. One
sword must be under the other; and the
temporal authority must be subject to
the spiritual power. . . . The spiritual
power has to teach the earthly power,
and to judge it, if it is not good. . . .
Therefore, if the earthly po^er goes
astray, it shall be judged by the spiritual
pow er ; " whereas the spiritual power is
responsible to God alone.
liellarmlne, in a sentence of great
clearness and force, has clothed the doo-
trlne of the deposing power in a philo-
sophical form. After quoting the famous
lines of the sixth .dSneid, " Excudent alii,"
&c., he says that, as the art of the sculptor
is not included in, nor derived from, the
art of govei-nment, and yet is subject to
it, "so the ecclesiastical art of governing
souls, which is the art of arts, and resides
principally in the Pope, does not neces-
sarily niciude the art of [secular] govern-
ment, nor is it necessary that all govern-
ments should be derived from the Church ;
aud yet, because its end is eternal hfe,
to w hlch all other ends are subordinated,
the political art of ruling peoples is sub-
ject aud subordinate to this art, and the
Supreme Pontiff can and ought to com-
mand kings that they do not abuse their
royal po^^■er, to the subversion of the
Church, to the fostering of heresies and
schisms — in short, to the eternal ruin of
themselves aud the peoples subject to
them ; and if they do not obey after having
been admonished he can cast them out of
the Church by tlie censure of excommuni-
cation, and absolve the peoples from their
oat h of fealty ; finally, he can strip them
of their realms and deprive them of the
royal power." *
The state of Europe is so much altered
since the time of Bella rmine, that there is
no longer any question, even at Home, of
exercising the deposing power. When,
tliiouiih tlie i^rowth of heresy and uu-
lii 111 1'. and I la . pread of opinions favour-
ahle to the aljsokite independence and
unlimited authority of kings or States,
the popular assent to the use of the de-
' KnviiaUlus, iv. 328. -' Militiiin.
s Bellarm. De Potustate Summi I'ontijich,
cap. ii.
DEPOSITION
DEPOSITION, BULL OF 281
jiosjiig power had vanished, the power
Itself fell into abeyance ; for without such
assent it could not be effectively exercised.
Accordingly the late Pope, in a sermon
quoted by Cardinal Soglia, said, " No one
now thinks any more of the right of de-
posing princes, which the Holy See for-
merly exercised ; and the Supreme Pontiff
even less than anyone." (Ferraris, Papa.)
DEPOSXTZOnr in the strict sense
{depositio perpetua) deprives a clerk of all
right to exercise his orders, of his benefice
and of jurisdiction. It is distinct, on the
one hand, from mere privation, because
deposition is perpetual, and, on the other
hand, from degradation, because deposi-
tion is inflicted by the mere sentence of
competent authority without any such
ceremonies as accompany degradation,
and because a deposed, unlike a degraded,
person still belongs to the clerical state,
and enjoys the privileges of the canon
and forum. The distinction between
degradation and deposition dates from
the twelfth century. Deposition, beiug
an act of jurisdiction, can be inflicted by
the bishop of the diocese, by the vicar-
general acting in the bishop s name, and
by the prelates of religious orders. De-
position is the punishment assigned in
the canons for certain grave crimes, such
as murder, perjury, robbery, .adult ery, &c.
SEPOSZTZOW, BVI.X. OF. Often
as the celebrated bull of Pius V. is refeired
to, its exact terms are but little known ;
we therefore subjoin an abstract of its j
contents. The bull begins " Eegnans in i
excelsis." After the opening passage,
it proceeds : — " But the party of the j
impious has become so powerful that
there is now no place in the world left
which they have not endeavoured to
corrupt with their abominable doctrines,
being supporteil In', amongst others, that
flagitious woman, the pretended queen of
England, EUzabeth ; to whom, as to a
safe asylum, all the most dangerous and
mischievous characters have fled for
shelter. This same queen, having seized
the roj"al power, monstrously arrogating
to herself the place of supreme head of
the Chui-ch in all England, and the chief
authority and jurisdiction over it, has
])lunged again into a gulf of misery and
ruin a kingdom which long ago was con- i
verted to the Catholic faith and to sound
and moral li\ing (bonam fruffem).''
After describing the forcible suppression
of the true religion, Pius proceeds: " She
has ordered that books containing manifest
heresy shall be used throughout the
kingdom, and that the impious rites and
institutes, modelled after the teaching of
Calvin, which she herself has adopted
and observes, shall be also conformed to
by her subjects." Driving out the true
bishops, the members of religious orders,
&c., and forbidding all obedience to the
Pope and any reference to Pome, " she
has compelled the greater number ^of her
subjectSj to submit to her nefarious laws,
to abjui-e the authority of the Roman
Pontili", and the obedience due to him,
and to recognise upon oath herself as
their sole superior alike in things temporal
and things spiritual ; . . . . she has cast
into prison Catholic bishops and parish
priests, where many, wasted away by
long sickness and sorrow, have expii-e^
iji utter misery." These things, he says,
are " palpable and notorious in the sight
of all nations." He has been informed
that her "mind is so stubbornly fixed and
hardened,'" that she not only deBpises the
remonstrances of Catholic princes, '■ but
will not even permit the nuncios of this
See to cross into England to speak to her
on this subject." The Pope tlierefore
declares that " the aforesaid Elizabeth,
as a heretic and a supporter of heretica,
and those who adhere to her in the afore-
said proceedings, have incurred the sen-
tence of anathema, and are cut ofl' from
the unity of the body of Christ ; more-
over that she is deprived of her pretended
right over the aforesaid kingdom, and of
all dominion, dignity, and privilege what-
ever." He releases her subjects from
any oath of I'ealty they have taken to her,
and from all obedience and submissi(jn to
her whatsoever. Those who obey her and
her laws are bound and implicated in
" the like sentence of anathema." ' The
date— April 27, 1570.
On this bull it may be remarked that
the attempts of the Holy See to depose
Elizabeth stand by themselves. After
her death nothing simdar occurs ; and
yet the condition of Catholics in England
grew worse from reign to reign, and it is
notorious that the doctrine on which the
bull rests continued to be held at Rome.
This seems to show that when no hope
could any more be reasonably entertained
that the decision of the Holy See would
have weight with the English people, all
thought of exerting the deposuig power
was laid aside. But in 1570 things had
not gone so far; the bull speaks of
Elizabeth as a tyrant as well as a heretic;
the theory of it was, that the bidk of the
nation, and the best part of it, were still
282 DESCENT OF CHRIST
DEVIL AND EVIL SPIRITS
attacliLHl to Catholicism, but -were being
dragooned by the Govenimeiit into heresy
against their will. Hence tlie Pope might
believe tliat by throwing the whole weight
of Church censures on tlie side of the
oppressed he woidd encourage them to
rise and cast ofl" the tyranny. And so
perliaps it might have lieen but for several
special circumstances : for instance, the
dread entertained by Englishmengenerally
of civil war, after the long and terrible
experience of the fifteenth century, the
exceptional sagacity and energy of
Elizabeth's ministers, the dislike" felt
towards Spain, &c. (" Concilia Magnse
Britannia; et Iliberni.'e," vol. iv. 1737).
DESCEN'T OF CHRIST XKTO
H£XX<. Sec LlMBO.""
BESECRATION OF CHURCHES,
AI.TARS, CHAX.ICES, ETC. By
consecration churclies ami nltais are
solemnly set apart to ( oHr> >i i\icf; by
desecration they lose tlii> >aci-eil character,
become unfit for the sacred uses which
they were meant to serve, and need to be
consecrated anew.
A church is desecrated if the greater
part of it is demolislu'd— f y. if the outer
walls are destroyed, or if the greater part
of them is demqlislied at one and the
same time. A church does not lose its
consecration if the roof falls in, because it
is tl;o walls, not the roof, which were
sixH-ially consecrated [see Dedication of
Chuhcuks]: or, again, if parts of the
church are re])laced by a new structure
at intervals, oxen if in the end the whole
building is new.
An altar is dosecrated {e.recrafur)
(1) if the consecrated table is removecl
from the lower struct ure (t liis only a])plies
to a fixed altar) ; (2) if it is broken to
such an extent that not enough of it is
left entire to support tlie chalice and
paten; (.j) if the seal of the sepulchre is
broken, or if the sepulchre with the relics
is removed.
A eli.iliee loses its consecration if so
iiijnivil t liat it can no longer contain the
coiisecraieil wine; also, according to St.
Liguori and many other theologians, if it
is regilt.'
the English word desecration may
also be taken as equivalent to tlie Latin
■word pollutio. A churcli or cemetery is
desecrated in this sense {polluitw) (1) by
cul])able homicide ; (2) by shedding of
blood, pro\ iileil the act be grievously sin-
ful ; (3) by certain acts of an immoral or
1 This opinion is now certain from a decree
of SS. Cong. Rit., June 14, 1845.
indecent character; (4) by the burial of
an unbaptised person or of a person ex-
communicated by name. If any of the
ca.ses cited above have occurred, and the
fact is notorious, then the church or
cemetery cannot be used till it has been
purified or reconciled by the bishop ac-
cording to a solemn form prescribed in
the Pontifical.
DEITS.ZM'ASJVTORXUIVI MEVM
XSTTEM-SE ("0 God, come to my a.ssis-
tance"). The opening words of Ps. Ixix.,
which are used at the lieginning of each,
hour except compline. In matins they
are preci'ded by the versicles "Lord,
lliou wilt open mv lips," &c. We learn
lio],i ( 'assian (Coll X. 10) that the words
" Deiis, in adjutorium," &c., were a
common ejaculatory prayer with the
ancient monks, but it is uncertain whether
they were used, as at present, in the
divine office before St. l')enedict"s time.
DEtTTERO-CAXfOM-ICAI. BOOKS.
[See Caxon of Scriptuke.]
DEVZX. AND EVIX. SPZRZTS.
Their personal existence is clearly taught
both in the Old Testament and in the
New. In the Hebrew Bible an "evil
s])irit" is said to have come on Saul
(1 Sam. xvi. 14), and the sacrifices offered
to idols are represented as really made to
I " demons." ' In .Job i. 6, 12, ii. 7, and
two books written after the exile, viz. in
Zach. iii. 1, 1 Paralip. xxi. 1, mention is
made of " the adversary " or accusing
spirit par c.vccllcmc (jt^b'n, always
with the article, exce])t in the ]iassage
quoted from Paral.-') This Satan slandered
Job to God, incited David to number the
people, and opposed Josue the high priest,
^loreover, we know from the Book of
Wisdom, and from tlie Apocalypse in the
New Testament, that it was he who took
> Tliese demons are called DHt?' or " lords '
(Vulfi- ftemoHia) in.Deiit. xxxii. 17, Ps. cvi.
(Vul.ii. cv.) 37. Q^-l^yt^ or '-hairy beings,"
like satyrs in xvii. 7 (Vulg. again
" demons"). These '^aiN rs " siiid to"dance"
and to crv (uit tn r.n h (.tla i in wa.ste jilaces,
Is. xiii. xx\i\ . I ( ( thr Vul^'. in both places
"|iiln-i." " pil.isiis ■' ). 'I'lic student interested
in sn< li matliTs may hv ii'frrnd to Baudissin's
ni.isti ih- trraiisc in tin' liist \ (.lume of his Slu-
(liii, zi'ir siniilixrhri, I{,l(;iiiiiis<i,'!!vkkhte, where
tlir a|i|ia]-riii idrni iliral i'ln of idolatry with
,|,an.iii-woi-lH|i i- lullv (ii-ru-scd. Levit. xvii.
7, I lent, xxxii. 17. I's. cvi. :i7 Tsoo also 2 (;hron.
xxviii. I'.'i), .TIC tlic ^tnint;i'~t jmssages, though
tlu'N are not pci li.i | is vencl iisi vr. Butthisview
is clfarlv exproscd in 1 Cor. x. 20.
^ Soinc would add Ps. cix. 6. See Wright
on Zachariah, p. 543.
DEVIL AND EVIL SPIRITS
DEVOLUTION
tlie form of a serpent and seduced our
first parents, so that he is rightly called
" devil," (SidfioXos) or " slaiuleiv, " be-
cause he not only slanders mm lu lorc
God, but also brings false aceiisatiniis
against God Himself. But the Hebiew
Scriptures are far indeed from acknow-
ledging a principle of evil able to offer
any effectual opposition to God. The
first chapters of Job represent Satan as
impotent for evil except by God's per-
mission, and the same dependence of the
devil on God is clearly implied in Zacha-
rias, and in other places where the agency
of false and lying spirits is described.
AVe gain much fuller information from
the New Testament. There we are told
that the devil is a spirit (Ephes. ii. 2) ;
that he is a prince with evil angels subject
to him (Matt. xii. 24-26, xxv. 41) ; that
the demons were not originally evil, but
fell through sin (2 Pet. ii. 4, Jude 6) ;
and it is at least a plausible inference
from St. Paul's words, 1 Tim. iii. G, "not
aneopliytf,li'st,l)eiiigpuffed upwith pride,
he fall into the ju<lgnient of the dex il,"
that Satan fell 'by l"'i'l''- -^'1 spii'itual
evil and en-or (2 ('or. xi. 14. l-'i, all
which hinders the (iosprl (1 Tln-s, il. 18,
Apoc. ii. 10), is traced ultini.ii dv to liim.
Moj'eover, although Clivi-l'- di'rilli was I
intended to destroy the works of tlio di'vil,
and has in fact done so to a gn-at I'xt. iit.
Still Satan has a terrible power om i- llio
world and its votaries, so much so that li^
is called the ruler and even the " god" of
this world (John xii. 31, 2 Cor. iv. 4) ;
and hence St. Paul (1 Cor. v. 5) regards
exclusion from the Church as tantamount
to a deli\ craiiCH of the excommunicated
person into tbr power of Satan. At last
this power will be destroyed. Satan and
his angels will be cast into the lake of
fire and brimstone, where their torments
will be everlasting.
Such is the teaching which lies on
the surface of Scripture, and little can be
added to it from tradition or by theo- '
logical induction. The history of the
doctrine on the devil and his angels is
stated by Petavius in the third book of
his treatise on the angels, from which the
following account is taken. Even after
it was universally held that the angels
were pure spirits, some still clung to the
belief that the devils after th(>ir i'all
changed their natuie and became
"partly material." This opinion was
defended by the Greeks at Florence, but
is certainly false. The devil was the
chief of these fallen spirits, and it is held
by the greater number of authors that he
was originally the chief of all the angels.
The terrible descrij)tion of the fall of the
king of Tyre in Ezecliiel xxviii. has been
inteqireted of the devil's fall, so mu(di so,
indeed, that the name Lucifer commonly
given to the devil is derived I'roni this
passage. But the reference to the devil,
as Petavius rightly argues, is not con-
tained in the literal meaning of the
prophet's words. Although condemned
to the pains of hell immediately after
their fall, still from time to time the
devil and his angels wander in the air
and over the earth. The common opinion
among theologians is that wherever they
go the demons are tortured by the fires
of hell, though they are by no means
agreed as to the way in which the fires
of hell exercise this strange power over
them. On the other hand, it was com-
monly held by ancient writers that the
demons will not be tortured by the fire
of hell till the day of judgment, and
Petavius says one who maintains "that
the devil and his angels are not yet tor-
tured by that extreme and utmost tor-
ture, that they<lo not yet feel the efficacy
of that fire in which the chief part of
their damTiation, so far as feeling and
suffering go, consists, is not to hi' accnsedi
of error, much less of heresy." ( >n this
theory the rebel angels will beein to
experience the eternal torments of hell
fii-e at the day ol'judgment. But in any
ease it is certain from the words of
Christ, "Depart ye cursed into everlast-
ing fire, prepared for the devil and his
angels," from the general teaching of the
Fathers, and from the definition of the
Fourth Lateran Council,' that the devil
and his angels are condemned without
hope of pardon.
DEVOXiVTZOir. Thi^ jus devolutionis
is that right by which, according to the
canon law, when a patron has imjiroperly
exercised, or neglected to exercise, his
canonical i-ielil of jiresenting to a benefice,
he lose- il I'mi- that time, and the right
passe> to the icclesiastical dignitarv of
next higher rank. This is the iiisliop,
when any patron luider his jui-isdiet n in,
whether an individual or a coi-]iiir,it em,
is chargeable with the neglect : the arcli-
bisho]), ^\■llen tin- neglect is in one n|' his
suffragans; the I'ojje, wlien the eleil ion
of an archbishop, bishop, or alihol has
been made uncanonically, oi- not made in
I Ca]iut. i. Ade. Alhiyeiisrs. wh.'iv. Imui'vcr.
only evei'lasting pains of tlio devil ^not of
(lemons) are expressly mentionod.
284 DE^'OTION, FEASTS OF
DnilSSOPJALS
time. Bv the Concordat of Vienna in
1448, the right of devolution was granted
to the Pope both in these cases and in
the event of the election being rejected
for other defects.
The State law of difierent coxintries
in modem times frequently prevents the
exercise of this canonical right. In
France it i.s excluded altogether; the
bishop has the sole right of collation to
the benefices vacant in his diocese. In
Prussia, Wurtemberg, and Baden the
right exists, but in a very restricted form.
(Perinnneder, in Wetzer and Welte.)
DEVOTXOM', FEASTS Or. A
word commonly used to mark feasts
which were once holidays of obligation
but are so no longer, the precept of
hearing Mass and resting from servile
works having been annulled bv the Holy
See', and the special observance of the
feasts in question having been left to the
devotion of the faithful.
DZACON-ZCirni (biaKoviKOv). A
building attached to ancient basilicas,
much the same as ^ecretarium or sacristy.
It was divided (1) into the reception-
room {snliitntorium or rcceptoriun,, oocor
ao-TrtKTTiKor) in which the bishop was
received by the clergy and also gave
audiences. It was in such a reception-
room that Theodosius begged absolution
from St. Ambrose. (2) The sacristy
jiriijicv {»u(tat(iriiiin, rcsiiarhun), where
the (Icacon- ki'pt the sacred vi'ssels to bo
used at .M.-iss. kc, and the priests put
their vestments on and off, before and
after ofiiciatiiiu. (.3) A chamber {ya(o-
(j)vXdKLoi') in which books, church-plate,
vestments, &c., not required for imme-
diate use, were kept. Councils were
often held in a diaconicum ; so were
ecclesiastical courts. The bishop's corpse
was also In id out here before burial.
DIES j-Rm. [See Htmu-s.]
SzniZSSORXAKS {literm dimissoria,
seu rvrerenilf/'). In its most general
sense, leave to he orfl^iinrd. with testi-
mony to fitness I iiln i rxpi'cssed or im-
plied. This liceiK/'' limy he <iiven —
1. By the Komaii I'oiitiff', who can
grant letters dimissorv to ordinands from
any part of the world, authorising their
ordination by any Catliolic bisliop. The
Pope can also confer orders on anyone
whom he judges fit to receive them,
without waiting for letters dimissory
from any bishop.
2 By any bishop to his own subjects
{snis mbditis). There are four ways by
which a clerk may be the subditus of a
bishop, technically called ori(/o, domi-
cilium, benfficium. trimnalis commensatio.
That is — either his native place, or his
E resent domicile, or the benefice which
e enjoys, is within the bishop's diocese ;
or else he has lived in the bishop's
family, and been supported by him, for at
least three years. The last two groimda
of subjection having been frequently
abused in the seventeenth century, so
that men of dubious antecedents were
ordained by bishops to whose dioceses
they did not properly belong, on the
ground of holding, or being promised,
benefices in them, or of having lived in
their families. Innocent XI., by the Con-
stitution " Speculatores" (1694), forbade
that any clerk, already tonsured or pro-
moted to minor orders by his own bishop,
' should be promoted to higher orders by
any other hi>hop on the title of a benefice
obtained in his diocese, unless such clerk
should first have obtained and exhibited
to the ordaining bishop letters dimissory
from the bishop of origin, or of domicile,
or from both if necessary, bearing fa voiir-
able testimony as to his birth, age, cha-
racter, and conduct.
I 3. By abljots, or other sr.periors of
orders, authorising and recommending
' their own subjects for ordination. Abbots
I may not give dimissm-ials to seculars.'
The rule is, that the dimissorials of an
abbot should be directed to the bishop of
the diocese in which the monastery is
situated ; if, however, he be absent, or
not about to hold an ordination, they
may be addressed to any other bishop.
A decree on this subject was published
by Clement VIII. in 159.5. Certain
orders have particular privileges : thus,
by a Constitution of Gregory XIII., con-
j firmed by Paul V., the rectors of Jesuit
houses can grant dimissorials to clerks of
their society addressed to any Catholic
bisliop whatsoever. Franciscans of the
Oh.Nfrvance enjoy the same privilege in
the West Indies and the parts adjoining,
j by a grant of l^haii VIII. Some main-
tain that, in conscipiciice of a concession
! made by Clement VII. to the Portuguese
congregation of St. .Tohn the Evangelist,
all regulars enjoy the same privilege ; but
■ this apjiears doubtful.
4. By a vicar-general, but only in
the absence of the bishop, or, if he be not
absent, by his express permission.
5. By vicars-capitular, sedc vacante,
but only after the expiration of a year
from the date of the vacancy in ordinary
I Coucil. Trid. sess. xxiii. De Ref. c. 10.
DIOCESE
DIOCESE
285
cases. If, however, the case of the appli-
cajit be one of m-gency, on account of his
having received, or being about to re-
ceive, a benefice, the vicar-capitular may
crant him dimissorials within the year.
(Ferraris, Ordo, Ordinare, art. iii. § 36.)
DZOCESE {bioiKriffii, administra-
tion). The name by which the tract of
coiuitry with its population falling under
the pastorate of a Christian bishop is now
universally designated belonged origi-
nally to the civil hierarchy. The bishops,
taking up from the Apostles the work of
teaching and converting the world, exer-
cised their jurisdiction for the most part
over the Christians of a single city and a
small district surrounding it. This was
their napoiKla, the abode of the Christian
ndpoiKoi (1 Pet. ii. 11), who, few in
number amidst the masses of the heathen,
lived in the world as passing strangers
and sojourners rather than as citizens.
The word dioUtjais occurs several times
in Cicero's letters to designate an Eastern
province or district ; but the widespread
official use of the name seems to have
been due to the organisation of the em-
pire begun by Diocletian and continued
by Coustaiitine, '• The whole empire was
divided into twelve diweses, the smallest
of which — Britain — consisted of four pro-
vinces, the largest — Orieus — of sixteen." *
Each diocese was governed by a Vicarius,
with the rank of spectabilis. The word
gradually acquired an ecclesiastical use,
but its meaning varied. In Africa, by
the end of the fourth century, it seems
to have meant nearly what we mean by
it now, for the fifth canon of the Second
Council of Carthage (oOO) provides for
the appointment of new bishops, the con-
sent of the bishop of the original " dio-
cese "" being first obtained. But in the
East, as shown by the canons of Cha Ice-
don, it for a long time signified a patri-
archate or tract of country containing
several iirapxlai, provinces. Ilincmar,
Archbishop of Rheims, writing to Pope j
Kicliolas, uses the term as equivalent to \
the modem province, the jurisdiction of
a metropolitan having suffragan sees
imder him. In England it was not till
the thirteenth centmy that the word
came into common use. Bede speaks of
an " episcopatus," or a " provincia,"' or an
"ecclesia," but never of a "dicecesis;"
nor can the term be found in the much
later chronicles of Symeon of Durham
and Henry of Hmitingdon ; it begins to
' Eomttn Provincial Adminigtration, W. T.
AruuW, 1879.
occur, but not frequently, in the works
of Matthew Paris, and then in the precise
sense which we now attach to it. Du-
cange considers that this was an abuse of
the term, and that the proper name for a
bishop's diocese was Parochia. A much
more strange abuse crept in in France in
the Carolingian era, when, as we see
from the canons of some French coxmcils,
and the capitularies of Charlemagne,
" dicecesis " was used in the sense of
" parish." After the thirteenth century
the present signifii-ation of the word
became firmly established.
The "Mappa Mundi" of Gervase of
Canterbury gives the titles of about three
hundred and fiftj' Ca tholic dioceses as exist-
ing near the end of the twelfth centmy ; but
the list is imperfect by his own confession.
In England and Wales he enumerates
two provinces and twenty dioceses ; in
Scotland, eleven dioceses ; m Ireland, four
provinces and thirty-three dioceses. The
sees of Gloucester, Oxford, and Peter-
borough were erected by Henry VIII.
with the authority of Parliament, but
the arrangement was not confirmed by
the Holy See. The sees of the ancient
English and Scottish hierarchy having
become Anglican or ceased to exist, the
Pope has in our own day (1850) divided
England and Wales anew into fourteen
dioceses,' forming one province mider the
Archbishop of Westminster, and Scotland
(1878) into six dioceses, whereof one — ■
Glasgow — is an archdiocese without suf-
fragan sees, the other five form one pro-
vince under the Archbishopof St. Andrews
and Kchnburgh. Ireland, having in spite
of persecution adhered to Catholic unity,
retains of course her ancient dioce.sau
organisation unimpaired, although the
temporalities of the sees are lost, and
some of them have been consolidated with
others.
The total number of Catholic dioceses
at the present day, including twelve
Patriarchal sees, amounts, according to
the computation in the Gi rarchia Cattolica
for 18tt0, to nine hundred and forty-seven.
Diocesan statutes, passed by a bishop
in synod, are a part of ih.Q jus cavonicum
speciale, which is defined as "that law
which has been enacted only i'or a par-
ticular phice, province, diocese, or com-
mimity, and is not binding outside the
Umits of the same." ^
' One of these. Jliddlesbrongh, was separ-
ated frnm Leeds and made a distinct diocese in
1880.
- Ferraris, •' Jns," § 22.
1?^T. DIOXYSIUS THE AliEOPAGITE
DIPTYCIIS
SZON-YSZVS THr ARBOPA-
GZTE. The great tlienlno ical inijioi'taiice
of the works attriliut.M] td Didiiysius
makes it )i."ci'>sai-v to say sdiin't liiii<; of
them here, tluniuli litci-aiy and biograph-
ical article- do not enter info the plan of
this Dictionary. We Icnow from Acts
xvii. 84 that J tionysius was converted by
St. Paul during his visit to Athens. He
is called " the Areopagite " — i.e. he was
an assessor in the court which bore that
name. The New Testament tells us
nothing moi-e about him, for there is no
reason gi\cu to suppose that Damaris, a
woman converted at the same time, was
his wife. But another Dionysius, bishop
of Corinth, and among the earliest of
Christian writers, informs us that the
Areopagite became lii>liop of Athens, and
this no doubt may be safely acct>pted as
fact.' Later writers say that he was
martyred.'
It was long- the general belief in the
"West that St. Dionysius the Areopagite
became aflerwai-iU bishop of Paris and
shed his 1)1.10.1 th.'r-. r.ut this belief
cann.it be rec.incile.l with aiu'ient evi-
dence. There is no trace of it during the
early centurie^s, and we have positive
proof that St. Dionysius of I'aris was a
different person fr.'m the Areopagite.
St. Gregory of Tours s])i'aks oi' the former
as c.imiiui- to France after L'oO. Th."
Martvrol.'.gv ,.f I'snanl ,liM inguishes tli..
feast ..f St. ni..n\>iii- .111 ( )ct . .b.^r fr. .m
that ..f bis nani.'-ak.'. Di.invsin- ..f Pans,
on Ort.ib.'i- M. ^\■.■ne.■ll lu'il gi\i' t'lirtlier
against an ideutitication once defended
with great tenacity and great learning,
but long since rejected by all competent
critics.
The following works are attributed to
Diouvsins tlie Ar.'ojiatiitf' : — (1) a treatise
"On' 111.' li.'av..nlv 1 i i.ra ndi v : " (l') a
tr.'iiliM. ■•(),. til.'' I'r.'l.'MaMical lli.'r-
aivli\ ;'■ i;;i iMiMtli.T -On 1 >iviiie Nam.'s : "
(4)i.ii..lli.'r "On .Mv-li.-al Theol.igv:" (5)
ten l..tti i-sa.l.liv".'il to .John the Apostle,
Tit lis, I'.ily.-arp. v^c.
The tii'st hist.irical n.itice of these
works occurs in the contemporary ac-
count^ of a conlereiice li.d.l in 533 at
Constantino])le, bet w.^en tlu" Catliolies .m
the one hand and th.> Severiaii Mon..-
physites on the other, by the comman.l of
1 Ajmil Kiiseb. iii. 4. iv. 2S.
- Niccjili. iii. 11, .]u<)loil by Meyor on the
Acts.
•'' Or rather in a Latia version of the account.
Hefele, ConcU. ii. 74«.
I the Emperor Justinian. The hereticj
produced %vritings of the Areopagite in
sujip.irt of their errors. The orthodo.v
replied that these writings could not be
genuine, otherwise they would have been
known to and used by the ancients, espe-
cially by CjTil, Athanasius, and the
Nicene Fathers. However, these writings
soon obtained general recognition in the
East, and Gregory the Great had at least
i heard of them about the year 500. In
j 827 a copy of the supposed writings of
i Dionysius was sent by Michael the Stam-
' merer to Louis le Dt5bonnaire, son of
Charlemagne. They were translated into
Latin by Scotus l"]rigena, and there have
been many subsequent vi'rsions. In the
middle ages, Di.niysius had immense
authority with Catholic theologians; and
in a A\ ork written a few years ago to de-
fend the authenticity of the works attri-
buted to Dionysius, Mgr. Darboy alleges
that there is scarcely a passage in them
which has not been quoted by St. Thomas
of A(|uin.
Still, historical scholars, such as Le
Nourv, Tillemont, Dupiii, <^'C.. have de-
monstrated the spurious cli.irM. t . i- ..I' the
works in question. Th.' obj.'.-ti.iii made
I at Constantinople, viz. that Cyril and
i Athanasius (we may add Kusebius) are
silent concerning them, admits of no
satisfactory reply. Facts and institutions
uv<- m.'iiti.med by the pseudo-Dionysius
\\ lii. li liajipened anil ar.is.' l.iiig after the
ag.' .4' (b.e Aiv.i]Kigite. \\'|h>ii the forger,
^\-ll.l \v:is .■vi.l.'iit ly a ('lii-i>tian imbued
with tlii'iiliil.isopliyof til.' later Platoui.«tS,
really lived, it is much liar.ler to say.
Pearson places the com])ositioii of the
Dionysian writings bel'.ire 340: the
! learned D.iniiiiicaii Le(juieii, at the end
! of th.e tifth century. Otli.-r scholars, such
as Dailk« au.l Dr. Westcott, put them
later still. It iiee.l scarcely be said that
iiie.lla'val writers may well have found
much that is true in these writings, mis-
taken as tli.'N w.'iv about their origin.
(See Leqiii.^n's lb,— . rt.ati.tn in his edition
of St. J.)bii Dam.-is.-.'ii.'; P.^arson, "Vin-
dic. Ignat.": Till. 'in. mt. )
DIPTYCH3. I'll.' w.ird diptych
(7ii7rTii\ns) was originally a])]4ied to any-
thiiiL r.iM.'.l .l.mbl... Tim- II.mier.«peaivS
.4' a m.-mtl.' InLLM doiilil,." (SiVrvx'"')
r.iun.l th.' -b.iul.l. rs. lint the adjective
di]4\c'b came t.i b.' used ni.)st commonly
as an epithet of tabli>ts (Sf Xrof or heXrlov),
so that diptych signified two leaves or
tablets bound togef lier by a hinge. Some-
i times several leaves were so fastened to-
DIPTYCHS
DIRGE
287
gether and called TplirTv\a, TrtvTanrvxa, or
noKvTTTvxu- They were used for sending
short letters, as memorandum books, &c.
They were often made of costly material,
worn partly as ornaments at the girdle,
and sent as presents to friends, to clients,
or to persons of distinction.
It is uncertain at what time the
Christian Church began to make use of
diptychs in the liturgy, but we know that
in Chrysostoni's time the custom was fully
established. It was continued among the
Latins down to the twelfth, among the
C4reeks down to the fifteenth, century.
They were called "holy tablets," "mysti-
cal tablets," "mystical diptychs," "eccle-
siastical catalogues," &c. The "diptychs
of the living" contained the names (if the
Pope, patriarchs, the bislmp ami rli ra\
of the church, often also of neighliouriiiL;-
churches, those who ottered the Eucliar-
istic gifts, benefactors of the church, the
Emperor and Empress, &c. The " dip-
tychs of the dead " contained as a rule
the names which had once been inscribed
in the dijrtychs of the livins -— e.^r. those of
former bishops of the particular church,
and also of other bishops, &c., specially
revered there. The diptychs also con-
tained the names of the Blessed Virgin,
martyrs, and other saints. The insertion
of a name always implied that the person
bearing it was living or had died in
Catholic communion, for heresy, schism,
and other crimes which weiv punished by
excommunication, caused a name to be
erased from the diptychs. Thus, exclu-
sion from the diptychs was often e(juiva-
lent to a decision that the person so dis-
graced was to be regarded as a heretic,
while the reinsertion of the name im])liej
that his ca.se had been examined and his
innocence proved.
The way in which the diptychs were
used at Mass varied in different times and
places. Originally, the deacon read out
the names from the ambo 'q. later the
deacon or sub-deacon reail them in a low
■voice to the priest celebrating at the ,iltar ;
later still, the diptychs were merely laid
on the altar, and the priest in his prayer
remembered the names inscribed without
actually reciting them. Again, the time
at which the diptychs were used at Mass
Taried. (^fton the diptycLs both of the
living and dead were read after the ser-
mon or (more frequently) after the otter-
ton,'. Sometimes, as in the liturgies of
St. Basil and St. Chrysostom, the dij)-
tychs were used after the consecration.
In the Roman liturgy from the earliest
I times, the names of the living were read
before, those of the dead after, the conse-
cration.
It is said that the diptychs led to the
formation of Church Calendars, and these
in turn gave rise to Martyr>i!onie.s. It is
still more important tn ol)>er\e that the
diptychs have left their mark- in the pre-
sent Roman Missal. In tlie pi-,; yer of the
i Canon, " Te igitur," the jirie-t mentions
i by name the reigning Pope and thebishop
of the diocese. At the " Memento,
Domine," he pauses and silently com-
mends to God benefactors, friends, Sec,
who are still living. At the "Communi-
cantes " he recites the names of the
Blessed Virgin, the saints, &c. All this
occurs before the consecration. After
tile consi'cration. in the fifth praver of
the (_'a]ion, the priest makes a memento
ol' the dead. Both mementos in some
MS. Missals retain the title oratio
super" or "supra dijHyeba." (See
Kraus, " Real-Encvclopadie ; " Benedict
XIV, "De Missa,"'ii. \?, and 17.)
DZRECTORZVM. A list, drawn up
by authority of the bishop, containing
directions as to the 3Iass and office to be
.said on each day of the year. The number
offcasts in t.lie pi-eseiit calendar, and the
frequent nee, t \ of transi'erri rii^' some, and
coninieniorat inu or omitting otliers, makes
the Directoriuni or, as it is u-ually called,
"Ordo," neccssai'v for the clergy. In
ancient times the bisho]) published orally
tlie list of tlle fe,-ist^tobeob.,-rved. The
bishops liad to r,,ll,nv the directions of
their metropolitan, and he again con-
lornieil to till' ordinances of the Roman
lii-hop, who l)ased his direction on the
reclioniiig or "comjiutus ecclesiasticus "
of the Alexandrian Church, Ver\- often
in the ancient Church a list of mov-
able feasts was hung to the Paschal
candle,'
DIRGE. The word has at the pre-
sent day no technical, but only a literary
sense, and means a solemn service, or
1 The Catholic Directory, familiar to English
Catholics, contains bcsi'les tlio Ordo .i li^t of
clergy, churches, &c. The lirst iiumlier .if the
Laiti/s Directory (we take thr-c tacts linm an
inten stini; article by Mr. Thurston in the Month
for Kebruarv 18X2) .seems to have appeared iu
1759. It was followed a few years later by
another directory published with ecclesiastical
approbation, and this latter, after 178H was the
sole directory. In 179,3 the list of Catholic
churches in London was i;iven for tlie first time.
A book with the title Cathnllv Directory was
])ubli.shed in ls:?7, and in 1839 became the sole
Euiilish directory.
288
DISCALCED
DISCIPLINE OF THE SECRET
part of a service, celebrated on behalf of
a departed soul. Thus, Sidney has —
Let dirse be sung and trentals rightly read,
For love is dead.
And Gray, in the well-known Elegy —
The next, with dirges due in sad array,
Slow through the church-way path we saw
him borne.
Originally the word was spelt "dirige,"
being the first word of the antiphon at
the beginning of the opening psalm (the
5th) of the first nocturn in the Office for
the Dead. The entire antiphon, adapted
from the ninth Terse of the psalm, is
" Dirige, Domine Deus meus, in conspectu
tuo viammeam." Another psalm used in
the same office has the antiphon " Placebo
Domino." Clerks in minor orders, and
even laymen, used to be commissioned
by rich persons to sing psalms for the
souls of their relatives, and, of course, re-
ceived money for doing so. Thus, Wil-
liam Langlande says (" Vision of Piers
Plowman," Passus vi. C text) —
The lomes [limbs] that ioh laboure with . and
lyflode deserve,
Ys pater-nosfer and my prymer . placebo and
dirige,
And my tauter [psalter] som tyme . and my
sevene psalnies :
Thus ich synge for hure soules . of suche as me
helpen.
When the psalm had come to be called
a dirige, the term dirige-money naturally
arose for the payment made in respect of
singing it. Thus Tyndale ("Obedience
of a Christian Man," quoted in Skeat's
" Specimens "), speaking of alleged cleri-
cal exactions, says, " And he ... . pol-
leth on his parte, and fetteth here a
massepeny, there a trentall, yonder
dirige-money and for his beyde-roule."
SXSCAIiCES. Going without shoes
— bare-footed. Certain orders of friars
practise this austerity, which was first
introduced among the Friars Minors of
the Strict Observance by the Blessed
John of Gaudaloupe, about the year
1500. The Carmelite reform both of
men and women, instituted by St. Teresa,
is also discalced. The discalced Augus-
tinians (Hermits) were founded by Father
Thomas of Jesus, a Portuguese, about the
same time. (Helyot, Dec/iausses.)
DZSCIPXtZZrE. The word disciplina
means, first, instruction ; then that which
is taught — e.g. science or doctrinal sys-
tem ; lastly, order or regulations main-
tained in a family, army, or the like.
Usually, discipline in its ecclesiastical
sense signifies the laws which bind the
subjects of the Church in their conduct,
as distinct from dog-mas or articles of
faith, which atiect their belief.
Such disciplinary laws may be of
divine institution, attested by Scripture
or Apostolic tradition, and in that case
they are inalterable. For example, the
supremacy of the Pope over the whole
Church, the government of the faithful
by bishops, and many similar points of
discipline were settled once for all by
divine authority and cannot be changed.
The Church, however, has power to add
I disciplinary laws according to the require-
: ments of different times and circum-
i stances, and these laws all Christians
whom they concern are bound to obey.
The Church has this power, not only
because it belongs to any well-constituted
community, but also because she speaks
in the name of Him to whom all power
has been given in heaven and on earth;
and the Church, having the right to
make such laws, has also the power to
alter them. If they have been imposed
by a Pope or council, or have become in
any other way part of the general law of
the Church, supreme authority may relax
or annul them, and on the same principle
bishops or other local superiors may
j change laws made by themselves or their
predecessors.
Thus the discipline of the Church
may alter and has altered from age to
age. At one time married persons were
allowed to enter holy orders ; this is no
longer the case in the Latin Church.
The ceremonies of Mass have been pra-
duaUy perfected. New feasts have been
introduced ; the severity of fiists has been
mitigated. At this day, the discipline of
one place may differ in important parti-
culars from that which prevails in an-
other. But the infallibiUty of the Church
is our security that she will never sanc-
tion discipline contrary to sound faith or
m.orals, and the Holy Ghost, who ani-
mates her, wiU provide that all things be
ordered sweetly and wisely, as time and
place require.
DZSCZPX.XM-E OF THE SECRET
{diticipUna nrrrmi). The term i» not
found in ancient writers, and first occurs
in a German author, Meier, who made
use of it in a treatise " De ReconcUta
EcclesiaB Theologla," published at Helm-
stadt in 1677.* It has been in common
use ever since, as a convenient name for
the custom which prevailed in the early
1 Probst, Kircldiche Disciplin in den drei
ersten christlichen Jalirhunderten, p. 306.
DISCIPLINE OF THE SECRET DISCIPLINE OF THE SECEET 289
Cliurcb of concealing from the heathen and I
catechumens the more sacred and mys- '
teriou* doctrines and rites of the Catholic
religion, either by not mentioning: them
at all or by mentioning them only in
enigmatical languagf, unintelligible or
even misleading except to those who
were initiated into its meaning. The
reader will sec on a moment's considera-
tion the dogmatic and controversial im-
portance of the matter. Little stress can
be laid on the infrequent mention of the
real presence, the mystery of the Trinity
and the like in early writers, if the exist-
ing discipline restrained them from speak-
ing openly on such subjects in books
which might fall into the hands of the
general public : and the same discipline
may help to explain the fact that they
sometimes express themselves on the
Christian mysteries in language which
seems strange and inadequate to us.
There can be no reasonable doubt as
to the fact that this discipline of the
secret did exist in the early Chiirch. It
arose from several causes. In times of
persecution the Christians were afraid to
speak openly and frankly about their
worship and doctrine, from the natural
fear that such disclosures would e.xpose
them to further injury and interruption.
Moreover, they regarded the truth as a
sacred deposit, and they were afraid of
communicating it to those who would
misunderstand it or laugh it to scorn.
They were mindful of our Lord's admoni-
tion not to cast pearls before swine
(Matt. vii. 6) and of the Apostle's decla-
ration that he fed the Corinthians with
milk, not with strong meat, because they
were not able to bear it. A few instances
will be enough to prove the point and at
the same time to illustrate the nature of
the discipline in question. "That it
existed even as a rule," says Cardinal
Newman,^ " with respect to the Sacra-
ments, seems to be confessed on all
hands." It is well known that the hea-
thens and catechumens were not allowed
to be present at the whole of the Mass,
and that a distinction was made between
the Mass of the faithful and the Mass of
the catechumens.- Again, Minucius Felix,
Athenagoras, Tatian, Theophilus, Amo-
bius, in their Apologies for the Christian
religion pre^erv^• an absolute silence on
the holy Eucharist. The famous inscrip-
tion discovered at Autun in 18-"30 exem-
plifies another mode in which this disci-
' Deietopment. p. "27.
*_C>nstit. Ai»:ft. ii. 57.
pline was observed. "Take the food
sweet as honey of the saviour of the holy
ones, eat and drink holding the fish in
thy hands " — words perfectly intelligible
to Christians, among whom the "fish"
meant "Jesus Christ Son of God, the
Saviour" ('I^^vj = 'l^trory X^toror 6(ov
vlbs <Tci3Tfjfj), received first in the hands,
then in the mouth of the communicant,
but mere jargon to those who were out-
side the Church. So, again, Origen '
speaks of the soul on its conversion to
the Church as initiated into the " mys-
teries of the faithful " {sarramenta ^fide-
Hum, an expression which must include
the sacraments), "which those know who
are initiated : " and, again, " of those
venerable and sublime mysteries which
those know who may be pennitted to do
so." ^ Even when persecution was over,
the secrecy with regard to the sacraments
was still maintained. Chrysostom in a
letter to Pope Innocent I. tells him how
"the blood of Christ bad been spilt"
during a tumult in a church of Constan-
tinople. In such a letter no caution in
language was called for. But his bio-
grapher Palladius in a published book
says "they overturned the symbols."'
At a .synod held at Antioch in 340 the
Catholic bishops indignantly accuse the
Arians of letting catechumens, and even
heathens, hear the" mysteries "discussed.''
That this discipline existed " in other
respects is plain from the nature of the
case, and from the writings of the Apolo-
gists. Minucius Felix and Amobius, in
controversy whb papms, imply a denial
that they, the Christians, used altai-s ;
yet Tertullian speaks expressly of the
Ara Dei in the church. What can we
say but that the Apologists deny altars
in the sense in which they ridicule them,
or that they deny that altars such as the
pagan altars were tolerated by Christians ?
And in like manner Minucius allows that
there were no temples among Christians :
yet they are distinctly recognised in the
edicts of the Dioclesian era, and ara
known to have existed at a still earlier
date."*
It has been already shown incidentally
that the discipline of the secret is based
on Scriptural precept, and was in force
at least from the close of the second
century. Even Ignatius may perhaps
1 Horn. viii. n. 4. in Exod.
'- In Jos. Horn. iv. : " quos nosse fas est."
5 Uiillinijer. Lehre der Eucharistie, p. 15.
* I'M. p. 13.
5 Xew ni.m. Development, p. 27.
U
200 ])ISPEXSATIOX
DISPENSATION
linve had it in view -when he describes
the Chrititians r>{ Ephesiis as " initiated
along with St. Paul." ' It -was enforced
with different deizTees of btrictiiess accord-
ing to circumstances. Sunu'times, to
mt'Ot the calmnnips (if heatlien and more
])articularly of hi'n>tics, it was ncci'ssary
to s))t'ak out, so tliat it does i\ot IMlow,
because Justin and Irena^us e.\i)ress tliem-
selves with considerable fulness on the
Eucharist, that the discipline of the
secret was unknown to them. After the
sixth century the need for the old re-
.i^erve pas.sed away. (Schelstrate, " De
Disciplina Arcani," Itonue, 1685; Probst,
" Kirchliche I)i,-( i]iliii." Xi- , part iii. c. 2.)
DZSPENSATION. The relaxation
of a law in a particular case. The neces-
sity ot dis])fnsation arises from the fact
that a law which is niiule for the general
on;i(| niav not lie beneficial in this or that
special case, ;ind therefore may be rightly
relaxed with respect to an individual,
while it continues to bind the community.
Itispensation must be carefully dis-
tingui>lieil t'roni the interpretation of a
law, tlioueli the two are often confused
with one another in common sjieech.
Thus, a ]ier>on ,-o ill that he cannot fast
withoul >ei-iou- injuryto liis liealth needs
no (h-]ieiisai ioii, hecause he is by the
nature ol I he ca>e excused from the law.
t)n the other hand, though he may he
able to fast, his health, occuji.il imi-, \ i
maynialie it suitable that the l.iw should
lie relaxed in hi> favour: for this purjiose
a dispeiisiii j,in is iei|uired, and he must
a]i]il\' to sDuic line possessed of autluirity
to er.int it. Anyone may inler]iret tlie
law who has sutHcient knowleijMV and
inqiartialily to do so, but juiisdict ion is
needed in oi'dei' to dispense.
The general ]irincl]ile is that the law-
gi\er, iVoin \\honi the hiw derives its
K sujierior 111,1V lel.ix the laws of his
predeces.ui-s, hecause his jiower is e(jual
to theirs, or ,,f his inferiors, because his
]i. , r 1- Li i'eater. But an inferior cannot
(lisjieiise 111 tlie laws of his superiors
unless by ]iower delegated to him for
that end.'
Ciod Himself cannot give a dispensa-
tion, ill ihe strict sense of I he word, from
thenalur.il law. " I'roiii t he precejit s of
till- ilecalo-ii.'," says Si. Thomas, ■' no
dis]ieiisalion of what soever kind can he
given," and to the objection that (ioil
who made the ten commaiidnients can
unmake them, he re]>lies, (iod would
1 Ad Efihes. xii.
deny Himself if he did away with the
order of his justice, since He is identical
with His own justice, and therefore God
cannot give a dispensation making it
lawful for a man to neglect the due order
to God, or exenqiting him from sub-
mission to tlie order of His justice even
in those things which concern the re-
lations of men to eacli othi'r." ' God,
however, can change the circumstar.ces
in such a manner that the case no longer
falls under the law. He could, for ex-
ample, as supreme Lord and proprietor of
all, make over the goods of the Egyptians
! to the Israelites, so that the latter could
j take them without committing robbeiy.
He could, as the Lord of all that lives,
I deprive Isaac of life and make Abraham
the executioner. Further, just as a man
may remit a debt, so God may free a
' man from the obligation incurred to Him
I by oath or vow. I^astly, God can of
course dispense from the positive law
i which He has im])osed — e.y. He could
have dis])ensed a .Tew from the law of
circumcision, the Sabbath, &c. We may
now pass on to consider the actual law of
the Church on dispensations.
The Pope can dispense from obUga-
tions to God which a man has incurred
of his own fi-ee will — i.e. bj'oath or vow.
This power belongs to liim as the suc-
cessor of St. Peter, to whom Christ gave
! tlie poAver of binding and loosing. He
can also dispense in all matters of eccle-
siastical law. Bishops, by their ordinaiy
j power, can dispense from the statutes of
j the diocesan synods, &c., and they can
1 (lis])eiise indixiduals from tlie general
law - ot' the ( 'hull h, or fi'om obligations
miller which they have ])laced themselves
to (iod, in such cases as frequently
occur — e.g. in most vows, in fasts,
alistinences, observance of feasts, kc.
But by i-eason of privih-ge, hTwful custom
or necessity. I he .li-jieii-lnn- power of the
liisliop i- ol'ii II e,\teii(hMl. Custom has
also given ]iaiash ])riests power to dis-
pense individuals from fa.sts, abstinences,
abstinence from servile work on feasts,
and the like. As a rule, a person who
has received power to dispense from a
sujierior by delegation cannot sub-
delegate.
A reason is always needed before a
1 St. Thorn, la 2„,, qu. 100, a. 8. The
opiaieii of ( ii-cani. D'Ailly, and Gerson that Goit
ruulil iiis|ic?i>e t'rmi) the procepts of the (leoal"i:ne
lias Iim- licoii aban Imii'd. The Scotists ho il
that God ooulil dispon.<e from the precepts ot (lie
second table except that against lying.
DIVINATION
DIVORCE 291
dispensation can be lawfully giTen. If
,1 superior dispenses witliout cause in his
own law or in that of an inferior, the
dispensation, though unlawful, is valid.
If, however, an inferior to whom dis-
pensing' power has been delfgatt-d uses it
without reason, the dispensation is null
and void. In all cases it is taken for
granted that a dispensation is only given
on the tacit condition that the statements
of the person who petitions for it are
true. Concealment or falsehood in au
essential matter affecting the motive
which induced the superior to dispense,
renders the dispensation null.
A dispensation ceases if recalled; if
it is renounced and the renunciation is
accepted by the superior; also, in certain
cases, if the cause for which the dis-
pensation was given no longer exists.
AVhat those cases are it is not so easy to
determine. According to Suarez, a dis-
pensation from one single obligation —
e.g. a vow — continues even when the
cause for which it was granted is there
no longer, provided the dispensation has
been accepted and used before the cause
ceased. On the contrary, dispens.it ions
which virtually relax a series of obliga-
tions— e.(j. from fasting each day in Lent
— expire with tlie cause which induced
the superior to grant them.
DXVZM'ATIon'. Inquiring after
hidden things or things to come by undue
means — that is, by means not instituted
by God. To search after the unknmvn is
in itself most laudable. But the vulgar
and the wicked, not satistied with the
limits imposed by science and revelation,
seek to discover wliat is beyond their
reach, or make use of unlawful means to
find out what may otherwise be known.
Events which have not yet come to pass
can be known beforehand only when they
are the necessary ellects of causes already
known. Thus, an eclipse can be foretold
because the motions of the earth, sun, and
moon are necessary, and are known to us.
Future free acts can be known with cer-
tainty only to Him in whose sight they are
really present. We may, indeed, make
fairly accurate calcidations as to how an
individual, and especially a number of
individuals, will act ; but we can do no
more by natural power. God can reveal
future free actions; any other mode of
inquiry will savour of divination. Tlie
usual forms of such inquiry are either
a direct or indirect ajipeal to diaboli-
cal agenc}-, or attributing superhuman
powos to animals or things. Necromancy
(consulting the dead), auguries, omens,
and lots are familiar instances. We
must, however, carefully note that what
at first sight looks like divination may
turn out to be a lawlul form of inquiry.
Thus St. Thomas points out that the
behaviour of birds and other auimals is
often a natural sign of events to come,
e.g. the cawing of crows is a sign of rain.
As to lots, he observes that there is no
harm in to>sing (casting lots to decide a
dispute), provided tliat no knowledge is
attributed to the objects themselves and
that no appeal is made to the Evil One.
He says, too, tliat " if there is need, it is
lawful with all due reverence to seek the
ju Igment of God by lots " (2* i^, q. xcv.
'a. 8).
For ordeals, see Judicitjji Dei. As
to astrology, we should distinguish the
natural action of the heavenly bodies from
the action attributed to them by supersti-
tion. Indirectly these bodies exert great
influence on human conduct. Although
God has been pleased at times to make
known His will through dreams, it is
clearly not lawful to believe in them
generally. (See Dreajis ; St. Thomas, 2»
2«, q. xcv.)
BXVORCS, in its widest sense, sig-
nifies a separation made between man
and wife on sufficient grounds and by
lawful authority. It may dissolve the
marriage bond altogether, so that the
nmn or woman is free to contract a fresh
niarriiige (separatio quoad imculum) ; or
it may simply relieve one of the parties
from the obligation of living with the
other {separatio quoad torum et mensam).
Xo human power can dissolve the
bond of maiTiage when ratified and con-
summated between baptised persons. But
(1) The marriage bond may be dis-
solved, even between baptised persons,
by Papal authority, if the marriage has
not been consummated. Such at least
is the common doctrine of canonists and
theologians; nor does Billuart, m ho holds
the ()])j)osite opinion, deny that such
divorces have been granted bv Martin V.,
Paid HI., Pius IV., and Greyorv XHI.
(2) It may be diss<dved in similar
circumstances by the solemn religious
profession of eitlier j)arty. This point
was defined at Trent (sess. xxiv. can. 6);
the principle had been already laid down
by Innocent III., who ]irofe»'ed to follow
the i'\aniple of liis priHlree^Mirs, and it
i> ju>tilii'd by til" pxaiiiiilc of ancient
saints, who lelt tliei)- brides before con-
summation of marriage to lead a life of
DOCET^
DOCTOR OF THE CHURCn
pei-petual continence. The engagement
by which they bound themselves to con-
tinence may be considered equivalent
to a solemn rehgious profession in later
times.
(3) If two unbaptised persons have
contracted marriage, this marriage, even
if consunnnated may be dissolved, sup-
posing one of the parties embraces the
Christian religion and the other i-e fuses to
live peaceably and without insult to the
Christian religion in the married state.
Th's principle i> laid down bv Innocent
III., and is founded on the " dispensation
of the Apostle," as it is called, in 1 Cor.
Tii. 12-15.
In aU other cases the marriage bond
is Indissoluble, and, be^ides this, married
persons are bound to live togethei-, as
man and wife. They may, liowever,
separate by mutual cmisi ut ; and, a^'ain,
if one party e\]ii),-es tlie other to ^i-ave
danger of body or soul, (.r eonimit^
adultery, the innocent ]i;;;tiier may oK-
tain a judicial separation, oi- .'veii retiise
to cohabit without waiting tor the sen-
tence of the iu'l'je. ]no\ iilcil alwavs that
the offence U clearly I'loNed. If the
innocent party has condoneil the adultery,
the right of separation on tlial ground Is
forfeited — uidess, of course the olf. nce is
repeated. (From BlUuart, St. Llguorl,
Gury, " T)e Matrlmonio.")
DOCETa: (from SoKelv, " to seem,"
because they attributed to Christ an
apparent but not a real liumanlty) were
not a special sect. The name describes
a feature common to the doctrine of many
early here>ies — viz, the denial that Jesus
Christ ^\ a> true man. The name occurs
in Theodoret,' l>u1 the tendency whicli It
describes dates I'roiu the heresies of Ajios-
tohctlnu's, Th\is Cerinthus distinguished
between Christ and .Icsus: the latter, he
said, was a mere man, born in the natural
way: the former, an ajon, or spiritual
being, who descended on liira at his
ba]itisni. hut al'ter\var<ls to(dc fliuht an.l
left .Tesus to sudor alone. St. John, m
his first hlpistlc (iv. :.'), alludes to a ber.,-sy
of tliis lund in the words, Every sjiirit
whicli coiitesseth that Jesus Christ is
come in the Hesli is of (rod; and every
S])irit which dissolvetli Jous Is not of
God." It is because ii[e Cliurch of his
time was in C"nllict wiili ihi.- form of
error that St, Ign.alius insists so strenu-
ously on the reality of the Incarnation in
opposition to those who said Christ's
" sufferings are visionary, being them-
1 See Petav. De Incarnat. ad init.
I selves visionary." ' This Docetic tendency
' was further developed by Marcion, who
I maintained that Christ's body was a mere
: phantom.^ The error of the Docetas, in a
' modified form, was revived by the Apol-
: llnarists, who denied the reality of Christ's
' human soul, and by the Eutychlans, who
1 represented His humanity as absorbed m
the divine nature.
DOCTOR A»rcx:x.zcvs. The name
given to St. Thomas of Aquin. Ruys-
broch was called Ecstaticus ; St. Bernard,
Melllfluus : Alexander of Hales, Irre-
f ragabills ; Durandus (de Sancto Porciano),
Resolutissimus ; St. Buonaventura, Se-
raphlcus ; Occam, Singularis ; Henry of
Ghent, Solemnis ; Duns Scotus, Subtihs.
DOCTOR or THE CHTTRCH.
Three things, says Benedict XF\'., are re-
quired to make a Doctor of the Church,
First, he must have had learning so emi-
nent that it fitted him to be a doctor not
only in the Church but of the Chirrch
(" doctor Ipsius ecclesise ") so that through
him "the darkness of error was scattered,
dark things were made clear, doubts
resolved, the difficulties of Scripture
opened." Next, "he must have shown
heroic sanctity. Thirdly — though, as we
shall see presently, this last condition has
not always been insisted on — the title of
" Doctor of the Chiuch " must be con-
ferred by a declaration of the Pope or of
a General Council. Four Doctors of the
Church are named in the canon law : viz.
Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome. Gregory.
Besides these, other saints enjoy the title
j and cultus due to a Doctor of the Church
! without a formal declaration of Pope or
coiuicll. Under this class Benedict XIV.
puts Chiy-ostom, Gregory Nazianzen,
An>e1ni. 1-Mlore, and Peter Chrysologus.
lie ;hM> that a part of the cultus usually
a-~iL;ia d to doctors is given to St. Hilary''
in hose oill<-e are the gospel and prayer
but not theantiphon,and to St. Athauasius
ami St, Basil, who have only the antiphon
hut not the gospel and prayer, proper to
doctors.
Since the Reformation the title of
Doi t or of the Church has been conferred
more freely. Plus V. added St. Thomas of
Aquin to the list ; Sixtus V., St. Buona-
ventura. During the eighteenth cen-
tury the title was conferred on St. Anselm.
' rh SoKfiv irfWovBevai ainhv, avrol Surfs rb
S0K(7y. Ad Trull. 10.
- Tfi-fnll. De Carrie Christi. cap. i.
5 I'ius IX. gave Hilary the title of Doctor,
and now. of course, the aniiphon '■ 0 Doctor is
recited in his office.
DOGMA.
DOGMA 203
St. Isidore, and St. Leo. Pius VIII. :
pive the title to S . Ucrnurd ; Pius IX.
to St. Hilary, St. Alphon.«us Liguori,
Hiul St. Francis of Sales. (Chiefly from
Benedict XIV. "De Canoniz." lib. iv.
p. L>. eap. n, 12.)
DOGMA, in its theological sense, is
a truth contained in the AVord of God,
written or unwritten — i.e. in Scripture or
tradition — and proposed hv the Church
for the behef of the faithful. Thu.>
dogma is a revealed triitli, >ince Scripture
is inspired by the Holy ({liost, while
tradition signifies the truths which the
Apostles received from Christ and the
Holv Spirit, and handed down to the
Church.
The word itself has an interesting
history. In classical writers it has three
distinct senses connected with its deriva-
tion from S0K611', " t" seem." It means,
accordingly, that which seems good to
the individual — i.e. an opinion: that
which .seems good to legitiiii;itc autlioi-ity
— i.e. the resolution of a pulilic ii--('iiiljly,
or, in other words, a dccr^'c: lastly, it
acquired a peculiar .-eiise in the philosophic
schools. The nipi-i' word of some philo-
sopher {e.ff. of Pythagoras) was considered
authoritative with his clisci])les ; and so
Cicero, in the Acailemic (^lui-i ions, ^pealis
of "decrees," or iloitnms. •■which the
philosophers call dogmata, none of which
can be surrendered without crime. In
the LXX and New Testament, the word
retains the second of the two of the .senses
given above. Thus, in Daniel ii. 13, iii.
10, in Luc. ii. 1, xvii. 7, it is used of de-
crees proceeding from the State. Tn
Ephes. ii. 15, Coloss. ii. 14, it sleniHes
the Mosaic ordinances, and in Act - xvi.4
{poyfiara ra KeKpififi'o) the di-ci]i]marv
decrees issued by the A]io>tolic ( \iun( il
at Jeru.salem. Nowlieiv in the New
Testament does it bear the sense in
which theologians emjdoy it.'
This sense sprang from the third of
the chissical meanings given above — viz.
that of a truth acce])ted on the authority
of a philosopher. The Pythagoreans ac-
cepted tenets, which if true admitted of
proof, on the authority of their master.
Christians, better instructed, accepted
truths beyond the reach of unaided reason
which had been revealed by Christ to His
Church. These truths they called dogmas.
We hud the earliest trace of this techni-
' The list of New Testament p issases ^iven
in the text is exhau.^t ive, except that Lacli-
mann reads rh Sd-v/io tov 0a(n\fuis. the Jeciee of
King Pharao, in Heb. xi. 23.
cal sense, still imperfectly developed, in
St. Ignatius, "Magn." 13 :—" Use all zeal
to be established in the doctrines (fV
Tois HoyiiaiTiv) of the Lord and the
Apostles."' In later Fathers the word
occurs in its precise theological nii'auing.
Thus, St. Basil mentions '■ the dogma
of Christ's Divuiity " (t6 rfjs dfoXnylas
(Soy/xa) ; Chrysostom, " the dogmas
(Soy^iara) of the Church ; " Vincent of
Lerins, "the ancient dogmas (doi/mr/fn)
of heavenly pliilosophy." - This last
illustrates the origin of the theological
term.
From the definition with which we
began it follows that the Church has no
power to make new dogmas. It is her
office to contend for the faith once de-
livered, and to hand down the sacred
deposit which she has received without
adding to it or tahing from it. At the
same time, the Church may enniiciate
fully and impose dogmas or articles of
faith contained in the Word iif God, or
at least deduced from prinei])le> so con-
tained, but as yet not fully deelared and
imposed. Hence with regard to a new
detinition — such, e.r/., as that of Traiisub-
stantiation, Christians havi- a twofold
duty. They are obliged to believe, first,
that the doctrine so defined is true, and
ne.\t that it is part of the Christian reve-
lation receixed by the Apostles. Again,
no Christian is at Uberty to refuse assent
to any dogma which the Church pro]ioses.
To do so inv(dves nothing less than ship-
wreck of the faith, and no Catholic can
accept the Protestant distinction bet-w een
" fundamental and non-fundamental
articles of faith." It is a matter of
fundamental importance to accept the
\\ hole of the Church's teaching. True, a
( 'atholic is not bound to know all the
definitions of the Church — but, if he
knowingly and wilfully contraclicts or
doubts the truth of any one among them,
he ceases to be a Catholic.
This arbitrary distinction between
essential and non-essential articles has
led by natural consequence to the opinion
that dogmatic belief, as such, ni.it ;ers
little provided a man's lilV-is vii-tuou- and
hisfeeUngs are devout. Areli-ion ,1' this
kind is on the very face of it dlih.rent
from the rehgion of the Apostles and
1 See also Baruah. Ep. 1, rp'ia oZv SSyfuna.
ivriv Kvp'iov, wlioie the old Latin versieu has
" constiMitiiHii's."
Basil. Oral. iv. In //^ i«e«i.; Chrysost., la
Oulut. cap. 1, apud Kiilin. Jimpmitih, vol. i.
p. liU.
294 DOGMATTO TTIEOLOOY
their succes^di-,-.. St. Taul nual li. niat ise.s
false teachers, iiiul bids (li>fiiili'> >huii
heretics; St. John denouiu'cs tin- di'iiial
of tlie Incarnation as a mark < if Antichrist.
It is not necessary to quote the utter-
ances of the early Fathers on this mutter,
which has been already treated in the
article on the Church, liut we may refer
the reader to tlie ^tril':iii^ di-i iission of
the subject in ("ardiiial X.'N\iuairs licnk
on "Development," eli. Mi. -eel, 1, § 5.
"We will only remark in eonehision that
it is unreasonable to make liiiht of ihin-
matic truth, unless it can lie siiown tliat
there is no such thinp- in existence. If
God has made a revelation, tlien both
duty and devotional feelino- must depend
on the dogmas of that revelation, and be
reoulated by them.
SOGMATIC THEOI.OGY is the
scieuee of ('hrisrian doeiua. It treats of
doctrine -^y-lematically, regarding the
doctrine (if the Church as a whole, and
considering each article of faith in con-
nection with others which are either allied
to or seem to contradict it. It ^iroves the
doctrines of the Church from Scrijitui-e
and tradition, illustrates tlieni liv natiinl
analogies and jioints out that, thmi^jli t hey
cannot be demonstrated from reasnn, t liey
are in harmony with it. It answers
objections drawn from ]ihilosi i]ihy and
other seii'iices, and above all deduces
theological coiis.Mjuences from tlie truths
of faith. It is hard to distinguish clearly
a])oloiietic or conlna-ersial and ]iositive
theologv on th.' one hau.l from dngnialic
theol<i-v on the other. C..11I rover-ial
theologians defen.l the faith aeain.-t in-
fideU au.l her-ru-s; ],ositl\e theojogv in-
vestiLiati'- the ]ii'o(il's of (.'alliolic doctrine
in Sei-i]iture and tradition; Imt all this
mav he >aid of ilogmatic theolon-y also.
Th't' distinction between them s'eems to
lie in thi' fu-t that, though dogmatic
theology does occujiy itself with thi'Se
matter,s, they do not' form the whole or
even the ])riii.-ipal ])art of its siiljject
matler. The M-lematlc ]ire>entation of
docfi-lne. the ,.\hihition of the r.dalions
Itetweeii faith and ry.-isou, t he appi ic.-i t ion
comdusions from |ii'emisses given paitlv
I)V ])hiIoso]ihv, )iaitl\ hv re\i'latioii this
is the chief hll>Ine>s 'of the doe„latic
theologian. The ,-e<t, Ih-illgh of capital
importance in itself, ]Mi-~e~s.> milv a
secondary interest foi- hiui.
^ In the ,-a7-ly ag-~ of th.. Church the
chief doctrines of the fiith we]-e precisely
stated and formally defined ; but little
DOGMATIC THEni.OGY
was done directly for dogmatic theologry.
The early Fathers had to contend with
pei'secution, and what leisure they had
was mostly spent in atteni]its to recom-
mend the faith to heathens. When the
hand of tlie persecutor was stayed, the
great contro\ ersies 071 th(> Trinity, on the
Incarnati<in, on grace and predestination,
liegan, and the (diampions of the faith
wi'Vi' as a rule much too busy in stating
and did'ending the great verities of reve-
lation to think of expounding them sys-
tematically. Then came the bai'barian
incursions in the "We-t, tlie Mohammedan
CO}Kiuests in the Iv-ist ; ,and the Latin
Church wa- oi-cupied In the work of con-
A'erting and eivili>ing the new iii.isters of
"Western Fnrojie. It was in the latter
part of the middle ages, when the fiith,
already dehned and fixed, enjoyed a
siqu'emacy such as it has never known
before or since, that the nreat dogmatic
tlieologians lived. After the fall of
Constantinople Greek leainiuL; spre.-id in
the West. Christian anti(| uity was more
studied and better understooil, and bvall
this of cours.. the.ilogy gamed inimeu>ely.
iliil to .a great extent dooniatic theohigy
Mlll'ered by the diversion of interest to
Si riptnral and historical criticism ; and
a century later the gTeat Protestant
re\olt gav(> an increasing importance to
conti-o\('r>ial as di-tinct iVom dooniatic
tlle,,louv.
We' have alreadv indicated the divi-
sion wlii,-h we >hall ol,>erve in this
article. We ,-liall begin liv tracing the
lirst .'s^ays at donnialic th'eology in the
Patristic pei-iod, jias-ing next to the
theologians of the middle ages, and con-
cludinir with thfi-i' of moilei'u times.
I. ' Pafnsfir /', /■/-.,/.- As has been
alreadv hinted, theri' is no doginatic
theologv, ]n-o]ierl\' >o called, during this
time, so that it ni'i'd not detain lis long.
Many, however, among the Fathers ( reat
the Christian religion in a ]ihi lo>o]ihic
spii-it, and address themselves to some at
least among the \ai'ious problems of
dogmatic theology. Thus the Apologists
of the second ami third ccntiii'ies ti'V to
shew— often, it is true, in a verv fim'aful
wa-\" that the ('liri>tian reliLiion is in
aLir- ement with the best results of (4reek
]ihiloso]ihy, and in partictdar with the
leaching of Plato. Justin, explains
th.' -npjiosed fact that Cliristian doctrines
;irr loiin.l in ( i ivek heathen writers partly
on the tliroiy iliat all men ])a rt ic-ii la I e in
the illumination of the Word,' partly on.
' ApnL ii. 8.
DOGMATIC THEOLOGY
DOGMATIC THEOLOGY i"J5
the assumption that the Greeks had
boiTOwed from the sacred books of the
Old Testament.' Clement of Alexandria
reaches a higher and more accurate notion
of the rehitions between dooiiia and
science. The most important of his work.';,
the "Stromata," is meant to show that a
Christian may do more than believe the
faith and keep the commandments. Be-
yond the ordinary faith, he says,'' we
may reach by instruction and the perfect
observance of God's law a knowledge
which is the " perfection of man as man."
To a certain extent, this perfection is a
moral one, and so far does not concern ns
here. But Clement also makes it consist
in knowing truth with peculiar accuracy,''
in the abihty to "demonstrate" it ' and
to fathom the hidden meanings of Scrip-
ture, in the power of using all science
and learning as a means of refuting error
and conveying to others exact notions of
the truth. ° The great Origeu, in his
book " De Principiis," makes a further
advance, and really sketches out the plan
of a (loiiniatic system. Ppealdng of the
Church's dogmas he says :'' " Tlirsc must
be used as elements and loundatioiis liy
everyone who desires to form a certain
order and sy.-teni, by considering them
all to-rther, so that he may form evident
and necessary propositions, discover the
truth on each jioint, and, as we have said,
make one system out of the examples and
propositions which he finds in the Holy
Scriptures, or discovers by following out
things to their logical consequences." It
is to be obseiTed, liowever, that Origen
ne\ iT worked out the plan which he put
l)el''Vr liiii;-rU': and, In'-iib'S, there were
inlifM-iit (l.'tect^ in iiis mrthod, which
woulil liav.' l<i]it liini from doing so
sucov->nillv. Xor (lid later Fathers rea-
lise the ideal which Origen had before
liini. Of course, the threat Doctors of tlie
Church in defending Catholic doctrine on
the Trinity and Incarnation incidentally
supjiiied abundance of mattrr tor tlic
furtherance of systematic and sp.M-ulat ive
theology. Indeed, St. Aii^u.-t ine's -writ-
ings had an extraordinary and enduring
influence on every department of theo-
logical science, and the study of them
was the great means of theological edu-
1 AfMl. i. 44.
2 .*?/;■»;«. vii. 10, p. 864.
S III. vii. 16. p.
* //-. vii. 10. |i. si;.-).
Ih. vi. 10, |,|,. :sO-781.
Dc Pn,,,;/,. IVa-f. n. 10. The work,
cxfept a ffw ff Clients, odIv exis s in the
translation ul Rutinus.
cation, and gave the strongest impulse to-
scientific j>rogress during the middle
ao-es. lint as a rule the Fathers >np]ilied
together.' Still, one exception at least
must be noted. In his treatise '• De
Trinitate," St. Augustine sets himself to
resolve the historical and the speculative
difticidties of the doctrine. He proves
the Nicene doctrine from Scripture and
tradition ; tries to reconcile the belief in
a Trinity of Persons with the belief in
the unity of God ; and confirms the truth
of the Catholic doctrine by natural ana-
logies. In the ojiinion of competent
judges no writing of the early ages de-
serves to he coiniiared with it for fulness,
and tli(ii'oui;liiie>s.
11. /'/'/<■ yr/in/,,sfic Period. — Dogmatic
theology 111 the strict sense of the word,
began to be in the East, long before it
was known in Western Europe. Zacha-
rias Scholasticus and John Philoponus,
in the sixth century, discussed Christian
doctrine in a philosophic spirit, and in
the first half of the following century
John of Damascus brought dogmatic
theology to the hl-llest h'Vrd which it
ever reached aiuone- the Greeks. He was
ac'juainie.l with the logical writings of
.Vri^toile. and Ml acquired the philosophic
training iiecojary for a theologian. He
was well read in the Greek Fathers and
familiar with the .speculations of Pseudo-
Dionysius. Thus equipped, he summed
up ail the theological learning of his day
in liis great work entitled the "Fountain
of Wisdom " (7r?;y7 ao<j)iai). The first
part contains the dialectic, which since
the Arian controversies had been the
object of increasing attention in the
Church, and was afterwards ze;ilnn-lv
studied by the Arabs. The second jiart
gives a history of heresio ; the third,
"an accurati' exjiosition of the orthodox
faitll " (eVSoo-tf aKpi.ii-s rrjs I'lpSntii'i^dV
Tr/o-Tfcof). The third part treats (a) of
( loil in ]ii> e>sen<-|.. at t l ilmtes, and Trinity
of Persons; of the creative act by
wlil(di invisihle -jiirits and visilile things
were made, of tlie Divine lore-knowledge,
and of free-will ; (y) of the Incarnation,
and the economy of salvation; (d) of the
means by which this salvation is ajtpro-
priated, and generally of such matters a»
1 Of C(Hir-p tliis
prp*>e.l. It w.iiil,! I,(
risen must not be
I'' .illiibute tothc
'lii v evor such .'l
ritcr a< St. Aumistinc. ll uiiu-li w;is friiiiiod,
u-li also was lost by the schola-iic love o£
steal.
2Pr> DOGMATIC THEOLOGY
concern practical piety — i.e. of faith and
baptism, the cultus of the saints, use of
images, &c. ; of Scripture, the orio-in of
sin in the abuse of free-will, the law of
God, the Sabbath, circumcision, virginity,
&c. ; and lastly, of Antichrist and the
resurrection. Here we have something-
like a complete svstem of theologv, but
with John of Dainascus the theology of
tilt' Ma^trnis rearht'd its highest p(nnt.
l''urtht>r advance was to be made, not in
till- Ivist, but in the AN'est.
There, even after the shock of the bar-
))arian conquests was over, a long period of
])reparati(iii was needed before dogmatic
theology could arise, and for this very
reason when it did arise it maiiitVstt'd i>x-
traoi-dinary strength, possessed a singular
vitality, and did its work with wondciful
completeness. These preparations con-
.«isted in the study of the Aristotelian
logic, much furthered by Boethius in the
earlier ])art of the sixth century. Again,
the dogmatic teachiii- of the Fathers was
sumuiiiriseil by such aiit liors as Isidore of
Seville, who in his " ( )i-igii)iim sen b.ty-
mologiarum Codex" furnished an enc\ cle-
]i;"edia of sciences, including tlie.ilMny,
while his "Liiii'i Sent ent ia rnni " is a
kiiul of anthology fioni the l athers, par-
ticularly from St. .Vugnstine. Al< nm dnl
mucli to encourage the ti lund.al ion ol
monastic scli'iols an<l so to keep the lamp
of learning alne. Still, although the
writings of St. (uveoi-vihe (iri^it exer-
cised a wide and Mmn- intlnen.-e. al-
thongli the livinu interest in dogmatic
Oout ro\-el-sv \\"a - Ke]it up \l\ t I le d l s|in 1 e>
on the Ad.'.|,l.on of the S/m ,.f ( Ind. on
the Fanhanst, on 1 'red^ '^t i na t a ,n. and hv
tho>e oeea-ioiied tliroueii the ra t ioiia llsni
and jKintheistic tendencie.- of Se.)tu- Fa'i-
gena.llie ]ieriod which ela].-.e,l IjelweiMi
the Mxtli and eleventh (■.•nlnrv \va> one ol
learn iiie I'at hei- llnin of siiecnial ion. The
jnlll^
till I
tla- n
the
the natural and mat lienial n'a i sciences,
grammar, logic, rhetoric, kv., and to
make themselves at home in the wisdom
of the Greeks and Romans. But they
had no philosophy, and philosophy is a
necessary liasis tor t heological sjietailat ion.
In the eleventh century this desideratum
was su])plied. Then the monastic schools,
which had sunk into comparative insig-
Don:\rATic theology
nificnnce after the death of Charles the
Bald, became more celebrated than ever
for learning (those of Tours and Bee
deserve special mention), and in Anselm
of Canterbury produced a man, not only
of learning, but of speculative ability.
Some time later these schools were cast
into the shade by the universities, and
that of Paris in
tering motlier of dialei
tliroughoiit, the rest of 1 1
Better translations of
into Use. and not oiilv
also his nietaphvsical
treatises were studied w
appreciation. True, phil
earded as the hau.hnaid
lar -w as the fos-
•etieal theologV
lie middle ages.
Ai'i-lotle came
In- logical, hut
and p!,vs:cal
.■ith enthusiastic
l..so],liv was re-
f faith.
Til
Catholic religion was accepted
absolute truth, and although tht
s(.iphei- proved frrmi reason the ti
natural religion, such as the 1)
God.
like,
had
with
plnf
it billowed
man's tlici
s]iiritua
as the
philo-
id the
id he
'iiient
the Church. Stil
mil
" fait I
latur.-i
.sopl
Itealists. I
?s'oinmalist
name- re]
theoloev.a
direct inHi
hehl on nm
( »f coiir-e.
every (litter
St. Thonia
Miphical so
dllference-
So well Wl,
rl]ile> lui'lll
iv bv ph.l
It tlie whole of :s
wa- coloured hv his
nions. The areat philo-
1 d.diated during all the
1 was abinit the nature
riiere were the extreme
iScotus ; the moderate
St. Thomas ; and thi'
h as ( 1,-eain. All these
It dlllerellt schools of
i- often ea-\' to trace the
whudi the theorv thev
ds had on th.
heoh
ilKt
le I liese
triced.
' 'llg
a- Se-itiMii f.-'jit it- gioimd m the Fran-
ciscan sidiools, the Scotist philosophy,
.and that alone, was looked U])On as the
necessary pre]iaration for theology. The
mutual interpenetration of philosophy
and theology is the great distinguishing
mark of the scholastic period.
We can only mention the most dis-
tinguished names among the scholastics,
and say a few words about one or two
among them. St. AnseLm was the great
I light of the eleventh century, towards
DOOMATIC THEOLOCtY
DOGMATIC THEOLOGY 2!)7
the end of which he lived. In the twelfth
century the great names are those of
Roscelin, Abelard, and Peter Lombard ;
in the thirteenth, those of Aloxnndi r nf
Hales, Albertus Maiiiius, St. Thomas,
Bonaventura, John Dims Scot us.
Anselm did not cDiistruct a complete
coq)iis or sum of tlii^uldn y, but he treated
of it> priiiei]ial parts— \iz. the existence
and nature nf (ind and tlu' Trinity in his
" Miiiioldgium," " I'rosbio-ion,'' " De P^id.
Trill.," and "Process. Spirit. S. contra
Gr;ee, ; " tlie t'reedom of the will, origin
of evil, and tlie fall, in " De Lib. Arbitr.,
de Casu Diab.il., de ("..neept. Viroinal. et
Original. Peccato;" of file Incarnation
and redem])f ion, in "t'ur Deus llouio."
Peter Lombard's four Books of Sentences
were for centuries the basis of theological
instruction. St. Thomas, Scotus, nay
even so late a writer as the famous
Estius, commented on them. Peter
Ijombard sets out with the principle —
borrowed from St. Augustine — that
Christianity is a doctrine conci'rning
realities and signs, the ])rinci]>al sions
being tlie sacraments. He sali(ll\iiles
the realities into such as M e aie to enjoy
{ frui) — i.e. such as are ends : -iii li m< we
are to use as means: and considers
lastly the sid)jects or rational cveaim-es
intended to use these niean>. .\( ( oicl-
ingly, the firr~t Book of the Sentences
treats of God and the Trinity (lealities
which are ends in themselves) : the
.«econd, in its first jiart, of tlie world, in
its second of rational creatures, in its
third of free-will and ur.iee, virtues and
vices (of tliin^< to be usi'd as means, of
those who use tlieni, of ii^e and abuse);
the third, of the redeni]ition, by which
man is again enaliled to sei' t hinos ai-ie|it :
the fourth, of the re<iirre<t ion, and of
"signs" — i.e. chietly of the sacrament.-.
A moment's tlioughr will euabli- .•in\ oii,.
to see some at least of the patent deii ( is
implied in such an arrangement. St.
Thomas ado])ted a verv ditlerenf .me m
his "Sum of all Theoloev,-' wliieli lor
method, scientific jirecision and .lejiili,
for purity of doctrine, li;i> nolliin;; lilie
it or near it in I lie ]iioi!nction> of the
scholastic theoloi^haiis. The " Simiin.i "
is di\ided into three parts. The first
treats of God in Himself, and as the
Creator. The second treats of God as
the end of creatures, and of the actions
which lead us to II im or separ.ile us
from Him. In the foi'iuer .-iibdi\ i>ion of
the secoiul jiart these actions are discussed
in general; the latter subdivision explains
' them in detail. The third part treats of
' the Incarnation, the sacraments, and the
last things. It must be added that the
I subdivision of Part II. was made, not by
j St. Thomas, but by his disciples, and that
St. Thomas left the third part incom-
plete, the conclusion of the treatise on
penance, with those on e.xtreme unction,
holy order, matrimony and the last things,
having been ajijieniied from his com-
mentary on the Sentences. St. Thomas
himself points out the connection of parts
in the " Snmma." The first is concerned
with God ; the second, with the move-
ment of rational creatures to Him ; the
I third, witli tlie Incarnation, redemption
and sacraments, which open the way to
I God, and with eternal life, to which this
way leads.
III. Modern Period. — Scholastic theo-
logy is best represented by St. Thomas
and Scotus. After their time tliei-e was
a marked decadence, and if at the period
of the Renaissance and the Keformation
.scholastic the,ilo;.y was unjustly attacked
and contemned, tin' fault 'must lie [lartly
laid at the dor.r of the later sclioolinen
themselves. Melchifir Canus, a ( 'at Icdic
bisho]) and tln^olooiau of undoubted ortho-
doxy, (lesi i-ilies the degeneracy of some
anioiiii' I he l,it, r >clioolmen, their frivolous
and >o])ln>t le.il sjiirit, their ignorance of
Scrijilure and trailition, in the forcible
language of a man who evi.lently sj.eaks
from personal e.xjierience. ' No donbt
other cai\-es helped to bring scholastic
theologv into di-repute. 'file new learn-
mij alisorheil attention: controversialists,
sii.-h a- Dellaniiine. were busy ilefeiiding
the decree- of Trent a-ain-t' I ,iit liei-an~
and ('alvini>ls, so thai the iiiteiv-t in
llieie on the part of l'rotestaiit> and
e\ell of ,l;inselll>ts, a di-tlllctlv heretical
o|,],o>iti.in to the th.'ology of fjie scho.ds.
It wa- held that truths .if re\ elation were
colli rar\ to the dictates of reason, ami
that, t.i use the w.inN of M ..lanclit h.ui,
e.irdant with ]ilii lo>. i] iliy and liunnin
iv;i>.,n." - Tlii>. of ,-.„ir-'.'. was t.. cut at
the root of sch.ila>tic t li. .1. i-y , a ii.l the
o]iiniou of Melanchtlion .111 faith and
reason was that of the lletormers in
'general. Still, sih.il.i-i u- tli.'.dogy was
j pursued with ard.nir. an. I valuable addi-
I 1 Canus. /.er. 77,,../. viii. l,ix. 1. The elo-
] quoiit and wciuhty \v..i.l- of Canus on this
matter arc well werth ici.iins.
I 2 MclanchtlaiM, /-,„■,■ 7V,f,>/.eil. l.p.8(;,ni)U,l
Ktlhll. I>,i,im(tlil:. vel. i. 472.
208 POOMATIC TIIEOT.OPtY
dopt:mattc theology
tions were made to it. The old Thomist
and Scotist theolngies were still main-
tained, and though the latter as a dis-
tinctive system was passing away, it
influenced the eclectic tlioology of many
Jesuit writi'js, iind so has left a perma-
nent marl< im tlie theology of the Church.
Moreover, a tresh impetus was given to
scholastic disputes by the controversies
on grace in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, and a new division of theolo-
gians intoThomists, Congruists, Molmists
and Augustinians came to be recognised.
The following are among the prLnci])al
theologians since the Reformation. We
put aside great controversialists, like
Bellarmine and Stapleton, and positive
theologians, such as Petavius and Tho-
massin. Petavius, indeed, may justly
be considered a dogmatic theologian. His
unequalled learning included a thorough
knowledge of the schoolmen, and he does
discuss the most important questions
raised by them. But the chief merit of
this extraordinary man, gi'i'ut in his
many-sided and accurate learning, great
in the command which his genius gave
him over the stores of classical. Scriptural,
patristic, and scholastic learning which he
had accumulated, lay rather in his con-
tributions to the history of dogma than
to dogmatic theology itself. Confining
ourselves, then, to dogmatic theologians
in the strict sense, we may name, from
the sixteenth and beginning of the seven-
teenth century : Bannez (" In Prim. Part.
Angel. Doctoris," 2 torn. ; " In Secund.
Secund. Angel. Doctoris"); Molina ("In
Prim. Part. D. Thom.:" also "Lilieri
Arbitrii cum Grati;i- Dmil- ( 'onconlia ");
Medina ("In Prim. Srennd. riinuiie Aq.;
In Tert. Part."): (ii-. gnry of Valentia
("Comment, in Sunmi. Thorn;!' Aq.") ;
Suarez (" Commentationes ct Disputat.
in Thomae Sinnmam ") ; Cardinal de Lugo
(separate treatises on dogmatic and moral
theology; e.g. " De Sacramentis," " De
Eucharistia," " De Incarnatione," iSrc,
collected ni seven folios) ; Vasqui'Z
(" Comnientani in Thomam ") ; Estius
("Comment, ui IV Lib. Sentent.") ; Tan-
ner (" Tlieoldg. Scholast.," " Dis]>utat.
Theol. in omnes Siimm. S. Thom. Partes") ;
Becanus ("Theoloii. Scbnlast."); Viva (on
the Condemned I'l-oijo^ii mns and a brief
course of dogmatic t le i iloij \- ). Prominent
among the tlirolo(rians of a later date are
the Scotists, Frassen (">^eotns Acade-
niicus, sive I'ni\ersa Doctoris Subtilis
Theologia," Paris, 1672), aiul L'Herminier
( " Summa Theolog. Scholastic. Dogmat.,"
I Paris, 1721): and the Thomists Genet
(" Clypeus Theolog. Tliomist. contra
is'ovas ejus Im]mgnat.,'" Biirdigal. ICoiJ),
(^ontenson ("Theologia Mentis et Cor-
dis," Colon. 1722), Witasse (" 'I'ractat.
Theolog." Paris, 1722), and BiUuart
(" Cursus Theolog. juxta Ment. S. Thom."'
1745). We mav also notice Tournely
(" Prfelect. Theol.," Venet. 1739) ; Gotti
(" Theolog. Scholast. Dogm.," Venet.
1750); Berti (" De Theolog. Disciphn.,"
Venet. 1776); Hubert ("Theolog. Dog-
mat, et Moral," August. Vindeb. 1751).'
In the latter part of the eighteenth
century scholastic theology almost died
out, or if the study of it was maintained
in Italy and Spain, at all events few
books of this kind were written. The
dog-mas of the Church were of course
still carefully studied by clerics in their
course of preparation for the priesthood,
but scholastic philosophy was neglected,
no other philosophy permanently replaced
it, and hence theological speculation was
ini])ossible. This element is almost en-
tirely wanting in works like those of
Liebermann and Perrone, valuable as they
are in many resjiects. Some forty or
hfty years ago the interest in scholastic
jtliilosophy, and, as a natural consequence,
in scholastic theology, revived. Cardinal
Eranzelin's treatises, though ftill of Scrip-
tural and jiatristic learning, do not by
any means omit the consideration of the
speculative ((uestions raised by tlie school-
men. Scheeheii was perhaps the pro-
foundest, if not the clearest, speculative
theologian of recent times. The short
treatises of .lungman, the dogmatic theo-
of the Jesuit Hurter, and that of
Dr. .Murray of Maynooth, also deserve
mention. The ]iresent Pope has done
much to encourage the study of the
schoolmen, and this study is not likely
to faU again into disrepute or even to be
neglected. Experience has proved that
no scientific knowledge of the Cathohc
(Idctrine can be trained without the study
dl' (Icigiaatic thfiildgy, so that when this
Inundation has been laid, then and not
till then other branches of theological
inquiry may be pursued with safety and
advantage. (In great part from the intro-
ductory volnme of Kuhn's " Dogmatik.")
sdx.OURS OF THE BX.ESSE]>
VZRGXNT. St. John mentions that the
Blessed Virgin, with other holy women
and with St. .Tolm, stood at the foot of
the cross when the other Apostles had
* The editions quoted are not always the
first which appeared.
DOM
DOMINICANS 232
fled. At that time the prophecy of
Simeon, "a sword will pierce thine own
soul," was mo.st p.>ii'.M H\ lulfilled; and
very naturally the - i , . nt .Mary have
been a favourite subjLrt ol l oniemplation
with the Saints, amoiij^ whom St. Ambrose
and St. ]5(>niard deserve particular notice.
They dwell specially on the intensity of
her mental suffering-, and on the super-
natural constancy with which she endured
it. The tamous hymn " Stabat Mater "
celebrates Mary's sorrows at the foot of i
the cross in sublime lano uage. The seven
founders of the Servite order, in the
thirteenth century, devoted themselves
to special meditation on the Dolours of
Mary, and from them the enumeration of
the Se\ en Sorrows {i.e. at the prophecy
of Simeon, in the flight to Egypt, at the
three days' loss, at the carrying of the
cross, at the crucifixion, at the descent
from the cross, at the entombment) is said
to have come. The feast of the Dolours
was instituted at a Provincial Council of
CoI.iLiri.' in 14i>:3, at a time when the
Hu.<.-ite> were destroying' crucifixes and
images of the Motlu'
fanatical zeal. Px n.M
caused this feast t'l li
States of the Chun li
Passion Suii.Imv. 'I'h
served as a f^rcater do
XII
)ws with
ill I7i'5,
■ rrl,.l,ralr,l in the
m the Friday after
s least is now ob-
ible throughout the
Church. Pius VII., in 1 814, directed
that a second fcist of tlic Dolours should
be kept, on the tliird Siniday of vSeptember.
In allusion to her seven sorrows, the
Blessed Virgin is represented in art
transfixed by seven swords. (Benedict
XIV. " De Festis " ; " Manuale Decret.")
sonx. A title applied to the Bene-
dictine uionlis, as Doyn Gueranger, etc.
It is a contraction of " Dominus," first ap-
plied to the Pope, latterly to bishops,
and finally to monks of various orders.
Benedictine nuns were similarly called
Domna, whence the modern " Dame."
SOIVXXCZI.E is the place in wliich a
person i.s living, or to which he has actu-
ally come with the pur])ose of remaining
there for good — i.e. until some fresh
reasons call him away. Thus, as Zallinger
points out, two things go to constitute
domicile : (1) the external fact of habita-
tion in a place ; (2) the internal intention
of fixing the abode there. Quasi-doinicile
is acquired by a p(>rson who has moved
to a place with the intention of remaining
there for a considerable tim(> — ci/. for
s^everal months. There is a third class
of persons known as vagi — i.e. who at
the time have neither domicile nor quasi- |
domicile. It is possible for a person to
have two domiciles — if, that is to say, he
has two abodes in different places and
spends about equal portions of the year
in each.
The question of domicile enters into
the regulations (1) on orders. In ordinary
cases a candidate must be ordaincil by
the bishop of the diocese in which he
was born (" episcopus originis "). How-
ever, if he has fixed his domicile in
another diocese he may be ordained by
his new bishop, the "episcopus domicilii,"'
provided that he has lived in his new
abode for ten years, or has transferred to
it the greater part of his goods, having
lived there " for a considerable time, and
is, moreover, ready to swear that he in-
tends to remain there for good " (" per-
petuo"). So Innocent XII., Constit. 96.
(2) Persons are obliged to make their
Easter communion, to have their banns
proclaimed, to be married, to have their
children baptised, to receive extreni"
unction, from the parish-priest of their
domicile or his deputy. If persons to be
married live in different parishes, the
Ijanns must be proclaimed in the jiarish
church of each ; the maiTiage may be
celebrated in either parish church. Per-
sons with a double domicile may choose
the parish-priest of either for the cele-
bration of their marriage, &c. If either
party has established a quasi-domicile he
may be married by the parish-priest of
the place. If one of the parties has no
domicile or quasi-domicile, then any
parish-priest may many them, provided
that he has found on inquiry that they
are free to marry, and has obtained leave
from his ordinary. (Chiefly from Gury.)
"Ijord, I am not worthy that Thou
shouldst enter under my roof, but only
speak with a word, and mv soul will be
h. aled." Words n-edbYtluMiriest before
istom
communion to t lie pei)]iic.
of employing this praver li. lore com-
munion is alluded to liy (.)riii("u and
Chrysostoin. It is adapted f'riun the
prayer of the centurion in Matt. viii. 8.
SOMZM-ZCAX. X.ETTER. ^See
Cycle."
DOMZSrzCA.xrS. The founder of
this celebrated order, St. Dominic, was
born in 1170, at Calaruega, a small town
in tlie diocese of Usma, in Olil Castile.
Ill' was educated at the university of
Paleiicia, which afterwards was removed
to Salamanca. From the time when he
300 DO.MINTCAXS
DOMINICANS
first came to the use of reason, he appears '
to have had a heart burning with the
loTe of God, and a consequent horror of
sin, coupled with an unquenchable zeal
for the promotion of God's honour and
service among His rational creatures.
After leaving the university, he preached
"with great power in many places. The
Bishop of Osma at this time, whose name
was Diego, was a prelate of great earnest-
ness and piety ; the laxity and tepidity
which prevailed among a portion of the
Spanish clergy were a serious grief to
him, and he pondered how he might
introduce the type and germ of a better
state of things. He wished to introduce
a regular and quasi-conventual life among
the canons of his cathedral, and the young
I)fiminic appeared a fit instrument for his
pini)ose. Appointed a canon, and strenu-
ou>ly aiding in the introduction in the
clia])ter of the rule of St. Austin, Dominic
more than answered every expectation
that had been formed of him, and ob-
tained the entire confidence and affection
of the bishop. In 1204 and 1205 the
Bishop of O-ma was sent into France on
the alfair 'it' a ci nit i /niplated marriage
between King Alf inso IX. and a princess
of the house of La Marche ; Dominic
accompanied him as his chaplain. The
southern provinces of France were then
teeming with the heresies of the numerous
sects wliicli pass under the general name
of All)igenses [Albiuenses], and the
pei'il seemed imminent that large numbers
of [lersons would before long, if no re-
straining iniluence appeared, throw off"
the Ijonds of religion, social order, and
inoi'ality. The bishop, his missifju having
come to an end by the death of the
French ])rince>-, earnestly desired to re-
main and eniiilijit liei'esv in Languedoc.
AVith Domniir h- wiit'to Rome (1205)
to obtain the nece»ary permission from
the P'lpe, who was then Innocent III.
The I'ope, although strongly approving
the t'uterprise, Wduld not sanction Diego's
absence from his diocese Ijeing prolonged
beyond two years, at the end of which
time he was to return to ( >snia. Return-
ing to Languedoc, Diego and his com-
panions found there two Papal legates,
Peter of Castelnau and Raoul, contending
with the heretics with but small effect.
The liishop suggested tliat tli.' words of
exhortation would be more effectual if the
legates came unattended by a splendid
retinue, and unprovided with e(juipage's
and a sumptuous ap/iar"//. He himself
bet them an example, going barefoot, |
practising gre;it abstinence, and sending
back his carriages and servants into
Spain. The legates took his words in
good part, and to some extent acted upon
them; moreover, the abbot of Giteaux
and several other Cistercian abbots came
to their assistance, to take part in the
religious campaign, which now began to
be prosecuted with much zeal and fruit.
But after a time Peter of Castelnau was
assassinated by the heretics, and the
other legate took his departure ; the
abbots returned to their monasteries ;
the bishop was obliged to return to Osma,
where he soon after died ; and Dominic
was left alone. Some years passed ; he
was joined from time to time by earnest
men, who aided him in that work of
continual preaching which he felt to be
the great work of his hfe ; but many of
them, after the novelty of the work had
worn off, abandoned him without scruple,
and he felt that in order to give stabiUty
to his efforts he must bind his followers
to himself and their work by a tie stronger
than could he supplied by enthusiasm and
the voluntary system. Such a tie could
only be supplied by the establishment of
a new order, and to this consummation
he now bent his energies. In 1215 he
had gathered round him sixteen men,
of whom eight were Frenchmen, six
S]ianiai(1s, one an Englishman, and one a
I'ort iigufse — all prepared to embrace any
way of lit'e that he might prescribe to
them. The Pope (Innocent III.), when
his sanction was sought, hesitated. The
Council of the Lateran, then concluding
its sittings, had declared that it was not
desirable to add any new orders to those
already existing. The Pope refused his
assent several times, but at length — in-
fluenced, it is sai<l, by a vision similar to
that which he had had befin-e theconfirma-
tion of the Franciscan order — he yielded.
It was, however, upon the understanding
that the founder should clioose for the
new institute some rule alreiidy sanc-
tioned by the C'liurcli, nud tliat the
statutes of the order should bi; sulwnitted
to the Pope for his approval. Dominic
selected the ride of St. Austin [Aug.
Canons] for the use of his order; manj^ of
the statutes were borrowed from those of
Pr^montrg. [See Premonsteatexsians.]
"The chief articles enjoined ])er])etual
silence, there being no time when conver-
sation was permitted without leave from
the superiors; fasts almost without inter-
mission, at least from Sejitember 14 to
Easter Day; complete alstinence from
DOMINICANS
DOMINICANS 301
meat, except in serious illness; the use
of woollen garments in the place of linen ;
a rigorous poverty, and many other
austerities." ' The dress which St .
Dominic gave to his religious was that
of regular canons, such as he had himself
worn at Osma — viz. a black cassock and
rochet. Some years afterwards this was
exchanged for the di-e?s which has been
ever since retained in the order — a white
habit and scapular, with a long black
cappa or mantle. When everything had
been settled, and the first monastery- was
being built at Toulouse, Dominic went to
Rome to obtain the final confirmation of
the Holy See. Arriving in the autimin
of 1216, he found Ilouorius III. occupy-
ing the Papal chair, and obtained from
him in the following December a bull
fully legalising and confirming his insti-
tute, imder the title of the " Preaching
Brothers," or friars, Fratres Praedicantes.
He made his solemn profession before
Honorius, as the first member of the
order, and then returned to Toulouse.
Houses under his direction soon arose in
different places— (".r/. at Paris, Metz, and
Venice, and in 1221 a general chapter
was held at Bologna, at which — perha]>s
in imitation of tlie Franciscans — a ( (in-
stitution was adopted renoiniemu nil
rents and possessions. The effect ot' this,
of course, was to make the Dominicans
a mendicant order, wholly dependent for
their subsistence and advancement on
the charity and zeal for religion of the
Christian people. At this same chapter-
general it was found that the order
already numbered sixty convents : these
were now distributed into eight ])rovinces
(England being one), each under a pro-
vincial. St. Dominic, therefore, dying in
this year, had the happiness of leaving
his order firmly planted in Europe.
Under subsec|uent master-generals it ex-
tended itselt far and wide; the white
robe of St. Dominic became a familiar
object in Poland, Denmark, Greece, and
the Holy Land ; their missioners were
found in the Canaries in the fifteenth
centun-, and after the discovery of
America preaching friars took a promi-
nent part in sju-eading the Go.spel among
the natives of Mexico, New Granada, and
Peru. Las Casas, who first introduced
the African negro into the West Indies,
with the benevolent intention of thus
saving from destruction under their
Spanish task-masters the feebler Carib
Indians, was a Dominican friar. This
I Holvot.
I order has contributed three Popes to the
I roll of the Roman Pontiffs, and can
eiuiinerate more than BO cardinals, about
.■iivlil.i^linps, and upwards of 800
l':>liop-. The Master of the Sacred
I'alae.' in the Pontifical Court hasalwavs
been a reli-iou,- of this ..rder since St.
Dominic was first invested with the office
by ro]u. Honorius in 1218.
Ill l-lii!:fland, at the time of the disso-
lution, there were fifty-seven Dominican
friaries. From an examination of the
names of these, given below,' it is evident
that they settled by preference in towns,
where tlu'ir priman- vocation of preach-
ing could most easily be exercised. The
memory of their great friary in London is
preserved in the name of Blackfriars
Bridge ; the building stood between Lud-
gate Hill and the river: Playhouse Yard *
marks the exact site. Of their great and
famous house at Oxford, though tlie site
is well known, no traces now remain.
Into the intellectual movement of the
age, of which the foundation of many
universities, and the rajiid development
of othei-- were the chief dutward signs,
the rtoniinie.-iiis eagerly fliuig tliemselves.
They ii|i( lied >fhools, and commissioned
able lei tiirn - ai most of the universities,
awalu niiiL' th. reliy a fierce opposition on
List of 1)
fli'iiscx. taken from
y'lditia:
Lancaster
3U Langk-y (Herts.)
,, (Surrey)
Leicester
Lincoln
London
Lynn
Newcastle (Staflf.)
Xewcastle-on-Tyne
Newport (Monm.)
Nerthampton
40 Norwich
Oxford
PontptVact
KliU(iaiau(FUnt)
Arundel
Baniborough
Bani,'or
Berwick
Beviilev
Blil ur-h (Suff.)
Boston
Brecknock
Bristol
10 Canibrid{;e
CanterbuiT
Cardiff
Carlisle
Chelinsford
Clie.-ter
Chichester
Derby
Doncaster
Dunstable
20 Dimwich (Suff.)
Exeter
Gloucester
Guildford
Haverfordwest
(Pemb.)
Hereford
Hull
Ipswich
Ivelchester (Som.)
So called from the theatre (of which
Shakespeare was co-proprietor) patched up out
of some of the ruinous buildinns of the friary.
rborous;h
Shr
shury
Maniford
Sudbury
Thetford
50 Truro
W.irwick
Wilton
Winclipster
Worcester
YariM (Yorks)
Yarmouth
York
•302
DOMINICANS
DOMINIONS
the part of the authoritii-. ^^llo perhaps
■clreadt'cl in part U^st ci-uilit'f> uiid novel-
ties vliould i-sur \v<m\ the of these
■enthii>Ki,-t ic iiu'iidieaiits, but w liose con-
cern tor tlieir own voted interest in and
monopoly of teaching was mnch more
real. The saintly Albertus Magnus,
•entering the order in the time of the
second general, Jordanus Saxo, lectured
in the university of Paris on the philo-
sophy of Aristotle, which, according to
Mohler he had the honour of first making
thoroughly comprehensible to the Euro-
pean intellect. His famehas been eclipsed
by that of the still larger and stronger
mind of him who was his ardent disciple,
and also a Dominican, St. Thomas of
Aquinum. The " Sumnia Theologiae," at
wliich the sciolists nf the last century
affected to sneer, has been lately anew
commended to the respect of all Chris-
tians, and the careful study of the
clergy, by His Holiness the present Pope.
The system of St. Thomas was so vast as
to afford scope for the labmir of many
commentators and explicators, and a
school lii'iic' arose, consisting chieHy of
Dominicans, named Thomists. Francis-
can theologians, among whom the chief
was Duns Scotns, raised objections to
portions of tlie teaching of St. Thomas;
the problems of Realism and Nominalism
were imported into the controversy ; and
the contentions of Scotists and Thomists,
taken up often by men of inferior mental
calibre, tended at last to make men
weary of the scholastic philoso]ihy alto-
gether.
Among the numerous writers and
thinkers ])roduced by this oi-di-r may be
mentioned first that group of (^tberi'al
minded men, sonn'tiiiies i-allcd tbe'Mipi-
man mystics," among whom the Master
Eckliardt (t l^L'ilV .Johannes Tauler
(t 1-!G1), and tlie r.l.'-s.'.l Henry Suso
(t l-'i<!o). were all sons of St. Doniinic.
St. liavinond of ]^Mmafoi'1, \\u- third
genci-iT ol' tlh. ord.'i-, will b.> eel, .brat ,m1
to all lini- a> 1 hr r.u\,\i,.v „f th.. canotl
law. In l''r.-iiii (• a]-o>r I '(•t pr of Tarciitaise,
and \'iiifi'nt "t liiauvai>, anllini^of tiiat
vast rcjicrtory of all laiowledge then
accumulated, the "S])(n>ulun) Majns."
England produced Richard (Maypole,
Roi)ert Holcot, and Robert Kilwardby.
Andibishop of ( 'anterbnry. Thi> learned
Cardinal ('aii')an beloiia's to thi' ])crio(l
of til,' l;,'r,.ni):ili..,i. DoTninir Soto
(+ !;"■)()()). fVanci- a Vi<^toria. •iiio 1 •o;.,'iiir
'!aiine/ (t l'!04), were I'iniiioi,; ;>i I'.ico-
logy and public law. Las Casas, already
mentioned, and Peter of Montesino, be-
longed to the illustrious band of Spanish
Dominicans who followed at the heels of
the conquerors of the New World, and
strove to shield the Indians from their ra-
pacity, and to open the minds of their new
fellow-subjects to the light of Christ.
With regard to the present condition
of the order, it may be said that in spite
of the injustice and violence of the revo-
lution, which in all the principal countries
of Europe has at one time or other ex-
propriated its convents and silenced its
doctors, it is not altogether unprosperous
or unpromising. In France the order
was restored about fifty yeai-s ago })y the
devoted Henri Lacordaire, whose fiery
words preached from the pulpit of Notre
Dame convuiced an unbelieving Paris
that a friars cowl, in the nineteenth
century no less than in the thirteenth,
may cover a robust and teeming brain,
and an indomitable courage.
As early as 1206, before the foundation
of his order for men, St. Dominic had estab-
lished a convent of nuns at Prouille, under
a modified form of St. Augustine's rule.
Honorius III. gave his approval, in 1218,
to the extension of the order to women.
The Second Order of St. Dominic (or
Dominicanesses, as they came to be called)
was one of the strictest in the Church.
I'esides the austerities which they prac-
tised in common with their brethren of
I hp First Order, they were bound to rigid
cloisti-r and to long hours of prayer.
but they alt erwards undertook tht^ educa-
tion of yoluig girls. Many canonised
Saints have belonged to this order, the
most famous being St. Agnes of Monte-
pulciano.
The Third Order of St. Dominic, called
I also the Brothers and Sisters of the
Ri'iiance of St, Dominic, gri'W out of the
iiist it iitioii of iho "Soldiery of Jesus
Christ," ^\■hicll St. ]>oiiiiiiic founded in
I his lifetime, for marrloil men who should
desire to undertake the wm-k of protect-
I ing the Church, )-ei l;,ininig her ancient
riglits, recoveriiig jn'operty of which she
had l)een desjioiled, and i-ejiressing heresy;
i and for the wives of these men. To this
1 Third Order Ijehwged the canonised saints
Cathei-ine of Sienna and Rose of Lima,
and the beatified Colomba of Eieti,
liicriida of Sweden, Sibylla of Paira,
^[art^aret of Hungary, and many others.
1)1 l'ji-l;iiid there appear to be at the
])re.-ent time five houses of friars (at
I llaverstock Hill, Woodchester, New-
DOMINUS VuniSCUM
DOUAY BIBLE 303
castle-on-Tyne, Hinckley, and Leicester), I
one convent of Dominican nuns (at Caris-
brook), and fifteen houses of Sisters of
the Third Order at various places. In
Ireland there appear to be sixteen Do- i
minicnn priories, Dominick Street, Dublin,
Limerick, and Tralee, being among the [
most important ; and seven convents of
Dominican nuns, among which is the
■well-known Sienna convent at Drogheda.
{H^lvot : Mohler's " Kirchengeschichte.")
I>OI«X»rTrS VOBISCUIW (" The
Lord be with you") is, with the "Pax
Tobis " (among the Greeks ftpr/w; 7rao-i)>
the common salutation in the Mass and
office. It was adopted from the Jews,
who used it in daily life (Rutli ii. 4).
The Oriental liturgies, except the liturgy
of St. Mark, have no "Dominus vobiscum."
In the West, on the other hand, its use is
very ancient. A Council of Hippo in ,
393 ' forbids " readers " (lecfores) to use |
it, and at this day no minister of the j
Church below the rank of deacon can do
so. Abisluip,afti'rtlie "Gloria in Excelsis"
on feast days, says " Pax vobis " instead
of " Dominus vobiscum," a custom men-
tioned in a letter of Leo YIL, anno !)37.
These salutations are used even in private
' Mass or othce, and are addressed to the
Church, in whose name her miiii>ti rs
speak, and with whom they are united in
spirit.
i>oia-A.TZosr of coTrsTAxr-
TlJtTi. ' See States of the Chukch.]
BOTtAtisTS. Heretics and .schis-
matics who held (1) that the validity
of the sacraments depended on the moral
character of the minister ; (2) that sinners
could not be mtnnbers of the Chiircli and
could not be tolerated by a tiuc Church,
unless their sins were secret. The form<^r
of these errors was an exaggeration of
Cyprian's erroneous belief that baptism
depended for its validity on the faith of
the minister: the latter was allied to
Novatianism, though the Donatists did
not deny tlie Church's power to readmit
repentant sinners.
Mansurius, Bishop of Carthage, al-
lowed the heathen during Diocletian's
persecution to destroy heretical books
which be left in the church instead of
the sacred books which they sought.
Thereupon, a party of zealots, with
Donatus of Casanigra at their head,
charged him with " traditio " — i.e. with
the crime of surrendering the sacred
books, and so practically denying the
« Hefele, Com ii. ii. p. 5«.
faith. Mansurius died in 311 aiid his
archdeacon, Caecilian, was chosen and
consecrated Bishop of Cart hage. Seventy
Numidian bishops protested, asserting,
among other things, that Crecilian had
been consecrated by a "traditor" or
betrayer of the sacred bool;s, ami so in-
validly. In his place they clio~. Afajor-
inus, and on his death, in .'Sl.j. Don, i! us,
from whom, and from the other Don.itus
named above, the sect toitk its name.
The Bishop of Carthage being Primas of
North Afi-ica, the schism atfeete'd the
wliole of that territory, and the Donatists
were s] ecially popular with the peasants.
Coii-t:iiitiue I'earmg for the unity ef the
empire, declared himself against the
sihismatics. Their case was examined
by T'ope Melchiades, with a commission
of three Galilean bishops, at Rome, in
313 ; in the following year, at the Council
of Aries ; and by the emperor himself,
to whom the Donatists appealed, at Milan,
in 316. All these decisions were adverse
to the new sect; still it spread, and in
3.30 no less than 270 Donatist bishops
met in council, although out of Africa
tliey had only two congregations — one in
lionie, anotlier in Spain. Their fanati-
cism rose to such a pitch that crowds of
Donatists carried devastation through
Africa, uniting the coarsest vices with a
morbid desire of martvrdom, which some-
times led to suicide. Down to 429, the
date of the Vandal invasion, the Christian
em])ei-o!-s restrained the Donatist fury by
severe enactments, but without complete
succt>ss. Towards the close of the fourth
century St. *">ptatus of Milevi wrote his
seven bo<^ks " On the Schism of the
Donatists, against Parmenlus." the suc-
cessor of Donatus: from 40(^ ouw.ards
the new Bishop of Hippo. St. Aueiistlne,
was active in opposing them, and in 411
he met 270 of their bishops in coiit'erence
at Carthage. The Donatists split up into
many sects. They sank int.i comparnlive
insignificance after the Yanfhil Invasion,
and are heard of no more after that of
the Saracens in the seventh century.
(From Kraus, " Kirchengeschichte.")
DOXTAY BIBXiS. A name com-
I monly given to the translation of the
Holy Scriptures cun-ent among English-
j speaking Catholics. The name is mis-
leading, for, as we shall presently see,
' the Bible was not translated into English
at Douay, and only a part of it was pul>
j lished there, while the version now in
use has been so seriously altered that it
I can scarcely be considered identical with
30t DOI'AY BIELE
DOUAY BIBLE
that wliicli first went by the name of the
ildiiny Bible.
We hf/m with a history and criti-
cism of till' Dri^anal version. The College
of Doiiay was fouiidt il in 1568 by the
exertions of Cardinal .\llen, and, owing
to political troubles, its members a few
years after its foiuulatiou took refuge at
Rheims. There they set to work at an
English version of t he Bible, made from
the Vulgate, but with diligent comparison
of the Hebrew and Greek texts. The
divines chietiy concerned in the transla-
tion of the New Testament were — Dr.
"William (afterwards Cardinal) Allen,
Dr. Gregory ^Martin, Dr. Richard Bristow,
and John Reynolds, all of them bred, at
the University of Oxford. Martin trans-
lated, the rest revised, Bristow and Allen
wrote the annotations. Martin also trans-
lated the Old Testament, Dr. AVorthingtou
furnishing the notes. The piublication
was delayed by lack of means, but in
15S-; the New Testament was published
at Rheims, the Old in 1609-10 at Douay,
both in (juarto. There was a second
edition (ijiiarto) of the Old Testament in
\i>-','>, of the New (quarto), with some
few changes, in 1600; a third edition of
the New (Khno) in 1621, a fomtli
(quart..) in l(i;5:i, a fifth (folio) 17;iH,
with the sjielling modernised and a few-
verbal alterations ; a sixth (folio") at
Liverpool in 17S8. In 1816-18 an edi-
tion of the -wliole I'ible appi^ared in
Ireland, in which tlie Rlieinish text and
notes were mainly adojited tor the New
Testament. An 'eighth edition of the
Rhemish New Testament, text and notes,
was iiubli.-^hed by rrote>tants at New
York (octavo") in 18.^4. 'I'hiis there ha\i'
been two editions of the < »ld Tt>>taineiit,
eight of the New. aec-i .i-din- 1 o t he origi iia I
Douay and liheinis version. Th i> \ ei-sion
comes to us witli the recoiniiiendat ion of
certain divines in the College and cathe-
dral of Rheims and of the rniver>ily of
Douay. It never had any episcopal im-
]irimatur, much less any Papal approlia-
tion.
"What was the value of tliis transla-
tion of the "S'nlgate? It certaildy had
great faults, for it is disfigured by un-
couth and somet!ni scarcely intelligible
language, but it had al^o great merits,
which we prefer to state In the words of
the celebrated Rrotestant >cli(diu-, Dr.
"Westeott. >fartin, he savs (and Martin
had the chief share in the work), was
" a scholar of di>tinguished attaiimients,
both in Greek and Hebiew." "The
scrupulous or even servile adherence of
the Rhemists to tlie text of the Vulgate
was not without advantage. Tliey fre-
quently reproduced with force the original
order of the (ireeli, whicli is preserved iu
the Latin, an<l even while many un-
pleasant roughnesses occur, there can be
little doubt that this version gained on
the whole by the faithfulness with which
they endeaviuired to keep the original
form of the sacred writings Tlie
same sjiirit f)f anxious fidelity to the
letter of their text often led the Rhemists
to keep the phrase of the original when
others had abandoned it. . . . When the
Latin \\a~ i inside of guiding them the
Rhemists >eeni to have followed out their
principles honestly : but whenever it was
inadequate or ambiguous, they had the
niceties of Greek at their command. The
Greek article cannot, as a rule, be ex-
pressed in Latin. Here, then, the trans-
lators were free to follow the Greek text,
and the result is that this critical point
of scliolarshi]! is dealt with more satis-
i'actorily by them than liy any earlier
traii>lal or>. And it nnl^t be said that in
thi- iv.-|MTt al>o tlie revi,-ers of King
.Jaine^ /.,'. the Protestant authorised
\e;>i,in' were le>s accurate than the
i;iienii>ts, thouah they had their work
before them." Dr. Westcott also observes
that the Douay Bible "furnished a large
proportion of the Latin words, which
King .lames's revisers adojited.'''
in the eit;hteenth century two inde-
pendent traiL-lations of the New Testa-
ment appeand as >ul)stitutes for the
i;]ieni;>li, one by Dr. Cornelius Nary
( 17 IS). ],rie>i of St. Michan's, Dublin ; the
otliei- (!7.'!()) by Dr. "Witham, president
of l>ouav).
A new epoch was made by Dr.
Challoiii r, wild revised the Rheims and
Doiiav text, making alterations so many
and so consiilerable that he may really
be considered I he author of a new trans-
lation. 1I1> .dlief (ibject seems to liave
1 n that of makinu the h'.nglish Catholic
iJilile niniv intelllM,!,],., ,ind in thi.s he
has -iii-eerded. but, " undouliledlv," savs
Cardinal X.'wiiian, " he has sacrifici'd
force and \i\idne>s ill some of his
chaiij^es." lie ajiproxiniates, according
to the same ,i lit liori ty , to the Protestant
version. Dr. Clialloner, then coadjutor
to the Vicar Apostcdic of London, pub-
lished tlie tir>t edition of his new Testa-
ment ill 174U. of the wh(de Bible in 1750.
' These extr.icfs nrc fmm Dr. Westcdtt's
Ifistori/ of the Enylhli Jiihle.
DOUBLE
DOXOLOGY
305
In 1752 he published the New Testament
again ; in 1763-4 the Bible ; in 1772 and
1777 fresh editions of the Xew Testa-
ment. Early in 1781 he died, being then
in his ninetieth year. In these editions
many variations occur. The notes are
Dr. Challoner's own.
Dr. Chalhiner's text was itself revised,
and fre.-h altefations were introduced by
Mr. McMalion, a Dublin priest, who pub-
Lshed the Xew Testament in 12mo anno
1783, and the whole Bible (quarto) in
1791. This edition of the whole Bible
was undertaken at the request of Dr.
Troy, Archbishop of Dublin, and by his
name this te.xt is generally kno\\-n. In
1803 and 1810 the Xew Testament, and
in 1794 the Bible, were reprinted accord-
ing to the revision of Challoner, which
was also adopted in the Philadelphian
edition of the Bible, anno 1805.
However, Mr. ;^IcMahon's alterations
are mostly confined to the Xew Testa-
ment : the text of the Old, in Cardinal
Xewman's words, "remains almost ver-
batim " as Challoner left it. But subse-
quent editions of the Xew Testament
vary very much, because the editors have
had" to choose between this or that of
Challoner's three texts of the Xew Testa-
ment and Dr. Troy's text.
AVe need not follow the history of
our English Bible further, for subsequent
editions are mere reprints of texts already
mentioned. Challoner's second edition
of the Bible (1763) was reprinted at
Philadelphia in 1700, and this was the
first Bible printed in .America for
English-speaking Catholics. We have,
however, still to mention an independent
revision of the Rlu mish and Douav texts
by Archbisliop Kenrick (Gospels," 1849 ;
rest of Xew Testament, 1851 ; Psalms,
"Wisdom, Canticles, 1857 ; Job and the
Prophets, 1850).
(Chiefly from Cardinal Xewman's
Essay on the Rheims and Douay versions
in " "Tracts Theological and Ecclesiast ical."
But Dr. Westcott on the English Bible,
and Shea's Bibliograpliical account of
Catholic Bibles, Sec, printed in America,
have also been used.)
l>ot7BliE. ".See Feasts.]
SOVE is frequently used as a symbol
of the Holy Ghost, who appeared at
Christ's baptism under that form. The
custom of depicting the Holy Ghost in
this form is mentioned by St. Paulinus
of Xola, and must have been familiar to
Eastern Christians in the sixth century;
for the clergy of Antioch in 518, among
' other complaints made by them to the
see of Constantinople against the intended
bishop Servius, accuse him of having
! removed the gold and silver doves which
! hung over the altars and font (<coXv/i-
^r^Opa) and appropriated tln'm, on the
ground that this symbolism was un-
fitting.' The dove as a s_\-mbol of the
I Holy Ghost is often placed in the pictures
of certain saints — e.g. of Fabian,- Hilary
of Aries, Medard of Xoyon, &c. It is
also a figure of innocence, and so, e.g., the
souls of SS. Eulalia and Scholastica are
represented as flying to heaven in the
form of a dove. Lastly, the dove serves
as a figure of peace and reconciliation
(see Gen. viii. 11).
A vase in the form of a dove (rrfpi-
a-TTjpiov, peristerium) was in the East and
in France suspended over the altar and
used as a repository for the Blessed
Sacrament. This custom is mentioned
by the author of an ancient Life of St.
Basil, by St. Gregory of Toui-s, and iu
several ancient French documents. Mar-
tene mentions that even in his time such
a tabernacle was still in use at the church
of St. Maur des Fosses. The custom
probably came to France from the East, for
it never seems to have existed in Italy.*
SOXOX.OC-7. I. The yrcnter do.t-
ology or "ascription of glory" is usually
called, from its initial words, the "Gloria
in excelsis.'' It is not mentioned by the
earliest writers, but it is found nearly,
though not quite, as we now have it —
under the title of "A Morning Prayer" —
in the Apostolic Constitutions (vii. 47), so
that it can scarcely have been composed,
as is asserted in the " Chron. Turonense,"
by St. Hilary of Poictiers, and the real
author is, as Cardinal Bona says, un-
known. It was only by degrees that it
assumed its present place in the Mass.
In Gaul, according to St. Gregory of
Tours, it was recited after Mass in
thanksgiving. St. Benedict introduced
it into lauds ; while it was also recited
on occasions of public joy — e.g. in the
Sixth General Council. It was sung at
Mass according to the use of the Roman
Church first of all on Christmas Day —
during the first Mass, in Greek ; during
the second, in Latin. It was of course on
Christmas night that the first words of
the "Gloria in excelsis" were sung by
the angels. Afterwards bishops said it
1 Hefele. Concil. ii. p. 771.
- For the origin of this see Eusob. H. E.
vi. 29.
^ S«e Chardon, Hisl. des Sucr. vol. ii. p. 242.
300
dim: AM s
DUEL
at Mass on Smulaw- anil fVait-, ]>rii'.-{s
oiily at the Mii>s of r.:i>tM- Siiinlay, as
apprars from the Gregorian Sacramentary.
This rule lasted till the eleventh century.
At present it is said in all Classes, except
those of the dead, of ferias which do
not occur in thr Paschal season — (it is
said, however, on Maundy Thursday) —
the Sundays in Advent and those from
Septuaiiesinia to Palm Sunday inclusive.
It is not said in votive Masses, except
those of the Angels, and the B. Virgin
on Saturday.
II. Lesser doxology — i.e. "Glory be
to the Father," &c., recited as a rule
after each psalm in the office and after
the " Judica " psalm in the Mass. Forms
resembling it occur at the end of some of
the Acts of the Martyrs — e.g. those of
St. Polycarp. St. Basil (" De Spiritu
Sancto ad S. Amphilochium," which
work, however, is of doubtful authen-
ticity) defends the formula "Glory be to
the Father, and to the Son, and to the
Holy Ghost, ' and contends that its anti-
quit}' is attested by early Fathers, Clement
of Rome, Irenseus, &c., and that it is at
least as ancient as the Arian form, "Glory
be to the Father in" or "through the
Son,"' &c. Anyhow, the former part of
the Gloria must date as ftir back as the
third or fourth century, and arose no
doubt from the form of baptism. The
concluding words, " As it was in the
beginning," are of later origin. The Gal-
ilean Council of Vaison, in 529, ordered
their use, adding that they had been
already introduced in Home, Italy, Africa
and the East against heretics who denied
the Son's eternity.' And the rule of St.
Benedict contains directions for the recital
of tlie Ghnia after each psalm. (Benedict
XIT. " 1 )>■ -M issa," Kraus, art. Doxologia.)
SREAms arise, according to St.
Thomas L'i«, qu. 15, a. 6), from in-
terior or exterior causes. Among the
former he euumerati's the thoughts which
occupied the mind in waking hours, and
tlie state of the body. Among the latter,
the etfect produced on the bodily organs
by material things — e.g. cold and heat,
sound or light, &c. — and also the influ-
ence of good or evil spirits. It is reason-
able to l)i'lii'vc that (lod may speak to
the soul ilii'Mitjli dicaiii-, for the influence
of (io l I'xi.Miil- t'l slrrping as Well as to
waking hour.s ; and that (Jod has used
dreams as a means of revealing His will [
is fully attested by tin' Old and the .New !
Testament (see Gen. x\. 3, 7, xl. 5, Num.
» Hnfele, Concil. ii. p. 7J2. |
xii. 6, ^latt. ii. 12, xxvii. 19). Accord-
ingly, to regard dreams proceeding from
merely physical catises as indications of
a future with which they have no natural
connection, is superstitious and therefore
sinful. It is also, of course, unlawfid to
seek or accept signs of future events in
dreams from demons. But, on the other
hand, if there are grave reasons for doing
so, we may lawfully believe that a dream
has been sent by God for our instruction.
But it is to be noted that a disposition to
trust in dreams is always superstitious,
for in the Christian dispensation there is
a strong presumption against their use as
means of foretelling the future. Even
in the Old Ti'stament the greater number
of predictive dreams were given to those
outside the Jewish covenant. If given
to God's servants, they were given to
them, as a rule, in the period of their
earliest and most imperfect knowledge of
Ilim.' In the New Testament, often as
we read of ecstasies and visions, dreams
are never mentioned as a vehicle of reve-
lation, and they rarely occur in the lives
of the saints.
SVBli. A fight between two persons
(or several pairs of persons), the place,
time, and weapons having been previou.sly
settled by mutual agreement. In one
case such an agreement is lawful — viz.
when in time of war such a contest is
arranged between two or more soldiers
of the opposing armies. In such a case
the duel may be considered part of the
war, and such duels, when the issue of
the war has been made to depend on
them, may even be regarded as a merciful
way of settling a public quarrel.
In all other cases duels are strictly
forbidden by the Church. It was the
custom among the German nations to
permit accuser and accused to settle
their dispute by duel, and this mode of
decision was looked upon as an appeal
to the judgment of God. It was long
before the Church could eradicate this
superstition, and for a time provincial
councils seem to have contented them-
selves with moderating it.^ However,
the Council of Valence (855) absolutely
prohibited duels; imposing penance for
homicide on the man who killed his
antagonist, and depriving a man slain in
1 In .Joel ii. 28, it has been thousrht th.it
flroams mnrk the decay, visions the flower of
- .See the decrees of Dingoltinf; and Reuch-
ing in the pi!;lith century. Ilefele, Omcil.
vol. iii. pp. till, 6ii.
DUEL
EASTER, FEAST OF 307
duel of the Church's prayers.* Among
modern nations it was long the common
Sractice to settle aflairs of honour by
uel, and against this custom the Church
has vigorously protested. Julius n. pub-
lished a bull strongly coudemning it in
1510 ; while the Council of Trent ex-
communicated all who engaged in duels,
and those who counselled or promoted
them, besides depriA'ing persons who
died in a duel of Christian burial. The
Holy See has condemned the excuses
» Flenry, livr. xlix. 23.
* Ibid. "Contin. livr. cxxi. 8L
which have been made for this detest-
able practice. Thus Benedict XIV., in
1752, censured those who taught that
a man might accept a duel to save his
reputation for courage, or to keep liis
post as an officer in the army. More-
over, theologians teach that such excuses
do not save a man from sin against the
natural law, or from incurring ecclesias-
tical penalties.'
SVZ.ZA. [See CXTLTUS.]
BYZirC, PRATERS FOR. [See
CojiMENDATii N 01 Soul.]
1 Liguori, Theol, Moral, lib. iii. 399 seq.
EASTER, FEAST OF. The feast
of our Lord's resurrection. The word
Easter is derived from that of the Saxon I
goddess Eastre, the same deity whom 1
the Germans proper called Ostara, and j
honoured (according to Grimm, in his
"German Mythology-") as the divinity of
the dawn. i3ede (" De Temp. Rat." xv.)
tells us that the Anglo-Saxons called the
spring- month Eost urmonath, and similarly
Eginhard (" Vit. Car. Mag." 29) calls our
April, Ostarmanoth. Naturally, there-
fore, the German nations called the great
Church-feast which fell at the beginning
of spring Easter, and the name continued
among us, like sucli names as Thursday,
long after the heathen goddess had been
forgotten.' All Christians, except those
of the German family, call the feast of
Christ's resurrection by some modification
of pascha, the term which the Church
herself uses in her liturg^•. This term is
of .Jewish origin, and tlicrefore we must |
begin with a few words on the feast of
Pasch, or Passover, from which the Chri>-
tian feast is in a certain sense derived. '
Passover is a literal translation of the
Hebrew name for the feast — viz. nOS ;
from this we get the Chaldee Nnps, and
from the last the 7ra<rxa * or pasch of the
Xew Testament and of Christian writers.
The Passover, then, or Pasch, was the
feast celebrated on the 14th of Nisan, in-
> Hefcle, Beitrage. ii. p. 285.
2 Smith's Diet. Christ. Ant. "Easter."
3 Many amoni; the e.irlv Christians, being
icrncirant of Helirew, di-rived it froni irrfirxf"'.
lo sutler. This derivation, worthless of course
in itself, deser\'es notice, for it influenced their
laiyuage and ideas of the feast.
stituted in commemoration of the won-
derful deliverance which God wrought
for the .Jews on the night of their exit
from Eo yjit. The destroying- angel smote
the tirst-l)nrn of Egypt but passed over
(np2) ' the houses of the Hebrews. This
deliverance was granted on a certain con-
dition. Each head of a Hebrew house
was to slay a lamb or kid without blemish
ou the evening of Nisan 14. He was to
sprinkle its blood on the lintel and side-
posts of the door. Afterwards, the lamb
was to be roasted, no bone being broken,
and eaten with unleavened bread and
bitter herbs by all the family, no uncir-
cumcist'd person, however, being allowed
to partake of it, and the least was to
be observed year by year as a perpetual
ordinance of the Jewish people.
It is certain that Christ observed the
Passover the night bfl'ore He died, that
He made it the occasion of instituting the
Eucharist, and t!iat lie, in His Passion,
was the true paschal laiiilj pi-eliL'Ui-eil by
the lamb of tlie old Hel)i-e\v feast. Thus
St. John calls special attention tt> the I'act
that not a bone of oiu- Lord was brnkeu
on the cross; and St. Paul, writinjr prob-
ably just before the Passover of A. D. 58, in
his first Epistle to the Corinthians, v. 7, 8,
says " Purge out the old leaven that you
may be a new lump, as you are imleavened ;
for also our nairxa or passover Christ has
1 See Exod. xii. 13, 23. 27. and cf. Is. xxxi.
,-). Philo in liis Life of Mo,es,\n. 29. trans-
lates it Staffarripia. Of course the account of
the .lewish is merely meant as an introduction
to that of the Christian feast ; else much would
liave to be said of the connection between the
Passover and the spring.
308 EASTER, FEAST OF
EBIONTTES
been sacrificed for ua. therefore let us j
keep the feast . . in the unleavened
bread of sinceritj^ and truth." Christ,
St. Paul argues, is the true paschal
lamb, and the life of Christians is to be
a peii)etual feast of thanksoiviiig- fur the
deliverance they have obtaint'd by Christ's
blood. .\.s the Jews remcived leaven from
their h()u>r~ at tlir tini.' of Passover, so
Christ iaii> aiv tn |ium. a\\ a\ once for all
the loavi'ii of inalifi' and wickedness.
Tho crl. Illation ot a special Paschal
or ]vi>iri f. a-i anioiin- Christians goes
back to the remotest antiquity, thong-h it
is impossible to determine the date of its
introduction. AMien St. Polycaqi came
to Home, al)out 160, there were two
modes prevalent among Christians of
celebrating the Easter, and apostolic
jirecedeiit was pleaded on each side. The
Roman ( 'hiireli and the great maioritv of
Clirlstians eelelirated the Pasrli on 'the
Sunday after Nisan 14 — i.e. on tlie Sun-
day t'tllowing the first full moon after
the vernal (>qiiinox, because on tluit day
Christ rose again, finished the work of
redemption, and acconiplislied our de-
liverance from the Egyptian Iximlage of
death and hell. But' besides this lea.-t
they also celebrated on the previous Fri-
day the memory of Christ's death, and
for a long time this latter day also was
called Pasch. Thus, TertuUiau, alnuit
the year 200, distinguishes between the
Paseli on which tliere was a strict olili-
gation of fasting, and on which, too, the
usual Iviss of peace was omitted — i.i'. our
Gooil Friday and the other Pascli, 1 e-
tweeii which and Pi'iitecost Christians
Stood at ]irayiT instead of kneeling — i.e.
our Ivisiei- Sunday.' Later writers dis-
tinguish these two days from eacli otiier
as the Pasch of tlie crucifixion and ivsiir-
rectiou {TTd(T)(a ardvpamfion kul ai'iuTra-
The Roman Church ( laimed to follow
the practice of St. Peter and St, Paul on
this matter. On the other hand, the
Churcli.'.s ..f Asia Procousularis, ai.j.eal-
inir t.) the anthorllv of St. .lolni. ended
tilis time of fastino' and ke],t I lie I'eaM ol'
Passover or Pa -cli :it lliesanii' liineasllii>
Jews — viz, 14 Xisaii — on whali'\er day
it miglit fall. On this day, as they main-
tained,' our Lord kejit the Pasch and
I Tortull. De Orut. 18. De Coron. 3.
- 11. (■ |.eint, lirnvevcr. is very doulitful.
Prliiin I ihr (irst thrcp Gospels ,ii.|H.ar to
iinply ilii-. St. .lohii seems to say th.'it Chrisi
(lied on tlu' day et the Passover — i.e. on Nisan 14.
•he Passover beginning on tlie evening of that
day.
instituted the Eucharist. On the same
day, therefore, they ceh'brated the me-
mory of the institution and of our joj-ful
deliverance by Christ's death. As they
kept the Jewish day, though not the
Jewish feast, they were called " Obser-
vants" (rr^pavvTfi), and as this day fell
on Nisan 14, they were also called
"Quartodeciniani." Polycarp and Pope
Anicet Us discussed the matter, and though
no agreement was reached, each party was
alhiwed to continue its own custom in
pi>ace. The matter, however, leil to sharp
discussion, about 100, between Pope^'ictor
and PolycratesofEphesus, and Victor was
near excommunicating the Asiatics. The
intercession of Gallic bishops, especially
Iren;eus, k-ejit matters from coming to
this ])ass.' The Quartodeciman prac-
tice was fiualh' set aside by the Nicene
Council. The same council settled fur-
ther the way in which Easter Sunday
was to be reckoned, as has been shown
in til.' artiide Cycle. (See Ilefele, "Con-
cil." i. sc, X,,/.. -.VIO .^eq.)
Ivistei- IS. as St. Leo calls it, the
" feast ..f feasts." ll,,. Lli-eatest of Christian
solemnities. 1 )o\\ n to tie- l« elttli cmturv
ea_ch day_in Faster week wt,s a holiday
of obligation. At present this is the case
only with tlie first three days, and now in
most couutries even Easter Mondtiv and
Tiiesdav tire only dtiys of devotion.' All
moveal'ilr feast's ;ire ctilculated from
h'asler. The jiivful chtirtictev of the time
is marked in the .services , ,f t lie Church—
(■.<j. liy the cliantingof the ■• ^"llli Aquam"
instetid of the " Asper;j-es " before Alass :
liy the cousttint repetition of the " Alle-
lui" ill .Mass and ofiice all through the
Ptisiditil setisou — i.e. till Trinity Sunday.
Oil I'ltister Sunday the otHce is verv short,
prolon-ed far into tlie nielit of Holy
Satiirdtiy, so thtit, little time was lelt for
tlie matins and Itiiids of Fast.'r Sunday.
'I'he s],nlt olllce is COIltillUed dni-illii' tile
week. l,rol,til,lv, tis Penedicl Xn''. and
^ltl^tene s;,v. hecatls,. the tlfst dav det,.,--
inlneilll Ilice for thedtlVS thai follovsed,
tmd lie.-t.iise there would leave I n a
s],.-cial in,-onve„i,.,iCe in .dianein- i' ill a
week «lien so nianv neophytes had ju.st
been htijai-ed and Weiv taking pari' for
1 the first tinf In the lull ~. r\ ice of the
I Cliurch. (See lienrdicl XIV. "DeFest.")
EBioiyjiTES. Judaising Christians,
;ind the direct successors of the Judaisers
whom St. I'tiiil opposed so strenuously —
I 1 Euseb. H. E. V. 24.
ECSTASY
EDUCATION 309
e.g. in the Epistle to the Gaktians. As a
distinct sect the Ebionites seem to have
made themselves first kno-wn in the reign
of Trajan. Although they were con-
nected by origin with the Church of Jeru-
salem, and had their head-quarters near
the Dead Sea, they were not confined to
Palestine, but were found in Rome and
probably also in the other great cities of
the empire. They held that the Jewish
law was still binding on all Christians ;
and, consequently, they rejected the
authority of St. Paul, whiom they treated
as an apostate. Christ, they said, was a
mere man, the son of Joseph and Mary,
distinguished by his strict observance of
the law. It is a probable conjecture that
after the final destruction of Jerusalem
the Judaisiiig Christians received large
accessions from the Essenes ; and, in any
case, it is certain that Ebionitism became
mixed up with ascetic and mystical ele-
ments foreign to its original character.
According to this mystical Ebionitism,
still existing in the forged homilies and
Recognitions of Clement, the law of Moses
had been corrupted, and by a capricious
process they continued to remove from it
all that was di<tiisteful to them, specially
the law of sacrifice. They held that the
"Word of God had been incarnate in
several Christs, of whom Adam was the
first, Jesus the last. Early in the third
century, one of the Ebionites brought to
Rome the bonlc of Elchasai, or " hidden
wisdom," in which the same mystical
Ebionitism was propounded. In the fourth
centurj' the Ebionites were still pretty
numerous in eastern Palestine, but in
the following age they had almost dis-
appeared. Ciirt'fiiUy to be distinguished
from the Ebionites are the Nazarenes
whom Jerome mentions as living in his
time on the east of Jordan. These latter,
probably the descendants of the old
Jewi.<h Christians of Jerusalem, though
they observed the law, did not lay it upon
others, admitted St. Paul's authority, and
po.ssibly held orthodox doctrine on the
divinity of Christ.
The name Ebionite means " poor " (Heb.
D*3r3N), and most likely was adopted to
indicate the Ajjostolic or Essene poverty
wliich they prufessed. A founder called
"Ebion" is an uncritical fiction which
appears verv early. (Justin, " Dial. c.
Tryph." 47;"lren. \. 26: Euseb. "H. E."
iii. 27 ; and, among modern books, Light-
foot on Galatians, p. 31 1 seq^
BCSTASY (fKCT-Tao-it). A State in
wliich a man pusses out of himself — i.e.
I out of that state of cognition which is
natural to him. Ecstasy is usually taken
as equivalent to rapture, though the word
rapture, unlike ecstasy, implies distinctly
that the person subject to it is carried
out of his own control and placed in a
state which he does not reach by natural
inclination. >Such rapture ov ecstasy,
St. Thomas says, may proceed from
bodily causes ; as, for example, if a person
is alienated from his senses by disease;
or it may be wrought by the agency "f
devils; or, lastly, it may come from tlie
Spirit of God.' In this last state, St.
Thomas continues, a man, being with-
drawn from the senses, is raised to the
contemplation of supernatural things
{spiritif flirino elevatus ad supeniaturalia
cum aliKtractidiie a xensibits).
Sucli eotasie? or raptures are, of
course, frequently mentioned in the Old
and New Testaments, and have occurred
in the lives of many saints. In ecstatic
prayer, according to a n)ystical writer
(Antony a Spiritu Sancto'), the l)n(ly
seems as if dead, and the sense> are
suspended; but the will, as St. Teresa
points out, retaining full p-iwi-r alj-
sorbed in God. True rapture unite- tlie
sotd to God, increases humility, ^:c. If
these effects are not present or are not
lasting, a director may generally conclude
that the rapture is not supernatural. Still
more may he do so, if he sees in the person
who pretends to ecstasy a love of extra-
ordinarv gifts rather than of solid virtue.
(St. Thomas, "Summ." 1^ 2=^, 28, t>.:
2* 2», 175; St. Teresa, " Autobiog."
I Engl. Transl. ch. xx. : in which last useful
extracts from the mystics are given.)
ECTRBSXS. "See MOXOTHELITES.T
ESVCATZON'. The moral and in-
tellectual discipline by which the human
faculties are trained and t^infolded, in
subordination to a certain end. If no
end or object is proposed to himself by
the educator beyond that of makini;- the
most of his pupil's faculties, lie ilo.'S not
educate, but merely int'ni-ins. I' li the
domain of knowledge exteaul- in e\ei-y
direction to infinity; and the pupil \\ Iim
; simply learns all that his faculties enaljl.'
' him to learn necessarily becomes, unless
of a very marked idiosyncrasy, a diU't-
tant.e, a sciolist — nn. who linows a little
of everything— hi > not truly educated.
Somethino- like this i- -aid to be the ob-
served effect of the training given in the
' common schools of the United States, in
which no dominant idea, or one wl'oMy
; inadequate — such as that of the greatnes.-
SIO EDUCATION
EDUCATION
of the Republic, or the excellence of
democracy — supplies teachers and pupils
with a compass to steer by.
Education, however, may, and must,
be directed to several ends simultaneously ;
for, as man is a complex being, and has
himself various ends — e.g. as a subject
of God, as a subject of Caesar, as a
member of a family, &c. — so the educa-
tion of man must propose to itself several
ends. Of these some one must be chief
and paramount, and must direct the form
and measure in which the other ends are
to be pursued; otherwise the school
would be the battle-ground of inde-
pendent forces, each struggling for the
mastery; and the result would be con-
fusion. Now, since the object of educa-
tion is to form man, the prime end, in
subordination to which it must be con-
ducted, must be identical with the prime
end of man himself. Wbat this is we
learn from the Catechism : it is to know
and serve God in this life, and to enjoy
Him for ever in the next. In subordina-
tion to this main end all educational pro-
cesses are to be can-ied on. Human
beings ought to be so educated that they
may know God here, and through that
knowledge po>sess Him hereafter. How,
then, are they to obtain this neces.^arv
knowledge? The Catholic answer is,
that they must seek and receive it at
the hands of the one divinely-appointed
and infallible witness of the re\x'latioii
by which He has made Himself known
to mankind — the Catholic and Roman
Church. It thus appears that, in the
logical order, the first and higliest autho-
rity in all that regards education is the
Church. AVith her sanction it should be
commt'need, and under her superintend-
ence it should be continued ; for were her
intervention to be excluded at any stage,
there wiuild be danger lest those under
edueation canie to mistake one of the
subiirdiiiiite ends of man for his main end,
to tlieir own and others' detriment.
.Vt the same time, it must not be
forgotten that man is a social being.
The (ijiinidu of tile be>t Writers (see, for
inst:inee, I'l' M;ii>tre'> examination of
Rnn-eaii's "(iiiiir;it Siicial") is, that
man was (jrigiiuilly created mid adapted
for society, not tliat sMciei \ arose mit of
a coniproHii^e lietween llie \\ ai liiii; i-iij-i-
ditie> oC originally isolated savages. If
hiMii iii >oei. ty he aboriginal, then power
ill 'liaf nil t \ --/.r. goveninient — is also
aboriginal, since without it — man being
what he is — we cannot conceive it pos-
sible for societv to subsist. This power,
St. Paul tells" us,' is "from God." Its
main object is, to secure the permanence
and teni])oral welfare, so far as the cir-
cumstances admit, of the society itself
and of each member of the society. For
this the power exists ; and it is therefore
entitled to take all measures required to
enable it to fulfil its functions. Now, one
of the conditions without which these
functions could not be effectively dis-
charaed is a control over education. The
orgaiil-eil power in societv — in other
wonls, the Slat'' — may reasonably require
that all its citizens should early receive
that mental ni\d moral training which
may dispose them to restrain anti-social
passions, to fibey the laws, and by indus-
try to promote their own and the public
welfare. AVhatever control over the
machinery of education maybe necessary
to secure the attainment of this end, that
control the State may reasonably pretend
to. Its claims only become unjust and
oppressive when, ignoring tlie still more
sacred right of tlie Cliurch to secure in
education the attainment ot'mnn's highest
end, it compels or tempts Catholics to
place their children in schools which the
ecclesiastical authority luis not sanc-
tioned. The end pursued by the Church
is primary; that pursued by the State
is secfindary. Each uuiy justly demand
I that its authority be recognised; but the
injury cansed by disallowing the autho-
rity of the Church is moi'e serious than
in the contrary case, by how much that
which atl'ects man's eternal interest is
more important than that which affects
his temporal interest only.
.\ third authoritv in ediU'ation is that
of the family, the liead of which is under
a moT-al obligation to see that all its
members receivt' sucdi a training as m;iy
fit tlieiii lo maintain their ]ilace in the
social liierai-chv of their count r\-, ke'ep up
all s..;nid lamily tra.litions, and -should
that be necessary, as in mo>t ca-es il is —
earn their own li\ing. ( 'ailioln- |iareiits
are, of cotirse, bouml also to .-e ■ tliai ilie
teaching in the schools to which I hey
send their children Inis ecclesiastical
sanction, and to resist all attemjits to
make them patronise schools without
that sanction.
It thus appears that education has
three princijial ends — tlie first religious,
the secoml political, the third domestic;
but that among these the religious end
takes the lead and dominates over the
' lioin. xiii. 1.
ELECTION
EMBER DAYS
.'511
other two, on account of its intrinsically
greater importance. And since, as ex-
plained above, we cannot walk securely
in religion one step exeejit in union witli
and obedience to the Church, every well-
instruct od Catholic understands that the
Chun h must preside over the education
of Catholics at everj- stage and in every
branch, so far as to see that they are
sufficiently instructed in their religion.
With regard to non-Catholics, who in
modern times are often mixed with
Catholics in the same school, the Church
accepts in practice what is called the
"Conscience Clause." [See the articles
Schools and Uniteesitt, in which the
practical means of reconciling the con-
current authorities of Church and State
in the work M' education are considered.]
EX.ECTZOIO'. (1) [SeePKEDESlIXA-
Tiox.^ (2) In canon law, the act of
choosing a fit person for a vacant post.
The form to be observed is as follows.
.\11 who are entitled to rote must be
summoned, under pain of nullity if a
third })art of the electors are passed over.
Those who are unable to attend may send
a procurator. The actual choice may be
made in one of thi-ee ways: by inspiration
[see AccLAM.\Tiox[, by scrutiny, or by
compromise. Tlie second, which is that
most commonly used, must be conducted
according to fixed rules.- Three members
jhoulil ]iv niuuiiiMted to act as scrutineers,
to collect the votes and to publish the
result. The votes are given secretly by
word of mouth or on slips of ]iap('r, and
must be absolute. The candidate who
has obtained the votes of the majority
present is considered to have gained. It
should be noted that ii mere majority is
not enough. Thus, if one candidate ob-
tains eight votes, another seven, and
another three, no one has the requisite
majority ; but the voting must be re-
newed until one of them ol)tains at least
ten votes. AVhen at length the number
has been reached, the choice is made in
the name of the whole body. An election
by compromise is eflected by selecting, in
the first instance, an arbitrator or com-
promiser, to whom the electoral body
gives the power of choosing. [See Cox-
clave.]
fiXiEVATZOXr. The Church has
adored the Blessed Sacrament from the
time of its institution. St. Ambrose
says, "AYe adore in the mysteries the
flesh of Christ, which the Apostles
adored." "No one eats that flesh." says
St. Augustine, "without first adoring
it." * But the outward signs by which
the Church has expressed this adoration
have not always been the same.
In the Greek liturgies the elevation of
the Eucharist takes place shortly before
the communion. Ancient authors tell u»
how at the elevation the curtains which
concealed the sanctuary during the rest
of the canon were drawn aside and the
sacred mysteries presented by the priest
for the adoration of the faithful. For-
merly in the Latin Mass the Blessed
Sacrament was elevated only at the
words"(5?«?»'.s Iiono7- et f;loria" just before
the "Pater Nnster." This is now usually
known as " the little elevation." The ele-
vation of host and chalice immediately
after consecration was introduced in
detestation of the d. iiial of transubstan-
tiation l}y r..ienparius. It seems to
have bt'gun about IIUO, for the ancient
OrdiiU's Eomani and the liturgical writers
Amalarius, Walafrid, and the author of
the " Microjou-u.- " are silent concerning
it. Even after 1100 it was the host only
which was elevated in some churches,
and, indeed, according to Benedict XIY.,
the Carthusian- still adhere to this old
custom of elevating the host only after
consecration. The further custom of
ringing a small bell at the elevation
began in France during the twelfth
centui-v, was introduced into Germanv
in 1203 by Cardinal Giii, legate of the
Holy See, and is enjoined in several
English eoiineils. About the same time
the rinijiiiij of tlie large bell at the con-
ventual Ma>s was ordered in the statutes
of some monastic orders. Ivo of Chart res,
who died in 1115, congratulates Maud,
Queen of Kiii;land, on having presented
the chureh of Our Lady at Chartres
with bells which were rung at the conse-
cration. (From Le Brun, "Explication
des Ceremonies de la Messe ; " and Bene-
dict XIY. " 1).. Miss.'-)
EMBER -DArrs" (qnattnor tempora).
The ^Ve,llleMh,v, Fridav, and Saturdav
whieh f.illow ■December 1.'!, tlie First
Sunday in Lent, Pentecost, and Septem-
ber 14 (Exaltation of the Cross), are
1 Amtiros. J)e Splr. San. iii. 12. Ausjust.
In Ps. .Tcvlii.. apufi Le Bruii.
2 It may be reirarde l as nearly certain that
the En.i;lish word is not derived from '■ emlior,"
in tlie sense of ashes. It may coiiie troin the
: An^lo-Saxon ymhren. a rcveliitieti . r circuit.
But more pvolmhly it is.T corruption of the Latin
quatttior lem/mni. Tlie Diil.h Qiinhrlimrer,
German Qmitemher. Oani-li Ki UttmU-r. exhibit
the corruption in its process. (From Smith i.nd
Checthain.)
312 EMBOLISMUS
EMriRE, THE HOLY TtOMAN
days of fasting, and are called in English
Ember Days, in the Breviary and Missal
" Quattuor Tempora," because these days
of fasting recur in each quarter of the
year. The Ember Days were observed
at Rome in St. Augustine's time — nay,
so ancient was the practice of observing
them in that city that St. Leo ascribes
an Apostolic origin to the fast. The
same Pope says the object of the fast
is that we may purify our souls and do
penaiK'f we bcn'in each quarter of the
vear. TIih fa>t was introduced here bv
St. Auaustmt'. tlu. Apostle of England.
At Hist till- weeks in which the Ember
Days oci-iir were not definitely fixed, and
even in the eleventh century a German
council s])eaks of the Ember fast as
jcjiiuium incertmn. According to ancient
custom the clergy are ordained only on
the Saturdays of the Ember weeks, while
the whole Church fosts and prays. (See
Act^ xiii. ad init.)
EMBOX.XSMVS (also Emhoh's and
Eviholum). Literally, a pi-ayei' " tlirown
in'" or "intercalated." It cun.-ists in an
extension of the last clause in the l.nrd's
Prayer, "Libera nos a malo," and (jccui-
in all the liturgies, Roman. 3)i>7.ir,iliie,
Gallican, Greek, Coptic, Armenian, \-c.
In the Eastern litui'gies it occnis im-
mediately before the communion: in tlie
Roman Mass, the embolismus (■' Llhefa
nos, quaesumus, Domine '") is t'ollowed h\
the breaking of the host, the Pax \\ ilh
the accompanying prayer, two ])i-n) ers in
preparation for communion, and then by
the eommimion itself.
Embolismus is also used by some
meilicTval writei> instead of Epact.
(Krans, " Peal-lvicvcl ")
ElVIIK-EN-CE (title of a Cardinal).
Befire tlie Canlinal- oj the hnlv
Roman Chnivh were a.hlP'sse.l l,v the
title, nf Mo-t lllusli-i()ii> ■• and '-'Yonr
mo-t illii^lnnns i ,or,l>hi )> " {(l,n„i,,r I i,,) :
but m thai .\.vr r,l,;,n VIll., h\ a con-
.-^istorial Wrerre. ami ronlirmed
the report of lii.- ( 'on-f.r::i ion of liites,
recomni'-nilini;' (hat the tilh's ''Most
Eminent " anil " "^'^nr haniiience " ^hoiiM
for the tntiiv be >nli-t it nl i foi- the
above, and stri' ily c-ontinrd i willi llie
sole exe '|ilion of tile Master el' th ■ Hos-
pital ..r SI. .lohn of .Tenisah'in) to tlie
Cardinals, so tliat. on tlie one hand, if
anyone, hin\e\( i- highly jilaeeil (those of
imperial and royal nod; excrpt ,.d), should
address a Cardinal hy any olln'r title, no
notice slionld be taken of his letter, and,
on the other, any prelate of whatever
ranic, assuming these titles, was to be
under the displeasure of the Roman
Pontiff, and liable to various severe
penalties. (Ferraris, Caidlnahs, art. '2.)
EMPIRE, THE HOX.Y ROIVXAXI'.
The empire founded by Charlemagne
with the aid of the Roman Pontilfs had
come to nothing through the degeneracy
of his descendants. In 90:2 it was re-
vived, through the coronation of (Jth'> I.
King of Germany, by Pope .John XII.,
aud this was called the transfer of the
empire I'roin the Eranks to the (irianans
(tranxidtio imperii a Fra/uix ad fu-r-
mnnos). The institution so founded
lasted for eight centuries and a half, and
in the course of ages German publicists,
meditating upon its theoiT and its powers,
invented for it th(> above designation. It
was the liomnn empire, for it represented
iind revived the Empire of Charlemague,
xvhich again, according to the ideas of
Latin Christendom, represented and re-
placed the old Byzantine empire, which
had fallen into heresy. It was also the
//"/// 1 Ionian emjiire, and this not merely
liecMii-e it was erected with the bene-
da-iion of the Roman Pontiif, but also
111 l aiisr. w hereas the old Roman empire
was Paijaii. this was Christian, and was
bound to use that universal dominion
which it had inherited in theory from
I'auaii lionie fir the extension of the
kii -doin ot .Jesus Christ — that is, of the
Caiholii- Church. As the Church was
one, iioi niaiiy. and knew but one head
on earth, the" siieeessor of St. Pe-ter, to
^\ lioiii all nation- and all individuals were
(If j/'i-r Mdiject in their spiritual concerns,
so, aceonliiiL'' to these reasoners, all tem-
poral doniinioii was of right summed up
in the one emjiire, governed by the one
eniperor, under whom, as his viceregents,
the kines of the nations ruled in their
re-]ieetive coiintries. It is nt^edless to
reniarlc that this lirilliant generalisation
scaveely enier^'ed out of the region of
theory; that it \\a- la-ver countenanced
bv the Po])es : and I hat the km-.y if the
(loths. who-.' ancestors had never been
sid i iiL'ated t)v the lionians. were not
likely to surrender an atom (d' their inde-
jiendeiiee in deteivnee to this figment of
Ghibidline lawyers. Yi't so ea]iti\ating
was the idea to the niedi:e\al mind, that
special protests were sometimes deemed
necessary, as in the casi' of the Emperor
Sigismund's visit to England iu 1410,
when as his ship lay otf the shore at
Dover, and he was preparing to land.
ENCLOSURE
EXCRATIT^ 313
the Duke of Gloucester, by Henry V.'s
order, rode into the water with his
sword drawn, and "inquired wliether
the imperial strang-er meant to exerci«i'
or claim any authority or jurisdiction in
England." ' Tlie answer being in the
negative, he was allowed to land.
The crown of the Holy Roman Empire
was elective, this being deemed, probably
from the example of Pajjal elections, a
more august mode of appointment than
hereditary descent. The electors for a
long period were sevi^n in number, four
secular princes, and three ecclesiastical ;
afterwards they became eight, and finally
nine. Nevertheless the imperial crown
tended to become hereditary, and from
the ii(c.'s>i(iii nf Albert in 1437 to the
end th.' only emperors not of the house
of Iliipsbiirg were Charles VII. and
Francis I. The first Napoleon, ainiiug
at reviving in his own pcisdii the emjiire
of C^harlemag-ne. insisted after Austerlitz
on the suppression of the ancient title ;
this was done in 180(5, the reigning em-
peror taking the title of Emperor of
Austria.
STTCXiOSVRE {clausura). Enclo-
sure is that rule of the Church which
separates a convent from tlie world liy
the prohibition or ivsl I'irt ion of inler-
Cnurse with ]ievsoiis outside its walls.
From the nature ol' tlie < ase, since preach-
ing and other aeti\e niinistei-ial duties
are incompatible with enclosure, only a
certain proportion of the miiI^i-s of men
observe it; and in tlie ea-^' of tla-.' if
relates principally to the ailnii~-iMii i)f
women to the interior of the nKnia-ti i-v .
Hence the term is connnrinly n-' il nf
nunneries i-ather than of the con\ents of
men. The Church desires that the en-
trance of any jierson into religion should
be bis or her free and voluntary act, done
with a pure intention: .and she enjoins
that a postulant of lender years lie closely
examined on these points li\- the laslio]).-^
She will not allow a post nlaiit of . iilin-
sex to be professed liefore thr enni|)l. t a ni
of the sixteenth year, and at least a year
■of probation, after taking the habit, must
precede the profession.-' Having thus
provided, so far as i)ossil)le, that jiersons
of weak resolution and unstable cliavaeti'r
shall not be professed, she sun hmmIs
them, wlien once professed, with ngdrons
safeguards, with a view to minimise to
1 Liugard, vol. iii. p. 249.
2 Cone. Tricl. Sess. xxv. De Reg. et Mon.
17. IS.
5 i6/V/. c. 15.
I the utmost that peril of inconstancy to
which frail human nature is ever liable.
The Council of Trent ordered that where
the enclosure of nuns had been broken,
it should be restored by the bishops, who
were for the future to maintain it most
strictly. " Let it not be lawful for any
nun after her profession to go out of her
convent, even for a short time, on any
I pretext whatever, except for some legiti-
) mate cause to be approved by the bishop,
' notwithstanding any indults and privi-
leges whatsoever. And let no persons,
[ whatever be their rank, condition, sex,
j or age, be allowed to enter within the
enclosed part of the convent unless with
the leave of the bishop or superior, given
in writing, under pain of incurring ex-
communication ipso fncto^ ' The " legi-
timate cause" was interpreted to extend
only to three things — fire, lepro,sy, or
some epidemic disease ; but according to
T.arljosa other grounds are admissilde:
for instance, the danger, in time of war,
of a convent falling into the hands of an
undisciplined soldiery. The prohibition
against anyone ent(>ring the convent pre-
vents the chaplain or any other priest
from entering the part of the church
^\-liere the nuns sing, and requires that
even the bishop, when the nuns are
(dect inu' an abbess or other functionary,
shall take their votes at the grate and
not elsewhere. But there are certain
cases of necessary exception : as when a
nun is too ill to go to the confessional in
the church, in which case the confessor
must go to her cell and the sacraments
mn-t bt> taken to her; medical men and
surjedns have also to be admitted, and
some persons of the tradesman class; hut
these must always be accompanied by
two of the older nuns. A bishoj) has
])Ower to order that no one shall go to a
iinniiery, even for the pur])o>e of con-\'er-
safion at the grille, unless with his or
his commissarv's pi'rmissioii. (Ferraris,
It is, however, inijiortant to note that
the legislation ol' tlu' Church on enclo-
sure applies, in its full striefne~-, onlv to
the monasteries of real " nmninlr.^." and
not to the numerous ni(i<lern congrega-
tions of women bound by simple vows,
\\ hose convents are more properly called
C(i7i>t('7-vafnria.
EN'CRATIT.S: (eyKpciTe'ii, iyKpixrl.-
Tai). A (iiiostic sect foundi>d hy Tat ian
in the latter ]iart of the si'coud century.
1 Coiifil. Trid. Sess. xxv. De Keg. et Mon.
c. 5.
314
ENCYCLICAL
ENDC^YMENT
Tatian was by birth an Assyrian, taught
rhetoric at Rome and became a Christian
under the influence of Justin Martyr.
After Justin's death his exaggerated
theories on the evil inherent in matter
led into definite heresy. According to
LeniBus (i. 28), he adopted a fanciful
system of " aeons " similar to that of i
A'alentinus and Clement of Alexandria
(" Strom." iii. p. 548, ed. Potter) ; he be-
longed to the class of anti-Jewish
Gnostics — i.e. he denied the divine origin
of the Mosaic law. He denounced mar-
riage as impurity, and made his followers
abstain from animal food. Hence the
name Encratites or "Continent." This
false asceticism, which had its origin in
the East, was widely diftused in early
times, so that we need not be surprised to
hear of "Encratites" or false ascetics
who may really have had no connection
with Tatian. Such were the Aquarii or
vBpouapaa-TaTai, SO called because, regard-
ing wine as evil, they would use water
only in the celebration of the Eucharist.
(Neander, " Kirchengeschichte," ii. p.
157.)
EM-CYCXiZCAIi (litera enq/dica:).
A circular letter. In the ecclesiastical
sense, an encyclical is a letter addressed
by the Pope to all the bishops in com-
munion with him, in which he condemns
prevalent errors, or informs them of im-
pediments which persecution, or perverse I
legislation or administration, opposes in
particular countries to the fulfilment by
the Church of her divine mission, or ex-
plains the line of conduct which Christians
ought to take in reference to urgent
practical questions, such as education, or
the relations between Church and State,
or the liberty of the Apostolic See. En-
cyclicals are " published for the whole
Church, and addressed directly to the
bif^hops, under circumstances which are
afflicting to the entire Catholic body ;
while briefs and bulls are determined by
circumstances more particular in their
nature, and have a more special destina-
tion."*
In early times the use of the term
was not restricted as at present; thus
the well-known letter of the Church of
Smyrna, describing the martyrdom of
Polycai-p is headed 'EtticttoX^ (yKVKXiKos,
a circular letter ; and the same designa-
tion was given by St. Cyprian to his
letters on the Lapsi. (Ferraris, Epistoke,
EN'S OP nTAir. [See Beatiti'de.]
' Art. by Dux, in Wetzer and Welte.
EM'S OF THE WOBX.D. [See
Last Thi>mis.
ENSOWMEM'T (Fr. dotation, Ger.
Begabuny). Any property permanently
set apart, in order that its annual profits
may contribute to the support of some
institution of public utility or recreation,
1 is an endowment of that institution. An
ecclesiastical endowment is such property
set apart for the support of a church, or
of some institution the management of
whicli is in ecclesiastical hands. From
the fifth century the Church began to be
richly endowed, chiefly with lands ; at a
later period lordships and jurisdictions
were showered upon her, especially in
Germany, where the three Prince Bishops
of Cologne, Mainz, and Treves were Elec-
tors of the German empire. Our own
forefathers, alike in Saxon and Norman
times, were full of a generous zeal to
secure by endowments the services of a
permanent priesthood, and to provide for
the competent or splendid celebration of
the divine worship. A consideraljle part
of the provision thus made was confiscated
and squandered during the Reformation ;
what remained was, by the efiect of the
Acts of LTi,if(„-n^ity Supremacy,
transferred to tlie Anglican body, and is
still enjoyed by them. The calamities
and Dppri'ssions under which English
Cathiilics have existed during the last
three centuries, have, till recent times,
tludwn great obstacles in the way of a
renewed How of endowments. Yet such
instances are not quite unknown ; we
could mention a pious couple near Kendal,
who bequeathed a good estate two or three
generations ago to found a permanent
mission in order to " evangelise the
dales ; " and there must be similar cases
in other counties. In Scotland and Ire-
land, no less than in England, the old
endowments belonging to the Catholic
Church lia\.;been either lost or diverted
from their original destination. In Scot-
land, through tlie extraordinary influence
of Knox in the sixteenth century, the
greater part of the population embraced
the heresy of Calvin, and the Presby-
terians of the " Established Kirk still
enjoy what is left of the ancient endow-
ments. In Ireland, the Protestant Church,
to which the power of England trans-
ferred the tithes and Church lands at the
Reformation, was disestablished and no-
minally disendowed by the Act of 1869;
but the compensations were calculated on
so liberal a scale as almost to amount to
re-endowment.
EXERGUMEN
ENGLISH CHURCH .315
EXTERCVMEXr {('vepyoifjitvos — i.e.
worked iipon, as by a demon). A word
of frequent occurrence in early Christian
literature. The energumens coiTespond
to the per.ions " possessed by a demon "
{8aiiJL0vt(dfi(i'oi), "tormented" (eVo;^Xov-
fxfvoi), " oveq).-nvered by the devil" (xara-
liiwacrT€v6fifvoi vttO tov S(a/36Xov), "with
an unclean spirit " (rrvfO/ia aKadaprov
e^oi^ey), who are mentioned in Matt,
iv. 24, Luc. vi. 18, Acts x. 38, Acts
viii. 7, and elsewhere in the New Testa-
ment. In ecclesiastical language the
energumens are also called " demoniacs,"
" possessed of the devil " {8atpovt6\rin-
Tot) ; and, among the Latins, " arrepti "
and " arreptitii," sc. " a daemone." We
also find {e.g. in " Constit. Ap." viii. 12)
the word ;jfft/iafo;:ifi/ot— «.e. "the storm-
tossed." The Church derived her belief
in demoniacal possession from the words
of Christ, who {e.(/. in Matt. xii. 22 seq.)
expressly appeals to the fact of his driving
out the devil from the possessed as a
proof of his divine mission. The Apo-
logists generally prove the divinity of
the Christian religion by the power wliich
the Church had to heal the possessed ;
and among these Apologists, Tertullian,
"Ad Soap." 2, speaks of the healing
power as a fact generally recognised and
of daily occurrence.
The number of p.xvfssed persons, or
energumens, in the em-ly Church origi-
nated a regular diseipline with regard to
them. This discipline' liegan in the third
century, died out in the East in the
course of the following, while in Spain
it continued in force till the seventh
century. The energumens were divided
into baptised and catechumens,^ the
former being examined (to ascertain the
reality of the possession) at the altar,
the latter outside of the church. Their
names were put in a register, they were
maintained at the expense of the Chris-
tian cominiuiity, and had dwellings as-
signed them near the church.^ They
were set to work — e.g. in sweeping the
church' — and led a penitential life.
Sometimes the exorcist, with the bishop's
approval, exorcised them privately * ;
>onietimes the ceremony was performed,
by the bishop liimself assisted by his
clergy, after the " Mass of the Catechu-
mens," with prayer, the sign of the cross,
and laying on of hands. Other means of
' Ariuii. i. can. 14, 15.
» Coiicil. Carthajr. iv. can. 92.
» JIml. can. 91.
* Cuicil. I.ao.!. can. 26.
exorcism — e.g. application of blessed
water and salt, of spittle, breathing upon
them (exsi'fflatio, insvfflati'i), in some
places anointing, were also used.
The older practice was to debar ener-
gumen.s, except at death, from all the
sacraments till they were cured,' but the
Council of Orange, in 441, admitted them
to the sacraments of Baptism and the
Eucharist, if they behaved peaceably. -
They ^\-ere of course excluded from ordi-
nation, or, if ordained, from exercising
their orders till their recovery was
thoroughly proved. It is impossible to
say for certain where they were placed
in church ; probably those who were
violeut were placed outside the church,
those who were peaceable in the narthex,
both classes being called up by the deacon
nearer to the altar for the exorcism.
When healed, the former energumen
fasted for a period varying from twenty
to forty days. He was dismissed by the
priest, after prayer, and his name was
entered in the list of the cured.
The Church, in the Roman Pontifical,
stiU recognises the possibility of demoni-
ac^ possession ; but cases of posse.-sion
are infrequent or infrequently recognised,
and the energumens no longer occupy the
position and attract the interest which
belonged to them in the early Church.
SIJ-CX.ZSH CHTTRCH. Anglo-'^a.von
Period. — The Angles, Saxons, and Jutes,
who successively settled in England, unlike
the German invaders of Gaul and Italy,
did not mix with the conquered race,
and appropriate t<i themselves the higher
civilisation of their new country. The
Britons were either exterminated or
driven into the mountains of the West.
The conquerors kept their own language
almost entirely free from Celtic elements,
preserved tlieir German in.stitutions un-
altered, and continued their idolati-ous
wor.ship for a centur}' and a half. Gre-
gory the Great, when still a monk, had
admired the fair forms of Saxon slaves
exposed for sale in the Ifoman Forum,
and conceived the design of preaching the
Gospel to their nation. After his eleva-
tion to the Papacy lie despatched to
England several missionaries, headed by
the monk Augustine. They landed in
Kent probably in the autumn of 5V*6.
I'^thelbert, the Saxon king of Kent, con-
sented to receive tlie niissi(niaries. He
listened with attention to the discourse
of Augustine, and promised the strangers
his protection as long as they should
» Concil. lUib. can. 29, 37. * Can. 14.
310 ENGLISH CIIUECH
ENGLISH CHUPtCH
remain iii his dominions. The protection
of the king, and the active support of the
queen, who was a Christian, produced the
happiest results. On Christmas Day, 597,
Ethelbert and ten thousand of his people
received the sacrament of Baptism.
Thanks to the wise directions of the
Pope, Christianity made rapid progress.
In 601 Augustine received from "Rome
the pallium and a band of new helpers :
Mellitus, Paulinus, Justus, and Ruffini-
anus. Augustine was to consecrate
twelve bishops, to make London the
metropolitan see of the South, and York
that of the North, each metropolitan
having twelve suffragans. But this
scheme was not carried out during his
liletime. Augustine enlarged an old
Roman church in Canterbury, and conse-
crated it to SS. Peter and" Paul. The
neighbouring monastery later received
the name of its founder. The saint died
604j after a fruitless attempt at union
with the British bishops (see Bkitish
Chtjech), and was succeeded in the see
of Canterbury by Laurence. In Ethel-
bert's lifetime an e[iiscopal see was
founded at Rochester in Kent, and
another at London. Ethelbert of Kent
ami Sfbert of Essex dl^•d about 616, and
wert' Miix-ei'ded by ]i;i^an princes hostile
to the new religiiin. A reaction set in:
^lellitus. bishop of London, and .Justus
of Rochester, tied first to Canterbury,
and tlinic'i' to Gaul. Laurence was ouly
]irfvented from joining them in their
flight by a dn-am. In a short time I'.ad-
bald the [ier^ecutor became a un uilur,
Miul tlie chief supporter, of the Church.
Mellitus and .Tustu< came back, and both
in turn suceeeiled 1 .aureuce in the archi-
episcopal see of Canterbury. Peace was
not restored in I'.ssex until later. In
025 Paulinus, wlio had accompanied the
prince,-- IMielheiga to York, received
from Ivln- l',,id\\iii permission to preach
the Go>;iel no) th of the Ilumber. Eadwin
himself after a lone- iesist!uice, embraced
the new t'aith. His example, his sup-
port, and the wonderful zeal of Paulinus
soon brought about conversions numerous
enough to found a bishopric at York.
Paulinus also preached, made conversions
and built churclies in the kingdom of
;>rercia. Penda, the pa-an king of Mercia,
;o stop the progress of the faith, entered
into a league with C;cd\\alla, kin<: of
the^Ye^t Britons, and attarked and l<illed
King Edwin in the battle ol llattiehl [tv.::;}.
Paulinus and Queen I'lthelberga fled south.
Paulinus was made bishop of Rochester,
j then vacant, and laboured there until 642.
Csedwalla retained hold of Northum-
bria until 634, when the Christian king
Oswald defeated him at Dilston. Oswald
had been educated by the Irish monks of
lona, and now invited them to preach
the Gospel to his subjects. St. Aidan is
the first of a long list of Irish priests and
bishops who were destined by God to
; establish the Christian Church among so
many tribes and in so many countries.
(See Irish Chuech.) They were all
monks. Beda, although blaming the Irish
missionaries for the tenacity with which
they clung to certain of their customs,
has yet great admiration for their zeal
and holiness. He praises especially St.
.\idan, whose meekness audhumilitj- won
the hearts of the Saxon youths, and
■ secured him many followers. Oswald, like
Edwin, fell in a battle against Penda (642).
His brother Oswy succeeded at last (655)
in freeing the country from the yoke of
Penda. The death of this king and the
victory of Oswy mark a turning-point in
Christian history — the end of paganism in
England.
Redwald, king of East Angiia, had
' received baptism in Kent, but soon re-
' verted to his heathen worship. His son
Eorpwakl's conversion (682) was more
sincere. Eorpwalds successor, Sigebert,
brought o\ er from Burgundy the mis-
sionary Felix, who, with the approbation
of Archbishop Honorius of Canterbury,
established a bishopric at Dunwich (635).
About this same time Birinus converted
the West Saxons. His' episcopal see was
Dorchester, afterwards transferred to
Winchester. The Chinch only began to
flourish in Mercia after the death of
Penda. Cedda, Adda, Betti, and Diuma
are the great apostles of this kingdom.
In Essex also the Gospel again found
favour. In 654 Cedda was created bishop
of London. Wherever the work of con-
version had been either commenced or
completed by Iii.-h monks, certain pecu-
liarities of Iiish church discipline had
been maintained. They referred to the
celebration of Easter, and to the form of
the tonsure. Although not doctrinal,
these differences were a jierpetual source
of dissension in the Church. King Oswy
of Northumbria convened a synod at
Whitby, in which the contending parties
should discuss the questions in dispute
(664). The principal speakers were Col-
, man, bishop of Lindi.sfarne, in favour of
j the Irish or Scotch, and Wilfrid of York,
j in favour of the Roman practice. The
ENGLISH CHUUCH
ENGLISH CHURCH 317
king presided. After learning I'roni Wil-
frid's eloquent speeches that the Roman
practice was sanctioned by the Council of
Nice, by the decrees of the Apostolic See,
and by the usage of the universal Church,
be eXL-laimed : " Coliuan, is it so ? Re-
ceiving an answer in the affirmative, he
resumed with a smile, " Who, then, is the
greater in heaven, Columba or Peter ? "
All replied " Peter. " " Then," said the
king, " will I obey the decrees of Peter ;
for if he who has "the keys is to shut me
out, who is there to let" me in?" The
bystanders applauded the witticism, and
the conference broke up. The result was,
that several of the Scottish clergy passed
over to the party of Wilfrid; and Col-
man, after a short interval, taking with
him his own adherents and about thirty
natives, returned to his monastery in the
isle of lona. The conference at Whitby
established harmony in the Anglo-Saxon
church ; but many years elapsed before
the question was set at rest among the
Picts, the Scots, and the Britons. (Beda,
iii. :?5, 26; Lingard, "A.-S. Church, '
ch. i.)
The hierarchy was really established
in England by Theodore of Tarsus, a
Greek by birth. He was consecrated by
Pope Vitalian (668), and landed iu Eng-
land in G69. The new archbishop visited
the whole coiuitry, preaching and teach-
ing everywl'.eie. The princes, the clergy,
the people received him with testimonies
of the most profound respect. In 673 he
held a synod at Hertford, at which were
present the bu-hoi)s Bisi, Putta, Leutherius
and Wiiifrid : Wilfrid sent a representa-
tive. Ten decrees, chiefly on church dis-
cipline, were made, and accepted by the
bi-lio]is at this synod. Tiieudore imder-
stood the necessity of more bishoprics, and
of epi.scopal sees removed from the seat of
temporal power. But in carrying out his
reforms he occasionally ventured to trans-
gress the letter of the Canons, conceiving
himself ju;tilied jerhap? by the wants of
the pcoj le and the anomalous state of the
Church. He divided the immense diocese
held by Wilfrid into four parts, and gave
a new Ijisbop to each. Hence his celebrated
dispute with that prelate. Pope Agatho,
to whom Wilfrid appealed, seems to have
approved Theodore's policy, though he
condemned his treatment of the bishop.
The same pontiff confirmed to Theodore
and his successors the authority which he
possB-sed by a decree published iu a
council at Rome (607) fixing tiie number
of Anglo-Saxon bishops at twelve, of
whom the Bishop of Canterbury should
be the metropolitan, and the other eleven
his suffragans. Theodores successor, Brith-
wald, carried on the work of subdivi.siou,
but the increased number of bishops was
not yet enough for the spiritual needs of
the people. Beda was anxious that the
original plan of Gregory the Great should
be canied out, but the whole of the
dioceses remained united in one single
ecclesiastical province until by a decree
I of Gregory- III. (Chron. Sax. anno 73o)
i the bishoprics north of the Humber were
formed into a separate province subject
, to the metropolitan of York, and Egbert,
the bishop of that see, was duly invested
I with the pallium from Rome. Otla, the
powerful king of Mercia, obtained from
Pope Adrian ( 787) a decree raising Lich-
field to be metropolitan see for East
Anglia and Mercia. By authority of Leo
III. this decree was set aside (803) and
the southern dioceses were once more
united into one province. The cathedral
chapters remained in the hands of monks,
but Theodore made provision for the for-
mation of a secular clei gy , and for the esta-
blislimeat of parishes iu connection with
the manors. Even in time of war sym ds
! were held. The organisation of the
Church paved the way for the unitication
of the seven kingdoms. The predomin-
ance of monks in the Church made ec-
clesiastical dignities less liable to become
as it were hereditary in certain families;
the bishops were but little exposed to the
bad influences of princely favour. No-
where, except perhaps in Ireland, was
there ever shown the same eiigerness to
embrace the monastic life: kings, bishops,
and nobles abandoned their worldly )io>i-
tion to lead a life of solitude with God.
Nowhere were the clerg. honoured as in
England; the priest ranked with the
thegn, the bishop with the e ildorman, the
archbishop with the atheling. But this
honourable status was not without its
dangers; it involved the clergy in worldly
concerns. Especially after the invasion
of the Danes was the discipline of the
Church relaxed ; it almost seemed that
the Northman would bring upon the
Anglo-Saxon Church the same ruin which,
the Anglo-Saxons had brought upon the
British Church. Europe owes it to Alfred
the Great that the Nortlimen were unable
to found a <rreat monarchy in France and
England. The Danes,instead of subjecting
the Saxons, became (used with them into
one people During the lon'jrwars churches
I and monasteries had be»n destroyed and
3i« Exmjsn CTirErn
ENGLISn CITURCH
the priests put to death. Keligious zeal
had all hut disappeared. Alfred was
oblisred to send abroad lor monks to fill
the monasteries he had rebuilt. He
also did much to revive science and
ait, yet with scanty results. No poet
like Caedmou, no historian like Reda, no
learned men like Aldhelm and Alcuin,
no missionary like Boniface, were forth-
coming. Dunstan, Abbot of Glastonbury,
and later Archbishop of Canterbury, is the
only man of commanding importance
during this period. From 943 to 988
this great prelate was the adviser and the
right hand of the kings Edred, Edgar,
and Edward II., the reformer of Church
and clergy. He introduced into the
monasteries the strict rule of St. Bene-
dict ; he filled the cathedral chapters
with monks, and endeavoured to stem the
torrent of abuses. Danes and Normans
still continued to invade the country,
but the monasteries were respected, and
were almost the only safe refuge during
the raids of the invaders. The reign of
]<:thelred (979-1014) was disastrous to
England, and led to the elevation of
Canute (1016-1035), whose wise admini-
stration to a certain extent remedied the
soi'es of Church and State. IMward the
Confessor showed an excellent will, but
the baneful intiueuce of the Godwins
prevented him from giving it ert'ect.
Simony was rife during his reign, and
unworthy bishops wt-re .•ippointcd.
We have devoted as^'i arate article to
the examination of the failh an<l discipline
of the Antrlo-Saxon Clnirch.
Xonnan I'murl lOlUi-l 216. — The
Norniuii ( ioii'iucst c<iuld not tail to exer-
cise vast iut'liu'uce upon the Church.
The Saxon bishops were, f.^r the most
part, strenuous sup]ioi't-'rs of Harold.
The power which I hey wielded over
their countrymen made it expfilienf f'T
"William to oust them from tlicii- sfc- iimi
put Normiui prelate.- in tlieir >te;i.!. The
abuses which had crept in dnviiiL' ilie
long struggles l>e1ween Saxolls. I»ane<,
and Normans gave liim a coloiirahle pre-
te.Kt for so high-hiinded a indi: \uvj.
Stigand, the Archl.isli..,, of ( 'miterhuiy.
was exconimunieuteil by I'ojM- Alex-
ander II., and was afterwards i|epvi\eii
of his see by the jiapal ]eu^■^te. It inns',
however, be acknowled ned that the Nor-
man bis1u)]is were men of virtue and
learniirj-, l^anfranc, St. Osmund, and
esperially St. Aiisehn, re-established ec-
clesiastical discipline and boldly upheld
the rights of the Church against the
tyranny of their own Norman sovereigns.
Although, as we have seen, during the
Saxon period the English Church was in
communion with and subject to Rome,
yet the semi-barbarism and isolation of
the country told upon its communications
with the rest of Christendom. One of
the most important consequences of the
Conquest was the establishment of closer
connection between England and the
Continent. The Norman kings held pos-
sessions on both sides of the Channel ;
their subjects passed freely to and fro
from the mainland to the island. Hence
we are not surprised to find that the
power of the Popes manifested itself
more during the early years of the Con-
quest than during the later years of the
Saxon rule. Appeals and pilgrimages to
Rome became more frequent, and papal
legates visited the country armed with
extraordinary powers. A separation was
made between ecclesiastical and civil
courts, and the canon law was recognised.
But these various changes of personnel
and procedure serve only to bring out the
identity between the Saxon and Norman
Churches. William and Harold belonged
to the same religion : the expelled Saxon
bishops difl^ered in no way concerning
doctrine from their Norman successors.
But while the Conquest strengthened
the position of the Church and brought
her into closer union with Rome, it also
introduced the elements of strife between
the civil and ecclesiastical powers. Under
the Saxon kings the extensive lands
belonging to the Church had been held
by alodial title or in frankalmoign (free
aims). According to the feudal .system
all lands were held of the king by military
tenure, and the holders were his vassals.
Hence William insisted that all bishojis
and abbots should go through the cere-
iijony of investiture (see that art.) just like
any other baroti.;. aiid should be subject
to tlie same e\;irti-)n^. Thus bishoprics
an<l al)l)..'ys wete juirjio ely kept vacant
for Ye;ivs togetiier. during wliich time the
j king i-laiiiied, on the analogy of a lay fief,
to receive all tlie profits for his own use ;
and when at lenirrh a successor was nomi-
iiateil to the vacant benefice, a fine was
demanded ei|ui\ alent at least to the relief
which would have been payable by a lay
heir. Some account of the history of the
PtrugLile will be i'ound in the art. on
j Investituee. Henry II. was dissatisfied
with the compromise accepted by his
j grandfather, and souyht to establish the
I complete supremacy of the State over the
ENGLISH CHURCH
ENGLISH CHTTICH 319
Church. By the Constitutions of Claren-
don the ecclesiastical tribunals, established
by the Conqueror in accordance with the
principles of the Canon Law, were shorn
of almost all their authority; ecclesiastical
penalties were not to be indicted without
the king's consent ; elections to bishoprics
■and abbacies were to take place in obedi-
ence to the king's writ, and the incumbent
elect was to do homage to the king before
consecration ; the chief clergy should be on a
footing with the barons as to feudal duties;
no ecclesiastic should quit the realm
■without the royal licence ; and no appeals
should proceed further than the arch-
bishop's court without the king's consent.
The Church found a worthy champion in
Thomas a Becket. His death secured the
downfoll of Henry's system.
The reign of John is a most important
one in the history of the English Church.
Here we find clergy and people baudpd
together to secure their freedom from the
royal tyranny. In a disputed election to
the see of Cantevbiiry, InnocfUt III. set
aside both the candidates of the king
and the chapter, and nominated Stephen
Langton, who was already a cardinal.
No better choice could have been made.
Langton was a man of great learning and
ability : a worthy successor to IjanlVanc,
Anselm, and Becket. The king lefused to
allow him to land. Innocent laid tlie
kingdom under an interdict 1 208) [see Ix-
TEEDICt] , and after w a rd s e x conan a 1 1 i ( a t ed
John. The struggle la-^t. d till 121.S, when
Ihe king submitted Paiidulf, the papal
legate, and did bMin;!-/'- to hiui as his
liege lord. It is n>> part of oui- Imsinesi
to tell the storv of il,,. --.var Charter. We
should note, hn\ve\.-r. that the lirst si-aia-
tory is Stephen, "Canlinal of the Holy
Homan Churcli " : that anotheris r.indulf,
"sub-deacon and -eivant of the Lord
Pope"; that tlie hrM articU^ drchires that
the English ("'hurch Maaihl h,. tive, and
that this fre. ihun lias I n •■ e:.nnnned by
the Lord I'ope, Innocent III,"
T/if Meilieral I'erio'l 1216-1531,—
The signing of the INfagiia Cliarta is the
beginning of tin' lii>itory of the English
people. lit'iiciriirrh the iinmes Saxon,
Dane, and Nnrinaii fell into di-nse : nii.n
called themM.ivr-,, and .pnke. lai-lisb We
Tiave already desenled the laiih and prac-
tices of the earliei- ]ierii id~. We liave now
to inquire wliat was (lie leli-inn df Simon
de Montfort, K.l vvanl 1 1 1., and Henry V.,
names liound np with the uhirie.s df
English treeiloni and '''nu'lish valour.
The church of old Englind was in lull
communion with the rest of the Catholic
Church, identical with it in faith and in
worship, and subject to the See of Kome.
Every archbishop of Canterbury acknow-
ledged the Pope's supremacy, and received
in return the pallium which was the >\'jn
of his authority and the pledge of his
submis.sion. This fact clearly shows that
the faith of the English church was the
same as that of Kome. The great nu'iiieval
Council, the Fourth Lateran, which is
looked upon by Protestants as settitig the
seal on " Roman abuses." was lield in the
same year as the signing of Magna Charta
(1216), and the English ambassador was
present. The English church was there-
fore committed to all its enactments con-
cerning transubstantiation, confession, in-
dulgences, and the primacy of the Pope,
i and the condemnation of the Albigenses
: and Waldeiises. We have not space to
describe at any length the faith and de-
votions of this period. Two admirable
worlcs by Father Bridgett, " The History
of the Blessed Sacrament in Great Britain"
and " The Dowry of Mary," prove most
co7ivincingly that in the days of Merrie
Enirland the people were thoroughly
Catholic. They went to Mass, to con-
fe^sion, and to Holy Communion. They
were especially devout to our Lady. The
Ivosary was in common use ; the doctrine
of tlie Immaculate Conception was taught
at Oxfird, and it was from England that
the feast spread through Europe, The
\ shrine of Our Lady of AValsingham was
i fanioustliroughoutChristendom. "Among
! the royal pilgrims we hear of Henry III.
' in 1241, Edward I. in 1280, and again in
li'SiO; Edward Il.in 1315; Edward IIL in
1'!<)1 ; David Bruce in 1.364: Henry VI. iu
1455; Edward IV. in 14fi!1; Henry VII.,
j with the young prince, afterwards Henry
j VIII., in 1505 : Ilenry VIII., in company^
with Catherine of Arraaron, in 1510"
("Dowry of Mary,"p. 305).' Tlie usual f irm
of will was: "I bequeath uiy soul to
Almighty God, our Blessed Lady, St . Mary
Virgin, and to all the company of heaven,''
Everyone who had it in his power 1 eft money
for Classes for the repose of his soul. Thus
Ilenry V,, the hereof Aginco\irt, provided
that thiee .Masses .should be said for him
every day while the world lasted. One
of these at least was alw.ays lo he a Mass
of the Blessed Viro:in, on' Sunday of the
.\s.-;nn)j)tion. on Monday ol the Annimcia-
tion, 1111 Tuesilay of tiie Nativity, on
Wl■due^day of the Conception, and so on.
The liturgy u.sed by the clergy was much
the saiue as that used in Roiue (see infra,
320 ENGLISH CHURCH
ENGLISH CHURCH
Liturgies). All the great orders of the
Church, both of men and of woraen,
flourished in England (see Benedict! \es,
Carthusians, Cistercian8,Premonstka-
TENSiANS, &c.). The mendicant friars
made their way into England soon after
their foundation. St. Dominic liimself
preached in the city of London. The
names Greyfriars (Franciscans), Black-
friars (Dominicans), Whitefriars (Car-
melites), Crutchedfriars, Austinfriars
(Augustinians), b-sides Charterhouse
(Carthusian monks), still testify to the
various convents of these orders in Lon-
don. During the reign of Edward III.
O.^ford became more famous even than
Pai'is as a school of theology. St. Edmund
of Canterbury (d. 1242) had introduced
there the study of Aristotle, and his most
famous pupil was Roger Bacon, a Fran-
ciscan (d. 1292). The university also
claimed as her children Richard Middle-
ton, William Ware, William de la Marre,
Duds Scotus, Occam, Grosteste, Adam
Marsh, Bungay, Burley, Archbishop
Pt'ckham, Bradwardine, Fitzralph, arch-
bishop of Armagh, and Thomas Netter
(Waldensis).
It is usual to appeal to Acts passed
under Edward I. and Edward III. and to
the history of Wyclif as proofs of the
anti-papal character of the Church of old
England. We shall deal with these in
separate articles, hut we mi\y remark in
pa-sill- tliat th.' way in which the Lol-
lard hfresy was condemned shows how
Catholic the mass of tiie peojile were.
Tlie statutes of ^Mortmain and Provisors
deal witli difficulties likely to arise be-
Tween the Po]ie and Catholic sovereigns.
A Protestant king would treat tlie Church
in far more sni!ini;ir\ Inshion. Thisishow
Edward 111 M.Miv-'-.- < 'lenient IV.: -'Our
most holy l-'aihei in ( 'hvist,and Lord, the
Pope by Divine Providence, Chii'f l)ishop
of the Holy Roman and Catholic Church,
Sic. . . . We desire your Holiness to
recollect how nli^lient our royal family,
the ch'tgy, and laity of our kingdom have
The Wars of the Rr.ses wrought great
havoc in thr chnrch, and tlirew it nnu'e
and move under the power of the crown.
Still, as late as the reign of Henry VII.,
there was little to forebode the coming
.<tnrm. Even the early years of Ilenrv
VHP's reign seemed 'favonrahle to the
chnrch. Had Wol.s,.v l„.,.n a woithy
suecossor of Lanfi'ane, Ansidni, Thomas,
and Ildniund, the schism might have been
averted. Unfortunately, it was he who
supported the repudiation of Catherine,
and thus paved the way for Henry's vio-
lent action against Rome.
Thp Epformafion Period 1531-1563.
The separation of England from the com-
munion of the Catholic Church, and the
establishment of a national institution,
retaining the old titles of the sees, the
church lands, the tithes, and portions of
the old ecclesiastical discipline, were
transactions not easily or suddenly effec-
ted They may be regarded as spread
over a period of thirty-two years, from
1531, when Henry VIII. first claimed the
title of Supreme Head of the Church, to
l.lflS, when the adoption of the Thirty-nine
Articles of Religion by the Convocation
of the Province of Canterbury, at the
very time when a general council was
sitting at Trent, consummated the schism,
and launched the Anglican church on an
independent course.
In 1530 tlie bishops, with Archbishop
Warhain at their head, were in full com-
munion with Rome ; clergy and laity
alike acknowledged that when a religious
question arose the ultimate appeal lay to
the chair of Peter ; and the Christianity
of an Englishman was the same as that
of a Frenchman or a Spaniard. But there
was a body of sectaries scattered through
the country, the Lollards, fanatically at-
tached to subversive ideas, assisted by the
numerous abuses which great wealth had
brought into the Church, and promising a
"pure Gospel" to their followers, like the
Cathari of the middle ages. As the Van-
dals fotind allies in the Donatists, so any
enemy who might attack Catholicism
in England was sure of the enthusiastic
support of the Lollards. Wolsey died
in 15:;0; and Thomas Cromwell then
gave the king the famous advice to fol-
I low the examjde of Gustavus "N'asa — who
had c.irried through a religious revolution
in Sweden — and by a breach with Rome
bring the clergy into a state of uncon-
ditional submi.s.-ion to himself. Two ob-
jects which he ardently desired might
th is, Henry saw, be compassed — one, a
divorce from his wile; the other, the re-
pleuishment of his treasury from the
wealth of the Church.
The first step was taken in 1531, when
the Attonu-y -General filed a bill against
• the whole body of the clergy as having
been the " fautors and abettors" of
Wol.sey in breaking the Act of Pre-
; munire. [See Pkemunire.] The Convo-
cation voted a large grant of money to
I the king, imagining that nothing more
ENGUSH CHURCH
ENGLISH CHUHCH 321
was required of them ; but Henry re-
fused to receive it unless words were
inserted iu the preamble to the grant,
importiiiir that he was the "protec-
tor and only supi-eme head of the
Church and clergy of Eugland." The
consternation of the cler^iy was great ;
they debated the matter, and tiually con-
sentfd to go i.> the urmost verge of law-
ful compromise. ihey recognised the
king as the •• chief protector, the only
and supreme lord, and, as tar as the
luw of Christ will alloic, the supreme
head," of the English Church and clergy.
The saving clause preserved the conces-
sion from being heretical, but it was evi-
dently perilous ; for the king mijjht, and
in fact did, employ the remaining words
for his own piu-poses, and omit the saving
clause.
Archbishop "Warham died in 1532, |
and by the appointment of Cranmer as ;
his successor Henry secured a pliant in-
strument iu the prosecution of his designs
airainst the Church. The Pope consented
to the appointment and expedited the
usual bulls ; imder the authority of these 1
Cranmer was consecrated, and took in j
public the oath of canonical obedience to j
the Pope, having previously made a 1
private protest before witnesses that his \
oath should uot prejudice the '• rights of |
the king,'" nor his own co-operation with |
him in "reforming' the Church of England, j
Events now moved rapidly. Cranmer de-
clared the king divorced from Catherine
(15;5->), and Acts of Parliament were j
passed ^1534) abolishing all appeals to
Kome, making the " King in Chan-
cery " the tinal court of appeal in ecclesi-
astical causes, and recognising him as the
supreme head of the English Church. By
a clause in the Act of Supremacy a new I
oa:h was imposed on the bishops, by
which they were rel^uired to recognise,
without any saving clause, the supremacy
'il liie kintr, and to abjure that of the
Pope. All the intiuence of the new
primate was employed in getting the
bishops to take this oath ; still it remains ;
matter for amazement that they were
found so pliable that all. with one excep-
tion, did so. That exception was Eisher, ;
Bishop of Rochester, who for the crime
of refusing to the king his title of supreme '
head of the church, was thrown into
prison and after a time beheaded (loSoj. 1
A few days afterwards Sir Thomas More j
suttereil death for the like offence. |
The l-.nirlish churcli was now in a
state of schism, beiuj; eepai-ated from the j
see of Peter, through union with which
it had been for nine hundi-ed years in
communion with the Church universal.
But no other change was made, and by
the statute of the SLx Articles (1539)
Henry strove to repress the rising tide of
heterodox innovation. The dissolution of
the monasteries (see Suppressiox of
MoxASTERiEs'l gave great power and
wealth to the reforming party. In the next
reign, that of Edward VI., the Protestant
party obtained the reins of power. First,
one Prayer Book (1549 ), and then another
(1552) — thesecond diverging considerably
more from Catholic doctrine than the first
— were substituted for the Missal and Bre-
viary. In these changes, Cranmer and his
associates, several of whom were foreigners,
were unceasingly active. The Ijishops
generally — such is usually the lot ot' time-
servers — found that if they wei e e.^pected
to give up Rome in the last reign, they
had to give up a great deal more in this,
even fundamental doctrines of the Catho-
lic faith. Several, as Gardiner. Tonstall,
Day, Heath, and Veysev. resisted, with
more or less of consistency, the novelties
which the primate and coimcil were con-
tinually foisting upou them, and were
deprived of their sees. The majority, it
is to be feared, acquiesced in all the ini-
quities and follies ot the reign, eveu in
that moustmus injunction of the council
(1552) requiring them to remove the
altars fi-om all parish churches in their
dioceses A formulary of faith, in forty-
two articles, was drawn up by Cranmer
and Ridley, but too short a time belore
the death of Edward to allow of its being
either embodied in a statute or assented
to by Convocation.
In the reign of Mary, aU the rehgious
changes that had been made under Edward
VI. were, so far as possible, undone, and
the old state of things restored. Cardinal
Pole was made archbishop of Canter-
bury, the authority of Rome was recog-
nisrd, and the nation reconciled to the
Holy See. Everyone knows with how
great severity Mary's government pro-
ceeded against the Protestants, Cranmer,
Ridley, Latimer and many others being
burnt, and hundreds forced to flee for
their lives into foreign countries.
At the accession of Elizabeth the
bishops, and the higher clergy generally,
were staunch Catholics. But it was
Elizabetli's evident interest as the daugh-
ter of .\nn Bolcyn — whose niitrriage with
her father two Popes had declared to be
null and void — ;o renounce the authority
822 EXGTJSII CHITRCH
ENGLISH CmiRCH
of Rome and throw herself into the arms
of the Protestant party. Counsellors and
ministers of great ability and determina-
tion were soon by her side, ready to con-
firm her in this course, and to point out
the best means for effecting it. Pole was
dead; Heath, archbishop of York, held
the seals as chancellor ; they were imme-
diately taken from him, and given to
Nicholas Bacon, a Protestant. Elizabeth
made it known at once that she did not
believe in tran8Libstantiation,byforbidding
the Bishop of Carlisle to elevate the host
when saying Mass before her in her private
chapel. Seeing this. Archbishop Heath,
upon whom the office fell, as Canterbury
was vacant, refused to take a part, in her
coronation ; Oglethorp, of Carlisle, alone
among the bishops, was found sufficiently
complying. Parliament met early in
1559, and" in the course of the session
two important Acts, those of Supremacy
and Uniformity, were passed. In the first
the queen was styled, not "supreme
head " of the Church, but " supreme gover-
nor, as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical
things or causes as temporal." Practi-
cally, these words had the effect of sever-
ing England from the Holy See, and
throwing her into schism, just as effectu-
ally as the earlier form. By the Act of
Uniformity, the second Prayer Book of
Edward VI. was restored, and its use
made compulsory, some slight alterations
being introduced, the object of which
was to make acquiescence less difficult
for those who leaned to the Catholic doc-
trine.'
The English laity, as represented by
Parliament, had now adopted the Pro-
testant religion; it remained to see what
tlie bishops and clergy would do. The
bishops, all but one, stood ffrm. Only
Kitchen, of Llandaft", could be induced
to take the oath imposed by the new Act
ot Supremacy. Had the inferior clergy
shown a similar spirit, it is possible that
the plans of the Court would have failed ;
for it was notorious that the elections
had been grossly tampered with by
the agents of tlu' Government, and that
the general feeling in the country was
far less favourable to Protestantism
than the easy passing of the Act of
Uniformity appeared to indicate. But
1 The words of administration in the book
of 1549 ("The body of .Jesus Christ," &c),
■which have a Catholic sound, were now pre-
lixc'l to the Zwinglian form of adininistriitioii
("Take and eat this in reinenibrauce," &c.),
employed in the book of 15o2; and so the
•words have remained ever since.
although a large number, perhaps about
half, of the cathedral clergy, archdeacons,
and heads of colleges at the universities,
followed the lead of the bishops, and re-
fused the oath, yet the other half, driven
on by interest, fear, or conviction, to un-
say those pledges of fidelity to Rome
which they had solemnly given, with
the mouth if not with the heart, in the
reign of Mary, consented to abjure the
Pope, and adopt the Erastian principle
that the sovereign of a country should
have the supreme control of its religion.
This being so, the Government feared
not to eject the recusants at once, for
they knew that among the men of uni-
versity training whose Protestant .senti-
ments had made them exiles under Mary,
they would find numbers more or less
qualified in point of character and learn-
ing to take the vacant posts, and eager to
obej' the Government in all things.
But it was necessary to find a work-
ing head for the new (5hurch, and after
some time Matthew Parker was pitched
upon, and consecrated archbishop of
Canterbury, at Lambeth, according to
the ordinal of Edward VI., in December
1559. [Anglican Ordees.] Parker had
been a Catholic priest, and the head of a
college at Cambridge; nevertheless, in
violation of his canonical obligations, he
had married a wife ; and the irregularity
thus incurred obUged him to remain in
hiding during the reign of Mary. All the
bishops who refused the oath were de-
posed. Three of their number (the bishops
of St. Asaph, Chester, and Worcester)
escaped to the Continent; the first-
named, Thomas Goldwell, took part in
the later sittings of the Council of Trent.
Men were soon found to accept the tem-
poralities of the vacant sees, with aU the
conditions attached to them by the State.
ThusGrindal was made Bishop of Lon-
don; Cox, of Ely; Cheney (who, Cam-
den tells us, had been a warm friend and
admirer of Luther), of (Tloucester ; and
Jewell, of Salisburj'. V\ it\\ equal ease
the vacancies in the ranks of the higher
clergy and the authorities at the univer-
sities were tilled up.
To consummate the se%'erance of the
new church from Catholic Christendom,
it was still necessai v to provide it with a
distinct symbol. This was done in the
Convocation of 15(j-), which unanimously
adopted, on Parker's suggestion, the re-
vised Articles of Edward VI. From
forty-two they were reduced to thirty-
nine, but the omitted articles referred to
i;^"aLlSH oiiUKCii
E^-QLISH CHURCH 823
points of minor importance. Substan-
tially the Creed then adopted, and ever
since adhered to by the Aufiliciiii church,
represents the opinions ol Cranmer and
Peter Martyr. A useful note in Lin-rard s
History of Enfflmul (vol. vi., note gg)
analyses the diver<rences of the religious
system put forth in the Thirty-nine
Articles from. Catholic belief. In few
words it may be stated that, while the
Articles adhere to the ancient doctrine
on the Trinity, the Incarnntiou, and the
lledemption of man, they broach novel
views on lustiticatioii (the Lntln ran tenet
of justilication " by faith o:
distinctly adopted), on Puroat
they deny), and on the Sacrameiit.s (\vh
they reduce from seven to two). They
also declare that general councils may not
be summoned except by the command-
ment and will of princes (Article 21);
that they may err even on matters of
faith {ibid.) ; that all the patriarchates,
both Kast and Wrst, have erred in mat-
ters of f.nth I Article 1'.)); that the English
sovereign (ihoiit;h he or she must not
meddle with the miuiste)'ing of God's j theological, aiisw
woi'd or of the Sacraments") has supreme i Catholic pa
authority over all ecclesia.stieal persons
and in all Church causes within his or
'ler dominions (Article ;!7); and that
the Pope has no iuri.-.diction in England
(ibid.)
The necessity of finding a firm sup-
port in the (lovernment airuinst the Catho-
lic party, which was still strong down to
the accession of .Tame- !.. si-ems to have
driven the Angliraii lea I.Ts into the
excessive Er^i-siiani-m e.\hibited by the
Thirty-nine Articles. This, while it gave
them strength on the side of the ( iovera-
ment, alienated from them large numliers
of the more conscientious and consistent
Protestants, and more than any other
single cause has contributed to that
progressive attenuation of thtj national
Church by secessions which at the pre-
sent day has left her with little more
than half the English people within her
pale. For an account of the procedure of
the Holy See witii reference to Elizabeth,
see DEi'iisi rioN, I'.ull of.
The I'rrscrution Period 156.3-1829.
The Acts of Unif)rniity and Supremacy
passed at the beginning of Elizabeth's
reign caused much consternation among
sincere Catholics; nevertheless it is clear
that there was a much larger number
who were exceedingly unwilling to op-
pose the Government, and who flattered
themselves that if they complied for a
while and attended the Protestant ser-
vice the storm would blow over, and the
Mass he restored as before under ^lary.
liiliadeneira ' states that in the hrst ytars
of Elizabeth the Catholics in great num-
bers frequented the parish churches,
thinking it suliicient if they did not enter
or leave them in company with Protes-
tants ! But this was stopped as soon as
the matter was referred to a committed
of theologians (cue of whom was Laynez)
at the Council of Trent, whofC uuaniiiKms
decision was that such attendance ;ifc
Protestant worship was sinful. The oath
being I of supremacy, not being generally tendered
(which I even to the clergy, and not at all to the
laity unless they wished to hold
under the Crown, did not at tirst cause
much difficulty. But the lawfulness of
the oath was warmly discussed, and its
essential repugnance to Scripture and
tradition demonstrated, in writings which
soon began to issue in swarms from the
presses of Flanders, where Catholic e.xiles
found a secure refuge. The Goverunient
of Elizabeth found a legislative, if not a
dy in replv to the
, In lot;:'; a law
was passed by the obse'juious Parliament
making the second refusal of the oath of
sujjremacy an act of high treascm, punish-
able with death. The Emperor Ferdi-
nand, in whose dominions at that time
Protestants received a full toleration,
wrote to Elizabeth, appealing for more
indulgence towards the Engli-sh Catholics,
and asking that they might have one
church in every considerable town iu
which to celebrate their worship. This,
Elizabeth, whose imperious humour would
not brook that any of her subjects should
have a diilerent religion from herself,
datly refused.
The other persecuting Acts of this
reign, or the chief of them, were as
follows : —
1. Statute of 1571. In the preamble,
offences against the Act of loG.3, and the
late insurrection in the North, are named
as circumstances calling for fresh legisla-
tion. It is enacted that if any persons
procure or use bulls for reconciling })er-
sous to the "usurped authority" of the
see of Rome, or if any should " obtain or
get from the said Bishop of Rome or any
of his successors . . . any manner of
bull, writing, or instrument, written or
printed, containing any thing, matter, or
cause wb'ttsoever . . . then all and everv
' In hio book De Schis
Mr. Hallam, Const, IlUt. i.
led bv
S24 ENGLISH CHURCH
ENGLISH CHURCH
5ucli act . . . shall be deemed to be high
treason ; and the ofi'ender and offenders
therein," on conviction, " shall sufl'er pain
of death, and al«o lose and forfeit all
their lands, tenements, herediicaments,
goods, and chattels." After the passing
of this Act, any man who might get a
dispensation from Rome to marry his
first cousin did so at the risk of being
reduced to beggary and hanged ! We
have given the very words of the statute,
stripping them of technicalities, because
even now it is a common belief with Pro-
testants that the Catholic martyrs under
Elizabeth died for treason, not for reli-
gion. If the Government could justly
make into a treason the profession of
what had been the religion of the country
for nine hundred years, tlien the Catholics
M ere traitors, but not otherwise. Treason
meant, under the old English law,' com-
]iassing the sovereign's death, or levying
wur within the realm, or joining liis j
foreign enemies," and must be proved by j
some overt act. What resemblance is
there between any of these offences and
such acts as the refusal to swear that the
Queen is supreme head of the Church, or
persuading a person to become a Catholic,
or being absolved by a priest and recon-
ciled to the Church ? Tliese acts did not
change their nature by being c lled
" treasons " ; the only difl'erence was, that
after the passing of the l<]lizabethan sta-
tutes the blood of the Catholics could be
shed under colour of law, instead of
openly and avowedly for "cause of re-
ligion."
2. Statute of 1581. Any act of per-
suasion to the Romish religion was de-
clared by this statute to be higli treason,
aud punishable as such. Anyone, after the
end of the session, who should be willingly
absolved by, and promise oliedience to,
" the said pretended authority," being
taken, tried, and convicted, was to "sutler
and forfeit as in cases of higli treason."
By another clause, any pev.-i(jn saying
INIass was to forfeit two hundred marks
and be imprisoned for a year ; anyone
lij-aring Mass was to forfeit one hundred
marks, and also undergo a year's im-
prisonment.
3. Statute of 1585. This Act ordered
all .Tesuits, seminary priests, and other
priests to quit the kingdom within forty
> Statute of Treasons. 13.51.
2 Be.'ii'les some other offences — counter-
feitina; the (irent Sejil, murrlering the king's
judges, tki:.. witli which no one ever thought of i
taxiM, Uie Cathi.lics. |
days after the end of the session ; if any
such should be found after that date, they
were to be adjudged traitors, and suffer
as in case of high treason. Any person
sheltering or aiding such Jesuit, &c., was
to be "adjudged a felon without benefit
of clergy, and suffer death."
4. Statute of 1587: for the speedier
execution of the Act of 1581. It made
void all dealings with property, subse-
quent to 1558, by persons who had not
attended, or should not attend, the An-
glican .service, and declared such property
forfeit to the Crown. Everyone who
had been coavicted of not going to church
was to pay a fine calculated at the rate
of 201. per month since the date of such
conviction.
5. Statute of 1593: against " Popish
recusants." Such were " to repair to their
own homes, and not to travel five miles
therefrom ; if they had not goods to
satisfy the monthly fine of 20/. for
non-attendance at church, they were to
abjure the realm : and if they refused
to do so, they were to sufit;r as felons." '
These laws were not intended to be a
brutum fulmen ; they were skilfully de-
signed with a view to terrify the English
people into emliraclng the royal religion,
and to kill aud reduce to beggary those
who preferred the religion of their fathers.
]jeing vigorously executed, they accom-
plished to a great extent the ends pro-
posed ; and if a Catholic remnant still sur-
vived at the end of the reign, and the
estates of many Catholics still remained to
them, this was not because the laws were
deficient, but because common humanity
aud English good-nature induced many
who had conformed themselves, to screen
their less complying friends, so far as they
could, from a persecution which they felt
to be iniquitous. Under these laws the
following persons lost their lives in the
reign of Elizabeth : —
128 priests and members of reliaious
orders
58 laymen*
3 women
189
besides thirty-two Franciscans said by
1 A„mthof E>,qland. 1802.
2 •' X(. layman was brou-ht to the bar or
(o tlie l>'"ek under its provi-ii>ii,s " (tlio^'" of tlie
Act of l.')Sl); Green's Short Hisfon/ oj the
Knnlish Peoitle. Po.ssibly not ; but Mr. (ireen
sbould have added that under other A' ts of the
same class lii'ty-eight lavmen -were put to denth
for religion.
EXOIJSn CHURCH
nr. Law to have been starved to death
in prison in 1683.' Thf nauifs of many
•others are recorded as having " died in
prison," slowly sinking under the effects
of the noisesomeness and filth of the
horrible bastilles of those days. In the
above list there is one layman who died
under the torture. No statesman ever
made a more systematic use of torture
to extoi t the confessions which he wanted
than the sanctimonious Burleigh. Under
his direction To])clitle, the ])ur3uivant,
put the noble llobevt Southwell ten
times to the torture, to make hiai confess
in whose houses he had been staying ;
but not a syllable eould be extracted
from him. '■ Tlie rack," says Mr. Hallam,
"seldom stood iille iu the Tower for all
the latter part of Elizabeth's reign.' ^
The Holy See regarded with .sorrow
and alarm the suHerings of the English
■Catholics, and the rapiil progress of the
schism. It is commonly said that Paul IV.
s])oke roughly to Sir E. C'arue when he
announced to hiui I'^lizabeth's accession,
but at la,«t declared that it she would
I)lace herself in his hands he would do
what he could to serve her. This story
appears to rest only on the authority of
Sarpi, the historian of the Pouncil of
Trent. It is certain tliat in .May 15G0
Pius IV. ninile I'riendlv overtures to her;
for we hiwe the text of a letter of that
date,^ anuounciiiLr, in courteous and even
aff'ectionate terms, that the Pope was
sending to her Vincenzo Parpalia, whom
she knew personally, to confer with her;
that he earnestly desired to accord to her
whatever .she might wish for the con-
firmation of her jirincely dignity ; and
that nothing could express the joy of
himself and of the fathers about to attend
the Council (of Trent) were they to hear
of her returning into the bosom of the
Church."' Parpaliii wns not allowed to
■couie into I jij^dimd, and tliu work of
anti-Catholic legislatiMi went on. Re-
monstrance and admonition liaviiiii proved
useless, the 1 lolv See re^ol\ .->l, whilr there
was yet time, bef uv a generaiion educatiMl
in Protestant schools had grown up, to
employ against Elizabeth the censures of
1 Cii/e/i(Jur iift/ie EntiUsh Martyrs, T. G. Law
(1870 I. 'I'lii' iiaiiios inul other particulars are
givni. ( xn i i ii, ilie case of the I'"raiic;scans.
-' C..,,,!,!. in.l. ell. iii.
3 Ded.l s ChunI, rnslorv. III. oorxxi.
1 The storv tola ( miu.I. n il,.-,t I'ius IV.
offered to settle iln' I n^li-li l.iini-^\- \,y his
Buthiirity nml to ilic lai-li^h Caiiiolics
the u.se of the sacrament in botli kinds, .seems
:to rest on mere rumour.
ENGLISH CHURCH 825
the Church. Pope Pius V. published a
bull fn- this purpose in 1570 [Deposi-
tion, Bull of]. It failed of its effect;
and the efforts made by Sixtus V., in
1587 and 1588, to dethrone her by means
of the fleets and armies of Philip II.,
and terminate the miseries of the
Catholics, similarly miscarried. Nothing
remained but to console and sustain the
recusants as much as possible under the
persecution, and hope for better times
under a new sovereign. In Jidy 1000,
Clement VIII. wrote to the nuncio in
Flanders that he was very anxious on the
subject of the English succession, and
instructed him, as soon as the " misera
femina " was dead, to write to the
English Catholics, urging them to post-
pone every other consideration to the one
paramount object of having a king who
would, if not protect, at least leave free
the Catholic religion.
The effect of the laws described above,
executed with cold, ruthless, stealthy tena-
city by very able administrators, who were
zealously aided by the Anglican clergy, was
to reduce the profession of Catholicism, in
the last years of the reign, to a minimum.
No cruel stratagem, no conscience-rending
de^dce, was spared ; husbands were made
responsible for the conformity of their
wives, wives for that of their husbands;
accumulated fines for non-attendance at
church held up before fathers the pro-
spect of ruin and social descent for their
sons, for whom yet they could scarcely
by any sacrifice obtain a Catholic edu-
cation ; the ancient universities were
perverted ; the ancient schools were
jierverted ; the town populace, long-
since won over by the coarse satires of
the Lollards, was everywhere against
Catholics ; the circumstances of the
time made it easy to fix on them the
brand of disloyalty. If anyone wishes to
understanil tiieir unhajipv cuiiditiun in
detail, let him ivad tlie report of l^ither
TInltbvjin lolU, t.i ( larnet thr l'ro\ i,iei!il,
publi.slied in the third volume of I (odd
(ed. Tierney). It is cominoidy isiimated
thtit at the end of the reign tiboui hall
: the population were still (Catholics; but
this can only be understood of secret in-
clinations, if, even so limit-d, it be true;
tho.sc who actually praeii-ed their religion
must have borne a much smaller propor-
tion than this to the mass of the popula-
tion.
The time came when she who, for the
security of her crown, had shed so much
I blood, broken so mauy hearts, ruined so
326 ENGLISH CIIUKOH
ENGLISH CHURCH
many lives, had to depart out of this
world. "Heaven was just," says the
Catholic historian, " iu making her in-
consolable who had been the author of so
much grief to others." ' bhe I'ell into a
settled melancholy ; would sit silent in
her chair for days and nights together;
and when urged by the Lord Admiral to
go to her bed, told him that if he had
seen what she saw there, he would not
ask her. •' She became tedious to her-
self, and troublesome to all about her."*
While she was in this state the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury and other prelates
called to see her, at which she was very
angry, " biddinir them be packing, saying
she was no atheist, but knew full well
that they were hedge priests, and took it
for an indignity that they should speak
to her." ^ Such — assuming that the
words are correctly reported — was her
hnal estimate of those "Anglican orders"
which she had done so much to establish.
In this state of mind she died.
Aware that James I. had carried on
the government of Scotland in a tolerant
spirit, and not foreseeing what an insur-
mountable attraction the theory of "head-
ship of the Church " would have for a
learned fool, and how it would work on
a despotic temper, the English Catholics
hailed with joy his accession to the throne.
But in the following year (1604) was
juused an Act " for the due execution
of the statutes against Jesuits, semi-
nary priests, and other priests." It
was enacted that two-thirds of a Catho-
lic landowner's I'eal estate might be
seized to meet the fine of 20/. per
mouth for not attending church, if the
money was not paid. Uuder Elizabeth
many Catholics, without much molesta-
tion, had provided ior the education of
their children abroad. That scanty
liberty was cut off by this statute, which
fined anyone sending a child abroad for
education " in Popery," for each offence
100/., and made the person so sent
incapable of inheriting or enjoying any
property, real or jiersonal, unless ho
conformed to the Established Church.
Another clause prohibited the keeping of
a school by or in the house of any
recusant.* The alarmed Catholics, still
» Dodd's Church History, iii. 70.
2 Ibid.
5 Ibid. His account is t.aken from the narra-
tive of Lady Southwell, one of the ((ueen'a
waiting women, who was present,
* Recusants were those who ref used the oath
of supremacy under Elizabeth, and the oath of
I unwilling to believe that the hopes whicb
I they had indulged must be renounced,
petitioned the king for the free exercise
of their religion in private houses, re-
minding him how much they had sufi'ered
" for your good mother's sake." ' For
answer, James issued a proclamation
(September 1604) banishing all the
Catholic missionary priests out of the
kingdom. This climax of tyranny drove
1 some of the Catholics to desperation;.
I they began to conspire, and the Gun-
powder Plot (1605) was the result.
■ Nothing can be fairer than what Bellar-
mine writes on this subject : " I excuse
not the deed ; I hate murders ; I detest
I conspiracies ; but no one can deny that
men were driven to despair. For the
Catholics hoped .... that under a new
prince, who had always been noted for
clemency, and whose accession they had
cordially welcomed, they would draw
breath again alter so long a persecution,
I and be free to retain that faith and
religion which the king's own mother
and all his ancestors had piously prac-
' tised. But when they saw that the cruel
edicts of Queen Elizabeth were confirmed,
that crushing fines were imposed on those
refusing to frequent heretical places of
worship, and that under colour of accu-
sations for breaches of the law they were
being gradually despoiled of all their
property, some among them, who could
; not put up with their wrongs, driven to
despair, framed that plot which we and
you alike deplore." ^
Soon after the Gunpowder Plot, James,
with the assistance of Bancroft and Chris-
topher Perkins, a renegade Jesuit, framed
a new oath of allegiance for Catholics,
the otijeet of which was to divide them —
to i xtract as iiuich disloyalty to the Holy
See I'roui those wlio took it as was com-
])atible with nut absolutely withdrawing
their obedience — and to mitigate the
1 foreign oiiteiy against the persecution in
j England. To understand what followed,
it is necessary to describe the measures
which had already been taken to give
English Catholics a new organisation.
■VVhile the hope was not yet extinct that
the nation might be restored to Catholi-
cism, and some of the old bishops de-
posed by Elizabeth were still alive,
questions of government and j urisdiction
allei;iance, presently to he described, under
Jiinie^ I. iirnl liis successors.
1 U,..i.l. ,v. App. 82.
1 2 From lii llannine's reply to the ^/w/o^j/ /or
I the Oath of AUtgiaiice ; Opera, iii. 645.
ENGLISH CHURCH
EN'GLISH CHURCH 327
remained more or less in suspense.
Wben, however, after the foundation
of a seminary college at Douay ' by
Allen, an ex-canon of York, in 1568, fol-
lowed by a similar foundation at Rome
in 1579, English priests came over into
England in considerable numbers, and
Jesuits and Franciscans hastened to the
post of peril, questions of jurisdiction
and administration could not but emerge.
In 15117 Father Parsons drew up a peti-
tion to the Holy See requesting that two
Euglisli bishops might be appointed, one
to reside in England, the other in
Flanders ; this last being ready to take the
place of his English brother, should he
fall into the hands of the persecutors.
The petition also recommended that the
bishop in England should be assisted by
seven or ei^.'-ht ecclesiastics of higher
rank— arch priests or archdeacons.'' It
was not thought prudent at Rome to do
all that the petition recommended; but
to provide a head for the struggluig
mission. Cardinal Cnjetan (1598), the
protector of the English nation, appointed
George Blackwell archpriest, with a
council of twelve consultors, of whom
six were nominated by the Cardinal, six
were to be selected by Blackwell himself.
In 1606 the king caused an "Act for
the better discovering and repressing of
popish recusants " to be passed, which
contained the new oath of allegiance
above mentioned. The Catholic was no
longer required to swear that the king
was the supreme spiritual authority in
England. '■ He was to declare that James
wa.- lawful king, and that the Pope had
no kind of authority to depose him, or to
authorise others to depose him, or to
release his subjects from their allegiance.
The person thus swearing was moreover
to declare that he would support t!ie king,
notwithstanding any excommunii-atiou or
deprivation. ... He was to add : • And
I do further swear that I do from my
heart abhor, detest, and abjure as impious
and heretical this damnable doctrine and
position, that princes which be excom-
municated by tlie Piipe may be deposed or
murdered by their subjects, or any other
whatsoever.' The theory underlying
this oath evidently was, that the right of
a king to his throne was original and
^ On all tint relates to Douay, see the
preface bv F. Kiiiix of the Oratorv to the Douau
i>i«WM. pt. i. (If77).
Dodd. iii. Apr.. Xo. 21.
5 Canon Flanagan's History of the Church
in Enyland, ii. 2'Ji.
jure divino, and that no power on earth,
whether emanating from his own subjects
or from any other source, could lawfully
depose him. In times when a high
doctrine of royal prerogative was gene-
rally accepted, such an oath, it was
thought, would be particularly ensnaring
to Catholics ; and so it proved. The
archpriest Blackwell published an opinion
favourable to it, and advised that it be
taken. Cardinal Bellarmine, who had
been a fellow-student with him, wrote a
letter gently remonstrating against the
course he was taking, and reminding him
how inconsistent it was with the teaching
which they had received. James, with
the help of Bishop Andrewes, then pub-
lished an " Apology for the Oath of
Allegiance," which Bellarmine met with
a " Kespousio"' (^1610), under the feigned
name of Matthias Tortus. In this
masterly treatise the Cardinal shows that
for a Catholic to swear that he would
continue to obey the king in spite of any
sentence of excommunication by the
Pope was as much as to say that the
Pope was not the head of the Church,
had no power of binding and loosing
given him by Christ, and could do
nothing against a heretic king. It was
equivalent to saying that the duty of a
man to his king was antecedent to, and
of higher obligation than, his duty to
God and the Pope His vicar. But this
touched faith, and was not a matter of
civil alle.nance merely, as the king and
I his Anglican adviser^ laboured to prove.^
The Pope (Paul Y.) wrote a brief to the
English Catholics in 1606, and another
1 in 1607, warning them against taking
' the oath; and after some time the general
I body of English Catholics carefully re-
I frained from doing so. But not only did
[ a contumacious minority accept or at
least delend it, but it cannot be doubted
that a large number of waverers. tliinking
or pretending to think that continued
adhesion to their religion was inconsistent
with their civil duty, took this occasion
of conforming to the Establish:nent. The
[ steady continuance of sauijuinary re-
\ pression of course contributed to this
result. According to the list in Dodd -
twenty-four Catholics were executed for
religion under James I., but Mr. Law *
gives the names of twenty -seven, of whom
eight were laymen. These executions
were scattered pretty evenly over the
years of James's reign. The king's re.<olu-
» B<-Marni. 0,uru. iii. i;.'?8.
' DoJd, iv. 17'J (^lierncv). * Cikuilur, &e.
328 ENGLISH (^HUROH
ENGLISH CHURCH
tion to seek a wife for the Prince of Wales 1
among the Catholic royal families of |
Europe, not the Protestant, inspired new
hopes at Rome, as we learn from a touch-
ins letter addressed to him by Urban VIII.
on October 2, 1623.'
The hopes created by James's matri-
monial projects were not entirely defeated.
Though the Spanish match fell through,
a marriage was arranged with Henrietta
Maria, daughter of Henri Quatre and
sister of Louis XIII., the Pope granting
a dispensation in consideration of articles
in the marriage treaty pimnisiug a free
exercise of their religion !br Henrietta and
her attendants, and some relaxation of
the penal laws for the Engli.sh Catholics.
This relaxation, if we regard the reign as
a whole, actually took place. It is true
t\ii\* Charles did not carry out the stipula-
tion in favour of the Catholics uniformly ;
but it must be remembered that he had
to deal with a Parliament and a populace
which a long course of Protestant teach-
ing and preaching liail now intlanied
with a superstitious hatred of Catholicism.
Whenever Parliament met, they pe-
titioned the king to execute the penal
laws more rigorously, and the rejoicings
of the mob in London at the news of the
failure of the Spanish marriage had
shown how strong was the jionular
prejudice. Cliarles could not openly defy
this mass of popular sentiini'ut : we read
accordingly of pi-oclamal ions issued by
him orderiiig pi'iests to quit the kingdom,
parent^ tn irciill their children from
foreign sclionls. ^tc, and in two crises
(162.-^) the tilood of Catiiolics was shed.-
Eut after tl;e dissolution of 1620 the
penal laws gradually almost ceased to
be executed ; no one was put to death
for many years ; the cele))ration of Ma.ss
was little impeded ; e\en the fines for
recusancy, unless the King's wants were
urgent, were langni(ll\ e\;ici(-l.' Still,
seventy years of sevi ra nee i'l Mui lomie had
effectually done their work: the nation
was now Protestant. Panzani, a secret
agent sent by Urban VIII. to En^rhmd
in Ifi.'J.^, reported that the ( 'atlu /lies in
the kingdom were about l-M ).()()() in
number.'' Among tliesedonlitl, s~ a much
l-atli.a- Ari.i.A-iiH'l, .-in.i .Mi. lii.tiard
Herst. A r-)ii;irKaMr m.iia- is h.i.l .-iliuut the
former in MiincrV of Coiitrvc: rxii.
■■ IIa!lain, Cmist. Hist. ch. \\n. \ ( lan iidon,
vol. i. np|). B.
Ilallftin, /of. fit.; the total pii|iulatiou at
i\\\< time was probablv between tour and live
jmlli .11-.
larger proportion were persons of property
and standing than was the case in the
general population. Numerous conver-
sions added to their .strength about this
time. Panzani declares in the Report
just quoted that " while he was in
London, almost all the nobility who
died, though reputed Protestants, died
Catholics." Goodman, the Anglican
bishop of Gloucester, died a Roman
Catholic. Secretary Cottington, Secre-
tary Windei)ank, Crashaw the poet. Sir
George Calvert the coloniser of Mary-
land, Sir Toby Matthews the diplomatist,
Abraham Woodhead, one of the Oxford
proctors, Cres.sy, a canon of Windsor,
with many others, submitted to the
Church before the middle of the century.'
It was to these conversions that Milton,
whose religious sympathies were Puritan,
referred in his " Lycidas " (1G37):
'•Besides >\liat the grim wolf, with privy paw,
Daily devours apace, and nothiug said."
The Catholics began, even in London,
to go openly to Mass; schemes of re-
union were in the air;^ Laud's ritual
innovations, and the measures of liarsh
rejiression taken in the High Commission
Court against the Puritans, all seemed to
point one way.
In the civil war between the king
and the Parliament, which soon broke
out, the English ("atholics, to a man, took
the king's side. This has been spolcen of
sometimes in their honour, sometimes to
their dispraise : but, in fact, they had no
alternative. It was no prel'erence for an
absolute compared with a constitutional
monarchy which led the descendants of
the men who forced reforms from John
and the tirst Edward, now to rally to the
royal standard ; but a simple political
necessity. They could expect some
justice from the kiny : tliey could expect
none from the PaiTiauient . The popular
party under Charles !., ami the country
party in the next la-ign, leserx ed all their
indignation against intolerance for Pro-
testant persecution of Protestants; Protes-
tant persecution of Catholics was in their
eyes right and necessary. This is the
more reni:irkable becau.se at this very
time the Prote-lants across the Channel
were enjoying full toleration under the
Edict ot Nantes. It is, however, an in-
i Flann^r.in, ii. 327, note.
- Moiuagu. Bishop of Chiche.oter, ni.nde
oveitures in this sense to Piiii/.iiiii ; but be
seems not to have apareciated the difficulties
iu tlie way. and his proposal were somewhat
coolly received. Hallam, loc. cit.
EXGLISn CHURCH
ENGLISH CHURCH 320
d;«putaHe fact, and, besides being
proved in many other ways, it is estab-
lished by a mere reference to the returns
of the executions of Catholics during the
reign. Between 1625 and 1640, only the
two prsons already named suffered death ;
but m the period between the meeting
of the Long Parliament in the autumn of
1640 and the death of Cromwell in ]6o8,
the penal laws claimed twenty-four vic-
tims. A few of tliese were executed by
royal authority, that authority being put
in force in consequence of pressure from
the Parliament ; but the greater number
were hanged at Tyburn, after the king
had ceased to govern in London. For the
death of tlie aged Father Southworth,
banged in 1654 solely for his priesthood,
Cromwell, who was then at the head of
the Government, wa^ responsible. There
is therefore nothing surprising in the de-
votion with which Catholics fought and
suffered in the cause of Charles I. Many
of them fell in battle : e.g. Robert
Dormer, Ear! of Carnarvon, killed at
Newbury (1643), and Sir .Arthur Aston,
who perished in the massacre after the
storm of Drogheda (1649). The pages of
Dodd record the names, services, and
manner of denth of many others. It was
estimated (th(iugh the proportion is pro-
bably too high), that out of al)out five
hundred gentlemen who lost their lives
for Charles in the civil war, a hundred
and ninety-four were Catholics.' A tiner
type of a brave and loyal gentleman,
"true as the dial to the sun," than the
Marquis of Worcester,'^ lord of Raglan
Ca.«tle, it would not be ea.sy to produce.
M'hen Parliament got the' upper hand,
the Catholics were treated with great
severity ; their estates were often confis-
cated, when their Protestant neighb'"iurs
were suffered to compound. Aifter the
i:ing's execution they cea.sed to play an
active part in public life ; nor did they
seek to maintain relations with the exiled
royal family. Cromwell's government,
nn the whole, treated tbem leniently,
r.ut. in truth, after the battle of Wor-
cester (1650) all parties were sick of
bloodshed, and this feeling protected for
some year.s the Catholic priests, and caused
a comparative toleration of their worship.
Reverting to the subject of ecclesias-
' Dodd, quoted by Hnllnin, Count. Hist.
ch. X.
- His sou, Edward, was also a staunch
Cathnlie; hi* grandson, Henry, first Duke of
Beaiit'nrt, conformed to the Church of England.
(D.Hia.)
tical organisation, we find that the arch-
priest Blackwell (who, being thrown into
prison after the Gunpowder Plot, had
consented to take the new oath of allegi-
ance) was on this account deprived by
the Holy See of his office and of all
faculties (1608), George Birkhead being
appointed to succeed him. Harrison suc-
' ceeded Birkhead in 1614. Our space does
I not permit us to do more than glance at
the dissensions which troubled the Cath-
olics, arising out of the contention of cer-
tain priests that Blacliwell's jurisdiction
was invalid, and out of differences between
seculars and regulars. The necessity for
the presence of a bishop in England be-
came more and more manifest, and at
length, in 162 i, Dr. William Bishop was
appointed by Gregory XV. as the first
vicar apostolic. He erected a chapter,
which exercised some kind of jurisdiction,
in tlie face of considerable doubt and
opposition, down to 1695, when a decree
of Propaganda appeared, declaring that
since the deputation of the four vicars
apostolic in 1688. all previously existing
jurisdictions had ceased. Dr. Bishop
dying in 1624, Dr. llichard Smith suc-
ceeded him in the following year, but
withdrew into France in 1629, in conse-
quence of a proclamation having been
made for his arrest, and never again re-
turned to Kngland. He died in 1655.
The Holy See did not deem it prudent to
appoint a successor for many years, though
strongly urged to do so by Sir Kenelm
Digby and others.
Charles II., who, from the time of his
enforced residence on the Continent,
appears to have been intellectually con-
vinced of the truth of Catholicism, but
bad not moral courage enough to avow it,
was as fa vourable to the English Cath-
olics all through his life as he dared to be.
The Pendrells, honesi Catholic yeomen
who sheltered him while he was in hidirig
at Boscobel after tlu' liattle of ^N'orcester,
were now rewarded with a pension,
which their descendants are said to receive
to this day. Between 1 fit iO an 1 1677 not
a single Catholic was execi ted: two Te-^t
Acts, however, were pass-'d, requiring tliat
before entering upon any office umler the
Crown, or taking his sent in Parliament,
a man must receive the sacrament accord-
ing to the rites of the Churcii oi' England.
The ed'ect of these statutes, joined to the
other ]ienal laws, was to make English
Catholics mere sojourners in their own
land till the passing of the EmHUcipiUlon
Act in 1829. In 1678, through the
3.30 EXGLTSH CHrRCH
ENGLISH CHURCH
machinations of Shaftesbury, the frantic
popular excitement about a supposed
"Popish Plot" arose, and between that
year and 1685 the blood of twenty-four
victims, all absolutely guiltless of any
crime, flowed upon the scaffold. The
last of these was Oliver Pluuket, the
saintly Archbishop of Armagh, (/harles
II. liimsell was reconciled to the Church
on his deathbed by Father Huddlestou.
James II. had become a Catholic,
while Duke of York, and his change of
reliij ion was generally known about 1073.
When he came to the throne in 1685, he
was full of zeal for Catholic interests;
but it was a zeal little "according to
knowledge." Moreover, the scandalous
immorality of his private life justly
damaged his advocacy ; pious Protestants
could not be blamed for regarding with
distrust the efforts of the married lover
of Catherine Sedley ' to advance the
interests of his religion by over-riding
the existing laws. It was a time when
special caution was necessary, and James
proceeded with singular rashness. The
Catholics had by this time dwindled
fearfully ; ^ their political weight in the
country was gone ; Parliament was more
likely to add new penal laws against
them than to repeal the old ones ; their
one hope lay in the favour of the execu-
tive. Nor need this hope have been
fallacious ; for the English, when not
alarmed or fluriied, are a good-natured
and indulgent people ; the penal laws
were intrinsically unjust : and the exemp-
tion of here and there an individual from
their stringency by means of the dis-
pen.*ing power, assuming that the indivi-
dual so exempted had been really fit for
posts of public trust, would have led to
no commotion. That the dispensing
power was really a part of the royal
preroirative, as till then understood, and
might lawfully lie exeieised, was decided
by eleven out of twelve judges at Sir
Edward Hales' trial in 1686, and cannot
truthfully be questioned. But James,
with that perverse stupidity which was
natural to him, proceeded to use his
power to dispense with, as if it were
equivalent to a power to repeal, the law,
and lilled the public service with Cath-
1 l,in.;,n-,l, v<.l. x. ch. 2.
- .\i< iii(liru' to a return quoted b_v Hallam,
the miinlicr nf Ciitholies above .lixtecn <iton
after the Kevolution w.ns orly l.S.H.'ii;. which
would irive under 30,00o for the whole Catholic
pupuliition. Const. Hist. ch. xv. However,
th:s number, as he adds, "appears iiicrelibly
small."
I olics to an extent far beyond what either
1 their numbers or their qualifications
' justified. He gave commissions in the
I army to a number of Catholic officers,
and caused Catholic soldiers to be freely
enlisted ; he ordered four Catholic lords
to take their seats in the Privy Council
without taking the test required by law ;
and he actually made Father Petre, one
of the worst qualified men in England
for such a post, a privy councillor, al-
though the appointment, owing to the
strong opposition raised, remained in
abeyance.' He worried the two univer-
sities, especially Oxford, where he forced
his candidate, Parker (who had professed
himself a Catholic), upon the fellows of
Magdalen instead of the President of
their choice ; made Massey (another
Catholic) dean of Christ Church ; and
induced the old Master of University
(Obadiah Walker) to fit up a chapel for
Catholic worship within the college pre-
cincts. But the most utterly foolish and
suicidal act of all was when, borrowing a
weajjon from the anti-Catholic armoury
of (^ueen Elizabeth, he appointed a court
of Ecclesiastical Commission to control
the Anglican Church, and by its means
suspended the Bishop of London, because
he had not taken severe measures against
one of his clergy who had preached
against the Court ! The members of the
commission, it is true, were Protestants,
with the exception of the crafty Sunder-
land, a nominal convert, who boasted
of having counselled rash courses to the
king, the sooner to arouse the Protestant
feeling of the country. But they were
mere courtiers, and the odium of their
acts justly fell on the king', who appeared
to be tising an ecclesiastical supremacy
which his own Cburch disowned and con-
demned, in order to vex and weaken the
body for whose behoof it was originally
claimed. None can wonder that the
indignation felt was general and deep.
All this time the Whig leaders were
secretly negotiating with William of
Orange; an army of fourteen thousand
veterans was equipped with all the expe-
dition and secrecy possible ; an invasion
was determined on ; and the landing of
the troops was safely effected in Tor Bay
in November 1688. The general history
• James tried hard to obtain the Cardiml's
hat for F. Petre, but this the Pope (Innocent
XI.) courteously but firmly declined. Dryden,
who was a good judi^c of men, au^uied ill from
the politicil elevation of the fjivourit^' (//inrf
and Panther, book i:i,)
ENGLISH CHURCH
E^sGLISH CHURCH 331
«f the period shows how the shameless
treachery of Churchill and others, and
the skilful use of calumnies against the
" Papists," ' paralysed the resistance on
the king's side. Yet nothing can be more
clear, on the whole, than tliis — that it
was the solid military strength of the
foreign troops who had been landed
which enabled the Revolution to succeed.
That strength -would not have sufficed
without those calumnies, and without the
king's unpopulai i! Y : but these last causes
could not have overturned the throne
without the presence of the Dutch troops.
Macaulay describes with exultation
William's entry into Exeter on the 9th of
November, at the head, not only of his
Dutch regiments, but of mercenary bat-
talions of 8wedes, Brandenburghers, Swiss
and even negroes, followed by a formid-
able train of artillery. Against these
veterans James's inexperienced troops,
though much superior in numbers, would
probably have made no effectual stand ;
and Churchill's desertion may have had
more motives than one. As Flamiuiuus
proclaimed the liberty of Greece at the
Isthmian Games, so VVilliam displayed a
bnnner inscribed with " tlie Liberties of
England;'' but a thoughtful Englishman
reading the narrative might well repeat
the verse of Wordsworth —
" Ah 1 that a conqueror's words should be so
dear! "
The Revolution was accomphshed ; for
Catholics, both in England and Irel.cnd, a
long period of humiliation began. Never-
theless, from one point of view, the event
justified them and confounded their ad-
versaries. There was, then, a " deposing
power," after all ! Catholics had been
tortured and put to death, not for main- |
taining only, but simply for refusing to j
deny, that a king who grossly abused his j
trust might justly be deposed by the
sentence of the Pope, as the common |
father of Christendom. Protestantism
had maintained that this was a wicked
doctriue : that no power could depose an
anointed king ; the duty of passive !
' " Danby," says jr.imulay, "acted with
rarp dextoritv." At a fieneral meetini; of the
i;i'nri_v aiiii f. Beholders of the three Kidiniis
whicli hiiii been sumnioneil to York to address
the kinj; on the state of atfairs, •• the discu.s.-ion
had be^un, wlien a cry was suddenly rai>ed
that tlie Papists were up, and were slnying the
Protestants." Tliey were more likely, as
Macaulay says, to be trenililini; for their own
eafety ; but the thing was believed, the popu-
lace were gulled, and Yorkshire went for ,
William,— //is/, of Eng. ch. ix.
obedience had been solemnly enujiciated
by the University of Oxford only five
years before the Revolution. Now, on a
sudden, the king was deposed, and most
Protestants were delighted. It appeared,
therefore, that there wa;- a lawful " de-
posing power," but that it resided, not in
the Pope, but w oinj stromj political party
assisted hij a foreign army. The case
resembled, in some respects, the struggle
of the League with Henri Quatre in the
sixteenth century. The Catholic League,
helped by the Pope, prevented the un-
reconciled Henry from reigning peaceably ;
the Whig party, helped by a Dutch
army, prevented the Catholic James from
reigning at all. Which of these foreign
interventions — the helping power being
moral in the first case, material in the
second— involved the greater amount of
national humiliation, it may be left to the
justice of the future to decide.
From 1688 for nearly a hundred years
English Catholics were debarred from any
share in the public life of the nation and
subjected to countless disabilities and in-
dignities. A new batch of penal laws
came in with William " the Deliverer."
First it was enacted (1689) that Papists
and reputed Papists should remove at least
ten miles from We^tmintter. Another
statute of the same year ordered that
Papists and reputed Papists should be dis-
armed, and that a horse worth more than 5/.
belonging to any Papist might be seized.
In the Toleration Act (16^9) a proviso
was inserted, " that neither this Act, nor
any clause, article, or thing herein con-
tained, shall extend, or be construed to
extend, to give any ease, benefit, or ad-
vantage to any papist or popish recusant
whatsoever." 'in the Dill of Rights it was
declared that no Papist, nor anyone tiiat
married a Papist, should inherit the
crown. In a later statute (1609) "for
further preventing the growth of Popery,"
a reward nf 100^. was offered for in-
formation leading to the conviction of
a Catholic priest for saying Ma.ss or
keeping school, and such priest was to be
imprisoned for life. It contained also
provisions of which the object was to
disinherit Catholic landowners, and tran>-
fer their estates to the next of kin beinir,
or becoming, Protestant. The Act of
Settlement (1701) confirmed the decision
of the former Act, by which the son of
James II. had been included in the sen-
tence of de])rivation passed against the
father, and settled the crown on the
Princess Sophia and her isaue, being
.^32 ENGLISH CHURCH
ENGLISH CHURCH
Protestants. In the Bill of Rights before
mentioned a new oath of allegiance was
inserted, by which aspirants to public
employment were required to deny that
any foreign prelate -and therefore, by
implication, the Pope — had or ought to
have any ecclesiastical or spiritual juris-
diction within the realm. The object
being now to e.vcliule English Catholics —
not, as it had been under James I., to
entrap them — this was the simplest way
of attaining the end proposed, since no
Catholic could take the oath without
abjuring his religion. In violation of
the treaty of Limerick (1691) to which
AVilliam's faith was pledged, the Irish
Parliament framed, in the course of this
and the next reign, their notorious penal
code, with the deliberate object of destroy-
ing the nntionality, breaking the spirit,
and pliDidering the remaining property,
of the Catholic people of Ireland.
A large proportion — perhaps the ma-
jority— of the English people regarded
Wiliiam as a usurper ; many of the very
men who had set him up, in particular
.Marlborough and Russell, repented of
what tli-y had done, and opened secret
iieiT'itiations with the e.xiled Court; there
were the war in Ireland, the plot of Sir
.1. Fenwick, Jann's's Cduciliatory Declara-
tion of l<!i)3, and the war carried on by
F";ince from 160] to lOfl". Everything
however miscarried— partly through Wil-
liam's sagacity and good fortune, but
chiefly owing to the rooted aversion of a
community long inured to heresy to come
to any terms with Catholicism. As Pope
says —
Hopes after hopes of pious Papists failed,
While luigh'y William's thimdering arm
prc'vailfil.
James died in 1701, and Anne his
daughter succeeded in the following year.
Her brother, James III., was brought up
at the Frencli Court ; t he chivalrous gene-
rosity of Louis XIV. never suffered him
to feel that he was a dejiendent and a
helpless exile. If the young man would
have consented to embrace the Anglican
religion, his accession, upon Anne's death,
would have been eli'ected with ease.
Curious evidence of this may be seen in
Lord Middleton's correspondence with
Cardinal Guulterio.' For inst ance, writing
in 171:i to complain of a certain coldness
and want of sympathy on the part of the
> Gunlterio Papers. Add. MSS. ai2.S7, Brit.
Mus. Middleton, a man of character and
capacity ('ee Macaulay), was Secretary of Slate
at the exiled Court.
Pope (Clement XI.) towards his imfortu-
nate master. Middle ton says this is all
the harder to bear when the king is
surrounded by temptations, and "the
English are resorting to every means, in
the endeavour to gain him and bring him
over to their side ; he would have but to
comply, in order to be recalled, and to
reign peaceably in his three kingdoms."
But, he adds, his master's religious faith
is too tirm and pure to allow him to listen
to such overtures for a moment.
As soon as Anne was dead, James
made the attempt to regain the throne
of his lathers for which he had been long
preparing; and the rising of 1715 was
the result. But for the incompetency of
the leaders. Mar and Forster, opposed as
they were by Whig chiefs nf great vigour
and ability, the enterprise might have
succeeded ; for the rule of a ibi eigner who
could not speak a word of English was
most unacceptable to the great majority
j of the people. Both after this rising, and
the much more serious one of 1745, the
scaffold streamed with the blood of Jaco-
bite and Catholic traitors, men who died
bravely for hereditary right, and were
immolated by the ^^'higs on the altar of
revolution and parliamentary sovereignty.
The elder Chevalier died in 1758 ; the
younger, as time wore on, was said to
have fallen into vicious courses. Despair-
ing of ever seeing the ancient line restored,
th(> Catholics of England had begun to cool
in their loyalty to the Stuart family, just
about the time when the disasters of the
later years of the War of Independence
had warned the English Government of the
expediency of conciliating the proscribed
classes in the population of England and
Ireland. Sir Ge.irge Savile's Act of 1778
repealed the worst portions of the statute
of 160i»; a new oath of allegiance was
fi-amed, which it was possible for a Catho-
lic to take without denying his religion;
and Catholic noblemen and gentlemen
flocked up to Wc>l minster in great num-
bers to taki' it. Il would ill become us,
who are in the enjoyment of full civil
rights, to sit in judgment on the conduct
of men so severely tried as were the
English Catholics of tliose days. Yet it
may be remarked that tlieir abandonment
of the Stuart cause, whether justifiable or
not, was far from bringing them the ad-
vantages which they expected from it.
Parliamentary life and public employment
were still barred against them by the
Test Acts. Fifty years had still to elapse
before those barriers were removed by the
ENGLISH CHURCH
ENGLISH CHURCH 333
Act of Emancipation. During all that
time the Catholics — at least an educated
and influential section of them — were
incessantly afiitatingr ; they were ready
to go to lengths which seem to us ridicu-
lous; to call themselves "Protesting
Catholic Dissenters'' — give Government
a veto on the appointment of bishops —
pledge themselves to support the Angli-
can Establishment' — and repudiate the
temporal jurisdiction of the Roman Pon-
tifls in every conceivable form,' if only
they might be admitted within the pale
of the constitution. All was in vain ; and
it was not till the imminent danger of
civil war in Ireland, with a great man
like O'Connell leading the Catholics,
frightened the English Parliament into
new courses, that the Catholic claims
were conceded (1829). It is also in-
dubitable that the sight of so many
Catholic gentlemen coming up to London
to take the oaths excited the slumbering
bigotry of the Protestants: Wesley wrote
several violent anti-Catholic tracts; the
Protestant Association was formed ; and
the terrible riots of 1780 wrecked in a
week — for the London mission at least —
the slow and difficult reparations of two
hundred years.- Moreover — as if some
secret link existed in the minds of many
Catholics between loyalty to their princes
and tidellty to their religion — the aban-
donment of the Stuarts was followed by
the open defertioii from the faith of st-veral
Catholics of high standing, and ./v-n nf
some priests.^ The death, in 18U7. i ■ '
last male descendant of James II . Hf ly,
Cardinal of York, appeared to the gL-neral
public to confer'* on the fortunate House
of Hanover, besides its existing titles of j
pos.sessiou and Parliamentary sanction, tlic
title also of hereditary right. During th -
long Continental war, the Catholic body
' See fli;irlcs Butler's HisU.ikd Menmirs
(ISIO) ;inil Miluer's SHpf-lcweittari/ Memoirs
182(1) tur the history of the famo'us Catholic
Committee of 1787.
■ The numher of Catholics was now eon-
siiieriibly increased, and " appears, by the
returns made in the Hmise of Lords in 1780,
to have been Tin England ami Wales] 69,376. '
Husenhetli'> \if'e of Uishop Ml/iier, p. 91. |
' Milner ,i;ives the names i-f nine peers, four
baronets, and tive priests, with an " &c.'' after
each list. See Stippl. Mem. p. 44, note. He is
speaking of the vear imniediatelv followiu.;
1780.
^ It did not really do so ; for the lines of
Savoy and Savoy-Modena. being descended
from'Charles I., have a l etter title to the crown
on the lefcitimi^t principle than the House of
Hanover, which traces back to Elizabeth,
Charles I.'s sister.
Strenuously supported, with whatever so-
cial and political influence was left to it,
the king and the aristocracy, in tneir
struggle against the crowned anarchy in
France.
I Reverting again to the subject of
ecclesia-tical org.anisation, we find that,
after the long interval of nearly sixty
years (1629-1685) during which there
was no resident bishop in England, the
Holy See, at the request of James II.,
nominated four bishops of sees inpartihits
to be vicars apostolic in as many districts
into which England was now divided —
the London, the Midland, the Northern,
and the Western. The first holdei-s of
these vicariates were Drs. Leyburn,' Gif-
ford, Smith, and Ellis, and the succession
was from this time uninterrupted. The
saintly bishop Cballoner governed the
London district, at first as coadjutor,
from 1741 to 1781, dying at the age of
ninety. The rugged, energetic, noble-
hearted Milner, Bishop of Castabala, au-
thor of the " End of Controversy " and
man}- other well-known works, was vicar
apostolic in the Midland district from
1808 tn his death in 1826. The •' Rules
of the ^lission,"' which put an end to
mauv disputes of old standing, were set-
tled "by a bull of Benedict XIV. in 1753.
A new division was made in 1840,
when the number of vicariates was raised
to eight.
The Second Sprin<i. — Soon aftei
Emancipation (which, as said above, was
.jlitaiued for English Catholifs by the
gniwing political power of tlieir L-ish
brethren), what is known as the Trac-
tariaii movement developpd itself witliin
the English Church (18:W). The chief
U-adcr and most gi ted rt'jnesfntative of
the niovenient. .I'lhn Henrv Newman,
followed by Dr. Mr. Oakeley, and
Several hundreds of the clergy and laity
of the K>rablibhuient, came over to tho
Catholic Church in or about the ve.ar
184-"). An Iri.-h immigration iluring tho
last i'n]ty years has lar-rely increased, in
all the large towns, the Catholic element ;
so tliat the total Catholic population in
England and Wales is believed at the
present time to be at least one million
and a half. The number of clergy of and
above the sacerdotal order, secular and
regular, within the same limits, is two
thousand five hundred.
In 1850. by an apostolic brief of the
late Pope Pius IX., the privilege of being
' Dr. Leyburn had been consecrated as sole
vicar apostolic three ye<irs earlier.
3r]4 ENGLISH CHURCH
ENGLISH COLLEGE, ROME
governed hj bisliops in oi'dir.ary, after j
an intermission of nearly three hundred
years, was restored to the Etiirlish Cath-
olics, to the uiisppakable satisfaction of all
concerned, thouirh to the eousteniation
of many who were not concernod, who
T\ise(l an extraordinary Imhhiih about
wliat they called the Pope's "insolent
intrusion." Parliament hastily passed an
Act (which, after vemainiiig- inoperative
for some years, was repealed), ])rohibit-
ini;- the new l)ishops from takinp- terri-
torial titles. Hy the Papal brief, the
whole kinirdiun, with Wales, was formed
into one jtrovince luidt'r the new Arch-
bishop(if WtKtminster. Cardinal Wiseman,
with twidve sulfrairnn sees: 13everley,
Rirminirham, Clifton, Hexham, Liverpool,
Newport and Menevia, Northampton,
Notting-liam, Plymouth, Salfoi'd, Shrews-
bury, and Soutiiwark. In 187S, the dio-
cese of Beverley was divided into two
new dioceses, Leeds and Middleshrouu:h ;
and in 1882 the new diocese of Ports-
mouth was formed out of Southwark.
Tliere has been little opportunity for
Enfrlish Catholics since the Reformation
to .serve their country in civil or military i
capacities, because they have been usually
under the ban of the laws. In literatnri'.
the field being comjiarativcly o]ii'ii. many
among them have attained I'l disi uicf ion.
The names of Pope and Drydeu will occur
to everyone : besides tlie.<e may be tuen-
tioned Habington, Crashaw, .Massinwr,
Alban liutler. Ri^hops Clialloner and Mil-
ner, Cardinal Wiseman, \\'aterton. X-c. \-c.
Enoiiirli has been said in tlii< ai-ticle
to show how baselfss are tlie claims of
the Protestant ( 'liurrli of Ivigland to be
identical with tlie (.' mrcii in I'^nglaml
before the Reformation. A b idy with-
out any teachinir autlioril\ ov ni ity of
belief or worshiji, cannot i ;i' litl\ lii' i':dled
a Church at all. Low ('l.iin h, I '.mad
Church, and Hioli r'hnirli must first
settle which of them i-; ///r (.'hurch In-fore
they cm set up the- continuitv llicory.
No'doubt therr is some .'Xtfrnal likeness
between Hit iialisin ami medieval Catho-
licism. But the iri'rat princi]ilp of autho-
rity is wantino- to the Ritualist. It is
the cliaotic state of .■\nglicani~m which
proves most coii\inring y tliat it cannot
1)6 the same as tlir old ( 'huicli. In ti-utli
we need no subih' arirnnii'nt> or Irarneil
researches to m;iU'' 'jood our claim. It
pneaks little for th.^ logical power of
Englishmen, that they appliud the anti-
Jlaliau. anti-Papal utti-rances of the
Archbishop of Canterbury, whose see was
founded by the Italian monk Augustine,
at the bidding of the Roman Pope
Gregory.
ESrCX.ZSH COXiXiESE AT ROME.
A school and hostel for the use of English-
men dwelling at or visiting Rome is said
by Matthew of Westminster to have been
iounded by Ina, King of Wessex, in 727.
Matthew of Westminster is somewhat a
late authority ; his statement, tlierefoi-e,
cannot be accepted with confiilence,
^lalmesbury ("Gest. R -g." lib. ii.) asserts
that the school was founded by Offa. Kiu'j-
of ^Mercia. On the other hand, ISIatthew
Paris ' tells us that this same Otta only
7'!S!fed the school, in 701, and found it
flourishing ; also that he endowed it for
all time to come M itb an annual penny
payable by every family in his kingdom.
Ilowever this may be, we have it on
excidlcnt authority- that the school of
till- Lnulish nation, " Angelcyunes scolu,"
was burnt down in BIG. Tradition said
that it was rebuilt by Egbert, again burnt
down in S.53, and restored bv Ethdwulf,
the father of Alfred.' In' 8-^4, Pope
!Marinus freed it from all tribute, at the
request of Alfred.* Nearly three hundred
years afterwards, St. Thomas of Canter-
bury is said to have rt'sid.'d at the hostel
.■ind visited till' cliuich near it, in the
\'ia di Mon>errato, formerly built l)y
( Ilia in honour of the Holy Ti-inity.*
Close to this church, two centuries
later, in 1.380, "certain Englishmen,
being in Rome, procured licence of the
Pope to build a hospital."" The old
school and hostel seem to have dis-
i!]ipeared; the church, soon after the
martyrdom, had received the name ot
St. Thomas : it was desecrated by the
Fiench .Tacobins. Among the founders
were two bishops (Bravbroke of Lon-
don and Brampton of liochester) and
some of the principal citizi'us of Londiin.
The hospital was for tlie use of English
travellers or pilgrims: a gentleman was
to be lodged, )(ut not fed, for three days ;
a commoner was to be lodged and fed
for eight days : if a pregnant woman was
confined there, she was to be kept with-
» Vila Otf.v II.
2 S<:.<. (
/irnii. Mib anno.
S M ihii.
/,„: cit.
■1 Assol-,
■■> It.ie...
Hit sriMu impossiblethnt St. Thomas
h l?.-rkot Vi.
'I'll l.'ceiu' in the course of hi« four
ye.-irs" resiili
iicf al Sens ( 1 1 OS-l 1 70') ; hut no
ciintompornr
v writer mentions anything of the
Uinil.
Stow's
Hiftiinj of Lnndim. quoted by
Dodd.
ENGLISH COLLEGE, ROME
ENGLISH COLLEGE, ROME ^35
out charge till after her purification, and
then to depart with the child ; but if she
feared to takf the child with her, it -R-as
to be maintained till it was seven years
old. A considerable endowment must
have been provided in order to enable so
munificent a charity to be carried out.
In 144i>, the hospital was rebuilt on an
improved plan; to meet the expense a
collection was made in every parish in
England ; but the plan is said to have
answered but ill, owing to the great
cost of transmitting the money. Lender
Henry VIH. several persons whom fear of
the tyrant had driven from England were
relieved in this Roman hospital. When
the Catholic bishops were driven from
their sees at the accession of Elizabeth,
Thomas Goldwell, Bishop of St. Asaph,
came to Rome, and was allowed by the
Pope to have the use of the hospital, along
with several Marian priests and two or
three laymen. The same Goldwell soon
afterwards sat as one of the fathers of
Trent.
A great change now passed over the
hospital ; it had heretofore served to
supply the material wants of the few
English who visited Rome: it was now to
be remodelled, and serve for the future
the spiritual wants of the whole English
nation, then fast la])sing into heresy. The
generous soul of (Gregory XIIL, moved
with a deep compas-ion for the state of
England, and instigated by Dr. Allen
(afterwards Cardinal) and Owen Lewis,
Archdeacon of Canibrai. resolved upon
the conver.-ion of the hospital into a mis-
sionary college. For this purpose (l.o7s)
he added plentifully to the old rents,
assigning, till other provision should be
made, ."^.OOO crowns annually for the sup-
port of the college from the Apostolic
Datary, and maliing Cardinal Morone,
the legate whose able diplomacy had
done so much for the success of the
Council of Trent, its first protector. The
bull effecting all this begins Quantmn
bonitas. The design was that the college
should maintain about sixty students,
all English, and that tliese .should swear
to go on the English mission on the
completion of their education as might be
directed by their superior. Dr. Maurice
Olenock was nominated the first rector,
but in about a year ' the college was
1 The cau.<e of Dr. Clenock's reinovnl was
ail unhappy (iirt'.-rence which arose between the
Welsh and l•-Ilg^^^h students. The latter con-
plained thae the rector, a Wel'^hmaii, showed
i*rtiality towards his countryuien, and became
' made over to the Company of Jesus, who
1 had the charge of it down to the sup-
1 pression of the society in 1773. The
I supply of students came at first from the
Rheinis seminary, afterwards from the
Jesuit school of St. Omev. Gr.'gory XI 11 .
enriched the college with many gift - and
privileges: Sixtus Y. (Pert.'tti)."th.>ii>;h he
favoured its design, found himself com-
pelled by financial difficulties to make a
large deduction from the revmue hitherto
assigned to it from the Datary ; Gregory
XIV. raised the grant again, though
not to its former level. By 1647 the
college could count among its alumni
forty priests who had suffered martyrdom
in England. Pictures of many of these
hung upon the interior walls of the
college previous to the havoc and rapine
made by the French invaders in 1798.
So near to certainty was their chance of
winning the palm considered, that when
St. Philip Neri the founder of the Oratory
met any of the students, he usi^d to salute
them with the words, " Salvete, Jfores
marfi/rian .'" ("Hail, ye flowers of the
martyrs"). On the (lis])utesand difficulties
which commenced in the sixteenth and
continued on in the seventeenth century,
because some of the student?, either for
the sake of a more secure subsistence, or
in the belief that it could not be wrong
to embrace a more perfect way of lift-,
neglected the missionary oath by which
they were bound to sen e as seculars on
the English mission, and joined religious
orders, siime particulars may be seen in
Flanagan, vol. ii. eh. 2-'). All such pro-
I ceedings were severely coml' Uined bv a
j brief of Alexander VII. dated in KifiO.
i After the su])pression of the Jesuif^. and
till the French invasion, the colh-irt' aji-
pf'ars to have Vieeii managed by seculars.
The advent of th>> Jacobins involved it
and most of tlie otli^r colleLjes in ruin:
j and it was only n>-torfl in 1^1-. iliiriiig
{ the pontificate" of I'm- VIL. who aj'-
pointed Dr. Robert Gradw.H i-.ctor
Nicholas Wiseman, aftei^ards Cardinal,
was rector imder Gregory XV [. (Is31-
1846). and celebrated the Pope's visit to
the college, in 1S.3H, by a charming Latin
address, which may be <ei'n inscribed on
the walls. The divs- of the students is
the soutane, the manfei/one, or long cloak,
of black cloth, and the clerical hat.
Among the Cardinal-protectors since the
insubordi'>ate. Bfinsr ivquired to obey or leave
Koine, they, to the uniiiber of twenty, cho^e
the latter alternative. .">ee FlanatLan's Clmnh
History, Vi 1. ii ch. 12.
3C6
EPACT
EPiiEsrs, cou>;ciL of
rpstoration of the college have been
Oonsalvi, Zurla, Weld, Antonelli, and
Howard. A new church, dedicated to
St. Thomas k Becket, has lately been
completed. (Dodd's "Church History,"
part iv. ; Moroni, " Dizionario Eccle-
siastico.")
EPACT. [See Cycle.]
EPARCHV (tnapxia). This was the
Greek word for prorhuifi. On the transfer
of the term to the ecclesia.-stical organisa-
tion, it meant an ecclesiastical province
governed by a metropolitan {eTTap^ns)
and containing several bishops' sees.
(For tliis use Suicer, in his "Thesaurus,"
quotes Macarius of Ancyra.) The Council
of Antioeh (341) limited the exercise of
a bishop's power to his own eirapxia; by
which some have understood "diocese;"
but it is better to understand it of his
ecclesiastical province.
In the Russian schismatical church
at the present day a bishop is called
an "eparch;" in 1839 there were in
Russia forty-six "eparchies " or episcopal
sees.
EPHESirS, COWCZIi OF. The
Third General Council met at Ephesus
in 4:il, defined the Catholic dogma that
the l)l('s>ed Virgin is the mother of God,
and condemned the contrary error of
Xestorius.
1. The. Occasion of the Dtjinition. —
The Cliurcli, which had taught the reality
of Christ's linman nature in o]iposition to
th(^ r»oeet;e, expressly defined His true and
])"iroct tiodlicad when it was denied by
the Arians ; and at a later date the ques-
tion as to the way in which tiK'se two
natures wei'f united began to be agitated.
Early Fathers had used (liilrrent expres-
sions to indicate this union, hut tliey had
not investigal rd, or at least discussed, the
point with scientific precision. Ignatius
speaks of Christ as " bearing ficsli "(o-a/jKo-
(^o'pos) ; ' Tertullian describes Ilim as
"clotlied with flesh;" very often the
early Fathers use the word "mixture"
(Kpao-is, conimi.vfio) of the inii"ii iieiwnn
the two natures.^ No ihadit t hi >c , x-
pressionsare ineaut to exjires - 1 lie ( '.iiIimHc
doctrine that tiie two nm ;,; e. of ( ;.,d and
Man are united in the one I'er-on m|' the
Word, that tlie one ("hn,-l is hotli (iod
and Man; butthetlieol.>;/ieal controversies
wliich began in the i'onrlh century made
it phiin that formal definition on the
* Ad Smyrn. 5.
2 See Ireii. iii. 19, 1 ; Redepennine's note
on Oi ifT. JM Princip. p. 106 ; Cyprinn, l>e Vuit-
ital. hl'il. iii.
union of the two natures of Christ waa
imperatively demanded.
The doctrine of Apollinaris, who
taught that the divinity in Christ sup-
plied the place of intellect which is proper
to man, amounted to a denial that Christ
really was perfect man and to a confusion
of the divine with the human nature. In
opposition to this false doctrine, great
teachers in the school of Antioeh, ])articu-
' larly Diodorus of Tarsus, and Theodore,
afterwards ni>ho]) of Mopsuestia, fell into
ei-ror at the n|.]i(isite extreme. Theodore,
who developed the idea of Diodorus and
is the great representative of the school,
in his anxiety to maintain the perfect
manhood of Christ, conceived of Ilim as a
man in whom God the Word dwelt — i.e.
he confessed, not that the Word became
man {(uavdpwTTrja-is), but merely that tlie
Word, who dwells in all good Christians,
dwelt in a special way and with extra-
ordinary power in Christ {(uoUriaLs).
< True, he distinguishes the indwelling of
{ the Word in Christ from His indwelling
in Christians, jiointing to Christ's super-
natural birtli, His sinlessness, and to the
fact that,o\vinf^ to the union between the
^\'ord and (yhrist, the latter participated
in the glory of the former ; still, far as
he may have been, and doubtless was,
from intending it, the logical result of
his premisses was to reduce Cliiist to a
mere nnm, diHering from others in the
degree and not in the Iniid of His union
[ with tiod. Furtlier, Theodore, as he did
not acknowledge the unity of Person in
I Christ, was forced to recognise in Ilim two
different and distinct agent ^. ^See ( 'o^i-
MI NIC'ATIO IlJIO.MATUM.] ( 'a t I lol ic.^ vay
" God suffered," " the man ( hri-t raised
the dead,"' because the one Person of the
Word sullereil in Ills human, raised the
dead in the mi<rht of His divine nature,
just as ill the case of ordinary men it is
the one personal beini;' who reasons with
his mind and moves with his body. Here
Theodore was a1 i.-Mie with the laiioiiage
of Scri|itiiie and the Fathers fnun the
.■arliest limes. St. Peter says (Acts iii.
j 15) the Jews ■• killed the prince of life,"
and one of his earliest successors, Clement
I of Rome, speaks of " the sufferings of
I God." In ])arlicidar, 'I'lieodore refused to
; call the P,le.<ed Vn-in .M.iiher of God,
although the title had been ajijiroved by
Origen, Alexander of Alexandria, and
Athanasius.' '^)nly in a loose sense, he
' See C'lr'iinal Newman's note in Oxford
trnnshition of St. Allianasius, p. 420 (in the old
edition).
EPHESUS, COUN'CIL OF
EPHESUS, COUNCIL OF 337
urged, "could Mary be called the Mother
of (lod, viz. because God dwelt in Christ
after an extraoi dinarv manner. Properly
speaking she bore a man, in whom the
union with the Word had begun, but was
so far from being perfect that he was nnt
Ttill his baptism called th.' Son of God.''
In another place he writes, " It is mad-
ness to say, G'ld was born of the Virgin ;
not God, bui the temple in which God
dwelt M as born of Mary."
Nf^^toriiis was a vouiiger contemporary
of and bt'loiipfd to the school of Theodore.
Born in a .'^yriiin town, Germanicia, he
camp for his >. fMl;ii' iMlutation to Antioch,
entered a nion.-i.-'.-rv tlifre, became after-
wards a priest I't the cathedral, and made
a good reputation by his eloquence and
strictness of life. lii 428 he was con-
secrated Bishop of Constantinople. Al-
most immediately afterwards the strife
on the title OforoKus began : indeed, Nes-
torius said he found the strife already
kindled when he came to Constantinople.
In homilies, fragments of which are pre-
served, Xestoriiis defended the doctrine
which had been propounded by Theodore,
to the great scandal, not only of priests,
but of lay people. The orthodo.x cause
was defended in Constantinople itself by
the bi^hl)])s Eiisebius of Dorylfeum and
Proclus 01 C'yzicum, while Cyril of Alex-
andria stated the true doctrine in a ser-
mon preached at Easter 429, and wrote
twice to Nestm-ius, conjuring him to re-
cant. Cyril's letters were in vain, and
both he and Xestorius referred the case to
the I!(jmaii bishop. The Pope, Celestine
I., called on Nestorius to recant within
ten days, and ci •mmi>sioned Cyril to de-
pose him in case of l efusal. At a council
held in Alexandria Cvril published twelve
anathemas against the doctrine of Xes-
torius. Nestorius answered with twelve
anathemas of his own. John of Antioch,
Theodoret of Cyrus, and others sided
with Xestorius, and to restore peace the
Emperor TheodosiusII. convoked a coun-
cil at Ephesus in 431. Pope Celestine
wrote to Theodosius on May 15 of that
year promising to send legates.
2. The History of the Council. — For
some time the bisho]is whohad assembled
at I'phesus waited for the arrival of John,
Patriiirch of .\ntioch ; when, however,
there seemed to be no hope of his arrival,
the council opened on June 22. There
were 160 bishops present, and before the
end of the first session this number had
increased to 198. The Fathers met in the
cathedral dedicated to the Mother of God,
I and Cyril, who, as the Acts expressly say,
I represented the Pope, presided. Xes-
torius refused to appear, on the ground
tiiat the council was not ronijilete ,~o long
as John of Antioch and his bishops wero
absent, while a considerable nuniliei' of
bishoj)S from Asia Minor, including Theo-
doret of Cyrus, refused to take part for
I the same reason. During the session,
which lasted late into the night, letters
of Cyril, Xestorius, Celestine, as well
as passages of the Fathers confirming the
Catholic faith, were read and compared
with the utterances of Nestorius, who was
I at last solemnly deposed by the council.
All the bishops subscribed this sentence.
The people of the town received the news
of the result with great joy. The city
was illuminated in manj" parts, and the
bishops were escorted home with torches.
j Candidian (who represented the em-
peror at the council) and Nestorius pro-
tested against the proceedings as null and
j void, because they had taken place before
I the arrival of the Antioclu'ne bishops.
j John of Antioch came at last on the 26tli
or 27th of June, and in a council of forty-
I three bishops deposed Cyril with Memnon,
Bishop of Ephesus, and excommunicated
all who agreed with them. On July lOth
the second session opened, in presence of
the three Papal legates, two of whom,
Arcadius and Projectus, were bishops;
the third, Philip, a priest. The legates
•were directed by the Pope to see that his
sentence against Nestorius was carried
out, and, in case of approval, to confirm
the acts of the synod. The Pope's letter
was received with acclamation by the
council, and the Fathers declared that in
their condemnation they had but follow ed
the sentence and rule {\jfrj(pov k<h tvttov)
of Celestine. In the third session, the
legates approved the resolutions passed
before their arrival. In the fifth, John
of Antioch and his bishops were excom-
municated. The Fathers also addressed
a letter to Celestine, giving a history of
the council and stating their acceptance
of the Western decrees against the Pela-
gians. In the sixth session, the Nicene
("reed was read and all new symbols of
faith j)rohibited; in th(> seventh and last.
Cyprus was declared inde]iendent of the
Antiochi^ne Patriar. hate : a circuhir letter
was addressed to the whole Cluirrh, and
six canons were published. The legates
siiiiied the decrees, and they were con-
hrmed next year by Pope Sixtus III.
The emperor was at first extremely
averse to the proceedings of the Ephesine
308 EPHESUS, COUNCIL OF
EPISTLE
Council, and lie began by declaring it his
■n-ill that both Cyril and Nestorius should
bf dfjiosed. At last, however, he sent
■deputies t(i meet the bishops at Chalcedon
and examine the matter, and he ended
by accepting Cyril's doctrine and allowing
him tlie i]uiet possession of his see. Nes-
torius was contineil in his old monastery
at Antioch, and afterwards banished to
Upper I'-vpt, wliere he died in 440. It
was only irradiially that the Syrian bishops
made peace witli the Egyptian and
'\^'estel■n Ijishnps. ■ However, this opposi-
tion of tile forni.'r really arose from per-
sonal feeling and misumlerstanding rather
than from dillerence of faith ; and less
than two years after the council, early in
4.'5.3, peace was restored between Antioch
and Alexandria. Some, however, of the
Antiiicliene bishops, particularly Theo-
doret of Cyrus, continued their opposition
longer. The priest Ibas, on the other
hand, was hpretieal as well as schismatic;
he was devoted to the doctrine of Nes-
torius, and his friends, failing to obtain
toleration within the Roman empire,
emigrated to Persia, where one of them,
Barsumas, founded a Nestorian church
at Nisibis. The later history of the
Nestorians will be found in a separate
article.
Two points in the history of the coun-
cil seem to call for further explanation.
First, it may be well to state more
fully the definitions of faith promulgated
by the Fathers at Ri)hesus. They declare
that the Blessed Virgin is mother of God
(^foroVos- ')i because she " after the flesh
bore the Word from ( xod, who had become
flesh ; that the Word is united substan-
tially (ku^' xmoa-Taaiv) to flesh" — i.e. as
substance to substance ; whereas the
Nestorians made the union one of Person
to Person, and so merely accidental^; that
the same person {rov avrov) is God and
man, so that it is heresy to distinguish the
things which the Scripture says of Christ
in such a manner as to say that some be-
long to the man, conceived of as with a
proper existence over and above the Word
of (rod (irapa tov €K Bcov 'koyov IhiKcos
vonvjiei'oi), Others only to the Word.
Further the council anathematises those
who call Christ a man who bore God"
(Bf<>(p6i)«v) ; who say that the Word is
the God or Lord of Christ; that the
• " Dei uoiietrix " rather than "Dei mater"
IS the .accurate tiMiisl.'ilion.
^ The old Latin vcisioii renders vir6(rTa<Tis
here bv "sub.staiK-e : " sec Petav. De Incai nat.
\i. 17.'
risen Christ is to be adored rvifh the
Word ; &c., &c.
Next it is to be observed that the
council forbade alterations in, or additions
to, the Nicene Creed, for special reason.
The Nestorian party at the time were
using a Creed which had been written by
Theodore of Mopsuestia and imposing it
on Quartodecimans who wished to join
the Catholic Church. To prevent abuses
of this kind the council prohibited the
use of any other Creed than that of Nic;ea,
imder pain of excommunication. But
this was plainly a disciplinary rule, which
a competent authority had imposed and a
competent authority could abrogate.
EPiGoirATZonr. [See Vestjienis,
Greek.]
EPIPHA.M'-S' {(TTKpdvfia). A feast
kept on January G to commemorate the
manifestation of Christ's glory — (1) when
the Magi adored Him ; (2) in His baptism,
when the voice from heaven proclaimed
Him the Son of God ; (3) in the miracle
of changing water into wine, when Christ
began His miracles and " manifested " His
glory. In the fourth century the feast of
the Epiphany ranked among the greatest
of the Church's solemnities. Sometimes,
as appears from St. Gregory Nazianzen,
the baptism only of Clirist was comme-
morated on the Epiphany, and hence
probably the Greek name for the feast,
"the holy day of lights" (17 ayta twv
(jyoorav r}ji(f)a), which alludes to the " illu-
mination" of baptism, or possibly to a
very ancient tradition that at C/'hrist's
baptism lights appeared on the Jordan.
However, the Breviary hymn for the
day, composed by Prudentius in the
fourth century, proves that the threefold
commemoration on the Epiphany is
ancient in the West.
The vigil of this feast is not a fasting
day, because the whole Christ nin* -■ ason
is regarded as a prolonged l- M-t. Tliere
is no invitatory in the matin- ni' the ilay,
probably because the psalm ■''S'eiiite"
occurs in Nocturn III. Solemn baptism
was given in the East on the vigil of the
Epiphany ; and at the present day among
the Oriental sects it is usual for the
clergy to bless the river of the place at
this time, and the devout plunge, despite
the cold, into the hallowed water. (Tho-
massin, "Traite des Festes.")
EPISCOPACV. '.-^ee l^lsiror."
EPISTI.E. A portion ol' Scri|)lure
read after the collects and iieioir the
Gospel in the Mass. This portion of
Scripture is generally, but not always,
EnSTOL.E ECCLESIASTiaE
ERA
330-
taki n I'rom the Epistles of the Apostles,
and above all from those of St. Paul;
whence in old MSS. of the Missal it is
inscribed " 1 le Apostolo." Sometimes,
however, it is taken from the Old Testa-
ment; in the Ambrosian and Mo/.aialjic
Missals tliere are two lessons read before
the Gospel — one from the Old, the other
from the Xcw Testament. In early
times letters of bi>liops and Popes were
sometimes read at Mass, especially letters
of peace and commuuiou testifying to
the unity which bound orthodox bishops
to each other, and to the see of Peter.
Our present arrangement of the Epistles
and Gospels is commonly attributed to
St. Jerome.
The priest who celebrates always
reads the Epistle, but in high Masses it
is also sung by the subdeacon, who
receives special authority to do so at his
ordination. However, tlie old forms of
ordination make no allusion to any such
function of subdeacons, and till the
eighth centurv it was the lector, not the
subdeacon, who used to exercise it. The
Congi-egation of Kites permits a clerk in
minor orders to sing the Epistle at high
Mass, if a subdeacon cannot be had, but
the clerk must not wear the maniple.
(Benedict XIV. "De Miss.")
EPzsToXiX: z:ccx.i:sxA.STzcx:.
Of these there are many kinds, the follow-
ing being the most important :
1. Apostolicfe. Letters written by the
Roman Poutitl' in virtue of his apostolic
authority, whfther they be constitutions,
or briefs, or rescripts, &c.
2. Cwnmendatorice. [See OOMMEN-
DATORT LEriERS.]
3. Communicatoria. Letters granted
to all who were in the coninuniiou of the
Church, and cultivated peace with her.
4. Confessorice. Letters by which
martyrs and confessors for the faith en-
treated bishops that particular Lapsi
(jiersons who had consented to sacrifice)
might be restored to the peace of the
Church.
5. Deci-etales. [See Deceetals.]
6. Dimissoria. [See Dimissoeials.]
7. Erwyclicee. [See Encyclical.]
8. Enth-onistica. Letters addressed
by bishops after their consecration to
other bishops, in testimony of their faith
and orthodo.xy, and that they might re-
ceive from them letters of peace and
communion in retain.
y. FoniiaUc. Hoth commendatory
and dimissorial letters were anciently
called by this name, after the Xicene
I Council had ordered that they should be
' composed according to a certain form.
Some ai-e of opinion that they were so
called from the form of the seal attached
to them. The object in either case was
to assure the receiver of the genuineness
of the letter. In later times it came to
mean a letter of ordeis, containing
certain signs, usually Greek letters, only
understood by the bishops, certifying
that an order hud been conferred on the
bearer.
10. Paschales. Letters by which
metrojiolitans announced to their S'lfi'ra-
gaus, and these to their clergy, the right
time of keeping Easter.
11. rantvi-dles. Letters of instruction
sent to particular churches, as some of
those of St. Paul and of St. Ignatius.
(Ferraris, Epistolm; Wetzer and Welte,
Liter<e Formatce.)
ERA (Lat. cBra). The word is pro-
bably derived from mra, the plural of as,
which seems to have been useil in classical
times in the sense of ''a gi\t n number.'"
It has been proposed (art. by Mi-, llensley
in the "Diet, of Christ. Antiq.," Smith
and Cheetham) to use era of any suc-
cession of years commencing at a certain
date, and epoch of the date from which
such era is reckoned. But this appears
to be a departure from the ordinary use
of the word for which sufficient reason is
not shown. It seems better, with the
writer in Ferraris, to distiu;:uish between
era, a date ti.\ed upon by the consent of
some nation or community, and epoch, a
date fixed by chronologers.
There is no trace in the Old Testa-
ment of the Jews having dated events
from a recognised era until we come near
to the time of Christ. Attempts seem
to have been made to establish an era,
but they came to nothing. A^'e read of
events which happened " in the second
year of their going out of Egypt
(Xum. i. 1), or "in the twentieth year"
(■2 Esdras i. 1), or " in the thirtieth year
(Ezech. i. 1); but in none of these cases
did the event temi)orarily chosen as an
era come to be generally used as such.
The indications of time in the Old Testa-
ment are usually, therefore, either vague
{"m the (lu\> of Josias the king." "in
the days .>f Ib li the l)viest," kc). or else
they are taken from lln' regnal yr.iis of
some king ('• in the lii>i \ . mi- nl' ( '\ l us,"
1 Esdras i. 1 : " in tlir tlrr-l wm- uI' the
reiu-n of .loakim," l>.-in, ;. I, X.-.i. Not
till the time of the .M.,rlu,bee>
Jews use 4U era, and then it was one-
840
ERA
ERA
adopted from the. Greeks— that of the !
SeleucidjB.'
Setting aside the systems of com-
putiug time in uso in IliiiJostan and
China, we find no eurlier adoption of an
era than that by the Greeks, who began
in the fifth century before Christ, and
perhaps earlier, to date events by the
" Olympiad," or period of four years, in
which they hajipened, the first Olympiad
being that the iirst year of which was
<listinguished by the victory of Corojbus,
and was found to answer to the year
B.C. 77(). Thus A.D. 1 is the first year of
the 105th Olympiad.
Em of Ronif, a.tj.C. The exact date
of this era has been much disputed, but
the determination made by Varro is
generally received, according to which it
fell in 753 B.C.
Era of Nabonassar. Ptolemy and
other ancient astronomers employ this
era, which is named after a king of
Babylon who is said to have delivered
his countrymen from bondage to the
.\ssyriaus, and ciirrcspoiids to 747 B.C.
'Era of the S,.l,'„ri,hr. Thi> cMnv-
.■<ponds to Ihi' !-t ( '^\-> \\A\. ;it
which date Srlnicii- Nicator iv,-o\ nv.l
Babylon iVom Ant i-miuis, and fouml.Ml
his empire. Ii is calli-d also the Greek
era, and th.' n-a of contracts. The Jews
adopted it, a,- w e ha\ i' ,-een, and used it
till the elc\eiuh reiitiiry after Chri.st,
when they Milistituted for it tlie supposed
date of the creation of tlie world. It is
still used by the Ara])s.
Spanish Era. This corres])onds to
•'IS B.C., and "is supposed to mark some
important epoch in the organisation of
t he province by the Romans." - It was
employed in the Peninsula long after the
Christian eia had I'Muie into general use
in Europe. ha\iiii: 1 n "preserved in
Aragun till l:i5s, in Castile till l;J8;j,and
in I'ortug.al till 1415." ■'
Chrifs/ian Era. Called also the
Dionysian era, from Dionysius Exiguus,
a Scythian ablx)t, who, wi-iting at Rome
early in the sixth century, computed that
Jesus Christ was born in the year of
Rome 754, and proposed that events
should be dated from His Incarnation.
This era soon came into use al Rmni',
and gradually spread to other cumt i p s ;
the Venerable Beda, by adoptini; n in
1 " After Antioi-hus had r.ivnued Kijypt ?n
the one hundred mi rl fnrln-lliird year ; " 1 Mach.
i 21. See also > Mn. l,. i. 7. 10.
2 Mcrivalc's History of Ihf /{ninnns under
(he Empire, V il. iv. p. 114. " Ibid.
his "Ecclesiastical History," greatly
assisted in its wider diffusion. It cannot
be exactly correct, for Herod the Great,
according to Josephus, died in the year
of Rome 750, and our Saviour must have
been born some considerable time before
his death. It is usual to make a correc-
tion of four years on this account, and to
date the Crucifixion a.d. 29 instead of
A. D. 3.3 ; but Hefele and others would
put back the birth of Christ as much as
six or seven years — to a.u.c. 747.'
Era of bioclctinn. This era, which
is still ujed by the Copts in Egypt, cor-
responds to A.D. 284. It was in general
use in the Western Empire, till displaced
by the Christian era.
' The Indict ton. This became a com-
I mon way of reckoning time in the
1 Eastern Empire, the indiction being a
period of fifteen years, and the first in-
diction deemed to commence on Sep-
tember 24, A.D. 313.
T/ie Ilcf/ira. This era, which is the
I date of Mohammed's flight from Mecca,
' and is used by aU Mussulmans, corre-
sponds to 622 A.D.
Era of Constantinople: called also the
ilyzantine era. This was long in use
among the Greeks and Russians, and is
still employed by the Albanians. It
reckons from the Creation, which it dates
5.J08 B.C.
Jncixh Era. This is used by the
modern Jews, and is also referred to the
creation of the world, which it dates in
3761 B.C.
Chronologers have invented the
" Julian period," a multiple of the num-
ber of the years in the solar cycle (2.S),
of those in the Uuiar cycle (19), and those
in the Indiction ; of this product, 7980
years, they place the first year in 4713
B. C., Ijecause in that year all three cycles
stood at 1 simultaneously, and will not
do so again till a.d. 3268. Into years of
this Julian period, any year expressed in
terms of any one of the above-named
epochs may be converted. But in fact
no era could l)e devised, or can be con-
ceived, which is more convenient for
dating events either before or after it,
than the Christian, and it cannot ))e
doul)ted that, with the advance of the
world in civilisation, this era will super-
sede all others. The Republicans of the
first French Revolution, conscious how
much the human imagmat ion i- influenced
by these things, attempte,! i,, Miljstitute
the commencement of their own blood-
' See Hefele's art. in Wetzer and VVelte.
ESPOUSAL
ESTABLISHMENT, CIIUKCII .'J41
etained republic, September 1792, after
first inaugurating it by tbe massacre of
the eleven hundred prisoners in the jails
of Paris, as the year 1 of tlie new pci iod
of universal fraternity; l)ut tlie attempt
did not survive the suppi''»iou <>t' tln'
anarcliical factions. 5l. Coiutf, ilif
founder of Positivism, reconniieiiJed to
his followers the a<loption of this revo-
lutionary epoch, or of a similar one
frame:! by himself; but it is not known
that the Positivists as yet make much
use of it. (F.'iT.ris. ,-7iw : Wetzer and
Welte, art. by llefele: Smith and Cheet-
ham, art. by ili usley.)
ESPOVSAZi {sjhjiisalia) is defined
by Ciury as '-a dclil)erate promise to
uiarrj' made by each party, expressed by
outward signs, each beiug capable of
entering u])on such an engagement."
This (h'fiiiit ion im])lii'- tli;it the engage-
ment rcl'iTs t.i till' f.iturf — i.e. the jKirties
do not give them>i'lvi>s to each other
there and then, but prnini-.' t" dn so on
a future occasion. The pr. -niif dih-i l)e
made and accepted on eucli >i<\'-.
party must be aware of th(> ol)lii;;it ion
incun-ed; hence there can be no bimliiig
engagement between children wlio Iium-
not come to the u>c of reason. ^:e. Each
party must act fn.ly. La,-tly, there
must be no impeiiimrnt '-hich would
nullify the marriage, or even make it
unlawful — e.ff. one cousin cannot bind
himself or herself to marry the otlier,
because, till a disjiensat ion is obtained,
a union between the two would be no
marriage at all. If a valid engagi iuent
has been made, then neither can lawfully
withdraw from it, unless the other gives
consent, or unless changes have occurred
or circumstances come to light which
alter the nature of the case. Thus a
man, having engaged to marry a giil
whom he tlioiii;lit virtuous, would not.
of course, >iill bound if she turned out
to be of bad charucter.
The engagement may be made, and is
at present made, in most parts of the
Church, witliout ceremony or publicity
of any sort. Among Komans a man
sent a riua: of iron to his future wife;
and this custom was adopted by Chris-
tians. The ayinulns 2)i-o»i(hiis is men-
tioned by TertuUiau. St. Gregory of
Tours speaks of the man as presenting
Lis intended wife with ring {."ponxalius
onnuliis [■■<ic]) and shoes. The Franlfs
used to betroth their wives with pieces
of money — a relic, according to Chardon,
of the old custom of buying girls from
' their parents. Betrothal among the
Greeks takes place with prayer and much
solemnity in the church, and on the same
day as the man-iau.-. ( lli-torical [.ovtion
from Chardon, ''Hist, des Sacrfin.")
ESPOUSi\.X.S (SESPOItrSATZO)
OF THE BI,ESS£S VZRCZN. A
I feast kept on January 23. An olHct-
commemorating this event was written
by the famous Gerson. lu ihf >i-\ti'entli
century Paul III. allowed the friars and
nuns of the Franciscan Order to recite
an office of the Espousals. The office
was simply that of the Blessed \'irgln'.>
Nativity, e\ce]it that a new Gospel was
chosen anil the word "nativita?" was
changed into '• ile>ponsatio."' However,
ix special office of the I"sp(m>als \va>
written by the Dominican refer Oore
and approved bvthe same Pop.', Paul III.
An indidt of Benedict XIII., m 1 7i':,,
lieniiitted its use throughout the States
of the Church. The i'east is kepi in
England as a greater double. (Benedict
XIY. "De Fest.")
ESTABXiZSHnXElTT, CBVRCH.
A state of things in which the civil
])ower, for political and moral ends, l ecog-
nises a particular religion in preference
to all others, and regards its ministers,
as sui'h, as bodies coi]iorate, capable of
suing and being sued, of holding property,
I and trfinsmittiug it to their successors.
The questions beaiinL"- on the utility
of a Church establishment lia\e long
been keenly debated in this country be-
tween tlie Ani^licans and the non-esta-
blished Protectant sects; but Catholics
are little concerned in the controversy.
A word or two of criticism on the chief
arguments advanced is all that we shall
offer. AMial the Anglicans say as to the
ad\antages secured to a nation by the
pnlilic recognitiini, on the part of the
ci^ il ]iower, of ( 'lii'istianity and its
ministers, is of cour-e jieri'ectly true; and
■w hen they a])]>eal to history, and show
what benefits accrued to English society
from Ethelbert's supporting the Roman
missioners, (U' Ethelwulf's appropriation
of the tithe to reli^ioHs uses, or from
many other like act- on ilie part of our
civil rulers, it is inip"--dile not to agree
with them. So Ion,: a- l'.nj:l)-!nuen con-
tinued lo l)e oi' one religion, and to lie in
communion with the lf>ly See. the
benefits of Church e-t al^li-iinieiu , on the
whole, were undemalile. Ueli^non, by it,
^ was brought to every nianV door; it lent
a form and a splendour to human life;
I and an Englishman's fidelity to Jusua
342 ESTABLISHMENT, CHURCH
EUCHARIST
Christ and His Cliui-ch was mmle t asii r
for liim by the fact that the kin-- to
whom he owed hiyalty was, no less than
himself, an obedient son of the same
Chinch, and also its zealous protector.
The chief drawljack accompanying these
benehts of establislnueiit was that, in
times of lidiewaniiiicss and relaxed
discipline, kiiiiis, ciii^rd on by worldly
Coun,>ello) s, availi'd t heni>elves of the
connection between (_'hurch and State
to impede free communication with
Rome (laws of Provisors, Priemunire,
&c.), and to brin^ the heads of the
Church in En^'land more under their
own power. This evil tendency, long
operating, with other causes, brought
the Church in this country to the ruin
which we have attempted to describe
in the article English Chuech. But
to return to the Anglican argument.
Down to the Rel'oi-mation, as has been 1
said, we dili'er little from them in our ;
estimate of the benefits of establishment.
Since that time, as they maintain,' the
same Catholic Church has continued to
be established in England with the like
beuehcial results ; to which we must
reply that the common sense of mankind
and the i-eceived use of words are against
them. Everyone but an Anglican can
see that it does not follow — assuming
that Church establishment was beneficial
before the Reformation — that it is equally 1
beneficial now, because the body esta- i
blished is no longer the same. Whether,
and how far, the ])resent Anglican esta-
blishment is beneficial, is a question on
which we cannot here enter.
On tlie other side, the great argument
of the Nonconformists against Establish-
ments is that there is no guarantee for
their being applied in support of pure
Christianity, and that they may thus
become the means of stereotyping en-or.
" Human establishments .... have been,
and are, productive of the greatest evils ;
for in this case it is requisite to give the
preference to sfune particular system ;
and, as the m agist late is no better judge
of religion than others, the chances are
as gTeat of his lending his sanction to
the false as the true.'"- As between the
Anglicans and the Dissenters, this seems
to be unanswerable. " The magistrate " —
i.e. Elizabeth and her Government —
established Anglicanism in lo59, and
1 Scf fI..oU's Church Dictionary, ari.^^ Es-
l,ibli^lni!e..t.-'
liucU's Thenl. Dictionary, eit. by Hender-
bou, ait. ■• Establishment." I
tilings have so continued to the present
<lay ; but " the magistrate " was not
infallible, nor were the handful of divine*
who assisted him ; he may, therefore,
have ajiplied the forces of Establishment
to the sii]ip(irt of what was more or less
false; and, of course, the Dissenters hold
that he did so apply them. Against a
Catholic theologian the argument is
powerless ; tor, although it is quite true
that the magistrate, as stich, is "no
better jiidgf of religion than others," yet,
if he allows himself to be guided by the
Churi-h and the Pope, he rests upon a
basis of infallible truth, and his action in
a])])lyiiig the forces of Establishment to
the su])p()rt of religion cannot, in that
case, be either mistaken or mischievous.
EUCHARIST. The Catholic doc-
trine on the Eucharist is stated with
great clearness by the Council of Trent,
Sess. xiii. xxi. and xxii. The Church
regards the Eucharist as a sacrament
and also as a sacrifice, so that our treat-
ment of the subject falls naturally into-
two great divisions, to which we will add
su]i]ilcmentaiy remarks on the adoration
and reservation of the Blessed Sacrament.
Considered as a sacrament, the Eucharist
is tile true body and blood of Christ
under the appearance of bread and wine.
Like all the sacraments, it was instituted
by Ciirist, and like them, it consists of
an outward part — viz. bread and wine,
or the ajipearance of bread and wine ;
and an inward or invisible part — viz. the
body and blood of Christ with the grace
which they impart to those who com-
municate woithily. I^ut as this definition
of the I'hicliarist is rejected by most
Protestants, and as there are many other
points concfrning this mystery which
need explanation, we are obliged for the
sake of clearness to make many subdivi-
sions and to take the points in debate
one by one.
1. The EvcJiarist as a Sacrament.
(a) Its Institution, inchuUng the Mat-
ter and Form. — Christ Himself instituted
the Eucharist on the night before His
Passion. The first three Evangelists
and St. Paul in his first Ejiistle to the
Corinthians give the history of the first
Eucharist. C)ur Lord, they tell us, took
bread into Ilis hands, and having given
thanks ff i' v(i/j»rri}o-«r, Luc. xxii. 19,
whence the name J'lucharist), lie broke
It and i!;,v« it to His disriph's, saying,
•■'I'liis is my body which is givri'i lor
you: this do for a commemoration of
me." In the same manner He took the
EUdlAKlST
EUCIIAIllST
chalice and said, " This is the blood of
the New Testament which is shed for
you." From this it apijeais tha^ bread
and wine are the matter to be used in
the sacrament. It is certain, further,
that whcaten bread ought to be used, for
the Council of Florence declares that
" wheateu bread and wine " are the mat-
ter of this sacrament, and nearly all
theologians hold that no other kind of
bread can be used without inralidatiiig
the sacrament, lieeaii.-e, when bread with-
out further -lualilieiitieu is mentioned
wheaten bread wnuld be commonly
understood.' The (.■..uiuil of Florence,
in the Decree of Union, defined tliat con-
secration either in leavened or iinleavened
bread is valid. Latin priests are bound
to use the latter; Orientals, except
Maronites and Armenians, use the former.
It is certain that the Latin Church follows
the use of Christ Himself, for leavened
bread could not have been employed at
the paschal supper, so tliat the violent
attacks made on the Latin Cluirch for its
use of unleavened bread by Michael
Cserularius in 1043, and often repeated
by the schismatic Greeks, are clearly un-
warranted. It is impossible to ascertain
with certainty the use of the ancient
Church on tliis head, .'^irmond contends
that e\ ('ii the Latins used leaveneil br(>ad
for ei^lit years and more. Au-
thor!'ot'i (!ual rejiutation — viz. Mahil-
lon and Chi 1,-1 iaiiii- Lupus— hold that
the Latins ha\e al\vay< used unleavened
bread since A]ioMolie tuni's. IJ.nia thinks
that, wlievii- the ( Greeks have always
used leaveui'd liread, the Latins in the
early ages u>ed eitiier leavened or un-
leavened bread according to convenience,
and that the use of the latter was not
ohiigatory among them till the tenth
century.- The wine must of course be
the fei nented juice of the grape. Water
is mi.\ed with it according to a custom
which must iiave lieen I'oUowed by Christ
(for the paschal wine, wliieh He used in
the first Eucharist, was alw ays so mixed),
and which is proved to be Ajio.-tolie, both
because it is mentioned hy.lustin Martyr"
in the sub-Apostolie a-e, and lieeansi^ it
is followed at tliis day, not only tlirongii-
out the Cath(dic Church in all the varying
rites according to which Mass is said, but
• Cajctaii (ajnnl Billuart, De Euch. diss. iii.
a. 1) (ii'iucd rliaf tlie use of wheaten l)rpa(l wa.s
absolutely iifce-s ry. "ApTos is the word used
by the F.vau-i-li-ts, and that means wheaten
bread, ixa^a hoiriir ihe word tor tmrlev bread.
3 Benedifi XIV. IJe Fest. V. 1. clxiv.
5 Apol. i. o6.
also by all heretical sects wliicli have pre-
served the priesthood, with the single ex-
ception of the Armenian .Monophysites.*
Ihit tlie mixture of water witli the wine
does not beh>ng to the essence of tbe
sacrament, and it must be made in small
(plant ity, since wine, not wine atid water,
is a constituent part of tlie matter of thii
sacrament. Lastly, the bread and the
wine are consecrated by tlie words "This
is my body," "This is my blood," iis has
been shown in the article on Coxsj;ck.\-
TION.
The Heal Presence. — The Council
of Trent, Sess. xiii. De Euch. can. 7,
teaches that, after the conseeration, the
body and blood, together with tlie soul
and divinity of our Lord .Tesus Clii'ist,
are contained "truly, really, and sub-
stantially in the saeraimuit ol' the must
Holy Eucharist," and it anathematises
those who say that Christ's body and
j blood are there in sign and figure only,
I or virtually. Christ is in the Eucharist
I truly — i.e. the Avords "This is my body"
are not, as the Zwinglians contend, a mere
figure : I le is there really — i.e. objectively,
so that His presence does not depend, as
Calvin said it did, on the faith of the
recipient. He is there substantially,
which word excludes the Calvinistic error
tliat Christ's body is in heaven and no-
where else, though it exercises its virtue
and ])ower in the Eucharist.
Tlie real ])reseiice is clearly implied in
Seri]iture. It was taught first of all by
our Lord Himself in the synagogue at
Capliarnaum, just a year liefore His Pas-
sion. On the day preceding this dis-
course He liad fed the five thousand by
the miracuhuis multiplication of bread,
and the crowd went to Capharnaum next
day in i|nest of Him (John vi.). Christ re-
buked thein, because they set greater value
on earthly bread than on the food of the
soul: and they asked Him for a "sign"'
in confirmation of His authority. The
miracle of the day liet'ore was not enough.
He had, after all, only fed the crowd witii
c<immoii bread. What was tliat to the
miracle of the desert ? " Our fatliers eat
the manna in the desert, as it is written,
He ga\c them bread from heaven to eat.'
Christ answered that He was the true
bread come down from hea\ en; the food
of the soul to those who believed in Him,
1 Th(y in all iircli.-ilalify altered this rite
to exiirc-"- their dctr-tatiMii o'f the Catholic doc-
trine on the twii naliires ot' Christ, and ihe
Cliurch has nt'iised to tder.ite iheir present
custom. Beimrkt XIV. De Miss. xi. 10.
S44
EUCHARIST
EUCHARIST
as the manna bad been tbe food of tlie
body. So far — i.e. down tn verse oO —
there is nothing in tbe discouive to prove
the real presence. But Cbri,-t goes on to
saj', "The bread which I will give" is
(not my doctrine but) "my flesh." "He
who enteth my flesb and drinketh my
blood, hath eternal life." The future
tense (tbe bread which I irill give) shows
that tbe mysterious gift of which Christ
spoke was not yet t)estowed. It was
possil:)le to belie\e in Him, but it was
not possilile as vet to eat His flesh and
drink His 1,1, H,d.' This feeding on Christ's
flesh and blood can only refer to the Holy
Kiicliarisf. No doubt Christ might most
fltly lune siiokeu ot' belief in Himself as
a feeding on hea\ enly bread ; but to
describe faith in Him as a feeding on His
flesh and blood would ]je a violent and
unnatuial use of words in any language,
and as addrt'ssed to Jews it would have
been worse than unnatural. They were
accustomed to use the \\-ords "eating a
man's flesh" metaphorically, but the
metaphor signified, not to accept a man's
doctrine, Init, on the contrary, to tieat
him with brutal cruelty. Thus the
Rsahnist sjieaks of bis euemies coniing
near him to "eat bis fle.-b ; '' and .lob
Our Lord, tberefore, sjifak.- of a literal,
not of a metapborical. eating of His tli's!i
and drinking of His blood. Another
argument for the Catholic interjin^tation
is supplied by the way in which Christ's
words were received. Tbe .lews ex-
claimed, " How can this man give us his
flesh to eat ? " ^\'llereul)on our Lord,
instead of explaining that He meant only
to say that tlu'v must belie\e in His
doctrine, n-peated His former assertion in
tbe most soleujn and enipbatic manner:
"Amen, amen, I say to you, unless you
eat tbe flesb of tbe Son of M;in and drink
his blood, yon have not lil'e in von. . . .
:My flesh is truly food, and my blood is
truly drink." Otbei-s who beard the
doctrine from His disciples found it hard
and intoleralfle. To remo-\-e thi^ scandal
ibey bad taken, Christ a])]iealed to that
divine power which He was to manifest
in His Asceusiim, and added, " It is the
spirit which quickeneth, tbe tli'--h profiteth
nothing: the words which I ba\ e spoken
to you are spirit and lile : Init there are
some of you who do not b>>lieve." In
tbe first part of this verse Christ cannot
' V*. xxvi. (in Heb. xxvii.)'2. Job xix.
2-2. Tbe < liald-i' Tji ^wm preserves tlie same
iiictiipliur in both p.Tss.igts.
have meant to say that His flesh was ab-
solutely luiprofltable : to do so would
have been to contradict the substance of
His previous discourse, even if we accept
the ultra-Protestant interjiretation of it.
! Christ was to give His flesh for the life
of the world, so that He could not -peak
I of this flesb as utterly unproHtaljle. His
meaning is that flesh in itsnll, even His
own flesh apart from that Spirit which
(Tod had given Him without measure '
1 and which was united to it, could not be
i of any avail. Nor again, in the latter
part of the verse, "The words I have
spoken to you are spirit and life,'' does
Christ contrast faith in His words v\-ith
feeding ou His flesh, for, apart from other
objections, our Lord does not speak of
His word generally, ljut of those particular
words wliich He has just uttered and
which some of His hearers did not believe.
; The discourse in the synagogue had been
a scandal to them, and our Lord declares
that His words, far from giving any real
occasion fin' scandal, were spirit and life
to those who received them; the fault
lay not in Him or iu His words, but in
their unbelief.
This exposition is confirmed by the
last part ot' tbe chajiter. Clearlv, tbe
I'vangelist did not think that Christ had
soft (ill '(1 down or ex plained His mysterious
promisi', for he goi-s on to t'-ll us that
from that tinn' many of Christ's disciples
went back and walked no more witli
Him, so tliat our Lord was constrained
to ask the twelve Apostles if they also
would go away.
At the last supper, Christ explained
by the institution of the Eucharist that
mysterious eating His flesh and drinking
His Ijlood which He had announced a year
1)efore in the synagogue of Capliarnaum.
He celebrated with the chosen twelve
the paselial rite. This rite was a sacrifice
comnienioi'ative of Israel's redemption;
it was, indeed, the one commemorative
sacrifice of the old law. Further, it was
a feast upon a sacrifice, and the eating
of the paschal lamb bound the Israelites
together in the unity of the Jewish
Church. Christ, as His disciples knew,
was the true paschal lamb, come to take
the sins of the world away. As He sub-
stituted His atoning death for the -aerifice
of the ],aschal lamb, so He gave His body
and lilood in ])lace of the lamb on which
they hnil 1 11 used to feast. Just when
lie was about to abolish types and
I .shadows by His death. He instituted for
' 1 Julm iii. oi.
EUCHARIST
EUCHAKIST
all time the new paschal rite which was
more than a type or shadow. It was to
be at one and the same time a sacrifice
commemorative of the redemption, a
feast on Himself, the Lamb of God, the
great means of sanctification for His
1 euple, and the bond which was to
unite the "Israel of God" thnniijhdut
the world. He said of the Ijn .iil, '■ This
is my body ; " of the wini", This is my
blood," He incited His disciples to
eat and drink of the banquet prepared
for them.
St. Paul, in 1 Cor. x., testifies to the
same doctrini'. He warns his ilisciples
aLi'ainst pai't icipahnt^ in l]i<- .-aci'ilices
(itli'i-i'<l to ulnl-, ami ]Hiiiii-. lint the iiinin-
.'■i.-tcncv of I'atiiii; till' t]i'Nli of victims
ofiered' to idols ' an.l al>o ratiiii:- the
flesh and drinking the blood ol Christ.
Christians are to " flee from idols '" be-
cause they receive the Eucharist. St.
Paul contrasts the real tlesh of victims
sacrificed to idols with the real flesh pre-
sent in the great Christian sacrament.
" I cannot partake," he says, " of the
table of the Lord and the table of
devils " — i.e. of idols. And in ordrr that
there may lie no por-siljility of mistaking
the "f lii> words, he asks, "The
cup of I.!. >-in^ wliich we bless, is it not
a particijiation in {Kdwoiuia) the blood of
Christ:- the broad which we broal;. i.- it
not a participation in tho body of Christ ?"
St. Paul does not >ay that tlie consccratod
bread and ^^■ine nw a symljol of Christ's
body and Itlood, but a partici]iation in
them. lie u-i's the -^ery same •word
(koivoivoY) to (1( .-i rii)!' till' " partaking;' "
in the .Tewisli altai-. rrr-on> '• jiartoo'k "
in Jewish anil heatln-n sacrilii-fS by really
eating the flesh of the victim; just in
the same way they " partook " of the
Chri.«tian Eucharist. P)Ut the participa-
tion in each case was ordered to ends
widely diiVerent from each other, so that
it was a gross inconsistency to unite any
two of the three difl'erent participations
with each other.
AVe can ouly select a few from the
mass of j)atristic testimonies to the doc-
trine of the real presence. St. Ignatius,
St. John's disci])le, is arguing against the
Docetse, who denied the reality of our
Lord's body altogether. St. Ignatius '
points out the consequences of this un-
belief. Not admitting that our Lord
took on Himself true flesh, those men
"abstained from the Eucharist and
prayer, because th(>y do not confess that
1 All Smi/ni. 7.
I the Eucharist is the flesh of our Saviour
Jesus Christ." Had the Church of those
days believed that the Ivu harist was no
more than a symbMl. tli''r>' was nothing
in the celebration of th'' >arrament which
need have offended thorn. They grantt-d
j that our Lord had an apparent body, and
they could offer no obji-cticjn to the om-
: memoration of His death under a ■sym))olic
form. But they coidd not partake in a
sacrament which pri ifessed to communicate
the true body of Christ, for the simple
reason that they denied the reality of
Christ's body altngether. It may be
worth while to lui'iitlon in passing that
; the celelirated Protestant commentator
: Meyer' ailniits the I'.iree of 1lii> pas-age.
In an histnrical account of the Eucha-
rist ic doctrine, a]i]iended to his commen-
tary on St. Matthew, he allows that St.
Ignatius, in opjxisition to the Piii-et:e,
"undoubtedly states the doctrine that in
the Eucharist Christ's flesh and blood are
given in a real way." In the earliest
account which we possess of the liucha-
ristic celeliratioii among the primitive
Christians we find the same unhesitating
belief in the real presence. "This i'ooil,"
sa\s Justin ^lartyr, who died in the year
IOC), "is known among us as the Eu-
charist. . . . AVe do not receive these
lliinus as common bread and commcii
drink; but as .Tesiis Christ our Sa\'ie(ur,
being made ih-h by the Word of God,
had both tie.-h and l.lo.id for our sal-
\ at ion, so we Iia\e been tattght that the
food o^ er which thanks have been given
{evxnfitaTrjSfiircw), through prayer in His
words, and from which our blood and
flesh are nourished in such a way as to
be changed, are the flesh and blood of
that Jesus who was made flesh.''" Some
j words in this passage are very dillieult to
understand, or even to ti'anslate, ami they
; have proved the crur of commentators,
but the part relating to the real ju-.'sence
is clear and simple. Justin considers the
presence of Christ's flesh and blood in the
Eucharist as certain as the fact that He
took flesh and blood in His Incurn.ition.
And here again we may remark tliat
Meyer interprets St. Justin e\acily a> we
have done. At the close of the second
j century, St. Irena-us, the disciph' of St,
Polvcarp, who was the disciph- of Si.
I John, uses the vervar-nment a-ain-t the
; Gnostiowhi.-hSt.'lguatiii-lKhlenii^lnv.-d
against theDnceta'. A-aiu-' t le- l i im i-tic
error that the material world is e\ il and
» Comm. nil St. Mutlktw, ed. 5, ISGt.
' ApoL i. l^'J.
EUCHARIST
EUCPIARIST
tliat Christ was not the Son of that inferior
God who made the world, St. Irenreus.
argues tlui? : " If the Lord came from
another latlicr, how did He act justly
when. takiDg the bread of the creaticm
which lies around us, He confessed that
it was His own liody, and afhrojed that
the mixture of tl;e clialice [wine mixed
with water] was His own blood?"'
Again, repelling the (i noetic error that
the Hesh is incapable nf salvation, and
so would not rise again, St. Iren<Teus
argues that on the Gnostic theory Christ
w.iuld not hare redeemed us with His
bloorl, fir sanctified «ur bodies with His
(iwn biidy and blood in the Eucharist.
•' If this tlesh of ours is not saved, then
clearly the Lord did not redeem us with
His blood, nor is the chalice of the
Eucharist the communication of His
blood, nor the bread which we brealv
the commimication of His bodj". For
there is no blood except that which
comes from veins and flesh and the rest
of man's substance, which human sub-
stance the Word of God truly became.
He redeemed us with His blood ; . . .
and since we are his members and are
nourished through His creatures, and
since He Himself bestows His creatures
on us, . . . Ho confessed that the chalice
[taken] from the creature was His proper
blood, with which He bedews our blood,
and the bread [taken] from the creature
He atfirn:ed with a strong aflirmatiou
to be His proper body, from which He
nourishes our bodies."^ Let the reader
observe that St. Irenaeus puts the blood
of Christ in the Eucharist in the same
category with that shed on the cross, the
former being real, just as the latter was
real ; next, that Irenfeus tells us what
he means by blood — viz. literal blood,
taken from the veins ; lastly, that
Irenaeus intimates that he is speaking
of a stupendous mystery, for he tells us
that our Saviour solemnly or strongly
affirmed (Sie/^f/inicoirdT-o) that the bread
was His proper body. We may conclude
our patristic citations on this head with
a few words from Cyril of Jerusalem
(died 386). " Since then He has declared
and said of the bread, 'This is my body,'
who after that will venture to doubt ?
And seeing that He has affirmed and
said, ' This is my blood,' who will raise
a question and say it is not His hlf.od ? " »
Even if the witness of Si i-i].linv to tlie
real jiresence were doubtful, tin- luct that
' fron. iv. .33, 2. - Iren. v. 2, 2.
Cvril. Hierosol. Cat. xxii. Mystag. 4.
I a doctrine so mysterious, so difficult to
' reason, found such speedy and universal
:icre]if.ince throughout the Church that
Isiiiatius a disciple of St. John could take
it for granted in his controversy with
heretics, should be enough to turn the
scale in favour of the Catholic interpre-
tation.
(y) Transuhfitantifition. — It is not
enough to confess Christ's real presence
in the Eucharist. The Council of Trent
requires us further to confess the "change
of the whole substance of the bread into
the body, of the whole substance of the
I wine into the blood [of Christ], only the
[ appearances of bread and wine remaining^
I which change the Catholic Church most
I fitly calls traiisubstantiation." The word
"trniisubstaiitiat ion "appears to have come
into use during the controversy with
Berengarius, and a jierson who rejected it
as "foolish and barbarous" would not
thereby fall into heresy, though his con-
duct, Suarez says, would be scandalous
and rash, and woidd expose him to just
i suspicion of heresy. But the word im-
i plies a truth beyond the mere fact of
I Christ's presence in the sacrament ; and
j this truth is of faith. It is necessary
then to begin by explaining the word.
The Church has adopted the distinction
made by the Aristotelians between sub-
stance and accident. The essence or
substance is that which constitutes the
thing, which makes it what it is, and it
is distinct from accidents or qualities
, which may change while the thing itself
i remains. Common sense teaches us this,
distinction. If water undergoes certain
accidental changes — e.g. if having been
cold it becomes heated to the boiling
point — we still call it water: in other
words, we recognise the fact that though
I the water has become hot instead of cold,,
t the substance of water is there still, and
that the change is merely accidental. If,
however, the water were changed by
natural procass into blood, or grape-juice,
I or again by miracle into wine, anyone
I would see that not merely the qualities,
: but the thing was changed. The sub-
stance of water would have ceased to be,
and would have been replaced by that of
grape-juice, blood, or wine. Substance
is the inner reality in which the qualities
or accidents inhere, or in the more exact
language of tlie Schools, substance is that
which naturally staiuls 1)V itself witliout
anv subject or substratum in which it
inheres. An accident is that which
naturallv inheres in a substance as its.
EUCHARIST
EUCHARIST
347
subject or substratum. Now, whereas
the change which the elements in the
other sacraments undergo is an accidental
(whereas, e.g., the water in baptism re-
mains water, and sinijily receives a new
power to cleanse from sin), the change
of the elements in the Eucharist is an
essential or substantial one. The sub-
stance of bread and wine ceases to be,
for it is changed into Christ's body and
blood. In one respect, however, this
substantial change dirters from all other
substantial changes. In other cases, when
one substance changes into another, the
accidents also change. Here the accidents
lit' bread and wine remain unaltered ; and
so long as they remain, the body and
blood of Christ also remain concealed
beneath them. Hence it follows that in
the Eucharist there is no deception of
the senses. What we see, feel, or taste
in the Blessed Sacrament is real, for the
accidents are real entities, and the acci-
dents are all that the senses ever do
perceive. From the existence of the
accidents reason infers that of the sub-
stance to which theynaturally correspond,
but with regard to the Eucharist tliis
inference would be false, since faith
assures us that in this case the accidents
conceal the body and blood of Christ,
not the substaaces of bread and wine.
It is, moreover, because the accidents
remain that the Eucharist is a sacrament.
They constitute the outward part — they
are the sensible sign of that refreshment
of the soul which follows from a worthy
reception of the Blessed Sacrament.
Taking for granted the real presence,
we may fairly claim to prove the doctrine
of transubstantiation from the words of
consecration as given in the Gospels.
On the Lutlieran theory of consubstantia-
tion — according to which the substances
of bread and wine are still present after
consecration, thougli the substance of
Christ's body is there also — Christ could
not have said " This is my body," but
only •' My body is here " — " My body is
present with tin's bread." The sensible
signs or accidents indicate the substance
which underlies them : so long, therefore,
as the substance of bread remains, the
pro])Osition " This is bread '" must be true,
and any other proposition — e.g. "This is
Christ's body " — must be false. It is of |
no avail to urge that Christ's body is
also ])resent. The question is not whether
it is jm-sent, but whether it is directly
indicated by the accidents of bread. If
the substance of bread remains, the
natural connection between accidents
and substance remains also : and to say
of bread " This is Christ's body " is not
less absurd than it would be to say of
bread in which a gold coin was concealed
" This (pointing to the bread) is gold."
True, we may point to a cask and say
"This is wine," because everybody knows
that the ca>k i- ni. ant to contain liMiiid,
and by a p' rini-^iMe licence of -jici-h
we put the thin- ^\ liicL contain^ I'.jr that
which is contained in it. But the acci-
dents of bread are not intended, on the
theory of consubstantiatiou, either by
nature or use, to contain the body of
Christ ; and the word " this " could only
sigiufy the substance of bread visible by
its accidents.'
We pass to patristic testimonies, and
here we shall have an opportunity of
adding to tlie proofs from tradition
already given for the real presence ; and
we shall also be able to set the doctrine
of transubstantiation in a clearer light,
and to show that, although the term is
philosophical, the truth which it implies
is very simple. The Fathers, then, imply
this belief in transubstantiation when
they say that the bread is changed into
or becomes the body of Christ : because,
on any theory except that of transub-
stantiation, the substance of bread re-
mains, and is not, therefore, changed
into another substance. The following
((notations are taken from Cardinal
Franzi'lin's treatise on the Eucliarist.
Tertullian, "Adv. Marc." iv. 40. says:
"Takino bread. He made it His bodv."
Cyril of Jerusalem, "Cat." iv. 1, 2 : "Of
old He changed water into wine, which
is akin to blood, in Cana of (jalilee ;
shall we think Him unworthy of I'aith
now that He has changed wine intu
blood.'' " The change of water iiit') wine
was, of course, an instance of transub-
stantiation; so, also, according to Cyril,
is the change etl'ected in the Eucharist.
"Before consecration,*' savs St. Ambrose,
" De Clyster." ix. 54, " it is called some-
thing else : after consecration it is named
blood ; and thou sayest ' Amen ' — i.e. it is
true."' St. James of Sarug writes :
" From the point of time when He took
bread and called it His body, it was not
bread, but His body." Theodoret, on
' The arcruniPnt fjiven from the words of
consecration is aiiopted by most theologians,
and seems to be favoured bv the laniruaire of the
Council of Trniit, xiii. 4 However, Sci^tiis and
Durandus denied that the words in t/itiiiselves
proved transubstantiation.
348 EUCHARIST
EUCHARIST
-Matthe-w xxvi. 2G: "It [the bread] is
changed by a wonderful operation, though
to us it appears bread Bread, in-
deed, it appears to us, but flesh in fact
(ro) ovTi) it is." Against such testimonies
(which might easilv be multiplied) it is
useless to quote passages from Scripture
or the Fathers in which the appearances
which remain after consecraliou are called
bread and wine. They are naturally called
according to the outward appearance
which they present ; and it would be easy
to prove, b}- the same argumeut, that
Catholics at the present day do not be-
lieve in tran^ulistantiation.
(5) '/■//(• Made of Christ's Presence. —
The Council of Trent defines that Christ
is contained whole and entire under
either >]iecies — i.e. that His body, blood,
soul, and ilivinity are given both under
tbe form of bread and under that of
wine. Where Christ's body is, there His
Godhead must be also, because by the
hypostatic union the Godhead became
indissolubly united to human nature.
Moreover, as Christ, having died once,
lives for evermore, it follows that the
human >'>ul niii>t iieeiis be united to that
risen and gloi-itied body which we receive
in communion. Hence Christ spealis of
eating His flesh as equivalent to eating
Him.' Fui'tlier, the same kind of reason-
ing certifies that Christ is given whole
and entire under either kind. True, the
force of the words of consecration puts
the body under the appearance of bread,
the blood under the apjiearance of wine ;
but C'lu-iat has uo body except that
glorified one united to His blood — no
blood except such as is united to His
body. Otherwise Christ would be slain
over again every time Mass is said ; for
on each occasion the body woidd be
separated from the blood. Again, the
constant practice of the Church reheves
us from any fear that this reasoning may
be precarious. Since the C(umcil of
Constance it has been the general law in
the West that all except the celebrant
should communicate only under the
species of bread. And the Church, though
it has changed its discipline in this
matter, has by no means introduced a
new principle. Infants among the early
Christians received communion tinder the
form of wine, and sick persons, solitaries,
kc, under the one form of bread. The
principle was fixed — -viz. that Christ was
given whole and entire under either
1 John, vi. 57, .38, ■' He that eateth me ; " . . .
" He that eateth tliis bread."'
species ; it was merely the application of
this principle which varied. [See Coji-
The Council of Trent goes on to say
that whole Christ is present under every
separate part of each species {sub sirtf/ulis
(iijusque speciei jmrtihus, sepai'at ione
facta). What has been said in defence
of Christ's presence under either species
admits ot' obvious application here ; and
we will only add tbat Christ said of the
j divided host, " This is my body."
This seems the fitting place to explain
•what theologians mean by the sj)iritual
presence of Christ's body in the Eucharist.
' It is not meant to deny that Christ's body
in tbe Eucharist is a real one (such a
denial would be heresy), but just as all
bodies after the resurrection become
spiritual without cea-ing to be bodies,
because they have certain properties of
.spirit ; so it is with Christ's body in the
Eucbari.st, only to a much wider extent
and in a more wonderful way. At one
and the same time Christ's body is in
heaven and on a thousand altars. As
the spirit is present entire in the whole
body and in each part of it, so the body
of Christ, with all its substance and
qualities, is present in each host and in
each part of the host. Consequently, the
Eucharistic body of Christ is not ex-
tended in S])ace — i.e. one part of Christ's
body does not correspond to one ])articidar
part of the host. All tbis, of course,
involves a series of stujjendous miracles.
It does not, however, imply any contra-
diction ; and nothing, we know, is impos-
sible to God Almighty.
{f) The Ministration of the Eucharist
is committed to priests. They alone can
consecrate validly ; for it was His Apostles,
and not the faithful generally, to whom
Christ said, "Do tliis for a commemora-
tion of me." .liistin, in his account of
the luicharist already referred to, .speaks
of the TT^xifdTios, or president, as the cele-
brant ; and TertuUian, " De Coron. Mil."
3, tells us that the Eucharist " was taken
from the hands of nobody else except
those of the presidents." The "presi-
dent " is evidently another word for the
bishop, who, in early times, celebrated
the Eucharist while the priests around
him joined in the sacred acts as conmcri-
Jicantes. The Fir^t General Council takes
for granted tliat priests alone can conse-
crate. It condemns the abuse of deacons
administering the Eucharist to priests,
I becau.se it was unseemly that those who
I cannot sacrifice should "give the body
EUCHARIST
ErCIlAEIST 349
of Christ to those who could offer it
(roif t^ovcriav fifj «';^oiTar Trpoa<f>fpeiv rois
7rpya(pepov(Ti StSiii'ni to ao>fia rov \pi(Trov).
Tlie Eiieliarist of course remains the
body of Christ whoever administers it.
But priests alone do so lawfully and by
■virtue of their office.' Deacons may ad-
minister it if emjKnvered to do so, and at
one time they did commonly give the
chalice to communicants ^see De.vcost],
(0 The Effects of thi Eucharist.— Ho
communicate with profit we must do so
■without the stain of mortal sin on the
soul. This appears from St. Paul's
■words, 1 Cor. xi. 27, "Let a man prove
himself, and so let him eat of the bread
and drink of the chalice;" from the con-
stant practice of Christian antiquity, as
testified by the declaration of the Fathers,
the exclusion of penitents from com-
munion, the words "sancta Sanctis" in
the ancient liturgies ; from the nature of
the sacrament, which is intended as the
food of the soul, and therefore can conler
no benefit on a soul dead by sin.- In a
soul duly disposed the Eucharist pro-
duces ert'ects similar to those of natural
food on the body. It unites us to Christ,
the author of grace and virtue. It
sustains and increases the spiritual life ;
it repairs the injuries done to the soul bv
sin, for it increases the love of God and
of true virtue, and tills us with spiritual
sweetness; on the same grounds it pre-
serves the Christian I'rom future falls. It
is also both to soul and body the pledge of
future glory, since Christ is bestowed on
us for this special end, that we may pre-
serve and obtain that happiness which
God reserves for the virtuous; while the
body has a new title to a glorious resur-
rection. It is fitting that Christ should
regard the flesli of the worthy communi-
cant with a special interest, and conform
it in due time to His own glorified body.
II. The Euchaviift us a Sacri/ice.
A sacrifice is defined as " the oblation
of a sensible thing made to God through
a lawful minister by a real change in the
thing offered, to testify God's absolute
authority over us and our entire depen-
dence on Him." This is not the place to
1 Concil. Trid. xiii. 8.
- One exreption must be here made. Many
theolo^'ians hold that a person wlio without
fault of his own aiiproai-hes comn union in a
state of mortal sin, for which lie lias sup^r-
nntural sorrow, but not that sorrow known as
perfect contrition, would be reconciled to God in
the act of reception. Such a case niiclit occur,
e.g., if a person erroneously supposed that he
had been absolved.
discuss the historj' and meaning of the
primitive sacrifices. Catholic theologians
have generally taught that in sacrifice
the life of the victim — or the existence of
the thing, if the oblation be of a thing
without life — is substituted for the life
of those in whose name it is oflered. The
thing oriered must be visible, for sacrifice
pertains to external worship, and it is only
in a metaphorical sense that the prayer
of the heart and the like are called sacri-
fices. It can be made lawfully to God
alone, for no other but He is the Lord of
life and death, and the very act of sacri-
fice must effect a cbuuge which destroys,
or tends to destroy, that which is offered,
for without this destruction we should
fail to confess by an external act God's
supreme doniiniou, and so to satisfy the
end of all sacrifice. Such sacrifices were
offered from the earliest times to the
true God by the patriarchs, and among
heathen nations to their false deities.
God accepted and approved sacrificial
worship from the first ; and when the law
was given to the people of Israel sacrifice
was enjoined and its mode carefully regu-
lated on divine authority. Christ ofiered
on the cross a sacrifice for our redemp-
tion, and from that moment the Jewish
sacrifices ceased tn lune any efficacy.
They were iustituti d to typit'y the s<icri-
fice of Christ, and now that the reality
had come the types were no longer needed.
The worship of sacrifice, however, was
not to cease in the Church, and the
Council of Trent defines that in the
Eucharist or Mass a true and proper
sacrifice is offered to God.
The Old Te.-tament' foretells this
sacrifice of the Mass just as clearly as it
predicts the sacrifice of the cross. Xo
prophet seems to f])edk more lightly of
the Jewish ritual than Jeremias. He
looks forward to a time when the ark of
the co\'enant will not be remade or evcu
missed. '• They will not say any more
' The ark of the covenant of the Lord,' and
it will not be thought of: they will not
remember it or miss it, and it will not be
made again '' (iii. 16). He looks forward
j instead to that new covenant which God
will write on the heart. But is there to
be no sacrifice under this new covenant ?
Let the following jiassage answer: "In
those days .ludah will be saved, and
Jerusalem w"dl dwell confidently, and
this is the name which they will call it
* The pas,<ages of Scripture here and else-
where throufihout this article are translated
for obvious reasons from the original texts.
350
EUCHARIST
EUCHARIST
[Jerusalem], the Lord our justice. For
thus saith the Lord, a man shall not be
cut off to David sitting- on the throne of
the house of Israel : and to the priests,
the Levites, a mau shall not be cut otl'
from before my face presenting the
holocaust and Dtleriucr the meat [.t flour]
offering and making sacrifice all the days.
And the word of the Lord came to
Jeremias saying: Thus saith the Lord,
if ye will break my covenant [consisting
in1 the day and my covenant [consisting
in] the night, so that there should be no
more daytime and night in their season;
then also shall my covenant be broken
with David my servant, so that he should
not have a son reigning on his throne,
and with the Levites, the priests who
minister to me. As the host of the
heavens cannot be nuniliered, and the
sand of the sea cannot be measured, so I
will multiply the seed of David my
servant, and the Levites who minister to
me" (xxxiii. 16 seq.). Evidently this is
a Messianic prophecy. The son of David
is, as orthodox Protestants gladly admit,
no other than Christ the son of David,
and the Son of God. Surely, then, there is
no escape from the conclusion that in the
Messianic kingdom — i.e. in the Cburch —
sacrifice will continue to be offered, and
will last while sun and moon endure, or, in
other words, till the end of the world and
of the Christian dispensation. A recent
Protestant writer who belongs to the
sceptical school, and has scant sympathy
with Catholic doctrine, admits that
" taken literally, the eternity of Tjevitical
sacrifices as t\\i>vessi'd in xx.viii. 18,
seems quite incDiisistent with all else in
Jeremiah's prophecies," and. "taken typi-
cally, only tits the saerihcf of the ^iass
to which Roman Catholic expositors refer
it; for the sacrilices are to be offered
continually in all time."'
Malachias, in a t'n miliar passage, ex-
presses the same lilea -till more strongly
and definitely. lie .-]ieaks of God as
rejecting the Jewish sacrifices. "I have
no pleasure in yon, saith the Lord of
hosts, and a meat [or flour] offering I
» Robertson Siiiitli, T/ie Ohl Testament in
the Jewish Cliiii, !,. y. 40-2. Tlic pa-sMue is w;int-
iDg in the ehicf .MSS. of tlie I.W J li- lAX
version of .lernni:!- omits -nmr 'J..'in \v(.rils
found in our Ilebn-w text, .■ind ^l\ r~ mniiy ..ttlie
chapters in a difTerent order, so tlml oiiiis-
pion need not surprise us. Hitzi.', !<>c.. .and
Kuenen. Het nnstuan en de verzniiic/infj nm ile
bnelten de ouden verbnnds, ii. p. -in.!, t rent the
pas.sage as an interpolation. Ewalil"s opinion
(^Propheten, ii. p. 2(>9) is diametrically opposite.
I will not accept from your hands." But
is sacrifice to cease? On the contrary,
1 " from the rising of the sun even to its
going down great is my name among the
(lentiles, and in every place incense is
offered to my name, and a pure flour
offering, since great is my name among
the Gentiles, saith the Lord of hosts"
^ (Malach. i. 10, 11). The sacrifices of the
old law were offered only in Palestine ;
the new sacrifice of Messianic times is to
be offered among the Gentiles. Jewish
, sacrifices could be offered only in one
I place ; the new sacrifice is to be offered
all over the world. The sacrifice here
predicted cannot be that of the cross,
which was made once for all on Calvary.
The rabbins and Protestant scholars,
whether sceptical or orthodox, have been
utterly unable to explain this passtige
even plausibly. To say with Ebn Ezra
and Kimchi ' that the prophet means
that the heathens would, if God com-
manded them to do so, offer acceptable
sacrifice, is doing violence to the plain
meaning of the words. Again, the whole
context, which speaks of sacrifice in the
literal sense, excludes the sup))osition
that the offering of the Gentiles is to be
i a mere sacrifice of praise and prayer ; nor
would a prophet of the Persian period
have regarded the offering of such a
sacrifice in every place as aiaytliino ex-
traordinary.- Still more des))irate is
Hitzig's interi)retation, which attributes
! to Malachias the modern and utterly un-
Hebrew notion that " Jahve, Ormuzd,
Zeus (^!), and perhaps others, were only
different names of the one Supreme God."
The sacrifice of the Mass, and that only,
satisfies the requirements of a scientific
exegesis.
[ Christ at the last supper fulfilled these
J prophecies and instituted the transfigured
I Passover of the new lav,-, in which He
Himself, the true jjaschal lamb, was to be
continually sacrificed and eaten. When
He blessed the bread and wine His eye
; was fixed on the morrow when He was
' Quoted bv Steiner ad loc. in his commen-
tary published in 18S1.
'-' This interprerntion, adopted by many Pro-
testants (e.jr, bvKeil, ad /oc), is sjiven in tlie
Tar-uiii. Ill tlie (jli:ihice the verse is para-
])lirased thus : •• Since from the rising of the
sun and to its si tliiiu ^reat is niy name anioni,'
the ]ieoples. anil in every time wjien vai do niy
will, I will receive your prayer and my great
name will be .sanctified by means of you, and
your prayer shall be as a "pure olilation before
me. since "great is my name among the peoples,
saith Jehovah of hosts."
EUCHARIST
to suffei and die ; but His priesthood,
begun when He assumed our human
nature, was not to end with a single act
of sacrifice. He was to continue it
throughout time by the hamU of His
earthly representatives, who weir to offer
Him on the altars of the Cliun li under
the forms of bread and wine. He speiiks
of Himself under the forms of bread and
wine as already in the state of a victim
oflt!red as sacrifice for men. He speaks
of His body in the Eucharist as " given
for you" (Luke xxii. 19), just as He had
said a year before of " the bread which I
will give is my tiesh, which I will give
for the life of "the world" (John vi. 'r2).
He says of the chalice — i.e. of the blood
therein contained — that it is "shed for
you " (Luke xxii. 20). We lay no stress [
on the fact that it is the present and not
the future tense wliich Chrir-t employs ; i
to do so would show great ignorance of
Scriptural usage. But the fact remains
that Christ speaks of the body under the
form of bread, of the blood in the clialicv
as presented in a sacrificial state for tiie
life of men. The perpetual sacrifice of
the altar was to be one with the sacrifice
of the cross. The one ofi'ering worthy of |
God was to replace the typical sacrifices '
prescribed in the Pentateuch. The sacri- [
fice of the altar was to represent and
commemorate that of the cross and also
to supply all that was wanting in the
latter. The Jews were commanded to
eat of their peace oir>'riiiL;s iiml .^o to enter
into communion wit li (iinl. Noonecould
eat of tlie sacrifice oliei ed on Calvary, but
Christians for all time were to feed on the
divine victim present in the Eucharistic
oblation. The sacrifice of the cross was
offered once ; in the sacrifice of the altar
the Christian Church was provided with
the noblest form of worship, to be offered
day by day. The sacrifice of the cross
was " dishonoured, without public testi-
mony to its dignity and power." The
sacrifice of the altar was to be the centre
of the Church's worship and solemnities,
the object of her unceasing veneration.
It was to unite the faithful to God and
to each other ; it was to teach them how
to offer themselves, body and soul, iu
sacrifice to God in union with the perfect
sacrifice of Christ ; it was to separate
them wholly and utterly from parli( i])a-
tion in Jewish and heatlien saciifice>.
This last point i.s clearly bi-ought out li\
St. Paul in a way whieli sliows hevDnil
possibility of mistake hi;- belief in the
Eucharistic sacrifice. In urging the
EUCHARIST
Corinthians not to partake in heathen
sacrifices he reminds them, as we have
.seen above, that the Euclmristic liiv>ad
imparts the body of Christ, the cliulii'e of
benediction His blood, and he concludes,
" Ye cannot partake in the table of the
Lord and the table of devils." The table
of devils was of coui-se the heathen altar,
and partaking in the table of devils
means eating of the sacrifices olfered to
false gods, whom St. Paul declares to l)e
really demons. The Apostle therefore
sets altar against altar, sacrifice against
sacrifice, communion against communion
This belief iu the sacrifice of the alta:
has prevailed at all times and all places
within the Church. St. Ignatius ' tells the
Philadelphians they must partake of one
Eucharist, since there is one flesh of our
Lord Jesus Christ; one chalice which
unites us to His blood ; one dwuiaTr^piov
or place of sacrifice. " The chalice," says
Irenoeus,'- "which comes from this -world
of ours, He [Christ] confessed to be His
blood and tauglit the new oblation of the
New Testament, which oblation the
Church, receiving it from the Apostles,
oH'ers in the whole world to God." "The
oblation of the Church," he continues,
referring to the prophecy of ^falacliy,
"which our Lord taught to be offered in
the whole world, is counted a pure sacri-
fice before God." He proves that Catho-
lics alone have the right to celebrate this
new oblation, heretics being excluded
becau.'e a belief in the real presence is
inconsistent with their other theories ;
Jews, because " their hands are full of
blood, for they have not received the
word which is offered to God." ' This is
nothing less than a distinct a.ssertion of
the Catholic truth that the divine victim
who shed His blood for us on the cross
applies to us the merits of His Passion, by
offering Himself continually on the altar.
AVe may add that the Fathers, frPfm very
early times, explained the words in Psalm
ex., " Thou art a priest for ever after the
order of Melchisedec," as referring to the
Eucharistic sacrifice. They knew from
the Epistle to the Hebrews that Melchi-
sedec, " the king of justice and of pe^ice,"
was a type of Christ. They remembered
> .Id PhUad. 4.
2 Iren. iv. 17, 5 ; 18. 1.
^ Iren. iv. 18. 1. "Vrrl)Uiii quod eflTertiir : '
is tlie ro:i(liii ; of til.' throi' hrst M SS.
ir'aroni., V.'t. .T VM^,. l. ,.xr.-.|,l lh;lt tb.- tu-..
l.rt.T omit the iinnie or! uit ■• \\^.,r The
roa.lin- a.l iuimI l,v llarvev and Nemder
( Kin hi'iKii si lii. hte. i. p. 424) rests on very
inlorier autlmritv.
352 ErCHARIST
EUCHARIST
the words in Genesis xiv. 18, " Melchise-
(lec, king of Salem, brought forth hread
and wine, and he was the priest of God
most liiirh," and the prophecy in Psalm ex.,
" Thou art a priest for ever accoi-ding to
the order or manner of Melchisedec," and
accordingly they fonnd the reality typified
bv Melchisedec in the Eucharist when
Chvi.-t Mtl'tTs Ilimse'f throMgh llis priests
unHcr the ;i[ipe;ii-ances of bread and wine.
T\'h.>," ask> Cypiian, " is more truly a
priest of God most high than our Lord
Jesns Clirist, who offered a sacrifice to
God the Father and off'ered the same
sacrifice which Melchisedec offered (that
is bread and wine) — namely, His own
body and blood?"' "His body," says
St. Augustine, " is offered up instead of
all those sacrifices and oblations, and it is
given to the communicants.'' Ambrose,
Chrysostom, and a multitude of other
Fathers hold similar language. The
ancient liturgies, written in many lan-
guages and used in many different parts
of the Church, testify likewise to the
universality of this belief. They speak of
tlie " tremendous, divine, unbloody, tlie
perpetual, the living sacrifice " of the
Lamb " who, being sacrificed, never dies ; "
they declare that " our sacrifice is the
body and blood of the priest Himself,
Christ our Lord.'"'
Having established the truth of the
Church's doctrine on the sacrifice of the
Mass, it onh' remains to state and explain
that doctrine more fully, avoiding, how-
ever, as far as possible, merely scholastic
([uestions. All that is included in the
idea of .sacrifice is found in the Eucharist.
There is the oblation of a sensible thing —
viz. of the body and blood of Christ under
the apjii'arances of bread and wine. The
oblation is made by a lawful minister —
viz. by Christ Himself acting through
eartldy priests, who are His representa-
tives. There is a mystical destruction of
the victim, for Christ presents Himself on
the altar " as in a state of death, because
He is deprived of those functions of natural
life which He exercised on earth, and be-
cause He is there witli the ^ii;iis of death
througli the mystical sc,.ar.ttion between
body and blood " •'' made by the words of
' " Suuni scilicet corpus et sanguiuem ; "
Cyprian, Ep. 63. See also Clem. AI. i^trnm.
iv. '2!}.
- Sep the quotations in Franzelin, De Euch.
p. 3UI s, q.
3 L" Brim, Explication de la Mcssc, i. 22.
The words of consecration would of tlK-mselves
pu', tlic b'.ily only under the form of biea l, the
blood only under' that of wine, were it not for
consecration. There is the protestation
of God's supreme dominion, for the Mas»
is and can be offered to God alone. More-
over, it fulfils the form and ends of sacri-
fice. Like the holocausts, it oflTers homage
to God; like the sin-offerings, it propi-
tiates Him by the very fact that it is an
oblation of Cln ist, the victim for our sins.
Like the peace-oll'erings, it pleads for
grace, for we oiler here tire victim of our
peace. In tiiis sacrifice of tlianksgiving
we offer God the m ist excellent gift He
has bestowed on us — namely, the Sou in
whom He is well pleased. Lastly, the
sacrifice of the altar is one with that of
tlie cross. True, no blood is shed on the
altar, nor does Christ die any more, so
that it is by the sacrifice of the cross, not
of the Mass, that we were redeemed from
sin and its penalties. But on the cross
and altar we have the same victim and
the same priest, and therefore, in the
words of the Council of Trent, the sacri-
fice of the Mass, though a commemora-
tion, is " not a mere commemoration of
the sacrifice on the cross." It is truly
" propitiatory " ' and may be offered for
the living and dead, for sins and penalties,
fur satisfaction and other needs, spiritual
and temporal. " Moved," says the same
council, "by the oblation of this sacrifice,
the Lord, granting grace and the gilt of
rt'pentance, forgives crimes and sins, even
if they be great ; and in another place,
that it is the most efficacious means of
helping the souls in Purgatory.^ The
Mass is off'ered for the salvation of all the
living and of all the dead who still sulfer
in the state of purgation; but it may also
be applied specially for the needs of indi-
viduals. It is necessary that the priest
should communicate in every Mass which
he celebrates, for consumption of the
species forms an integral part of the
sacrifice, but it is not necessary that
anyone else should do so. The Council
of Trent does, indeed, express a desire that
in each Mass the faithful who assist, aa
well as the priest, should communicate;
but it "does not cmulemn, as private and
unlawful, those Classes in which the piiest
alone communicates sacramentally, but
approves and even commends them, since
such Masses should be considered public
(communes), partly because the people
I lie fact of concomitance explained above. But
the il'i'^irins hold difTerent theories as to what
consritiiles the essence of the sacrifice.
1 Sc>s. xxii. can. 3.
- .Sess. xxii. cap. 2.
5 Scss xxv. De Purgat
EUCHARIST
EUDISTS
353
in them communicate spiritnallv, partlv
hecause they are celebrated by a public
minister of the Church, not for himself
only, but for all the faithful who belong
to the body of Christ." '
ni. Adorntion, Reservation, ^-c, of the
Blessed Sacrament.
Several other subjects counect"d with
the Eucharist are treated of under sepa-
rate articles~f> v- REXEi'tcTiox, Com-
.MFXION, CoRrrs' Christi, Expositiox,
PBOCESSIfiXS. ResERVATIOX or THE
Blessed Sacramext. But it wlU be
well to state here one or two docrmatic
principles relating to these matters.
Christ gives Himself in this sacrament
to be the food of the soul : and every
host is consecrated in order that ulti-
mately it may be received by the com-
mimicant. Thus the host which is used
for Benediction is, after a few days, re-
ceived by the priest at Mass, and the
particles reserved in the tabernacle are
all given to communicants and replaced
by other particles. IIo\^ver, as food has
the qualities which noWish before it is
eaten, the actual reception being only
the condition without which it wiU not
actually nourish, so the I^ucharist, so |
long as the appeai-ances of bread and
wine remain, is always the true body
and blood of Christ. Tliis truth appears
from the words of institution. Our Lord
<aid of the bread, •' This is my body :
not " This will be my body the moment j
you receive it ; "' and it is defined by the
Council of Trent, Sess. xiii. can. 4. In
consequence of this belief, the Church
has from the earliest times treated the
Blessed Sacrament with the most anxious
reverence. " We are full of anxiety,"
says Tertullian," "lest anything of our
chalice and bread should fall to the
ground." Severe ji^nalties were imposed,
both in East and West, upon the minis-
ters of the altar, if through their negli-
gence any accident liaiipene<l to the
Blessed Saci-ament. Again, the Church
commands, and at the same time regu-
lates by stringent laws, the reservation
of the Blessed Sacrament for the sick.
Lastly, Catholics pay to the Eucharist,
present on the altar, reserved in the
tabernacle, or carried in ])roeession — to
the Eucharist, in short, wherever it may
be present — that sujireme worship which
is due to God alone. "The Eucharist,"
says the Council of Trent,* " is not the
less to be adored because Christ instituted t
> Ses^=. x.\ii. cip. tt. • De Coron. Mii. 3.
5 Se-'s. xiii. cap. 5.
it in order that it might be received ; for
we believe that that same God is present
in it of whom the eternal Father, bring-
ing Him into the world, said, 'Let all
the angels of God adore Him ; ' that God
whom the Magi adored falling down
before Him; who, finally, was adored by
the .\postles in Galilee, as the Scripture
bears witness." (A masterly summary of
the New Testament doctrine on the
Eucharist will be fomul in Bollinger's
" First Age of the Church." Chardon,
torn, ii., is the best authority on the
history of the rites. The great work
" Per]ii?tuite de la Foi" is a storehouse
of materials for the defence of the Catholic
doctrine.)
EXTCBOX.OC-S- (EirxoXoytov). The
book which contains the ritual of the
Greek church, for the celebration of the
Eucliarist and other sacraments, and all
ecclesiastical ceremonies. It corresponds
to the Missal, Pontitical, and Kitual of
the Latin Church. It was published by
Goar, at Paris, in 1647. under the title
" Euchologion, sive Rituale Grsecorum,
compleetens ritus et ordines divinje litur-
giye, otKciorura, sacramentorum,&c.,juxta
usum Orientalis Ecclesiae."
EirS ZSTS. A congregation of secu-
lar priests established under the names of
Jesus and ^lary for the purpose of train-
ing clergy" and giving missions, and
named after their founder, the Pere
Eudes. M. Eudes (a native of the diocese
of S^ez, in Normandy") was bom in 1601.
At the age of fourteen he made a vow ol
chastity, and, having a strong predilec-
tion for the ecclesiastical state, was re
ceived into the French Oratory, lately
founded at Paris by the celebrated Abb^,
afterwards Cardinal, de BeruUe. After
being ordained priest, he laboured for
sevei-al years as an Oratorian, chiefly in
Normandy, preaching with gi-eat power
and abundant fruit. Desiring to found a
special congi-egation for the ends specified
above, he left the Oratory, and, being
joined by eight zealous priests, established
the first house of his community at Caen
in 164^^'. In the course of his long life
he conducted no less than a hundred and
ten missions in all the jjrincipal towns of
France. He wrote several works, among
which " Le Bon Confesseur " and " Le
Predicateur Apostolique " are distin-
guished. He died at Caen in 16K),
leaving his community in a flourishing
condition. The Eudists make no vows;
yet very few, after being once incoi*])orated
in the congregation, have been known to
EUDISTS
EUXOMIANS
leave it. They wear the ordinary dress
of secular priests. It is tlieir principle,
while residinjr iii any house of the order,
scrupulously to obey the superior, al-
though they are not bound by vow to do
so. Frt'ijuent change of the superiors of
the ditlert'iit houses, with the approval
of the l)i>hop, is a fundamental rule of
their institute. They are said never to
have been inl'ei'ttMl l)y .lansenism. At the
devolution the grncral of the order was
M. Pierre Dumont, superior of the house
at C'outances. Ilis coadjutor, M. Hubert,
was ch<
replace
taken tl
of tlieC
and loa
|)riests at
by Louis \'VI., in 1791, to
is former confessor, who had
oatli to the Civil Constitution
■ jy . Soon after, he was arrested,
Ilis life in the butchery of the
the ( 'armelite convent ordered
the Paris Commune in Septenibrr
17i):*. There was a cliapel in the convent
garden : on the steps of the altar, before
a statue of the Plessed Virgin, M. Hdbert
toolc refuge. The ;!Psassins lirokc in ; one
of them saw him, and, brandishing his
sword over him, said, " Take the oath."
"Xo," he replied: "1 will not deny the
laith." The murderer then attacked him,
and despatched liim with repeated blows
of his sword. Eight or nine other Eudists
Avere butchered in the same massacre.
jMany found refuge in England. In
tlie order was revived, with F. Blnnchard
for superior; thirty years afterwards they
were more than eighty in number, with
four flourishing colleges, the chief house
being at Rennes, in Prittauy. Mgr.
Poirier, the late Archbishop nl Trinidad,
who had himself been a Eudist, suc-
ceeded in procuring for them the formal
approbation of the Holy See; before the
Itcvolution, owing to the opposition of
the Oratorians and other causes, they
had onlv obtained partial approbation.
(Ilelvot.)
ETTIOGIJE (from evXoyeiv, to bless,
Matt. \xvi. 26). The Blessed Sacrament
is the great bond of union among the
faithful. " We being many," says the
A])ostle, "are one bread" (I Cor. x. 17).
However, wlien many of the faithful
no lunger communicated as a matter of
cours" at every .Mass,' tjie need was felt
of sliowing by some outward sign that
they «ere in full communion -with the
< 'hurch. Accordingly the celeljrant con-
s.'cnited so much only of tlie bread
placed nn the altar as was nerdcd lor the
conimuiiicauts : the rest ol'tln- bread was
merely bles.sed and distrihuted to those
I See Cyprian, 7Je Orat. J)om. c. 18.
who did not actually communicate, though
they had the right to do so. The Eulogia,
then, was a substitute — though of course
a most imperfect one — for Holy Commu-
nion, whence the Greek name, diTiSajpor/,
"that which is given instead."
The custom can scarcely have arisen
before the third century. In the fourth
it was well known throughout the East.'
In the West we tind it mentioned by
Gregory of Tours in the sixth century,
and by the Council of Nantes in 6-3-'.
The bread used was sometimes the same
as that which was set aside for conse-
cration ; sometimes ordinary bread was
placed on the altar and used for the
Eulogife. Usually the latter bread was
bless(>d after the offertory; but sometimes,
as Ilonorius of Autun tells us, at the end
of Mass. The Council of Nantes gives a
form of benediction which the Church
still employs in the blessing of bread at
Easter. The Eulogiaj were not given to
the catechumens, to the excommunicated,
or to the possej^ed. Eulogi;ie were also
sent by one bisuop to another in sign
of intercommunion and as a mark of
peace and good will. Here too the Eu-
logia was a substitute for the Eucha-
rist, since in the earliest times tlie
Blessed Sacrament itself was sent from
Church to (,'hurch.*
Various traces of the Eulogise may
still be discovered in the present usages
of the Church. The avri^wpov or Eulogia
is still distributed among the Greeks,
and the " Pain B^nit " is given in some
French churches at Mass.^ Moreover,
words which occur in the canon of the
Roman Mass after the consecration, " by
whom, 0 Lord, thou dost ever create all
these good things, dost sancti + fy tliein,
quick + en them, ble + ss them, and bestow
them on us," in all likelihood were used
at first over the Eulogia, not over the
Blessed Sacrament.* (Chardon ; Hefele ;
Kraus, " Real-Encycl.")
EVN-OMXAifS. The followers of
Eunomius, a disciple of Aetius [see
Aetians^. Etmomius, born of poor
parents in Cappadocia, probably about
320, not feeling disposed to hold the
plough, trusted to his wits for a living.
After various adventures, he heard that
there was a great teacher (Aetius) re-
siding at Antioch. He went there, and,
finding that Aetius had departed, followed
* Concil. Laod. can. 14.
2 Ircn. ,a|Hi.l Eiistl,. //. E. v. 24.
» Th.-ii-dcii. Snvmn. ium. iii. p. 534 seq.
1 TI>'l,'l.'. HvilnhK. ii i>. 288.
EUSEniAXS
EUSTATHIAN?
865
him to Alexandria, where George, his
countryman (a violent Arian), had at
that time (3ij(i) intruded himself into the
see of St. Athanasius. Eiinomius at-
tached himself to Aetius, and learned
from him theology — i.e. Ariaiusm. In
358, Eudoxus, an Arian, lia\ iiii: esta-
blished himself in the see of Autioch, sent
for Aetius ; he -went there, accompanied
by Eunomius. But a semi- Arian council
held the same year deposed Eudoxus, and
banished him and his friends from An-
tioch. Eunomius was sent to Midfea in
Phrjfria. Two years afterwards there
occurred an extraordinar^• revolution ; a
council held at Constantinople raised
Eudoxus to the patriarchal tlu-oue there,
and made Eunomius bishop of Cyzicus.
Here he soon began, in suite of the warn-
ings of his friend Eudoxus, to broach
his heretical opinions. Complaints were
carried to the emperor (Constantius) ;
and Eudoxus, being pressed on all sides,
was obliged to depose him. This was in
o61 or 362. Eunomius, retiring to his
native country, lived there for many
years, frequently ordaining bishnjis and
priests, though he had been dipo>. (l. lie
made known his opinions IVeely ; and his
numerous admirers, considering that he
had been ill-u«ed by Eudoxus, attached
themselves ardently to hiiu in his mis-
f'lrtiDics and took liis name. St. (iregory
of Xn/.ian/.imi, writiiiL:- to \eci;irins, who
had succeeded hini as ratriaieh of Con-
stantinople in .'J81 , calls Eunomius "our
bo.som mischief," to iyKo^TTLOv fjfxcoi'
KOKov. Gregory, it will be remembered,
was himself a Ca]i]>adocian.' The five
f>rations of this autlur " I)e Theologia "
are mostly directed against the Euno-
mians, who, he savs, " confessed, when
pre-sed in argument, that the Son was
God, but said that it was only a partici-
pation of name and designation"- — i.e.
not one of nature. St. Basil, another
great Ca])])adocian (t379), also wrote
a treatise against Eunomius. (Fleury,
Hist. Eccl." xii.-xiv.)
EVSESXAJTS. [See Akitjs axd
Aria>'is.m.
EVStAtkia.N'S. I. A congrega-
tion of fanatical monks, said to have been
founded by the versatile Eustathius,
Bishop of Sebaste, about ."lOO, in Armenia.
These monks, like the Cathari of later
times. Condemned maiTiage as iiiipnie,
rejected the religious services of priests
who had lieen married, and, while the\
di>regarded the Church fasts. fa«t<d (ui
' Or. xlvi. 2 O/-. xxxv.
Sundays and feast days, like those sati-
rised in "Hudibras" —
" That with more care keep holid.iy
The wrong, than others the ri.i;ht way."
The council of Gangra, the date of which
is uncertain, condemned and suppressed
these monks.
II. The party among the Christians of
Antioch w ho. after the unjust deposition
of their bishop (St. Eustathius) by the
machinations of the Eiisebians (3.jO or
•t-'j1 ), retused to recntiiiise any of the
Arianisiiig successors w hcmi that faction
thrust into the see. ami wiuild not liold
communion with those who did so.
AVhen Meletius was apjieinted in '■'>(')()
there was a prospect of peace : hut al-
though -Meletius was personally orthodox,
tlie Eustatliian jiarty would not accept
him, becau^e he had communicated with
Arians. In a short time the Arian
party, distrusted with Meletius for the
open ]>rolessions which he had made of
agreement with the faith of Niea/a, ob-
tained his deposition and the aiipoiiUiiie iit
ot luizoius in his ]ilace. There were now
three bodies of (Christians at Antiocli :
two orthodox- — the Eustathians and the
Aleletians (i.e. those who held that the
removal of Meletius was unjust, and
regarded him as still bishop), and one
heretical — nanielv, those in coniiuiinion
with Kii/oius. -Many holy iiisln.i.s .lesired
the termination ol the srlusin between
the orthodox parties: ami (since Eusta-
thius had died in exile) this result would
soon have been brought about by the
general reception of Meletius but tor the
officious zeal of Lucifer of C'agliari, who,
going to Antioch in :',G-2, consecrated
I'aulinus bisho]). The Eustathian ]iarty
nt once recognised him : and through the
influence, in a great measure, of Lucifer,
he was recognised at Rome and in other
pHrts of the ^\'est. Nevertlieless, as
Ballerini shows,' the mediate communion
of St. Meletius with the see of St. IVter
was not broken, for he was in full com-
munion with St. Basil and others, who
were in communion with Rome. This
state of things Ir.sfed many years. Sr.
Meletius, who luid been allowed to return
to Antioch, died in Sx\. His f.llow.'rs
elected Flavian to sucreed him : but the
lloinan see still recognisi'd I'auliuns as
true liishop of Antiorli. ranliuus dying
in :'t^8, Evagrius was chosen in his ])iace;
but the E.ustathian jiartx had by this
timedwindled to insigniticant jn'oportions,
« Ut: Viet liutUme I'nmu „s, u. .I'll.
356 EUTYCIIIAXS
EVANGELTCAL COrXSELS
and Evagrius obtained little recognition
either in East or "West. At the death of
Evagrius, Flavian succeeded in prevent-
ing the election of a successor, and -vvas
himself admitted to communion as Bishop
of Aiitioch by Pune Siricius in ■'>'.)8. But
a small Eustathian party lingered on
for some years, until the vigorous action
of Alexander, the second successor of
Flavian, about 414, finally extinguished
them .
EXTTYCHXANS. [See MOXOPHYS-
EVATTGESilARITTlVT Or JIVANOE-
IilSTASllinvi. A hiHik containin^r the
>ecti(iii.~ of the (^M-prl tn be read at Mass.
Suc-h a book is calli/d by the Greeks evay-
y(\i<iv ; tbev g i vi' the name f uayytXioTa/jior
111 a book which merely marks ihe bpgiii-
iiing and t-iid of each Gospel, but -u-liicli
givr>. b> >i(les, rules for findiiit; llu' Go-jiel
on null Sunday, a calriidar with canmis
for tixiiig the date of Easter Sumlay
(Trao-p^aXtof BirjvfKes), the tones of the
chant, and the matins for the different
Sundays.
EVANCEX.iCAZ. cou»r5z:x.s.
St. Thomas thus explaii > the diiferenoe
between commandmi'iit.- and counsels.
Eternal happiness is the end at which
every man is bound to aim, and this end
he cannot possibly reach exce])t Ijy the
kee]iing of the commaDilmenls. The
observance of the commandments, then,
is a matter of absolute neces>ity for all
wlio wish to be >aved. He who make.,
the tilings of tlii> world his end, and
worldly prudeiue In^ ultimate rule of
action, luu-t need- )nr!'it eternal life
and is laying u\) lor ]iim>eli' everlasting
misery in the w oiM to come. However,
a mail inav \vi>h to do more tli.aii what
is ab>olutelv iieee-xirv to MM-ure heaven.
Instead of a^kiii- >iniply, " What iiui.it I
do to be saved:-" he niny iii'|nire what
are the readie-t and surest niean> of
securing lii> .--ahation. lie knows that
if he makes the good things of this lite
his end, he has no hope of life in lln'
world to come, and, recognisine tin.'
danger there is in earthly pleasures, he
trie> t.i -ee leiw far he can kee]) i'rom
them, lie learned from tin' command-
ments how to avoid heinu blinded by the
god of this world, and to t ike the indis-
pensable means of .^er nrin^ hi- -alv.itiou.
Now the counsels come to his lielji. 'I'hey
teacli him the shortest way to heaxcn,
the most ]ierfect maimer of >er\ inu ( nid.
The great objects which men |iur.-iu' are
riches, pleasure and honour, the de.-ire of '
tlie eyes, the desire of the flesh, the pride
of life, spoken of by St. John. The three
evangelical counsels encourage ns, .so far
as we can, to renounce all these desires —
to renounce riches for voluntary poverty,
pleasure for perfect chastity, our own.oelf-
will and love of power for obedience to a
religious superior.
The distinction between precept and
counsel, altliough denied by the Protes-
tant Reformers, is recommended by the
common sense of mankind. We all feel
and recognise in our ordinary language
the difference between a man who simply
does his duty and another who does acts
of singular generosity. Moreover, this
distinction IS clearly marked by Christ.
Ill' told the yonno man that "if he would
enter into life " lie must keep the com-
iii.Hiilments, hut that if he wished to be
perfect he was to sell all he had and give
it to the poor. St. Paul imjioses strict
prece])ts on the Corinthians (1 Cor. vii.)
of abstaining from iinmoi'ality, remaining
in the married state if they had already
entered it, &c. But he e-iv,.s his " coun-
std " in favour of jierfect chastity on the
giiiunil among others that it is easier for
the unmarried to serve God with an un-
divided heart.' There is little occasion
to dwell on the tradition of the early
Church. In fact, the very quairel of the
Itelbrmers with Christian antiquity arose
in great measure from the high estima-
tion in which the Fathers ' held the
evangelical counsels. So strong was the
ieehne ot' the early Christians in favour
of these counsels, tliat even in Apostolic
times the danger was that men would
refuse to see, not the excellence of vir-
ginitv, but the lawfulness of marriage.
(See'l Tim. iv. ■?,.)
An objection is made to the whole
idea of " counsels " on the ground that we
cannot even keep the commandments
]ierrectly. At the best we are " uuprotit-
alile servants." How, then, can we pre-
tend to do more than the law of Christ
ivfiuiri s^ Now, it is most true that no
oni; can pei liu-tlv observe either the pre-
cejits or the counsels of Christ. No one
can observi' either 'he one oi- the other at
all without (Jod'shelp, so that a man who
thought he did his duty perfectly, and
could thei:jfore go on to do more than
his dtity, would show that be had not
lenrnt the rudiments of Christian humility,
I The cclili.nte state, lie says, is kuXSv — i.e. as
Meyei trmislates it, "sonieihing iiierally e.K-
celleiii ■■ — iiiid, again, Kpuacrov, of liighermoral
excelf lice.
EYAN^tELISTS
EVIL, ORIGIN OF 3:7
But the saints who practised the evan-
gelicul counsels were of all men furthest
removed from such Pharisaical pride.
They attributed all that they did to fri-^iue,
and sinc.Mely ackiiowledg-ed the iuipert'ec-
tion of their Ijesi actions. Moreover, it
is an obvious fallacy to speak as if by
following the counsels, men take on
themselves fresh ditriculties, whereas the
obsevviiuce of ihe cummandments is hard
enough. On the contrary, a .nan who,
beinfr called t'^ it by Gods grace, embraces
evangelical perfection, removes from him-
self numberless temptation- to break the
commandments. Indeed, ail C.iristians i
iiud the i.ecessity of following the counsels i
to a certain extent. Such is the weakness
of human nature that a man who never
gave away money he could keep without
positive sin, never thought of foiegoing a ]
lawful pleasure of sense, never submitted
to anotlier except under tiin constraint of
positive diitv, would infal ibly full into
sin. It is easy to imjigine special cases
in which a man finds that the religious
life is the only one in which he can save
his soul.
Again, it is urged that if the whole
world followed the evangelical counsels,
society would be di-sorganised and would
rapidly come to an end. The answer to
that is, that the evangelical coun.sels are
not meant for most, much less for all.
The state most perfect in itself would in-
crease temptation and endanger the souls
of those who lack the vocation, and there-
fore the strength, to follow it. Those
-who have the strength have been the salt
of society, the men who cared for others
because they forgot themselves, and ex-
hiliitfd an ideal life bt-fore a corrupt and
sordid world. (St. Thim. "Sum." 1» 2%
qu. 108.)
EVANCEXiZSTS. The authors of
the four gospels, Mattliew, Mark, Luke
and John. The breviary office of Evan-
gelists, says Gavantus, is the same as
that of Apostles, except that they differ
from each other in the prayer and in the
les.5ous of the three nocturns; and he
adds tliat the same arrangement is to be
found in the most ancient MSS. of the
Breviary.'
From the second century at latest the
living creatures mentiontni in Ezekiel and
the .\pocalypse were believed to typify
the four evangelists. Commonly Matthew
is supposed to be signified by the man,
since he begin-* with the human origin of
Christ : Mark by the lion, on account of
• Gavaat. torn. II. § viii. ca,>. 1.
the " voice of one crying in the desert,
at the opening of his gospel ; Luke by
the ox, the beast offered in sacrifice, since
he sets out with the historj- of the priest
Zacharias; John by the eagle, because
he wings his flight at once beyond all
created thinys to the contemplation of
the eternal "\\'ord. This interpretation is
found in Jerome,' and has been generally
adopted. Irenajus," however, assigns the
lion to John, the ox to Luke, the man to
Matthew, the eajile to Mark. Augustine,
followed by Bede, maiies Matthew the
lion, Mark the man, Luke the ox, John
the eagle. These symbols appear for the
first time in Christian art on the mosaic
of S. Pudeuziaua, assigned by De Ilossi
to the time of Pope Siricius, 384-398.^
EV21,, ORzazN- or. The Church
has combated and cuudemued two ex-
tremes of error on this point. The Gnos-
tics and the Manichees, in early time?,
denied that God could be in any .^ens'-
tlie author of evil. Hence, observing the
patent fact that evil does exist in the
world, they attributed the creation of
material thinu-> to an inferior God ; to a
principle iguurant and defective, or even,
as some of them asserted, positively wicked
and malicious. Again, the Reformers,
especially Calvin, went to the other ex-
treme. Rightly maintaining that God i.-
the author of all that exi.-ts, they made
Him the author of siu. They shrank, at
least after a time, from a^.-erting this in
plain words, but the Calvmi.-tic doctrine
that God ])redestines some men to eternal
ruin, leaves them without the grace which
is essential for good actions, and even
instigates them to wicked actions ("Dei
imiiu'.su''),^ is in fact tantamount to a
declaration that God is the author of sin.
Beiore stating the doctrine of the Church,
which is opposed to the error of the
Manicheaus on the one hand, of Calvinists
and Lutherans on the other, it will be
well to give a brie!' sketch of St. Thomas's
teaching on the nature of evil.
Evil according to the Thomi^t theology
has no positive existence. It is the priva-
tion of good — i.e. not the mere absence oT
Matt.
s Kr
KarurL-Beal.
1 '• 11. nil. > ju-t.. Dei impulBu agit quod sibi
non li. Lt. ' C.ih 111, lu.itit. I. iv. 18, § 2. Beza
and Zwiiii;li teuch the same doctrine in .still
more oti'ensive terms. So did Me'.anchthon at
first, but he and the Lutherans geuenilly altered
their doctrine on this point for the better. See
the accurate and interesting account in M.jliler,
Si/iiibolik, u 1, § 4.
358 EVIL, OrJGIN OF
EXAMINATION OF BISHOPS
it,' but its absence in a person, an action,
or thing, when the integrity or perfection
of the person, ac'ion, or thing demands it.
It is evil, i jj., for a man to be blind, for
sight is a sense necessary to man's physical
integrity: evil for wood to be suVijected
to the action of fire, because in >u.-b a
case the wood is corruiitid and soon
ceases to be wood altogether: evil for a
man to get drunk, bee i use the drunkard
secures a certain sensual pleasure at the
cost of taking from his action that recti-
tude which would I elong to it if it were
moderated by reason and directed to God.
Theread.Twi'lnow be able to understand
the way in wliicb St. Thnnias classes I be
dirt'erent kimls df evil, b'.vil may arise in
the natural course of things in such a
manner that it need not have any con-
nection with the free will of creatures.
Substances are corrupted, animals die, by
the mere ojieration of natural laws, Tliis
is what St, Thomas calls "malum in cor-
ruplitaie ren\ni." .Modern writers usually
call il pliysi( :il evil. Again, evil nia\ be
a privation inllicted just because it is con-
trary to the free will of him who has to
endure it. This is "malum poentB,'' evil
inflicted as punishment. T-astly, evil may
consist in this, that the agent Ijeing free
to conform his actions to (ind's law, re-
fuses to do so. This is " m iliun cidp;e,''
the evil of sin — evil in the strictest sense
of the word.
There is nodifficulty in admittingthat
God causes ]ili\sical and retributive evil.
He does not, indeed, intend even this kind
of evil fur its iiwn sake, but He causes
corruption and death because they suli-
serve the order und peife tiim of the
universe. The power of (i(jd is mani-
fested, and the beauty of the world en-
hanced, by the constant changes which
bring li!e out of death. So, a.;zain, God
inflicts pMiiisliment because His justice
requires that sinners should suffer, and
that fear of God's judgments should lead
men to take refuge in His infinite love.
But God cannot be the authdi' of sin; if
SO, God would Himself be i i s]H)iisililH for
it and would cease to be Ged, t -r Imliiiess
is His very essence. Sin ai i-e- -iiiI n iVom
defect in the freewill of eriatuiis who
will not correspond to (bid's ui-ace and
order their actions to Hliu tlieir last end.
God iliK s, indeed, for wise and boly ends,
permit moral evil, and brings good even
1 Eufcpnius IV. in the decree for the .Inco-
bite.s teiu hes that "evil is not a positive entity
(nulLim niali esse oaturam), because every natu-
ral thing as such is good."
out of sin. The malice of persecutors
occasioned the heroism of the martyrs,
and enaliled them to win their crowns.
It only remains to confirm the above
by the testimonies of Scripture and the
authority of the Church. .Scrijiture, then,
constantly declai-es that there is one tbjd,
who is I be creator of all things, and is
thercfoi'e the cause of physical evil from
tlte very fad that He has made creatures
subject to coirnption. "The Lfird killetli
ami maketh alive'' (f lleg, ii.ti). "Slial!
there l.e evil in the citv, .'nid the Lord
hath n.il done it P " ( Anms iii. 6). It also
in nuiul)erless places sjieaks of (bid as
inflicting jiunisbnient. He " rendeis t.i
every nnin according to his works*
(Kom. ii. (i). \'eng"auce is His, and He
"will repay" (Heb. x, ;iO), though He
has " no pleasuie in the death of him who
dietb" ■ i ;/,. ch. xviii. --Vl). Ti^ese truths
ba\-e bifii enfoiced by imjdication in the
Nu-eiie ('rei-(l and more explicitly by the
bourth Lateran Council. ButGodisnot
and cainiot be the authcu' of sin. His
; " works are perfect, and all his ways are
j judgments" (I)eut xx.xii. 4). He is not
"a (iod that "wills iniquity" (Ps. v. 5).
"Is there inju-tiee with (bid ? God for-
bid "(Kom. ix. 14). The contrary error
is anatbematise'd bv tin' ( 'oiincil of Trent,
S.'ss. vi. De Just'if call. K'- (See St.
Thomas, "Sum." i. (|U. 4.^, 40.)
EX CATHEBRA. [See C.VrHEDFA.]
EXAX.TATIOM' OF CROSS. [See
Cross.]
EXAnXin-ATZON OF BISHOPS.
A l.iisbop-elect has to make a profession
of fiith according to the formula pre-
scribed by Pius I^'. in tlie constitution
in Siur(:Sfinctii, and to answer eighteen
(|uestions, which may be read in the
Ivoman I'oiitilical. These questions relate
"to the filiedience due to tlie authority of
the Church, to tlie moral conditions of a
lile tndy episcopal, to the profession of
revealed verities, and to the rejection of
the opposite endi-s."i To the first (|ues-
tion the liisliop-ideel rep 1 ies, " So ^\■it h my
whole heart it is ni\ will to consent and
obey in all things"'; to tl l-hl follow-
ing questions lie answers /'</.<, "I will;"
to the rest, Cm/e, "I beliexe." At the
end the coumti ator says, " Mav this thy
laitli. most beloved brotiier in Chri.st, be
ini ii'ased liy the Lord unto true and
everlasting lieat it ude."' 'i'bere is also a
litnreieal examination, which may be
described as the lonnal outcome of the
more strict inquiry into the canonical
1 Mast in Wetzer and \Veite.
EXAMINATION OF CONSCIENCE
EXCOMMUNICATION 369
q inlifications of the bi>hoj)-elect, already
Diiidc in the process of information insti-
tuted in every such case by order of the
Holy See. '
EXAMZNATZOIV OF COITSCZ-
Eircs. It is necessary to ascertain the
nature of the disease before remedies can
be applied ; and in the moral and spiritual
life pei-sons have to search their conscience
in order to ascertain their past and present
sins, that they may confess them to God,
repent, and be forgiven, and take precau-
tionsagainst futurefalls. Spiritiialwi-iters
recommend that this examii.ation should
bt! made at least every evening, in order
to ascertain and to repent of the sins
committed that day. Such examination
is a matter of aiisolute necessity before ap-
proaching the sacrament of penance. The
penitent must try, with such reasonable
care as he would use in any other matter
of grave importance, to ascertain at least
all the mortal sins he has committed since
his last confession ; otherwise he is in-
capable of absolution.* (Concil. Trid,
Sess. xiv. cap. 5.)
St. Ignatius, followed by many other
ascetical writers, also recommends a par-
ticular e.xamen to lie made, at least daily,
not on sin in general, but on that par-
ticular sin into which the individual
most frefjuently falls.
EXARCH (?^npx"J> ruler). A bishop
having charge of a province, and next in
rank to a patriarch. The terms " Metro-
])olitan," " Archbi.-l(op," "Exarch," and
" Patriarch," are used by the early eccle-
siastical writers with little discrimination;
thus, in the First Council of Constanti-
nojjle, we tind the Bishops of Alexandria,
Antioch, and Constantinople, who in
liiter times were only known as patriarchs,
di-nominated " exarchs " In the " Notitia
Imperii " (supposed to have been compiled
aliout the beginning of the fifth century)
the (civil) diocese of Asia has ten ]iro-
vinc(\s : the ecclesiastical " exarchia of
the sanip, eleven ; and so in other cases.
The Bishops of Ei)hesus, Ileraclea, and
Csesarea in Cappadocia, were exarchs,
and claimed to exercise jurisdiction over
the met ro])oli tans of their respective pro-
Tinces. This brought them into conflict
with the Patriarch of Constantinojile :
the suljject was considered at the Council
of ( "halcedon ; and the result was that
the jiii-isdiction of these three exarchs
was abolished, though they retained the
' Of course j>poiili.ir circumstances may
exi-iisc the penitent t'rum the fultilment of this
oUiiiatuin.
I title and the rank, and were allowed to
sit in council next after the five patri-
archs. ( fhomassin, •' V'etus et Nova
Eccl. Pisciplina.")
EXCOMMXTiffZCATZOM'. An eccle-
siastical censure by which a Christ ian is
separated from the communion of the
Church. It is a power included in the
power of the keys, or of binding and
loosing, given by Christ to Peter and the
Apostles, and may be deduced from our
Saviour's words (^Iatt. xviii. 17) — "If lid
will not licar tlif Church, let him be to
t!iee as the hcathrn and publican." For
to treat a man as a heathen and a publican
is to ri'pel him from the Church and all
things s^icred — that is, to excouiniunicate
him. We find it put in practici' by
St. Paul (1 Cor. v. ■'{'I, when he said of
I the incestuotis Corinthian— " I . . . have
I a'lready judged . . . him that bath so
done, in the name of our Lord Jesus
Christ, you being gathered together and
my spirit, with the power of our Lord
•Jt'sii-. t(i deliver >Ui'li a one to Satan," &c.
St. A ugu.-t ine ex|ilains : '• r>ccause outside
thf Cliurch is the devil, as within it is
Cliri>i. and accordingly he who is sepa-
rated tVora the commninon of the Cliurch
is as it were delivered to the devil."
Excommunication is of two kinds, the
major and the minor. The minor kind
is an ecclesiastical censure, by which a
Christian is deprived of the right to jiar-
ticipation in sacraments,' and indirectly,
as a consecjueuce, of the right of receiving
a benefice. It is incurred by communi-
cating with a jierson under major ex-
communication, in any case where such
communication is not excused.
The major excommunication deprives
of all ecclesiastical commimion, and is
e(|ui\ alent in siili<tanceto imnihema, t'roni
wliich it only iliil'ers in regard to the
foi-niiilities by wliich the latter is sur-
rounded. For the major excommunica-
tion can he inflicted by mere force of law,
or by the written sentence of a judge,
whereas an anathema is publicly pro-
nounced, and "cum strepitu."
Those under major excommunication
again fall into two classes: fidcrati, whom
tlie faithful are not bound to avoid ; and
noil tolerati {i.e. those excommunicated by
name and publicly denounced, and those
notoriously guilty, by themselves or
others, of violence to clerics), with whom
the faithful are forbidden to hold either
religious or civil communication. Civil
interctmrse is, however, permitted, for
I ' Fermris.
160 EXCOMMUNICATlOxX
j:xequatur
the sake of the faithful themselves, under
various circumstauces and to various
classes o( ]icrMins.
Exrumnuiniciitions are also divided —
aii'l this is a must imixirtant distinction —
into thosf /(';■<' si iitcnlirc and those
hifff senteiitxi'. In the case of the foi'njer
it is enjoined tluit .1 sentence of exconi-
nmuiciition he i)roiiomi(vd {eg. "we for-
bid this on ]iaiu ol' excoiinnunicatiou ;
whoev er does it, let hiin he excoiiiinuni-
C:ite(l,"m'" will incnr excoiunmnieatioii,"
i*(:c.),hut tlie deliiKiiieiit does not ,-ictiiallv
incurthe sentence till il has heen inllu le.l
l)v a com ])< 'tent jiidiJe. In the second i-ase,
the words of the law or other insti'nnient
in-e so chosen that npon a fjiven act heinir
di'ne the doer of it falls at once nnderthe
han of the Chui-ch, as when it is said —
"let hitn incur excoinninnication ipm
facfii." Nor are such seniences iinjnst. as
some ha\e ari;iied, on the i^ronnd that
the (l(dill(|neii;s who incui-them lia\e not
been duly warned, as tlie (iospel rei|uiivs,
of the nature oi' their nlli'n.-e ; for the law
itself, which they must he presumed to
Imow.isa st andinu an.l ]ier|iel nal w aniimr.
At the same time, the exriimmiinical ion
iatfP sentfiiiiie is operati\e unh' 111 the
internal foriun and in the siuht of God;
to uial<e it ell'ectnal in the extei'nal forum
also it is necessary that the guilt be
proved before, and declared by, a com-
petent judge.
Excomnuinications are also divided
into those reserved to the Po])e.and those
notreserved. Those nf 1 lu' hi>i i la~- now
in force are enumerated in the r.nis iiu-
tion " Apostolicie S. dis," is-ued l)y I'liis
IX., in lSt;i). in which are also sjiecilied
all excommunications hitu- sciiii-nl and
■tji.si, fiii tii incuri-ed henceforth in vii;oiir.
11 it l)e asked, \\\\o can excommu-
nicate:-" it may be answci-ed, tliose who
possess ordinary or delet^ali'd jnri-dielion
in the external f )rum in iVLrard to ilm-.'
subject to them; lint not parish |irie.-ls
(\\ ho have as siudi only jurisdiction in the
forum of conscience ), and ne\er lavmeii
or women. To the (|Uestiou, Who can
he exconimuincated the .answer is, that
only ( 'lirisl laii-. alivr ami of sound mind,
guih\' of a tiiavc cilli'uce and persisting
in it, and subject to the jiidg,. n-'ivintr seii-
tf^nce, can he excommunicated. Not Jews,
ther-l'ore, nor Pagans, nor the unbaptised
heathen, nor the dead; but the sentence
may justly be inflicted on heretics or
scliisniatics.
The elfects of excoinmuniciition are
thus summed up. " As man by baptism
is made a member of the Church, in which
there is a communication of all spiritual
goods, so by exconininnication he is cast
forth from the Church and placed in the
position of the heathen man aud tlie
]>ublican, and is deprived accordingly of
sacraments, sacritices, sacred ofhct-s, bene-
hces, diuinties, ecclesiastical jurisil ctiou
and power, ecclesiastical se])idture — in a
word, of all the rights which he had ac-
(juired by ba])tism — unt il he make anien<ls,
and satisfv the Church."'
EXECRATION-. [See l)ESi:CR.\-
1 Tlox/
EXEMPTZOTr. A privilege by
wdiich persons or places are withdrawn
from the jurisdiction of the ordinary and
ininii'diat.'lv subjected to the llolv See.
It nia\ he eniupaivd to dis(.ensati('in. the
objeei nf liMih i.emii' the same— viz. to
axiiid Iriciion 111 ^'-Mvernment. It differs
from di-p. usation. in that this last with-
draws persiins fioni the operation of a
law, while exenijitloii withdraws them
from the authority of a nder. To tak(^
I'aniiliar instances ivri-Kuis are exempt
in many resjiects t'roiu tin- jurisdiction of
the liishops in wliose diocesps t heir cmi-
vents are; the Spanish jieop'e is dis-
])eiised, by a special l^apal iinliilt. fri'in
the observance of the i^eueral law pre-
scribini;- abstinence from meat on hridays.
The exenijition of regulars from the
juris<licti(ui of the ordinary is, however,
caiel'ully limited by the law; were it
otherwise the abuses ami conHictsthat
coiinterliahiuee 'the beurtits of the tree-
(loni of action which exeinjition cenlers
on tllnse pi i>seS>inii' it. Sjii'akiu^ tiene-
rallv in what ivlates to pro]ierty aud to
delini|Uencies (unless attended liy juiblio
sciindal), and to their rule and conventu^ 1
life, regulars are exem])t ; in what relates
to ]ire,aehine and the administration of
tlir sacrauieuts they are m.it exempt,
hi ir di-ia ii> ! ri'at ises on can mi law must be
consulted. .Vn impiirlani cont ribiltiou to
the latest (in thissuliject wasmade by
the ('..usiiliition ■•liominios Pontilices,""
: ])ubhshed iiy His Holiness Leo XIII., on
i May 8, 1881, in which the relations
I between the bishops and the regular
j clergy in this country were more ac-
] cuiately dehned. (Ferraris, Regulares,
art. -2. )
EXEQVATVR. The right claimed
on behalf of bishops or temporal rulers to
examine Papal bulls and constitutions,
and j udge of the expediency of admitting
' Sogha, lib. iv. cap. 4.
EXEQUATUR
EXERCISES SPIRITUAL .301
them, before suffering them to take effect
and prtss into execution in their dioceses
or territories.
With rejrard to this claim, so far as
bishops are concerned, Benedict XIV.'
laid down that it could have no reference
to Papal constitutions treating of faith or
moral.*, or of sacred rites, CPremoni<'s,
sacraments, and the life of the cler^'v,
since such Constitution.* cannot in any
way be subjected to the judgment of in-
feriors. In regard to other matters, it is
held that if a bishop is of opinion that
the e.xecution of a particular Constitution
in his diocese would, on account of the
existence of special circumstances, pro-
duce serious inconvenience or scandal, he
may be justified in delayinsrits execution
for a while, until he has laid these circum-
stances before the Po^ie, if at the same
lime he have the firm intention of obeying
the final direction of the Holy See in
the matter, whatever it may be.
The excquiitiir, as claimed on behalf
of temporal rulers, dilfors little from tlie
placitum regium, on which see under
C.4.V0X L.\w. In England, the extreme
doctrine of exeqiintur was carried out in
the statute of Piyciinmiri' (1303), which
"vindicated the right of the State of
England to prohibit the adnii-Moii or the
execution of all Papal bulls or briefs
within the l eahii." '-' Martin V., the able
Pope elected ai the Council of Constance,
protested aoainst this statute, but with-
out ert'ect ; it was, however, greatly re-
strained in its operation by the exercise of
the dispensing power of the Crown. In
later times the sovereigns of Naples and
Piedmont were conspicuous for their vex-
atious assertion of the exequntur : .see a
letter of Clement YIII. (1506), quoted
by Ferraris, to Olivarez, the Viceroy of
Na])les. The Holy See has never admit-
ted as a matter of ria-ht the claim of the
State to impede the execution of Papal
rescripts ; but de fado, and to prevent
greater evils, it has often acquiesced, and
does so at the jiresent day, in the exercise
of this power. Thus, although the Roman
Pontitf does not recogni.se the Italian
kingdom as constituted by the revolu-
tionary movements of 1860-1«70, yet l.e
allows Italian bishoj)s on their election,
that the churches may not be widowed of
their chief pastors, to a])j)ly for the e.r-
equntur to the sovereign of that kingdom,
as the de facto occujiant of power.
> Set- Soglia, Inst. Can. i. I. §24.
- Milman's Latin Chrhtiwiitu, bk. xiii.
Ch. 6.
Among the •writers on canon law who
have been favourable to the e)y>(^(/ff'M;-are
Oliva (a celebrated Portuguese doctor],
Salirado, and Van Espen. On the other
side are Bellarmine, Suarez, Zallwein,
Zaccaria (author of " Antifebronius Viii-
dicatus "), Droste zu Vischering. and
John de Dominis (writer of the treatise
"II Regio Exequatur," Naples, IfctJO).
(Ferraris. Plncifinn Bef/i'inn.)
EXETZCZSES, SPZRXTVAI.. A
name given by St. Ignatius of Loyola to
a series of meditati'ins on the truths of
religion, accompanied by examination of
conscience and considerations respecting
present or future duty in the clioice of a
new state of life, &c., &c. St. Ignatius
wrote them at Manresa, near Montserrat,
in Spain, duriii"- the early days of his
spiritual lile. The saint had at'the time
litth' a.^|iiaiiitaiice with human letters,
but tlie Spirit of Clod supplied to the full
what was wanting in liunian learning,
and the bool; abounds in maxims of ex-
traordinary wisdom, and insfructinn in
the hiohe.t points of spirit iiallty. Medi-
tation and retirement had always lieen
practised by pious ms, but the admir-
abl(> order of the ni'ilitatiniis, tlie judicious
choice of maxims, and the marvellous
knowledge of the human heart shown in
the book' belong to St. Ignatius hiii;;elf.
There is no gTound for disputing its
authorship or for supposing, as a Bene-
dictine writer has done, that the plan of
the book was due to Garcias Cesniros,
abbot of 31onfseirat. The p''i>i:)ii who
makes the exercises is su]i])osed to receive
them from a director, and the exercises
are arranged for a retreat of four weeks ;
they can, however, be adajited for a much
.shorter time. The exercitaiit begins with
meditations on the end of man, and on
the penalties of sin, that he may flee with
horror from it ; passe> next to those o-u
Christ's life and death, Christ being the
model which we have to cojiy ; and ends
by contemplating the resurrection of
Christ, happiness of heaven, &c., that he
may learn to unite himself t<i ttod. The
Exercises were written originally in
Spanish, translated into Latin, r' vi-ed
and published at Rome in 154S; "all and
everything " which they contain having
been solemnly approved in a bull of Paul
III. It is tiie glory of the Jesuits to be
" men of the Exercises," and they have
been from the first an instrument of ex-
traordinary power for good in the hands
of those apostolic men and great masters
of the spiritual life.
362
EXOKCISM
EXPOSITION
EXORCISM iind EXORCIST.'
1. The custom of attempting to drive out
the devil from possessed persons wns
l'ainili;ir to the Jews, as appears from
Matt. xii. 27, Acts xix. 1.'3. For this
end they eniplo\ed nian'ical forms said to
lie derived IVoiii Solomon. Our Lord
pave His di.'iciples the real power of driv-
ini;- out demniis, and in the earliest times
tlii> ])n\v('r \\ .is exercised by such persons,
whi'iher elrrics or lay people, men or
women, ns had received the Special <rrace
{'■liarhynn) which enaliled them to do so.
However, in the middl" of the third cen-
turv, I'(i]>e f'Mi-ti.'liu^ (a]iiid Kuscjb. "U.K."
vi. -1-) ,-|i(':iK- (if iIm' lv\ni-cisis as aspecial
ordi'i- "I' thi' cli'i'i^'y ; aii'l tln' Oonncil of
I^aodicca, can. forbids tho.se who have
not been ordained to exorcise eitlier in
chufch or in private houses. The so-
calli'd Fourth ('ouncil of Carthai^e (anno
?,'.\y'>\ |iivs(Tib. s a fiirni i'or the ordination
of cxoicist.-- I 111' same in substance as that
givrn in the Roman PoiUiiical auil usid
at this da\'. The bislidj) gives tli^' bo.il;
of excn-cisms into the hand of tlic pcrs.m
to be ordained, biddiufr liim learn them
by heart and receive jiower of laying his
hands on the jiosscssiMi. Innocent I.
(Isj), i. ad Dcci'ul.) ]in)liil)ited exorcists
fiMm exerci-ing tlirir iiiiiiis(i-y on the
possessed wilhout I'Xjin ss pri'uiission fr(un
the hisho]), and this law is still in force.
The order of Exorcist is the third of the
minor orders. Power is still given to
drive out the devil, but the exercise of
this power is restrained, and the ordt^r of
]'^x<n-cist has come to be regarded chiefly
as a sifji to the priesthood.
1?. ( 'atrrbumens, even if not posses-
sed, still bcldiiged in a sense to the king-
dom of darlniess, and exorcisms were
from early times empbiyed, as they are
in our present Ixitual, to snap tli(> band
lietwrcn ihr sf)ul of the candidate for
b;i]iti-iii and llir devil. As even bajitism
docs not ri.iii|ilr|(.ly destroy the devil's
power ovei- the soul.tliese exorcisms are
sujiijlied alter b:i|.iiMus, wIhmi e.r/. a
child indan,;;ernr,le:,lhh;i,sb,. u bai.tised
without the eei-emouies ain! .iliei-wards
recovers. Hence the e\,irci,Ms of th(-
ancient ('hureh came In exereisi' a general
.supi'rintendence over the catecluimens as
well as over the possessed. It would be
' "Ei^opKiCu in ol.'issicnl Creek me.ins to put
a pcrvin mi e.-illi. Sn (icn. xxiv. M. In
LXX. .lu.l. xvii. it i.M-.nis le take an .lalli.
Then in cecle.siMstirn; Gnrk it lias tin- seii>e uf
(Irivin;;- (Hit liy adjuration, and (^opKitrrr]! i.s so
used iu tlie Acts.
I their business, for example, to remove
I energumens and catecluunens before the
mure solemn part el' tlie M.ass. Thispro-
li:ililv -irves te ex|,l,MMi the words the
lir-le.p a.l,ln--,.> at tins day te those who
ai-e t(i be ordained exorcists when he tidls
them it is their olliee to see that those
who do not communicate "give place."'
3. I^xorcisms are also used at this
day by priests over inanimate objects —
e.ff. in blessing water for baptism, &c.
This jii'actice is also very ancient, for
Cyprian (Rp. 70) alludes to'it. Itsprings,
not from any Manichean idea tliat matter
is evil, but from the Christ iiin doctrine
that all creation, since the fall, has been
marred l)y the powers of evil.
EXPECTATIVE. The right of
being collated to a benefice not at present
vacant. If the right be determined to a
parlieiilar lieneiiee, it is a survivorship ;
it net, it is simply a provision. The
I'ejies liegan to create e\]>ectatl\-es about
t lie t w elli h century, ti\- issuing maiidafa
<h' jivridrndo Xn bi-lmps and cliaiit ers in
fa\.iiir of clerks not ordained to particu-
I lar benefices. These recommendations
usually had reference to prebends and
: other preferment in capitular ]iatrcinage.
Kings fVdlowed the example of the Holy
See, and began to claim the jux priniarimi
jircrinii, by \\ hich was meant the i iLdit of
claiming for their nominees the collation
to the tirst prebend in each clLijiter which
miglit fall vacant after tliew accession.
Chapt(>rs themselvei gavi< tlu' survivor-
ships to soni'' of ilirir pi-ebeiid> to jiar-
ticular indiv iduals, often on the grtnind
merely of noble birth and social influence.
The Third Council of the Lateran (1179)
abolished all survivorships, but did not
touch l*apal expectatives, because they
wei-e indeterminate. The Council of
Trent (sess. xxiv. can. 19, De Ref)
almlished these last also ; but the deci-ee
was never carried into complete execu-
tion. (Wetzer and AVelte, art. by Thiss.)'
EXPOSITION' OF THE BI.ES-
SED SACRAMEN-T. The Church has
adored Christ in the Eucharist ever since
that great sacrament was instituted, as
lia- been shown in another article (see
IlrcnAHisr), but it is only in times com-
])ar;iti\cly modern that the most Holy
Sacrament has been publicly exposed for
tlis veneration of the faithful. In the
li arned and laborious work of Thiers on
tills subject, all that is known on the hi.*-
i 1 See Vales. Not. in Euseb. Mart. Palest.
c. 2.
EXPOSTTIOX
EXTREME UXCTION 303
tory of this devotion has been collected,
and we take the following details from
his bonk.
The proce-ssion of the Blessed Sacra-
ment on Corpus Christi was probably in-
troduced some time after the institution
of the feast, under Pope John XXII.,
who died in 133.3. We cannot be sure
that even then the Blessed Sacrament
was exposed, for the earliest vessels in
which it was carried seem to have hidden
it com])let('ly from view. However,
Thiers found in a vellum MissaP dated
1373 a miniature portrait of a bishop
carrying the Host in procession, the
monstrance in which it is borne having
sides ])artly of glass. We may thus
reii.sonably conclude that in the four-
teenth century the Host was exposed
at least on Coi-pus Christi. In the six-
teenth century it became common to
expose the Ilost at other times — on
occasions, e.ij., of public di.stress — and
generally the Blessed Sacrament was e.\-
posed for forty continuous hours. This
devotion is still familiar to Catholics
throughout the world as the usual form
for the more solemn expositinn of tlie
Blessed Sacrament. The Host alter Higli
Mass (the M:iss of Exposition) is jjhaced
on a throne above the altar in the mon-
strance. Persons are a])])ointed to relieve
efich othernight and day in watching and
praying before it. On tlie second day a
.Vlass "for peace" is sung, and on the
third the Host is again placed in the
tabernacle after a High Mass (that of
Deposition).
The first introduction of this devotion
was due, so far as can bo ascertained, to
Fr Joseph, a Capuchin of Milan (died
1556). He arranged the forty hours' ex-
position in honour of the time that our
Lord spent in the tomb. In 15(>0
Pius IV. approved the custom of an
association called the Confraternity of
Prayer or of Di'atli. They exposed the
Host for tiie forty hours every month.
In 150-.' Clement VIII. provided for tlie
public and perpetual adoration of the
JJlossed Sacrament expo-ed on the altars
of the different churches at Rome. The
forty hours in one church succeeded to
those in another, so that the Ble.esed
Sacraiiicnt \\as always exposed in some
cliurcli the w luile year round. Tvirlier
than this, in 1 the Jesuits in Macerata
exposed the Blessed Sacrament for forty
hours in order to meet the danger of
1 The Missal is a Roman one, and tlie MS.
written by a native of Boli.gua.
disorders prevalent at that time, and
St. Charles adojited this devotion for
Carnival with great zi'al. At jire-'iit the
forty hours' prayer is olj-erv.! .luring
Lent in very many of the E.nelis'i and
Scotch dioceses.
In the " Instruction" of Clement XI.
and the decrees of the Congreg. Rit.
there are numerous rules with i'e;^aril to
jniblic exposition of the IJlesseil Sacra-
ment. It cannot take ])!ace even in the
churches of ref^ulars without leave from
the bishop or Apostolic indult. Twelve
lights at least must burn before the Host.
Relics and images must be removed from
the altar of exposition, and no Mass
celebrated there, so long as the Blessed
Sacrament is exposed, except the .Ma.-s of
Deposition, and the bell is not rung at
the Masses which are said during the
exposition at the other altars. (The
great authority is Thiers in the work
already quoted. The " Manuale Decre-
. torum " contains numerous rnles to be
observed with regard to exposition.)
EXTRA VAGAirTS. The fifth and
sixth portions of the Canon Law are so
called because they wander over various
matters not touched upon in the Decretals,
j and because, till brought into the code,
they had no recognised jilaee in eerl. >las-
tical jurisprudence. They consi.-t ( I ) of
i the Extravagants of John XXII. (131H-
I ■!34), to the number of twenty consti-
tutions, divided into fourteen titles: (If)
of the Extravagants Common (so called
because they issued not from any one
Pope, but from s(>veral), divided into five
books, containing a number of titles and
cha])ters, each title being devoted to one
or more " Ivxtravagant " Constitutions.
[See Caxon Law.] (Ferraris, Jus.)
EXTREnzE tJWCTiON- may be
defitu'd as a sacrament in which the sick
in dangerof death are anointed by a jiriest
for the health of soul and body, the anoint-
ing being accompanied by a set form of
words.
St. James (v. 14, 16) describes the
nature and effects of this sacrament. "Is
any man sick among you P Let him call
to hiui.self (Trpoo-KaXfo-atr^o)) the presbyters
I of tlie Church, and let them pray over
him, anointing him with oil in the name
o|' the Lord. AikI the prayer of faith
>hall save tlie sick man, and the Lord
will raise him up, and if^ he has com-
1 This is the usual and natural renilerinir of
the GrccU. It, is ri.;lu, tmwever, to remarii
th.1t KOLv ill the Now 'rc.'itainent never meuLS
" and if" {koI (av), but only "even if."
S64 EXTRE^NfE I'^TTION
EXTEEME TTN'CTION
mitted sins, it shall forgiven him." '
Let us see what the passage implies.
Oil was an ordinary means of healing
familiar to the Jews, as appears from
I.uke X. -"jJ {cf. the "halm" in Jerem. viii.
22, xlvi. 11). However, it is plain that
St. James does not here recommend an
ordinary ap];)lication of the medical art,
for if so, ii]iait from the oltjection that
unction could only be of use in certain '
l<inds of illness, he would have advised
the sick man to summon the physician
and not the presbyters of the Church.
Nor, again, can we reasonably suppose that
the Apostle is referring to those extra-
ordinary gifts of healing (the ;(api'a-/x«ra j
ui/xarajf, 1 Cor. xii. 9) common in the I
primitive Church. There is not the :
faintest reason for believing that pres- I
hyters generally possessed any such '
powers: and it was imposition of hands, i
not unction, by which, as a rule,' the '
extraordinary" grace of healing was con-
veyed.- Nor does St. James make any
allusion to the xupirrfm or grace of heal-
iug in this place. The unction, then, of
wliicli St. James speaks was intended I
primarily to heal the m.uI. The rliief '
effect of the rite is detinitely stated:'
"The Lord will raise him up; and if he I
has C'liiiiiiitted siii>, it shall l)p forgiven
him." No doubt botlily cure is indicated I
also as an effect of the unction, for the '
words " the prayer of faith will save the
sick man," " the Lord will raise him
up," include bodily healing. Hut as St.
James saw the first generation of f !!iris-
tians dying out before his eyes, he cannot
have supposed that this unction ot the
sick was an infallible remedy for disease.
In short, we have all the constituents of
a sacrament in these two verses of St.
James. Tliere is the outward sign — viz. I
luiction by the priest accompanied with
prayer. Tliere is the grace given on con- '
dition of faith and re))entance — viz. for- '
giveness ot sins, the renewed health and '
strength of the soul, and, if God sees fit,
of tlie body. Tliere is institution by
Christ, for St. James could not have
asserted that the unction would convey
grace, unless Christ, the author of grace,
had promised that the grace of forgive-
' Mark xvi. 1« ; but sonic; inies Miperiiiitu-
ril fHires (if the body wen- (■llcclcd liy unction.
See Mnrk vi. 13.
^ Probably it is not the sncrament of unc-
tion which is mentioned in Mark vi. ; but we
may reasonably believe that it foreshadowed
the sacrament, and was meant to prepare the
disciples for Christ's further teacbin<; on this
point. '.
ness and spiritual healing should accom-
pany the use of the oil. Lastly, the
effective sign of grace was to he em-
ployed permanently in the Church, for
St. James recommends its use to Chris-
tians generally without distinction of
time or place, and we find clear though
scarcely abundant traces of its use in
Christian antiquity. " Origen," says
Chardon (torn. iv. p. 38-3), " rightly con-
sidering this last sacrament as a comple-
ment to that of penance, marks it out
(Horn. 2 in Levit.) as a means which
God has put into our hands in order that
we may cleanse ourselves from our sins.
St. John Chrysostom (' De Sacerdot.' i.
p. .384) u.ses the passage of St. James
already quoted, to show that priests have
received from Jesus Christ the power to
remit sins. Pope Innocent I., the con-
temporary of this last Father, speal;s of
the sacrament still more cleai-ly in his
letter to Decentius. . . . He puts extreme
unction among the sacraments, telling
Decentius it should not be given to
jjenitents (still unreconciled), because it
IS a kind of sacrament." We can now
pass on to consider one by one different
points in the administration and doctrine
of the sacrament.
1. The matter of the sacrament, ac-
cording to the Council of Trent (sess. xiv.
cap. 1), is "oil blessed by the bishop."
iMost theologians hold that this blessing
is esseutial, though it suffices for validity
if the blessing has been given by a priest
who has received jurisdiction to do so.'
Innocent, in the letter already referred to,
says priests are periuitted to administer
the sacrament if the oil has been bles.sed
by the bishop. The Council of Florence,
in the Decree of Union, pre.scribes that
the unction is to be given with olive oil
on eyes, ears, nostrils, mouth, hands, feet,
and reins, and such is the present custom
of the Church, except that the unctio
reiiHiii is omitted in the case of women.
Some theologians hold that without unc-
tion of the five senses the sacrameut is
invalid. On the other hand, Chardon
proves that t!ie discipline of the Oluirch
on this mattei' l:ns varied at different
places, and in dilferent times, to an extra-
ordinary degree. The common practice
was to anoint the five senses, but some-
times the unction was given oidy on one
1 The Greek jiriests bless the oil of the sick
by commis.sion from the bishop, and this cus-
tom of theirs was approved by Clement VIII.
in a Constitution dated 1598. See Billuart, De
Extrem. Unci. art. 2.
EXT1{E^[E UNCTION
EXTEEME UNCTION 865
place — c.y. on the breast or on the seat of [
the malady. According to the Roman
ritual the oil is a]i]ilicd in the form nf a
cross. The out.-id.' of a ]ii'ii st's hands is
anointed, the inside of a hiy pfi-.-on's, pro-
bablv because the inside of the priest's
hands has already been anointed in or- |
dination
2. The form of words used in the
Roil an Ritual is (at the unction of the
eyes), " By this holy unction, and by his
most tender mercy, "may the Lord forgive
thee whatsoever sin thon hast committed
by sight,"' the same words being re])eated
at each unction, exce))t that for "l)y
sight," '• by hearing,"' \'C., is substitutrd.
Tlie Greek unction is also accompanied
by prayer. Still, although a va.^1 mindier
of mediajval theologians h.-i\c inaintaiiu-d
that the word.< mu.<t be [irecatory, and
although both Latins and (h-erUs ' do in
fact employ a form of the kind, the an-
cient Rituals contain sometimes preca-
tory, sometime.^ absolute forms, some-
times such as are ]'ailiy iii-rcatoi x , partly
absolute; and lifiici.^" the ln'st critics
(M^rard, Martene, Chardon. \-c.) deny
that a precatory form brlon^^s to the
essence of the sacrament. It stems to
be enough if the tinction is given " in the
name of the Lord " and the words indi- '
cate the grace conferred. '
'^. The »iiiii<fer oi' the sacrament is a '
priest. Lft him bring in the pi'esbytci-s
of 'he ('burcli," It is certain that a
piicst oidy can give this sacrament, and
the presen't discipline of the C'hnrcli for-
bids anyone l)nt I lie jiarish ]iriest,'-' or
some otli. r ]irie>t w ith his leavi', to do so.
Some .lillicullv ha.s been caused by the
leit< V ol' 1 iiiio( cut. in whicii lielaysdowu
the ]irincipl.- I !iat tli.' oil of the .«ick is to
be blessed 1,N I he laJ;,,p and then u.«ed
by all Christians 111 iheirneed: " Qiwd"
(sic apud C'liardoii) ab ejiiscopo con-
fectum, noil >oliini sacei-dotibus sed et '
omnibus utl ( 'In i-tianis licet, in sua aut
in snormn iieee->;tate iniingendum." At •
first ^^Lthi. no lioubt, these words-, seem
to mean that Christians generally could
njiply the lifily oil, and Tillemont thought
it impo.«sible to take tl'.em otherwise.
Chardon, however, and many other
authors, e.\plain the words to mean that
with the oil consecrated by the bishop
' Tlie Greek form is Tlarip ayu, larpi rSiv
\^j\S>v K.T-K.: ''Holy K.-itlicr. I'hysician oC souls
a' il lioilics. heal this thy servant tVoni tliat
iiiliniiitv of bodv and .soul «hicli i>os,-esses .
him." ■
* In England, the rector of the mission. |
all Christians might be anointed in their
need — viz. by the priest. In ancient
time.s all over the world several priests
jointly administered the >ai ranieiit,
though examples are not wanting of the
adniinistratioii by a single priest, so that
clearly the ancient ('hnrcli did not con-
sider tlie presence of more than one priest
essential. Among the Creeks the sick
niiin is anointed by se\en, or if that is
impossible, liy three priests. ''Some-
times," says Chardon, speaking of ancient
usage, " one priest applied the holy oil
while the other pronounced the form of
prtiyer ; sometimes all together anointed
the different parts of the body, each
reciting the same form. Sometimes
several priests anointed one part, others
other parts, the prescribed prayers being
recited by the anointing priests in each
case."
4. The persons who may rea-ire the
sacrament, {a) They must be sick, a3
St. James declares, and the Council of
Trent understands the Apostle to S])eak
of dangei-ons sickness. Hence the sacra-
ment is not intended for persons ill but
not dangerously ill, or, a^ain, for such as
are in <hinger of death lint not from
sickness. After a sick man, among the
Orienlal.-. has Iieeii anointed, the priests
anoint lacli other and the bystiinders
with the holy oil, but Kenaudot points
out that tlie prayers are said only over
the sick nnin, so that evidently there is
no intention of administering the sacra-
ment except to him. iji) The sacrament
beini; lnli'ndi'<l to remit sin, it cannot be
received, according to the common
ojiinion, except by those who have com-
iiillteil sill al't er bapt Isiii. Infant s, t here-
fore, and all such other persons as have
iie\ er had t he use of reason, are incapable
of the sacianient. {y) In order that it
may bi' recened with jirolit , t be recljilent
must he In a state ,.f era,-,.. All the
Oriental Rituals, according to Ueiiaudot,
prescnbi' ]ire\ Inns confession.
4. The ellecls of the sacraineut are
thus stated by the Couiici 1 of 'I'rent (,sess.
xiv. caji. -2): " The inner part (/v.v) and
ellect of this sacrament is set forth in
these words 'And the ]iraver of faith
will save the sick, and thi' Lord will
raise him n]>, and if he be in sins they
will be forglxen him.' I'or this inner
part {rca) is the grace of the Holy Spirit,
whose unction wi)ies away sins, if any
are still to be atom-d for, and the remains
of sin " {i.e. the proneness to evil, torpor,
and weakness left by past and forgiven
8C6 EXTEEME UNCTION
FABRIC
Bins), " raises and strengtbens the soul
of the sick man, by awakening a great
confidence in the divine mercy, by which
contidence tlie sick man being relieved
bears more patiently the troubles and
pains of his sickness, more easily resists
the temptations of the devil, and
sometimes obtains health of body -when
it is expedient for the health of the
soul."
Of course the sacrament cannot be
contemned without great sin, and very
often a person may be under a grave
obligation of receiving it, on account of
the care he is bound to take of his eternal
salvation. Still the sacrament is not in
itself necessary to salvation, and this
may account for the fact that we hear so
little of it in the first ages of the Church,
when the heathen persecution made its
administration a matter of serious diffi-
culty. Some authors of the twelfth cen-
tury held that it could only be received
once by the same person ; and, on the
other hand, some ancient Rituals show
that it was once customary in certain
parts of the Church to reiterate the unc-
tion during seven successive days. Char-
don refers to several ancient Rituals in
proof, and St. Rembert, bishop of Ham-
burg, was anointed, as we learn from a
contemporary Life, on several consecutive
days. It is now certain, from the words
of the Tridentine Council, that the sacra-
ment may be received again and again
by the same person if he recovers from a
dangerous illness and afterwards falls
into another ; but once only by the same
person while he remains under the same
danger of death.
o. The time of administration. The
present custom of the Church is to give
it after the reception of Viaticum. For-
merly, it was usual to administer it
before Viaticum, and Chardon gives
numerous instances I'rom the churches of
England, France, and Germany, in which
this order was observed. St. Thomas
evidently was accustomed to see extreme
unction administered first, for he says
(" Sum." iii. 65, a. 3), " By extreme unc-
tion a man is prepared worthily to re-
ceive Christ's body." Even from ancient
times, however, instances of the present
order may be adduced, so that the matter
cannot be of any great moment. (Chiefly
from Chardon, " ffist. des Sacrements.")
FABXtXC. A church — that is, a
building set apart for the public divine
worship of the faithful — can only be
erected with the approval of the bishop
of the diocese, and after due provision
has been made, by endowment or other-
wise, for the permanent sustentation of
the cure. Once built, canon law adopts
many precautions with a view to its
fabric being kept in good repair. The
Council of Trent ordered that bishops, on
their annual visitations, should see that
churches which required repair received
it," and a later decree '- specified the funds
on which, and the persons on whom, this
obligation rested. A parish church fallen
out of repair was to be repaired, first of
all, out of the labric endowment fund, if
such existed. If tlnie were no such
fund, or it were iusullicinit, the charge ,
was to fall on the patron or patrons, and !
other persons deri\ ihl;' any benefit from
the parochial endnumriit. It tliese re-
sources were insuliicient, ihr lii.-li<]p was
1 Sess. vii. C.8, De l!el.
* Sess. xxi. c. 7. De Kef.
to compel the parishioners ly every
means in his power, omni appellntione re-
mota, to defray the cost of the necessary
repairs. Finally, if the poverty of all
concerned were such as to disable them
from meeting the outlay required, the
bishop was to annex the parish either to
that of its mother church {matricis ecclc-
sice) or to some neighbouring parish, with
leave to use the dilapidated church for
secular purposes not of a mean or degrad-
iug character, after having erected a
cross there. The erection of a cross is
not now required.
The actual state of the law as to the
reparation of the fabric is stated by Fer-
raris to be this. Those are bound" to it
in the first place on whom either custom
or a statute imposes the burden. If there
be no such custom or statute, the part of
the endo\vment, if any, reseived to the
fabric must be resorted to. If there be
no such i)art, the legal obligation next
falls on the revenue derived by the parish
priest from the benefice, after deducting
what is sufficient for his decent mainten-
FACULTY
FAITH
367
ance. Next, all others deriving benefit
from the parochial revenues— e.^^. lay im-.
propriators of tithe — are hound to con-
tribute. Under this head many disputed
questions have arisen, on which special
treatises must be consulted. These dis-
putes resemble, in certain points, the long
controversy between the Anglican clergy
and the nonconformists resj)ecting church
rates— & controversy settled a few years
ago by an Act (1874) which relieved the
latter from the burden.
In the case of a cathedral church, the
bishop is bound to put and keep it in
repair, reserving to himself the rifrht of
taking legal steps against those who are
bound to aid bim in doing so [^e.y. the
chapter, or, in the last resort, the inferior
clergv), or against those on whom the
obligation is imposed by custom.
In France the duty of kee-pingchurches
in repair rests on the consul de fabrique,
an institution organised with admirable
skill and completenes.s by a decree and an
ordinance dated in ISO!) and LS25, and
Corresponding to the vestry of an Angli-
can parish. The official persons on the
council are called marguilliers (cburcli-
■wardens).
FACir:LTT. I. A constituent pare
of a university, being the body of profes-
.sors, lecturers, teacliers, graduates, and
students engaged in the study of a par-
ticular department of learning (e.y. luedi-
cine, law, theology. &c.), or stamped as
proficients in the same. In a narrower
sense, the term " faculty " is restricted to
the professors labouring; in this dejiart-
ment of learning. These, in a normal
state of things, form a council which
meets periodically, under a dean elected
by themselves, to arransre all questions
respecting'- the due ordering and develop-
ment of the studies of the faculty. If a
university be fully organised, it has five
faculties, viz. theology, arts (or, philo-
sophy and letters), law, medicine, and
natural science.
II. An authorisation properly authen-
ticated, addressed to any person or persons
by the Roman P< ntifl' or s(jme Cailmlic
prelate, empowering bim or them to per-
form some act or occupy some position
which they could not others' ise legally
perform or occupy, is called & faculty.
FAZTH. An act of divine laith is
the undoubiing a<sent given to revealed
truths, not because of the evidence which
can be produced for them, but simply
because they are revealed by God. Thus
the trutbs which faith accepts are not
evident in themselves, or if evident, as is
the case with the truths of natural re-
ligion, are not accepted with divine i'aith,
because so evident.
Divine faith excludes all doubt. So
much is implied in the very word, for
nobody would say that we put faith in a
mans statement if we doubtfd its truth ;
and the I'aith required in the New Testa-
ment is clearly incomjuitible with doubt.
"I know,'' St. Paul says, "in whom I
have believed, and I am certain " (2
Timothy i. V2).
Yet this exclusion of doubt is not
caused by the mere I'oj-ce of the evidence.
No words are in e !• d to show that the
truths of the I'lii i.-tian religion — such,
e.(/., as the divinity of Christ, the person-
ality of the Holy Ghi sr, the atonii:g
efiicacy of Christ's death — are not sell-
evident. Moreover, the evidences of
Revelation, which is in the first place an
historical fict, are not of such a nature
as absolutely, like metaphysical or mathe-
matical reasoning, to constrain a.«sent.
No doubt, from the fulfilment ol prophecy ;
from the way in which the Gosjiel
triumphed ; from the moral character
and teaching of Christ; aud from other
grounds of a like kind, we pet an accumu-
lation of arguments, ccrti.^.-tima sii/na et
omnium inteUiijentife accommodata , "most
cer:;ii:i proofs, and suited to the intelli-
gerice if all," as the Vatican (.'ouucil suv-.i
which, taken together, make it pi r'ecly
certain that Christianity is divine, uiiii
are abundantly sufiicient to conviiue a
prudent man that he ought to assent un-
doubtingly to the truths which the Clmi ch
of Christ propounds. Still, all this evi-
dence is not enough in itself to account
for the certainty oi divine faith, the very
highest of all cei ti'inty.
We must, then, make a sharp distinc-
tion between the " motives of credibility "
on the one hand, and faith on the otlier.
On account of these motives we prudently
judge that the truths faith accei't> are
j deserving of belief. If > "i;. kiio\vh (]:,ra
of the arguments in favour ol Christianity
did not prepare us to believe it, our belief
j would be unreasonable and fanatical; nor
conld anyone be justly comleiuned for
lacking faith. The arguments are not,
however, of such a nature as to constrain
assent, and men will form very different
] opinions of their strength according to
I tlieir moral dispositions. That Ciirist. for
; example, in the Sermon on the Mount,
"spake as never man spake " is a stro; g
I Do 1- i.lo. cap. iii.
368
FAITH
FAITPIFUL
arg:ument for the divinity of our religion, I
but it will scarcely come home to a man |
•who cares little for moral excellence. In '
short, the " motives of credibility '" are
necessary : a man incurs great moral re-
sponsibility by tlie way m which he deals
witli them ; but they cannot produce the
absolute :uv] perlect certainty of faith.
Wlien the uiind is convinced that the
objects of faith are worthy of belief and
tliat here and now there is an obligation
ot accepting them, the grace of God fills
the soul witli ajiious inclination to believi'
("pia allectiii ad credendum '"t, liavini.'
for its motive that duty and obligttion of
I'l'lieving which lias been brought hfime to
it by the motives of credibility, and then, I
putting aside all doubt and looldng away
iVom all human arguments and motives,
it assents simply on the authority of God
wlio reveals the truth in question. God
cannot deceive and cannot be deceived.
He is the eternal essential truth, and
lifnct> truths received on His word are
more certain than any of those which
present tlicinsclves to natural reason.
The reader will observe that the
Catholic Church is not mentioned in tlie
definition with which we began. Tlie
reason is that faith does not rest on the
authority of creatures. It is a theological
virtue — i.e. one which relates immediately
to God, and therefore it is founded idti-
niatelyupon His word and on that alone.
The Church is the ordinary and the in-
fallible means by which we know wliat
tlie truths are which God has revealed.
The testimony of the Church is the rule
by which we can distinguish between
true and false floctrine. In other words,
we learn from the Church that God has
spoken, and then because of His word,
not because of the Church's authority,
we believe witliout doubt. It is possible,
m<u-eover, for a man who does not believe
in the infallibility of the Cliurch to possess
true and divine faith. He may have
assured himself on good grounds — e.ff. by
the reading of Scripture — that God has
revealed certain truths ; he may without
fault of his own lie ignorant of the
Church's authority, n nd be p'Tl'ectly will-
ing to accept the whole of divine revela-
tion so far as he liiiows it. If such a
man, moved by the grace of God, receives
the revealed truths with which he is ac-
qiuiinted on the divine word, then lie has
done all that is necessary to constitute an
act of faith.
" Without faith it is impossible to
please God." Man is intended for a super-
natural end; he must know this end, for
otherwise he cannot direct his actions so
as to reach it, and this knowdedge can
never be attained liy natural reason.
Ignorance may excuse a man for living-
in heresy and schism ; nothing can excuse
the lack of faith, and God give= every
man the means of attaining it. No man
can lie saved who does not at least believe
witli (lixiiir faith that God exists and
tliat 111' rewards those who seek Him
(Iteb. xi. 0). A great many theologians
say that under the present dispensation
it is alisolutely nece.-sary for salvation to
know and believe the mysteries of the
Trinity and the Incarnation. This is a
doubtful point, but it is certain that all
who have the opportunity are bound to
acquaint themselves with the primary
truths of religion contained in the Creed,
and to know the commandments of God
and the Church, as well as the most es-
sential truths regarding the sacraments
and their use. Moreover, all are bound
(and can only be excused from doing so
by invincible ignorance) to believe all
that the Churcli teaches. Of cour.se a
]ierson is not bound to ascertain all the
definitions of the Church, but he must
b(dieve tliat the Church cannot err, and
that wliatever it teaches is infallibly true.
Although faith is necessary, it is not
suiKcieut for salvation unless it is perfected
by cliarity. In the latter case it is the
"faith working by charitv " of which
St. Paul speaks (Gal. V. 6) as opposed to
that " faith witliout woidvs which is dead."
Still faith without charity is a true faith,
ffir a man immersed in vice may accept
tlie truths of revelation with a super-
natural belief The virtue of faith, how-
ever, is destroyed by a single act of
disbelief ill revealed truth previously
accepted on the authority of God.
(Any of the treatises " De Fide" in
dogmatic ll logians maybe consulted,
and also Coiicil, Tri<lent. De JiistiHc.
sess. vi., Coiieil. Vatic. De Fide, caji. iii.,
and the corresjioiidina eaiions. The
possibility of a habit of faith m mlaiiis is
exjiiained in the article on Bvriis.M, the
rule of faith in those on the Chuech and
on the PorE )
FAITH FVZi {Jideles) in itself means,
persons who have the faith ; but even in
I So tliat. e.q. if a Catholic ceases to believe
in Tniiisulist oitiation but continues to believe
ill the l iinily. his .■u-ec| ii ;ince of the latter is
nici'.' _v a ii.it ur.il as.-oiit aiuldoes not proceed from
divine faith. Tliis is the general, though not
the universal, teaching of Catholic theologians^
FALDSTOOL
FALSE DECRETALS
Acts X. 45 (oi fK TTfplTOfirjt TTtOTC'l) We
find the word used as a technical expres-
sion for persons incorporated by baptism
and Christian profession into the Church,
and this use of the word has been con-
tinued ever since. Thus the " Mass of
the Faithful " was distinguished from
the "Mass of the Catechumens," althoufrh
catechumens mi^rht nf course have laith ;
and in the same sense the Church con- |
Btantly prays in the Mass and office for
the faitliful, livinfr and dead.
FAXiSSTOOIi {faldistorium). A
seat which can easily be moved, and [
which is used by bishops and other pre-
lates in the sanctuary when they do not
occupy the throne. The faldstool is much '
more simple than the throne, the latter
being covered with a baldacchiuo and
furnished with a back and arms. More-
over, the fiildstool, unlike the throne,
may be occupied by a prelate who has
no ordinary jurisdiction. Thus the Con-
gregation of Kites requires auxiliary
bi.-iiops and administrators when a>>'>ting
pontifically at Mass to content tlienist h es
with the faldstool. However, a bishop in
his own diocese sometimes sits in or kneels
at a fahls'ool — e.g. in giving Conlirma-
mation, in making his thanksgiving after
Mass, .tc.
FAX.SX: DECSETAX.S. The col-
lection ostensibly M;ad.' by Isidorus Mer-
cator, in the middle of the ninth century,
passes by this name. |[See Canon Law.]
The e.xact date of its first appemince
cannot be determined. It could u'lt
have been before 821), because it quotes
a canon of a Council of Paris held in that
year.' Before 84o, according to Mohler,-
it was well known and often quoted ; he
therefore dates its composition between
829 and 845 ; the place of origin he be-
lieves to have been Mayence. Hiuschius,
on the other hand, thinks that the place
of origin was Rheims, and that the
work was compiled between 847 and
85:1 It is quite uncertain who wrote it.
It has been variously ascribed to Bene-
dictus Levita of Mayence, to Paschasius
Rrtdbert, to Otgar, archbishop of Mayence,
and to Agobard, archbishop of Lyons.
All that is known on the subject is that
the writer chose to call himself Isidorus
Mercator ("Peccator" in some MSS.),
' This is Miihler's view, but Hefele (art. in
Wefzer .md Welte) thinks it as likely that the
council (luotcd from the Pseudo-Isidore as the t
other way. This is a .sarn|ile of the inextricable j
d.llii'ul ies.bv which the determination of date i
and authorship is surrounded. I
" Kirchengesch ii. 171. [
probably after the great St. Isidore, who
had made a similar compilation tCaxon"
Law, p. 114]: that (if bis ]n■pfac>-^s|.,■llks
the truth) he had been strongly urg.'d by
many ecclesiastics of lank to make such
a collection, and that the frequent mis-
carriat;i's of justice which he had seen,
owin;^- to uiicei-tainty as to the law and
the jurisdiction, had powerfully impelled
him to undertake the work.
The collection, as socui as made, passed
into immediate acceptance and use : it
met a palpable want, and no one thought
of questioning the genuineness of the
Papal letters which it contained. It
opens with the fifty Apostolic Canons
[see that article i-eci'ivpd and publislied
by l)i(uiysius Ivxiguus ; then it proceeds
to give a quantity of decretal letters
written by early Popes, from Clement of
Rome, one of the .\p'>stolic Fathers, to
Melchiades, at the end of the third cen-
tury. Xone of these letters are genuine.
A quantity of conciliar decrt-es, beginning
with those of Nica-a, and ending ■« ith the
second Council of Seville ((ill)) are ne.xt
insei'ted ; many of these are unauthentic.
To the decrees of councils a fresh series-
of decretal letters of Popes succeeds,
beginning with Sylvester [who succeeded
Melchiatles) and endini: «ith Gregory
the Great. In this series the first that
is genuine is a letter ot' Pope Siricius
{.384-3i)9). The last thing in the com-
pilation is a copy of the canons passed by
Gregory II. (t7;31) at a council held at
Home.
According to a Protestant wTiter, this
famous collection comjirehends " the
whole dogmatic system and discipline of
the Church, the whole hierarchy, from
the highest to the lowest degree, their
sanctity and immunities, their persecu-
tions, their disputes, their right of appeal
to Rome. They are full and minute on
Church property, on its usurpation and
spoliati(ui : on ordinations, on the sacra-
ments, on baptism, confirmation, mar-
riage, the Eucharist ; on fasts and fes-
tivals; the discovery of the cross; the
discovery of the reliques of the Apostles;
on the chrism, holy water, consecration
of churches, blessing of the fruits of the
field ; on the sacred vessels and habili-
ments."'
Of the unknown author, Mohler
writes: — "Pseudo-Isidore seized exactly
that in his own age which corresponded
to the wishes of all the higher and better
order of men. Thence it was that this
' Milinan, Lat. Chrisfianilif. iii. 192.
B B
870 FALSE DECRETALS
FALSE DECRETALS
legislation was so joyfully received. No
one suspected anything false, because it
contained so much that Avas weighty and
true. If we examine carefully these
invented decretals, and try to characterise
their compo.-t'i- in accnnhnice with their
general import and spirit, -we must con-
fess that he was a very learned man,
perhaps the most learned man of his
time, and at the same time an extremely
intelligent and wise man, who knew his
age and its wants as few did. Rightly he
perceived that he must e.xalt the power
of the centre — that is, of the Pope — be-
cause by that way only was deliverance
possible. Nay, if we would pass an
unconstrained judgment, we may venture
even to call !iim a great man."
Nevertheless, the work is in great
part what we now call a forgery ; ana-
chronisms and blunders have been dis-
covered in it, which force this conclusion
on tlie mind of every fair critic. But at
the time of its appearance, and for many
centuries afterwards, it was in such
thorough harmony with the prevalent
temper of European society, and with the
ecclesiiistico-political ideas which Avere
held to indicate the true path of human
progress, that those who appealed to it,
and even those whose action was thwarted
by it, never troubled themselves to ques-
tion the authenticity of the documents
which it contained. Supposing some one
in the twelfth century had anticipated
the labour of the moderns, ajid announced
the spuriousness of a great part of the
decretals ; what then ? The feeling would
have been : what Fabian, Cornelius, Syl-
vester, &c., are made to say is true and
useful ; if they did not actually write it,
they might have written it ; if these are
not the genuine letters, then the genuine
letters which they did wi-ite, and which
would have Iteen to much the same eftect
as these, have been lost; finally, if the
Popes of the third century did not com-
mand all this, the Popes of the twelfth
century are ready to command it, because
it is true, wholesome, and highly ne-
cessary to be observed. If in the four-
teenth irnliiry some one had demon-
stratid thr s]]iii'i(iiisness of the charters
(see the " (JliKinicIc of Ingulfus") by
which Croyland AIjIm v ii.'l.l its lands;
wliatthen.*' Thi; lands Ii.nl innjuestion-
ablv been given to the ubbi'v; hut the
title-deeds had been hist or destroyed
during tlie Danish invasions: iLn<l when
a litigious race like thi' Normans, who
would not be satisfied except by the
production of actual documents, got
possession of England, the monks had to
manufacture charters, utterly false as to
the form, but true as to the substance,
or they would have l)eeu ousted from
their possessions. A passage in the pre-
face of the Pseudo-Isidore shows plainly
enough that some similar motive was
present to him in making his compilation.
1 " Most good Christians,"' he says, " keep
j silence [when wrong is done] for this
reason, and put up with the sins of orliers
which they know, because they are often
unprovided with documents by which
they could prove to the ecclesiastical
judges things which they themselves
know ; since, although certain things
j may be true, those things only are to be
j believed by judges which are demon-
j strated by certain proofs, established by
j a clear sentence, and published in judicial
I form and order." To supply "documents"
so desirable, and also to provide for the
use of the faithful generally a store of
authoritative statements on matters af-
fecting Christian life within the Church,
seem to have been the principal objects
of the writer.
The first note of doubt respecting the
genuineness of the work came from
Nicholas of Cusa, an eminent theologian
of the fifteenth century. The Magdebui g
! Oenturiators [Chuech History] took
up the matter eagerly, and many Pro-
, testant writers following them have
shown much zeal in demonstrating the
unauthentic character of most of the de-
cretals, imagining that they were in some
way sapping the foundations of the Papal
power by doing so. The fact really is,
that the authority of the Popes derives no
confirmation from the False Decretals,
but that the False Decretals derived the
currency and influence which they once
had from their agTeement with the idea of
the Papal power pre-existing in the minds
of men. The life of our own St. Wilfrid,
the story of the foundation of the Anglo-
Saxon and German churches, the letters
of St. Leo the Great, and innumerable
other evidences, show that there is abso-
lutely nothing new in the doctrine of the
Pseudo-Isidore on the Papal power.
Moreover, as has been shown by
Phillips and Hef'ele, it is certain that the
greater numberof the spurious documents
incorporated by the rsendo-I-idoiv m his
collection were not mauufact ui-id h\ him,
but had been in existence, soni« lor.i Iohm-oi-^
others for a shorter period of t ime. Such
are the Apostolic Canons, the Donation of
FAMILIAR
FAST
871
Con.-tantinp, the Letter of Pope Sylvester,
The names of the principal writers on
this question are: — the brothers Ballerini,
liiimont, Eiclihom, Gfrorer, Hefele, Hin-
schius, Kniist, Mbhler, Noorden, Phillips,
Kosshirt, Spittler, Walter, and Was'ser-
schlehen.
(Hefele, in Wetzer and Welte ; Paulus
Hinsdiius, " Pecretales Pseudo - Isido-
rian,T," Leipsic, 1S63.)
FAniZX.XAR. The familinris of a
Pope or bishop is a person belonging to
his household, who is supported by him
or at liis table, and renders him domestic,
but not menial, services. It is not neces-
sary that he should live under the same
roof with his master, but the law will not
treat him as his familiar if he lives habitu-
ally out of the diocese, or in a distant
city. The nephews and cousins of a bishop
living in his palace, in order to be con-
sidered his familiars, must render him real
B-rvice.
For eight centuries previous to the
French Revolution, the clerical profession
— owing to the largeness of the clerical
immunities and the wealth and power
possessed by the Ciiurch — was the object
of desire to many whose motives were
mixed, or altogether worldly. An easy
way by which such persons could obtain
ordination, was by entering the household
or family of a bishop. It was commonly
and reasonably held that a bisho]! ordain-
ing members of his own family, knew
•what he was about, and would not lay
hands on unworthy persons ; great free-
dom, therefore, in respect to these ordina-
tions was for a long time allowed. But
abuses arose ; a class of ecclesiastics with-
out benefices appeared, who hung about
Rome and the great ejiiscopal cities,
and were importunate petitioners to the
holders of preferment. Hence the Council
of Trent decreed' that no bishop should
be able to ordain his familiar, who was
not his si/htlifHS,'^ unless he had first lived
with him three years, and unless the
bishop, immediately and actually, con-
firmed a benefice upon him.
Tlie familiars of the Pope [CuElv Ro-
MAN,\ — Famxjlia I'ontificiri] enjoy many
privileijes Cardinal priests have the right
of conf-'niiig on their familiars, if tliey
have lived three years with them, the ton-
sure and the other minor orders. A Con-
stitution of Innocent XII. ("Speculatores
domus Israel") adds to the requirements
» Sess. xxiii. c. 9, De Ref.
' Belonging to his diocese.
of the Council of Trent the condition that
before ordaining his familiar, if not his
subditus, the bishop must make him pro-
duce testimonial letters from the bishop of
origin or domicile. [See Dimissoeials.]
(Ferraris, Famib'arie.)
TAH {Jlabellam muiscarium ; whence
esmoiK her, mouchoir : pinlt, pmlhiov) is
mentioned as a liturgical instrument in
the Apostolic Constitutions, viii. li'.
There the rule directs that betwe.-n the
otTertory and communion two deacons
stand by the altar and use fans of linen,
fine skin, or peacocks' featliei's to drive
away insects and keep them from touch-
ing the sacred vessels. The use of the
fan during the consecration is also men-
tioned in the liturgies of St. Basil and
' St. Chrysostom. Indeed, ancient writers
I S])eak of the "holy "or "mystical fan"
] {ayiov piTtibiov, fivaTiKrj pnrU), and regard
it as one of the insignia of the deacon's
office. Although the fan is not men-
1 tioned in the ancient Roman " Ordines,"
its liiur^'ical use was undoubtedly known
in the West, for we find it noticed in
ancient monastic rules — e.^. in that drawn
up by St. Benignus of Dijon, and in the
Dominican ceremonial. The Western
Church does not seem to have resi'rved
its use to deacons. After the fourteenth
'. century it fell into disuse throughout the
West. However, magnificent fans of
peacocks" feather^ are ^till carried by the
attt-nd iiits of the Pope in solemn proces-
sions, and in several Italian churches —
according to the writer of the article on
this subject in Kraus'" Arcliaolog. Ency-
clopadie " — the use of the fan is still re-
tained, not only in processions but also at
the altar.
FAST. \. The Principle of Fast in (/.—
Theologians distinguish the natural from
the ecclesiastical fast. The former consists
in total abstinence from food and drink,
and is required of those who are about to
communicate; thelatter, which alone con-
cerns us here, imposes limits both on the
I kind and quantity of our food. \\'lint tlie.^a
limits are will be explained in the course
1 of I his article, but the definition given is
I sutlicient for our immediate purjjose —
viz. to justify the Catholic practice
from reason and revelation. Experience
tells us that there is a jierjietual struggle
between the .spirit and the body, and that
mortitic.'itlon of the flesh is a great means
of ine\ cut iiii: it from inciting us to re-
bellion ai;ain>t God's law. Again, by
i denying ourselves the lawful jileasures ot
I sense, we are able to turn with greater
S B 2
372
FAST
FAST
freedom and earnestness to the thought of
God and virtue, so that spiritual writers
speak of fasting as one of the wings of
prayer. Lastly, our conscience tells us
(and even heathens have felt and acknow-
ledged it) that we ought to sufier for our
sins and mortify the flesh which has
■oflended God.
However, we are not left to the mere
-exercise of reason on this point. Fasting
as a means of grace has lieen approved
by God Ilinisrlf. A <lay of iasting— viz.,
the Day of Atoll, nii'iit on tlie tenth day
■of tlir seventh month— was imposed by
God on tlie Israelites. Moses and Elias,
those great servants of God, fasted for
flirty days : so did Christ Himself before
beginning His public ministry. He takes
fur granted (" when ye fast," Matt. vi. 16)
that his disciples will fast, and warns them
against doing so ostentatiously. The
Apostles fasted (Acts xiii. i', xiv. 22,
2 Cor. xi. 27), and St. I'aul expressly
spealis of fasting as a means iiy wliieh
Christians are to commend tliemselves as
servants of God.' It may, indeed, Vie ob-
jected that, after all, no fasting-days are
imposed under precept in the New Testa-
ment, and that tlien-tore the Catliolic is
diHerenl fninillie Ajio-tolie i.h-, ot'fa-ling.
To this It mav lie Mie-wered tl.:i1 of such
Protest ant.-^a.s make 1 his ohjecle.usenreely
any e^ver fast at all, and most of them
Avould regard the practice as su])erstit ious,
a jilain proof of the Chiu'ch's wisdom in
pro\ iding for the weakness of human
nature by positive legl>lation. Besides,
as St. Thomas points out, secular princes
have the right of maldng regulations more
strict and definite than the precepts of
the natural law, in order to promote the
welfare of their subjects. The natural
law requires us to pay just debts: the
prince may order them to be paid witliin
a certain time and with certain f irnialities.
TheChurcli surely may talve similar iiieims
of securing the spiritual well-iieing of its
subjects. The hxw of nature imposes the
duty of fasting: our ,-|iiritual rulers de-
termine the time and t he way in which
this dutv is to lie perronui d.
■2. 'Hid Vrcsfiii Lair of tlir Church.—
All bajitised ])e?->oMs who have completed
their twenty-lii-st \r:ir are lioimd under
mortal sin (see l'io|j. i'.; eonJeiune.l hv
Alexander VII.) to u\,-, vxr \Ur .lays of
1 2 Cor. vi. n ; vrtardats can only ni.'nn
voluntary alistinonre frein t'.xxl, .-is Mpyor. ml
loc. proves. In xi. 27, f'listinn' ( ^i/ pTjrrTeiats) i.s
<;leiiTly distinijiiislio.l from involuntary want of
food {iv Ki/xtf Kol di^iiet)'
fasting. On these days they are required
not to eat more than one fuU meal, which
must not be taken before midday. They
may, however, take wine, &c., at discretion,
for drink, accordingto the maxim receive!
among theologians, does not break the fast,
unless the drink be such as chocolate and
the like, which are really intended to
nourish rather than to satisfy thirst or
maintain the animal spirits. Of course
a person may by drinking wine in large
quantities act against the spirit of the law
and forfeit the advantages which fasting
is inteniled to secure. Even at the full
meal flesh meat is prohibited. Eggs, milk,
cheesi'. Xc, are only forbidden during
Lent, liesides this single meal, the
Church permits a collation of about eight
ounces, consisting of fruit, vegetables,
liread, &c., or even of fish, provided that
the fish are small, or that not more than
two or three ounces of larger fish be taken.
Custom, moreover, at least in England,
allo\^■s about two ounces of bread Xo he
lak. ii al hrealvfast. Persons engaged in
hard hilioiir ; tlie poor who have a ditli-
culty in obtaining sufficient food at any
time ; those who are over sixty years of
age ; persons in weak health, kc, are ex-
cused from the law of fasting.
By a recent indult gTanted to the
English liishops the use of milk, butter,
anil cheese at collation on fasting days is
j p.'rniitted.
• !. lliM.ory of Fasting. — From the
earliest times Catholics have observed
fasting days of precept. TertuUian, con-
trasting the numerous fasts of the Mon-
tanists with the less strict observance of
Catholics, says of the latter, " They think
that in the Gospel those days are marked
out for fasting during which the bride-
groom was taken away" — i.e. the days of
Holy Week, alluding to Luke v. 35.' St.
Jerome ( Ep. 54), making tlie same com-
])arison between Montanistsand Catholics,
says, " We fast. me I.ent according ti^ the
tradition of thi' Apostles." St. Ambrose
(Serm. 25) asserts that it is "no light
sin" t.i break the fast of Lent. The
Greek Fathers hold similar language; and
one of them. Si . Epiphanius (" IltEr." 75),
tells us that .iM-ius the heresiarcli was
conih'mned because he maintained that
all t'a>ting on particular days was a
malt.^r of devotion, not of obligation.
As to the manner of fasting, it may be
said generally that there was less formal
])recept and therefore greater variety of
custom; but that still fasting in the early
was much more severe than in the modern
FAST
FAST
373
Ohurch. Throughout East and West,
Catholics abstained on fasting days from
wine as well as from flesh meat, the
former as well as the latter being only
permitted in cases of weak health. The
Fathers constantly put abstinence from
■wine and animal food on the same level.
The days of Holy Week were known as
days of xerophagy, or dry food (Epiphan.
in "Exposit. Fid." n. 22; "Constit. Ap."
V. 17), because then the faithful were ac-
customed to feed on bread and salt, to
which some added vegetables. The meal
was not taken before sunset (Greg. Nyss.
"Orat. in Princip. Jejun.''): till that time
an absolute fa.^t even from water was ob-
served. Hence the ancient custom in the
Latin Church of celebrating Mass during
Lent in the evening and encouraging all
the faithful to communicate at it. Dinner
—i.e. the midday me:il — and fastinir were
regarded in ancient times as incompatible;
so much so that in order to comply with
the law of the Church which forbade
fasting on Sundays, the ancient monks
took their single meal on that day at noon.
Usually the faithful went to church on
week-days in Lent at -j p.m. for none,
followed by Mass and vespers, after wliich
they were at liberty to eat. We find tlie
■first traces of relaxation near the ch ise nf
the eighth century. Theodulf, bishop of
Orleans, in a Capitulary of 7i)7, blames
people who began to eat at the hour of
none (3 p.m.) without waiting for office
or Mass. About the same time Charle-
magne introduced the custom of having
none sung at his Court an hour before the
usual time, in order to spare the courtiers,
who dined alter hiui at several tables
in succession according to their rank.
Ratherius, Bishop of "\'erona,inthe middle
of the tenth century, speaks of this custom
of dining at noon as already established.
St. Thomas (2* 2®, qu. 147", 7) fully re-
cognises the lawfulness of this usage. He
even considers it enou.-h if the meal was
taken about the hour of none, and makes
allowance for persons in weak healtli
who were unable to fast so long and
needed (lis)H ii<ation to eat earlier in the
day. riu' oHh . - nf none, Mass and vesp'-rs
were all n )iirl ik led in the later part of the
middle iiizt s before three o'clock, and
Paludanus and other schoolmen were so
little aware of the ancient discipline of
the Church 07i this point that they re-
garded the old j)roliibition to eat before
•evening ("ante vesperam") as meaning
simply that the fast was not to be broken
Jiefore the vesper office ; thus completely
ignoring the fact that the hour of vespers
during Lent had been changed. Lastly,
the rule of St. Thomas that the 'ast
might be broken nhout none was inter-
preted more and more loosely till, in
1500, we find the synodal decrees of
Paris approving the modern custom of
taking the meal at midday. The Greeks,
according to Goar, have adopted the same
relaxation.
The word "collation," in its presejit
sense, marks another important change in
the manner of fasting. St. Benedict in
his rule requires his religious to assemble
after supperand before compline and listen
to " collations '' — i.e. conferences (of Cas-
sian), the Lives of the Fatliers, or other
edifying books which were then read aloud
by one of their number. Xow, in an
ancient monastic rule known as the "Re.
gula Maci'istri,'" we find the reli^inns pe)--
mitte.l 1.11 the special fasts of tlie -irder
to partake together of wine and \\:\X-y in
very moderate quantity: and in a chapter-
general of abbots and monks held at Aix
la Chapelle, in 817. tlie monks were per-
mitted to drink before compline, even on
fasts of the Church, if wearied by manual
labour, the recitation of the office of the
dead in addition to the ordinary office, or
the like. This refreshment was taken just
before the reading of the "collations;"
and in 130-^, in a statute of the congrega-
tion of Cliigny, we meet with the word
"collation" used for this refreshment. It
was not till a still later date that any
solid fill 1(1 was taken on fasting days in
theAN'estern Church, except at the single
meal. The Greeks, indeed, even in the
eleventh century, ate of fruits and vege-
tables in moderate quantity over and
above the single meal, but Cardinal Hum-
bert reproached them with breaking the
fast by this very practice. St. Thomas
only permits the use of " eh'Ctuaria " out
of the single meal on the ground that they
were taken as medicine, not as food. In
Gerson's time, a collation of ve^^i^table
food was approved by custom. The ruli>
of the Tbeatines, drawn up under Cleun-nt
VIT., inention> these eollations ami the
>].iritnal reailin- whieli aeconqianied t liem.
The quantitv pevniivsible at colla.tion lias
been gradually enlaroed. St. Charles, in
the rules which he made for his servant
only allows them a glass of wine with an
ounce and a half of bread to be taken
as a collation on the evening of fasting
days.
(The present rules of fasting will be
found in any modern treatise on Moral
874 FATHER (TITLE OF)
FEAR OF GOD
Theology. The principle of f;isting,and the '
practice of his own time, are explained
by St. Thomas, "Summa,'' 2'>' 2®, qii. 147.
Tlie sketch of the history of fasting given
ahove, and the references, are taken from
the"Trait(? surli's.Ieunes,"byThomnssin )
FATHER ( TZTXiE OP) was given in
early times to all bishops. The title of
spiritual father was also used to desig-
nate confessors, and thus an early Bene-
dictine rule provides that none of the
religious should become a spiritual father
without leave from his abbot. I^astl}',
the head of a monastery was called
" Father," this name being of course a
translation of the Oriental word abbot.
[See also the beginning of the art.
Pope.]
FATHERS OF THE CRVRCH.
The appellation of Fathers is used in a
more general and a more restricted sense.
In a general sense it denotes all those
Christian writers of the first twelve cen-
turies who are reckoned by general con-
sent among tlie nifist eminent witnesses
and teachers of the orthodox and Catholic
doctrine of the Church. Taken in this
sense, it includes some names on which
there rests more or less the reproach of
lieterodox doctrine. Origen, whose works,
as we have them, contain grave errors
frequently condemned by the highest
authority in the Church, is one of these.
Nevertheless, his writings are of the
highest value for tlieir orthodox contents.
Eusebius of Ciesarea is another. Tertul-
lian became an open apostate from the
Catholic Church ; yet his writings as a
Catholic are among the most excellent
and precious remains of antiquity. There
are some others included among the
l-'athers in this greater latitude of desig-
nation who have not the mark of eminent
sanctity.
In its stricter sense the appellation
denotes only those ancient writers whose
orthodoxy is unimpeachable, whose works
are of sii^nal excellence or value, and
whose sanctity is eminent and generally
recogtiised The following list includes
tlie names of the most illustrious Fathers,
according to the most exclusive sense of
this honourable title : —
First Century— s;t Clempnt of Rome.
Second Century— St. Ignatius, St..Tu>lin,
St. IrenffiUS. Third Centui'v St. ( 'y-
])rian, St. IHnnysius of A li'XMiidriii.
Fourth Crntiirv — St. Ath:nia.-ius, St . Hi-
lary of Poitiers, St. Cyril of .bTn.-al.MU,
St.' Basil, St. Gregory Nazianzen, St.
Gregory of Nyssa, St. Ephrem, St. Am-
brose, St. (^ptatus, St. Epiphanius, St.
John Clnys(.stom. Fifth Century— St.
Jerome, St. .\ngustine, St. Cyril of Alex-
andria, St. Leo the Great, St." Prosper, St.
"\'incent of Lerins, St Peter Chrj'sologus.
Si.vth ( 'entury — St. C.'csarins of Aries, St.
Gi-egory the (ireat. Seventh Century —
St. Isidore of Seville, l-'-ighth Century —
Yen. Bede,St .Tohn Damascene. Eleventh
Centiirv — St. Peter Damian, St. Anselm.
Twelftii Century -St. Hernard. A com-
plete coUect ion of the worlis of the Fathers
contains many more names than these.
Moreover, it is plain that the Fathers of
the first six centuries, by the mere fact
of their j)riority in time, are much more
valuable witnesses to primitive faith and
order, and that their writings are in a
stricter sense sources of theological tradi-
tion, than the works of those who came
later, however illustrious the latter may
be. There is also a gradation of rank
among the Fathers, some having a much
higher authority than others. As private
doctors, no one of them lias a final and
indi.sputable authority taken singly, ex-
cept in so far as his teaching is warranted
by somi' extrinsic and higher criterion, or
sii])]iorted by its intrinsic reasons. As
wit iic.^sc.-^, each one singly, or several con-
curring together, must receive that cre-
dcncr which is reasonably due in view of
all the qualities and circumstances of the
testimony given. Their morally unani-
mous consent concerning matters pertain-
ing to faith has a decisive and irrefragable
authority. It has ahvays been held that
God raised up in the earlier ages of the
Church th<'.^i. liiglily gifted, l(>arned, and
holy men, ami eiulowed tliem with special
and extraoidiiiaiy giaii s that theymight
be the princijial teachers of the mysteries
and doctrines of the faith. Their writings
are the great source of light and truth in
theology, after the Holy Scriptures. The
autliority of their doctrine, in the proper
seii,-eof that word, is nevertheless derived
from the sanction of the Eccle.-ia Docens,
the only supreme and infalliltle trilmnal.
FEAR OF GOD falls into two
great dnisions. Servile fi'.ir is the fear
such a slave might have torhis master,
and it ImmK,- to the ]iiiiiislinients which
God nifii.ts. Fdial fear is the fear of
sons; it eoiu-i>ts in dread of oifeiidiiig
(Jod who Is worthy of all love, and ot
heiii" se|iarated t'rom Ilim liy sin.
It M i \ lie tear be so utterly .servile that
it is united with the will to sin if only it
[ were possible so to do without risk of
I punishment, it is of course evil. But the
FEASTS OF THE CHURCH
FEASTS OF THE CHURCH zih
iVar of God's punishments proceeds, ac-
cording to the Council of Trent, from the
Holy Ghost, disposes the sinners to justi-
fication, and remains even in the saints
while on earth and still liable to fall.
"Perfect charity" does, indeed, "cast
out fear (1 John'iv. 18), but it does this
only so far as a man perfected in the love
of God has a gi-owing knowledge that his
conscience is free from sins which will
incur the judgment of God, and has also
an increasing coHfidence in God's mercy.
The fear of God's judgment still remains,
and the saints more than other men were
ready to make the Psalmist's words their
own : " Pierce my flesh with thy fear : for
I am afraid because of thy judgments"
(Ps. cxviii.).
Filial fear increases with the increase
of charity, since the more a soul loves
God the more it will fear offending Him,
so long as there is any danger of doing so.
Even this filial fear of offending God is
absent in the case of the blessed, because
they are not exposed to any such peril.
But they are still said to fea"r God in the
sense that they constantly recognise their
own nothingness, and revere God's infinite
majesty. (See St. Thomas, "Summa,"
2* :2%'qu. 19; Estius ou 1 John iv.)
FEASTS OF THE CBTTRCH.
Days on which the Church joyfully com-
memorates particular mysteries of the
Christian religion or the glorv of her
saints. Such days have not 'been im-
posed on us, as on the Jews, by the
express enactment of God, and in this as |
in other respects the Christian law is one
of liberty. The whole life of a perfect
Christian is, as Origen says, a perpetual
feast, on which he dies to sin, rises with
Christ, and receives the gifts of the Holy
Spirit. But the Church has wisely insti-
tuted recurring festivals, which impress
the great truths of religion on our minds,
and bid us remember that "we are the
children of the saints." '
At first the number of the Church's
feasts -was small. Easter, the Ascension,
Pentecost were celebrated in St. Augus-
tine's time, and, as he believed, by Apo-
stolic tradition. He was familiar with
the feasts of Christmas and Epiphany.
The feasts of martyrs were at first only
• St. Paul reproaches the Galatians (iv. 10)
for observing,' "days" (such as the Sabbath),
"months" (such "as the Feast of the New
Mood), " limes ' {Kaipovs, annual festivals, such
as the Passover), " years "' (such as the Sabbat-
ical Year ami Year of Jubilee, &c.). The refer-
ence is clearly to Jewish feasts. The Apostles
themselves observed "days," viz. Sundaj-s.
local, and those of confessors were ot
later introduction even as local leasts.
We may form some idea of the number
of feasts during the first five centuries
from a Calendar of the African churdi
published by Mabillon. It is, according
to that great critic, the most ancient
which we possess, and it agrees in a
remarkable degree with a list given by
I Possidius of St. Augustine's sermons on
the festivals. This Calendar notes feasts
j of African martyrs, and of some con-
fessors. It mentions also the feasts of
certain martyrs not Africans — e.g. St.
' Stephen, St. Lawrence, St. Vincent, SS.
Gervasius and Protasius, of St. James
the Greater, of " the Holy Apostles," of
St. John Baptist, the Holy Innocents,
St. Andrew, St. Luke, and the Macha-
bees. It gives no feast of the Blessed
Virgin, nor is there a word in St. Au-
gustine's genuine works which would
lead us to believe that such feasts were
known to him. Thomassin thinks the
multiplication of feasts and their more
solemn observance must be attributed in
great measure to the monastic orders.
(1) Feasts are divided into holidays of
obligation (" festa fori "), on which the
faithful are bound to hear Mass and rest
from servile work, and holidays which
the Church observes in the Mass and
office without imposing any obligation ou
the faithful.
(2) Again, feasts are divided, accord-
ing to their rank, into doubles, semi-
doubles, simples, &c. The following
seems to be the origin of these names.
Lanfranc speaks of double, simple, and
semi-double offices. It was the custom,
till late in the middle ages, always to re-
cite the office of the feria [see Feria], in
spite of any feast which might occur on
it. Hence on greater solemnities, clerics
were obliged to recite a double office — one
of the feria, another of the feast. These
double offices were few in number : even
the office for the feasts of the Apostles
was not double. On lesser feasts the
office was simple — i.e. the feast was
merely commemorated — and on a third
class of feasts the office of the feria and
feast were welded into one, much after
the fashion of the modern breviary offices
for certain Sundays in the Octave — e.g. of
the .\scension. These last offices were
called semi-double. As time went on
the ferial gave way more and more to
the festal offices, and we find Durandus,
who died in 12'J0, using the words
"double," "semi-double," "simple,"' in a
876 FERROXIANISM
FEBROXTAXISM
uew sense. He applies the word " double,"
not to the two offices recited on one day,
but to the single office of a feast on which
the antiphons were doubled — i.e. repeated
fully at the beginning and end of a psalm.
On semi-doubles, half of the antiphon
was repeated before, the whole after the
psalm : in other words, it was half doubled.
The office for simple feasts differed little
from that of the feria. The practice of
taking the hymn on simples from the
common of saints and reciting the Sunday
psalms at lauds only dates from Pius V.
In the modern office-books the doubles
are further subdivided into doubles of the
first class, doubles of the second class,
greater doubles, and ordinary doubles.
The object of this division is to determine
which of two feasts must give way to the
other, should both fall on the same day.
The inferior feast is either transferred
to some other day or commemorated at
certain portious of the office — e.g. Mass,
lauds, &c. Further, certain great feasts
have octaves — i.e. are celebrated through-
out eight daj's, and on the eighth with
special solemnity. Lastly, feasts are
moveable or immoveable, according as
the time of their celebration is fixed for
a particular day of the civil year, or cal-
culated from Easter.
The Pope or General Councils may
make feasts of obligation for the whole
Church ; a bishop may do so for his own
diocese, after consulting the clergy and
faithful. liut a bishop cannot, on his
own authority, institute new feasts, alter
the breviary or missal, nor can he change
the rank of feasts — e.y. by making a semi-
double a double — except by Apostolic
indult or leave from the Congregation of
■Rites.
(See Thomassin, " Traits des Festes ;"
GavantuswithMerati's notes; and Probst,
" Brevier uiid Brevier-gebet." There was
a celebrated controversy between Granco-
las, who ex])lained tlie origin of the terms
"double," "simple," kc, from the old
jiractice of reciting two offices, and
Guyetus, who argued that the term
" double " referred to the doubling of the
antiphon. An account of the arguments
of both is given by Merati on Gavantus,
P. II. sec. iii. cap. 2. The view of Probst,
which we have followed, does justice to
the facts adduced on either side.)
FEBRONXATTZSMC. A name given
to certain views on the constitution of the
Church and the relations of Cliurcli and
State, which may be roughly describi^d as
an exaggeration of Gallicanisni. They
were propounded in the middle of last
century by an author who assumed the
name of ^ebronius.
His real name was John Nicolas von
Hontheim. He was born of a noble
family at Treves in 1701, and studied
canon law with great diligence at Lou-
vain, under the famous Van Espen. The
principles which Hontheim learned from
his professor evidently left a lasting im-
pression on his mind, for Van Espen was
remarkable for his spirit of opposition to
Rome^ no less than for hi? uiuloulited
talents and learning. Having taken his
Doctor's degree in law, Hontheim returned
to his native city and lectured on the
"Digest" in the University of Treves
from 1732 to 1738. Ten years later, he
was consecrated suffi'agan or auxiliary
bishop of Treves with a title in partihus,
and under three successive Prince-Arch-
bishops e.xercised great influence, both on
the spiritual administration of the arch-
diocese and on the temporal government
of the electorate. He wa s j ustly esteemed
for his exemplary life, and, in spite of
engrossing occupations, he found time to
write and publish two learned works on
the history of Treves ; nor was it till he
liad reached old age that he did anything
to tarnish his fair name. In 1703 a book
appeared under the following title : — " De
Stilt u Ecclesia^ et de legitima Potestate
Roniani Pontificis, liber singularis ad
reuniendos dissidentes in religione Chris-
tianos coni])ositus. Bullioni," The real
name of the author remained for a con-
siderable time unknown, and at this day
the name of Febronius, which occurred to
Hontheim as a nom de plume because his
niece was called Febronia in religion, is
familiar to many who never heard of
Hontheim himself. The book, liowever,
soon became notorious. It put into shape
opinions which were exceedingly popular
at the time — nowhere more so than
among German Catholics.
Christ, according to Febronius, had
conferred the power of the keys on the
^vhole body of the faithfid, although it
was to the prelates of the Church that
the actual administration of the power
was committed. Each bishop, as a suc-
cessor of the Apostle.s, received his power
straight from God, and had unlimited
authority to disi)ense, judge heresy, and
consecrate other bishops. Peter, inde 'd,
and his sucees.sors, were endowed hy
Christ witli the primacy, l)Ut through
1 lie would net accept tlioluill-Uuigenitus,"
and had to tlce Iruiii Louv.-iin.
FEBRONIANISM
FEBRONIANISM 377
tliis primacy — which, by the way, was not
necessarily attached to the Roman see —
the Pope was superior to his brethren in
the episcopate, only so far as a metro-
politan is superior to the other bishops of
his province. Moreover, although the
Pope was superior to any single bishop,
the body of the episcopate was sujierior
to him. He could do nothing against the
canons, his power being confined to
watching over their execution. An appeal
might always be made from the Pope to
a general council, since the Pope was not
a supreme, and much less an infallible,
judge; nor could it be said that a council
without the Pope was like a body with-
out its liead, since the Pope had to exer-
cise his jirimacy in the Church, not over
it. Without the consent of the Church,
he could issue no laws of universal obliga-
tion, and it was idle to try and enforce
6uch laws by threatening the disobedient
with excommunication. True, partly by
the concessions of the bishops themselves,
still more by Papal extortion, the power
of the Holy See had grown to monstrous
dimensions; but it was high tiuje to
restore primitive discipline. To efiect
tliis, it was the duty of the bishops to
refrain from publishing in their dioceses
such Papal bulls as were injurious to
episcopal authority, while secular princes
ought to promote the same end by con-
voking General Councils, and by availing
themselves of the Placet and a2)pel comme
d'abics, and by open refusal to submit.
These propositions are manifestly op-
posed to Catliolic doctrine, and they are
not even consistent with each other. The
book, moreover, was every way unworthy
of its author, for it shows no sign of the
learning which he actually possessed.
What he said, had been said before by
Eicher and by the Spaniard Tostatus, but
Febronius does not seem even to have
had recourse to them, and was content to
draw from Dupin. Clement XIII. con-
demned the book on February 27, 1764,
although only some of the German bisliops
— among whom, however, was the Arch-
bishop of Treves — prohibited it in their
dioceses. Many refutations appeared, of
which the most famous are the " Autife-
bronio" of the Jesuit Zaccaria (Pisaur.
1767, 4 vols. 8vo., " Antifebronius vindi-
catus, Csesen. 1768, 4 vols. 8vo), the
" Italus ad Febronlum " of the Capuchin
Viator a Cocaleo (Luc. 1768, TridtMit.
1774), and the " De Potestate Ecclesiastica
Summoi'uiu Pontificum et Conciliorum
generalium liber, una cum vindiciis auc-
toritatis pontificiffi contra o^us Just,
Febronii," by Peter Ballerini (Veron.
1768, 4to). Febronius defended himself
under various new pseudonyms, such as
Justinianus Novus, Joannes Clericus,
Aulus Jordanes, &c. Further, he was
energetic in attempting to have his prin-
ciples realised, for he had a great part in
the composition of a document in which
the three ecclesiastical Electors of Ger-
many protested against Papal interference
in their dioceses. This document was
addressed to the Emperor in 1769. That
same year Clement XIII. died, and the
troubles which embarrassed his successor,
Clement XIV., prevented him from taking
any fresh step in the matter.
So things stood till 1778, when Pius
VI., feeling the need of more stringent
measures, pointed out to the Archbishop
of Treves that FebroniuB must make a
formal recantation or else fall under the
censures of the Church. With great
difficulty Febronius was persuaded to give
a general explanation of his meaning,
which explanation was sent to Rome and
returned as insufficient. At last, the
Pope and the archbishop persuaded him
to make a specific retractation of erroneous
propositions in his book, which by this
time had grown to six volumes. Pius VI.
announced the good news in the con-
sistory, and communicated it to the
Catholic Courts. They, however, and
particularly tlie Courts of Vienna and
Madrid, regarded it as anything rather
than good news, and the " Gazetta Uni-
versale" of Florence charged the Pope
and the Prince Archbishop with tyranny,
Febronius himself with cowardice and
hypocrisy. Thereupon, the archbishop
pressed his auxiliary to explain himself
further, and accordingly Febronius did
before the clergy of Treves assert the
reality of his conviction that he had
fallen, although unwittingly, into error.
Unfortunately, the documents printed by
Wyttenbach and Mtiller in the third
volume of their " Gesta Trevirorum
show that Febronius did not really and
thoroughly renounce his errors. In 1781
he published a commentary on his retrac-
tation ("Justini Febronii Juris-consulti
Commentarius in suam I?etract;iti(ineni
Pio VI. Pont'. Max. Kal. Nov. Ann. 1778
submissam." Francof. 1781, 4to) which
contained many propositions which must
have been highly oH'ensive to the ro])e.
Pius VI. liiindeil it for examiiiati'in to
Cardinal (jerdil, who replied to it in his
treatise headed, "In Oommentarium a
878
FErJA
FEUDUM ECCLESIASTICUM
Justino Febroiiio in suam Retractationem
editum Anliuadversiones," and to be found
in volume xiii. ol' liis collected works.
But Feb'onianism appealed to prejudices
and interests against which learned
treatises could avail little. The notorious
Church reforms of Joseph II. may be
fairly called Febronian, and the Ems
Con^rress in 1786 acted on similar prin-
ciples. The Archbishops of Cologne,
Treves, and Mayence — all of them secular
princes as well as ecclesiastical dignitaries
— and the Archbishop of Salzburg were
oifi-nded at the sending of a Papal nuncio
to Munich, and the activity of the nuncio
Mdusiirnor Pacca at Cologne. Accord-
ini;ly, they appointed representatives who
met at Ems and drew up a "Puncta-
tion " in "2'-'> articles, the object of which
was to make the archbishops practically
independent of Rome. The Pope's power
was tn be reduced to that which Feb-
ronians sujijh ised him to have e.xercised in
the iirst tlirei' centuries. Exemptions of
relipi"n> m-ders were to be annulled; no
recmn se was to be had to Rome for dis-
pensat ions ; the bishops were no longer
to take the oath of obedience to the Holy
See : Papal bulls were to have no autho-
rity till approved and published by the
bishdps. Owing to the firmness of the
Pope and his representative, Pacca, as
well as to the loyalty of the inferior
bishops to Rome, and their dread of
archiepiscopal autocracy, the threatened
schism came to nothing, and in IZfO the
three episcopal Electors acknowledged
the right of the Holy See to give dispen-
sations and send nuncios. Febronius,
who was already a very old man, does
not appear to have taken any active part
in the contest. He died in peace with the
Church on September 2, 1790. In a short
time the French Revolution changed the
face of Europe, and Febronianism, though
remnants of it lingered on to our own
day, has never since been the occasion of
any serious danger in the (church.
FERZA. A name given in the eccle-
siastical calendar to all days of the week
except Sunday (" Dies dominica ") and
Saturday ("Sabbat urn "). It seems strange
that the title of Feria or feast .should be
given to days which are not feasts, or at
least are not considered as such, so far as
they are called Feria?. The explanation
given in the breviary (Feast of St. Sil-
vester, lect. vi.), that clerics are to be
free from worldly cares and keeji a per-
petual feast to God, scarcely suffices, and
perhaps is not intended, to account for
the actual origin of the name. The true
explanation is probably this. The Jewa
were accustomed to name the days of the
week from the Sabbath, and thus we find
in the Gospels such expressions as " unam
sabbati," ixlav tcov auS^dTaiv,^ " the first
day from the Sabbath," or, in other words^
the first day of the week. The early
Christians reckoned the days in Easter
week in the same fashion: nnlvas all the
days in that week were holy days, they
called Easter ^Monday, not the first day
after blaster Sunday, but the second feria
or feast-day; and as every Suudaj- is a
lesser Easter, the practice prevailed of
calling each Monday "feria secunda,"
each Tuesday " feria tertia," and so on.
Ferise are divided into greater and less.
The latter give place to any feast-day
within an octave or vigil, without even
being commemorated. The " greater
feiiic ■' are the week-days of Advent and
Lent, the Ember Days and Monday (not
Tuesday) in Rogation Week. If a simple
feast falls on such a feria, the ferial office
and ]\Iass are said, the feast being only
commemorated,^ and if a double, semi-
double, or day within an octave coincides
with the feria, the festal office is, indeed,
said, but the feria is commemorated. The
privilege granted by Apostolic indult of
reciting a votive office on certain days of
the week or month cannot be made use
of on these greater ferife.
Some, moreover, of the greater feriae
are in-ivileged, and this is the case with,
the days of Holy, Easter, and Whitsun
weeks, as also with Ash Wednesday.
They e.icclude any feast of however high
a rank, and cause it to be transferred to
another day. This must be understood
of the celebration in choir, for the obliga-
tion of resting from servile work and
hearing Mass on holidays of obligation
usually ' remains, even if that holiday
falls on a greater feria. (Gavantus, with
Merati's Kotes, P. II. sect. iii. cap. o.)
FBUDVK ECCXiESZASTXCtrni.
By an ecclesiastical fief was meant,
strictly speaking, a domain belonging to
the Church, which the biishop, abbot, or
1 In Rabbinical usage, the word" Sabbath"
became equivalent tn week, ami hence in Rab-
binical lan>;u:ii;e (adnpted in the Gospel.«)
if :\ v'i-il ocincidc^ with a ure.-Ucr feria,
tlie . tlice is of the IVi ia aleup ; the Mass is of
the vifril with a conniiciiiiii.itinri of tlie feriii.
5 Usually; for if llu- .A nmuiciation f«lls on
Good Friday or Holy Sa'urday, all obligation,
(if (ibservanee is transferred.
fet:illants
FLAGELLANTS .379
other possessor, granted as a fief to a
prince, baron, knight, or other secular
person, in return for protection, escort,
and other similar services. The bishop,
&c , retained the suzerainty in the name
of the Church, and the infeoft'ed person
did homage to him as his vassal. Tithes
■were also regarded as a feudum ecclefins,-
tictim. By an improper use of the term
it was extended to the secular estates
granted in fief to the Church. (Fen-aris,
FETTZXtl.AN'TS. [See Cl.SJBUCIANS.]
FIX.ZOQUE. 'See Ceekds.]
FXNAX. PERSEVSRASrCX: is de-
fined by Billuart (^"De Gr.it." diss. viii.
a. 5) as that great and special gift in
virtue of which a man remains in a state
of grace till the moment of death. The
Council of Trent (Sess. vi. can. 16 and
cap. 1:5) teaches that noonewitliout special
revelation can know for certain that he
will persevere, and al.so that we are
utterly unable to secure this gift by
merits of our own. It comes from the
grace of God, "who is able to establish
him who stands so that he may continue
to stand, and to re-establish him who
falls." The teaching of the council is
confirmed by reason and Scripture. To
merit a gift fmm God, it is necessary
that God should promise to bestow the
gift in question, as a reward for good
works. No such promise has been made.
On the contrary, Scripture reminds the
just that they must work out their salva-
tion "with fear and treml)ling," and
warns him who stands "to take heed lest
he fall."
It is possible, however, to obtain •his
gift by prayer and good works, which
appeal, not to the justice, but to the
liberality and kindness of God; and some
theologians speak of tinal perseverance as
obtained in such cases by merit " de
congruo." In this sense St. Augustine
("De Dono Persever." cap. 6) says we
can merit Knal perseverance by prayer
(" suppliciter emereri ").
FXN-BXNG or CROSS. [See Cross.]
PXRST-FRtrXTS. By the law of
Moses the first-lruits of man, of animals,
and of "whatsoever thou hast sown in
the field," ' were owed to the Lord. A
command was given to Aaron, as repre-
senting the priestly caste — "For the
first-bom of man thou shalt take a price,
and every beast that is unclean thou
ehalt cause to be redeemed."'^ In another
1 Ex. xxiii. 16.
nii. 15
' place ' the Levites are said to be taken
I by the Lord in commutation of this price
(" I have taken them instead of the first-
born that open every womb in Israel"),
but it was still required that a first-born
son sliould be presented to the Lord in
the Temple, and redeemed by the jiay-
ment of five shekels." Tlie firstling:- of
I clean beast.s — cows, sheeji, niul Li^at: —
I were not to be redeemed, Inn nfl. i^-l in
sacrifice ; and of the meat, the c in>' i ratrd
breast and right shoulder were assigned
to the sons of Aaron. Of this meat only
the males in tlie priestly families were to
' partake: ^ but the first' tVuit> of the pro-
duce of the land were "to thee,
and to thy sons, and to tliy .laiialit>Ts. by
' a perpetual law." The Levitts thi-nis-'lves,
j though, being without land, they couhl
not offer " first-tVuits of the barn-fioor
and the wine-press." ■* yet were instnietfTl
to ofier the first-fruits" of the tith.'s jiaid
1 to them by the children of Israel to the
I Lord — that is, " the tenth part of the
tenth."
I A Hebrew tradition mentioned in the
I body of the canon law assigns some part
of the crop, not less than a sixtieth, and
not more than a fortieth, as the propor-
tion which ouulit to be L:i veil as first-fruits.
In substance, the olili^ation to ollVr first-
fruits, which is equix iilrnt to an intention
of sustaining the Church and its ministers
with our tt'Oiporal poods, is still valid
\ under the new law : l)ut in form it is not
binding, except in cases where they are
demanded under an ancient custom.
j (Ferraris, Primitia.)
1 FXSTVXiA (also called siphon, cala-
mus, pui/illnn's). A pipe through which
I the faithful used to receive the blood of
Christ from the chalice. This manner of
communicating is mentioned in the most
ancient Roman Ordines (the oldest is
attributed by Mabillon to tlie time of
Gregory the Great), and a curious n'lic of
this custom remains to this day. At
Papal Massi's, the deacon brings the
Precious Blood to the Pope, who takes it
througli a fistula.
FX.A.cz:x.XAia-TS. So called from
the scourges (Jlai/ilirt) which they carried
in their processions, and with which they
la.shed their bare arms and shoulders.
They first appeared in the thirteenth cen-
tury, an age when Christian architecture
reached a height of glory and perfection
never since equalled, and extraordinary
sanctity revealed marvels of grace and
' Num. viii. 16. * Grotius,«f/ /w/c.ii. 23.
s Num. xviii. 10. * Num. xviii. 30.
880 FLECTAMUS GENUA
FLORE>XE, COUNCIL OF
divine power before unsuspected, but in
■which, also, the reign of law being but
imperfectly establii^liod, the world was
often startled from its proprietj- by the
apparition of monsters of cruelty and lust,
like Eccelin da I\i)muno and liis brother,
whose touch was emitaniinat inn and their
very existence a curse. Xu human arm
seemed able to reach far eudiigh, or strike
hard enough, to punish a twentieth part
of the crimes that were committed. God
appeared to be the one refuge left. Num-
bers of persons — men, women and child-
ren— collected together ; they veiled their
faces and uncovered their shoulders ; in
each town that they entered, forming a
melancholy procession, they sought by
tears, groans, and voluntary penance —
singing penitential songs the while — to
appease the divine wrath ; the sound of
the lash was continual, and blood flowed
abundantlj-. The first association of
Flagellants appeared at Perugia in 12G0.
The sympathy and agitation which their
proceedings at first excited would almost
surpass belief ; eveiywhere they were
joined by crowds of fervent neophytes.
The rule of the association was that every
])ersou should remain a member of it
during thirty-three days, in honour of the
thirty-lliree years of the life of our Lord.
A confeuijHirary ' writer says tliat, what-
ever might be alleged against them,
" nevertheless by this means many who
were at enmity were reconciled, aiul many
good things were done." The secular
governments, after a time, observing that
the Holy See and the bishops in general
did not encourage the movement, began
to prf)hibit the Flagellant processions.
After the blaclv death (1.348) the Flagel-
lants again ai)peai-ed. They now gave
way to m-iny exti-a\ agances : their leader
spoke of a my>terioiis letter which had
fallen from heaven and been found at
Jeru>alein, in which Jesus Christ pro-
mised to lie gracious to all penitents in
the processions of Fla;ii'llants, " because
their lilood was mingled with His blood."
Clement VI. rejiressed them ; but they
appeared again, and for the last time,
about the date of the Council of Con-
stance, among the canons of which is one
condemning their excesses.
FXiECTAIVIVS OEVtVA ("Let US
bend our knees "). AVords used by the
deacon before the collects in the office of
Good Friday and in certain .Masses. The
Bubdeacon immediately afterwards says
• Quoted by Milman, Latin Chrhtumity,
book xl. chap. 2.
" Levate " (" rise," literally " raise them
up,") and the ministers at the altar do so,
having knelt on one knee for a second.
In ancient times each summons came
from the deacon ; the people knelt, and a
longer space was allowed for silent prayer.
(Benedict XIY. " De Miss." ii. 5.)
Fi.ORx:2«TC&, couNcii. OF.' Se-
veral remarkable attempts to heal the
schism of the East and \\'est were made
during the fourteenth century. In 1339,
Andronicus III. Palaeologus sent the
Abbot Barlaam to negotiate with one of
the Avignon Popes, Benedict XII. ; but
the Pope would not listen to Rarlaam's
proposal — viz. that the churches should
be united, while the dogmatic differences
remained as they were. Xew attempts
at reconciliation were made by .John V.
Palieologus, who was hard pressed by
the Turks. The emperor himself became
a Catholic in 13G9, but his example was
not followed by the clergy or the people.
At last John YI. Pah'cologus was re-
duced to straits which made him see the
impossibility of saving the Byzantine
empire without hel]i from the M'estern
Christians. The Tni-l.-~ had tnken Adria-
nople, and his throne was already totter-
ing beneath hiiu. In his extremity he
was willing to negotiate for peace with
the Catholic Church. Nicolas of Cusa
went to Constantinople and smoothed
the way for reconciliation. No doubt,
theri' was also a real desire for unity and
doctrinal agreement among many of the
Greeks, apart from the political motives
which induced them to come to terms
with the Latin Church. One of the
Gi%ek ecclesiastics expressly said at a
council held for preliminary consultation
at Constantinople that a union on merely
political grounds would not last. At
the end of November 1437, 700 Greeks
sailed from the Bosporus. The emperor,
the Patriarch Joseph of Constantinople,
deputies from the other Patriarchs, en-
trusted by them with complete power to
act as their representatives, and Bessa-
rion, the famous archbishop of Nice,
were among their number. On Fehrnarv
8, 1438, they landed at Venice. Early
in March they reached Ferrara, to which
the Council of Basle had heen transferred,
and were received wilh great solenniitv
by the Pope, Eugenins IV. (hi Apri'l
9th the council was opened, and the dis-
' Tlii^ is I hr ii<ual name, because at Horence
the chii f work of the council was done ; but in
realitv it mei first at Ferrara and ended at
TidUie.
FLUKE^■CE, CUU.NCIL Ui-
FLORKS-CE, COUNCIL OF 331
cue>ion on the addition of the word
"Filioque" to the Creed began. It
lasted for fifteen sessions, after which,
partly because the plague had broken
out at Ferrara, partly because the
Florentines wished to have the council
in their city and oflered to supjjly the
Pope with money, which he sorely needed
for the maintenance of the Greeks, the
council was transferred thither. At
Florence the council continued to sit
from 1439 to U4i\
First of all, the great dogmatic ques-
tion on the procession of the Holy Ghost
was decided. The Greeks acce])ted the
Latin terminology — viz. that the Holy
Ghost proceeds from the Father and the
Sou, when its real nu aning was explained
to them. The Latins fully admitted and
the coimcil defined that the Holy Ghost
proceeds from the Father and the Son as
from one principle and by a single spira-
tion. The Latins, moreover, fully allowed
the orthodoxy of the Greek terminology
— viz. that the third Person proceeds
from the Father through the Son ; and
this expression also was approved by the
Council. Other points of difference were
next discussed. It was defined that the
body of Christ is truly consecrated either
in leavened or unleavened bread, Latins
and Greeks being required to follow in
this matter the custom of their respective
churches; further, that such souls as
have departed in God's grace, but with-
out having done penance enough for their
sins, are detained in Purgatory, and,
while there, are assisted by the sacrifices,
prayers, and good works of Christians on
earth ; that, on the other hand, souls
perfectly pui-ified or, like infants just
baptised, needing no purification, go
straight to heaven and see God face to
face, whereas the souls of those who die
in mortal sin descend at once to hell.
The discussions on the primacy of the
Roman bishop were much more long and
keen. John of Torquemada (Turrecre-
mata), John of Ragusio, and .Vmbrose
Traversari were the great advocates of
the Papal prerogatives. At last, how-
ever, the council defined that "the Holy
Apostolic See and Roman Pontifl' hold
the primacy over all the world ; that the
Roman Pontitf is the succes.sor of Peter,
prince of the Apostles ; that he is the
true vicar of Christ, the head of the
whole Church, the father and teacher of
all Christians; and that to him in "the
person of] blessed Peter full power has
been committed by our Lord Jesus Christ
of feeding, ruling, and governing the
universal Church ; as also {qiteiuadinodian
etiam, koB' oPTpoKov) ' is contained in the
acts of oecumenical councils and in the
holy canons." On Jidy 5, 1439, all the
members, except Mark of Ephesus and
the bishop of Stauropolis, signed the
Decren of Union containing the above
definitions. On the evening of the same
day the Greeks again appeared liefore the
Pope, and Bessarion declared their belief
that the trausubstantiatioii of the bread
and wiue in the Mass is effected by the
words of consecration, thus abandoning
the opinion which ascribed the change to
the (niKKT](Tts <n- invocation of the Iloly
Ghost. The Decree of Union was
solemnly published next day (Sunday) in
the Cathedral of Florence, being read
aloud by Cardinal Julian in Latin, and
by Bessarion in Greek. On August 26,
14.39, the Greek emperor left Florence.
The union effected was of short dura-
tion. Joseph, Patriarch of Constanti-
nople, had died during the council; his
successor, Metrophanes, who was well
disposed to the union, died shortly after
it, in 144.'{. Mark of Ephesus and other
enemies of uiiiry were active in their
intrigues, and it was not till 1452 that
Cardinal Isidore, the fugitive metropoli-
tan of Kiew and h -ate of Pope Nicolas
A'., succeeded in hiiA ing the Florentine
decrees aclaiowl.'d^vd and promulgated
in the cliurrh of St. Sophia. But on
May 29, U-Vi the Turks took Constanti-
nople, and the Sultan Muhammed II.
appointed the anti-Roman Gennadius to
the Patriarchate. In 1472 the decrees
of Florence were formally repudiated by
a schismatical council at Constantinople.
Other Orientals besides the Greek
schismatics were reunited with the
Church during the coui-se of the council.
In 1439 the Armenians, in 1440 a part
of the Jacobites or Monophysite Chris-
tians, were received into Catholic com-
mimion, and Kugeniiis IV. issued special
instructions for them which are still
extant. After Eugenius had returned to
Rome, in 144.'i, the council was still con-
tinued and sessions held in the Lateran
church. At the second session of the
council after it had been transferred to
Rome, in 144-5, Timothy, the Chaldaean
1 Recent examination of the original docu-
ment siprneil with the autograph of the Greek
em)i( ror, and preserved at Florence, removes all
shadow of doubt that this is the true reading.
Four or five original copies bear the same
witness.
382
FORTITUDE
FORUM ECCLESIASTICUM
or Nestorian Metropolitan of Tarsus
living in Cyprus, -witli his clergy and
people, made their sul>iiii>si(iii to tlie
Pope, and about the same time the
Mardnites in that island lu'cauie Catho-
lics.
For a time certain Gallican divines
denied the claims of Florence to rnnlc as
a General Council, because they held that
the Pope exceeded his power in trans-
ferring the council t'roiu I'asle to Ferrai-a.
Even at Trent thi' l-'rench refused to
admit the Florentine dehuitiou on the
Papal authority. ]?ut the learned Galli-
can Natalis Alexander point.s out that
the Pope has the right to modify and
dispense from the canons of councils, if
public necessity or the good of the
Church requires him to do so. He argues
further that the "sounder part" of the
Fathers of Basle consented to the re-
moval of the assembly from Basle to
Ferrara. It is scarcely necessary t(i say
that such doubts have long since ceased
to be possible among Catholics.
The Acts <ifthe Council haveperished,
but we ]ios.-es> (1) a minute history in
the form of Acts, written in (iivelv. aii.l
evidently I v a Greek member n| the
council. Iletele, Frummaiui, and other
scholars attribute the hi.story to Doro-
theus of Mitylene. It will be found in
the collections of Mansi en- llai'donin,
with a Latin translation l)y the ('rel;tii
Caryoptilus. (2) A history a^^reelng in
all the most im;-ortant ]i.iint> the
one just mentidued was ])ubl ^1. K in
in3,>^, by .lustiniani, Cu>to> .,f the \ ati-
cati Lilirary. Tbi< li!>tor\ is drawn u]),
partly from imte^ maile by the V:\\r,d
advocate Andrea.- de Sta Cruce, who
was ])i-esi'nt at tlie coiiiieU, ])ai'tlv from
other ilocuments in the \'allcaii archives
and in other Itomnn libi-ai-es. llardouin
has jjrinted Jnstiniani's liistoi-\' m his
collection. (3) A history b\- Syi-opulus,
a Greek priest and dignitary of Con-
stantinople, Svro])ulus was ]ireseut at
the council and seiieil tin' Itecree of
Union, but he was iVom the first a secret,
and soon liecame an o])i'n and most
bitter, enemx of tlie eonucil. A very
inaccurate Latin t ra n-lat ion from a Pans
MS. was published 1a the An.jlicau
Robert Creyghton.at th.' Hague, in lOCO.
The best modern history of the Council
is by Hefele (vol. vii.).
ipOBTITUDE. [See CARDIIf.4L
ViBTlTES.]
rORTY HOURS. [See Exi'OSITION
or THE Blessed Sacramekt.]
FORTTia SCCX.ESXASTXCVia.
The tribunals of the Church are of two
kinds, internal and external. The in-
ternal forum is the tribunal established
in the sacrament of penance, where the
coercive power is the Holy Ghost acting
on the conscience, the penitent is his own
accuser, and the confessor, guided by
Moral Theology, remits or retains sin,
exacts satisfaction, and directs restitu-
tion, according to the circumstances of
each case. [Pexaxce.1
Under the name of forum e.rferinun
is included every exercise of ecclesiastical
jurisdiction external to the tribunal of
penance. The judicial office in the ex-
ternal forum belongs to ))ishops in their
resjiective dioceses, metropolitans in the
cases assigned to them by the canons,
and sujjremely and universally to the
Holy See. But a previous question
arises — viz. Is the exercise of an external
coei'ci\e jurisdiction a right inherent in
the constitution of the Church? Is it
not lather an encroachment on the rights
of the civil power? It will be fmnd on
a closi' examination that this is part of a
II' ■ t ion — viz, ^^'hethertheCh^^rch
iii>t it 111 eil by Jesus Christ really pos-
sesses a native and supreme authority,
])arallel— not subordinate — to the su-
jireme authority of the State If the
< 'hurch is and ought to be thus indepeu-
ileut, then the right of making laws for
thi' government of her children not liable
to tlie revision of tlie civil ]>ower cannot
l.)e denied to her; and if she has the right
of legi,-~latio7i, she must also possess that
of coercive jurisdiction, since in human
society it is useless to ])a.~.- law.- it' one
has not the pc^wer of ent'oreim,: them.
But if Christ never meant Hi,- Church to
be an indeji-mlent society, tlie-e iliilits
could not be claimeil for her. Among
Protestants it is u.'iu'rally held that the
Church po,-.-, ->. > no ])ower originally
and a)isolul-ly inde|.enilent of that of the
State. 'J'he view of I'lilfendorf, or some
moditication of it, is still generally ac-
cepted, accordim;- to which the Chri-^tinn
Church is a kind of college or society
withi)! the State — in which all the
members, qi/ii ( 'lii i-t ia as. are equal, and
can meet to-( :liera> m otliei- colleges to
eleet ollie. r-, Iraii-ael bu-,ne>s, 'adojit
rule,- and li\-la\v-, .-in.! -o ,,n Imt which
has no ]h,\x'er o!' |,a--inL: law,-, administer-
ing jii.-t^ire. .■oipleninim;. or |juiiislnn_'
ture and tradition, reji et- -o deiii-adiiio a
view of the Church which (iod Incarnate
FORUM ECCLESIASTICUM
FORUM ECCLESIASTICUM 383
founded upon earth, and endowed with
superniiturul power and grace. To Peter
and the otlier Apostles Christ gave the
power of Ijinding and loosing. He
comniiiiuled them to go and teach all
nations; He promised to be with them
all days even to the consummation of the
world ; He said that while the things of
Caesar were to be rendered to Cssar, the
things of God were to be given to God;
finally he declared, "He that heureth you
heareth me, and he that despiseth you
despiseth me." ' He promised to build
his Church on Peter, and that against
this Church, which St. Paul calls " the
pillar and the ground of truth,"' the
gates of Hell should not prevail. There
is not the slightest hint anywhere that
Christ intended that these powers should
be exercised in subjection to the civil
power. "We find abundant evidence that
the Apostles and the early Church freely
exercised the powers thus committed to
them, not in preaching, converting, and
working miracles only, but also in the
three specific modes with which we are
concerned — viz. in making laws, in
judging, and in punishing. At a synod
publicly held in Jerusalem to decide
whetlier the Gentile Christians were to
be obliged to receive circumcision, a
decision was arrived at which was to all
intents and puiposes a law — which Wiis
promulgated under the formula It hath
seemed good to the Holy Ghost and tii
us"^ — and which St. Paul enjoined his
converts to obey, as being " precepts
of the apostles and ancients." The powers
of judging and punishing were exercised
in the cases of Ananias and Sapphira,
Elymas the sorcerer, and notably in that
of the incestuous Corinthian.'' Following
the example of the Apostles, the bishops
in the first and every succeeding age of
the Church have been accustomed to
meet in synod and enact canons— that is,
ecclesiastical laws concerning every reli-
gious interest and duty of man ; and they
never considered it incumbent on them to
submit the.se laws for the approval of the
civil power. The emperors themselves
often endorsed the doctrine of eccle-
siastical liberty. Arcadius and Honorius,
in one of their Constitutions,^ say,
" Whenever the cause is one of religion,
it belongs to the bishops to judge ; " and
the Theodosian Code contains an explicit
direction in the same sense.*' In the
1 Luke X. 16. 2 1 Ti,„ jij 15
» Acts XV. 28. 1 C.)r. v. 3.
•* Soglia, lib. iv. cap. 1. • Soglia. ubi sup.
early ages of the Church the judicial
office was largely exercised by episcopal
synods, in which important cases of
heresy, immorality, &c., were tried and
decided, and the punishments of excom-
munication, deposition, suspension, de-
gradation, or imprisonment wfir intlictfc'..
In course of time ordinary ca-rs came to
be heard in the individual bishop's court,
whilst caus<p majuns — i.e. thoMV of
bishops — were reserveil to the Holy See.
At the same tini.' .1 »-ttliMl mode of
procedure with n-uliii' ollicials becaiv.e
establislit'd in the opix-upal courts. P.y
the twfll'th century tlii,- change had beeii
geiuTally flliTted, and still continues
sul)>tantially 111 force, thougli, in some
caM'>, the ifLiular otficials and procedure
are nee>'»arily dispensed with to a greater
or less degree, according to the position
of the Church in ditlerent countries.
It will be admitted that the right
of legislation draws with it the judicial
power ; if the Church possesses one, she
possesses also the other. lJut it has been
contended that the sanctions of her
judicial decisions ought to be of a spirittuil
nature only, and as such should involve
no suffering to the criminal except either
within the self-accusing conscience, or in
another world. The Church may have
courts, it is said, but she may not enforce
the decisions of these courts by temi)oral
penalties; if these are required, she must
ask the civil power to apply them, ^lar-
I silius Ficinus maintained that '• the
Pope, or the whole Church taken col-
lectively, cannot punish any man, how-
ever wicked he may be, with a coercive
punishment, unless the Emperor give
them authority to do so." ' But this
was condemned as erroneous liv .John
XXII., and a !<imilar opini...! pn.m'ulgated
by the too-famous synod ,\( I'istoia was
censured by Pius VII. in the l)ull
" Auctorem tidei." To admit .-ucli a
doctrine would be tantamoiuit to con-
demning the heroic bisho])s of the early
Church, who feared not to depose an
Arius or a Dioscorus agiiinst the ojipo-
sition of the civil power. For certainly
deposition is a "coercive punishment,"
and in numerous instances, if the leave
of the State had been waited for before
inflicting it, it would never have been
inflicted, at all. Even while all along
asserting her independence, we know
what the Church has had to suflfer at the
hands of heretical and despotic princes ;
1 Soglia, iv. 1, 6.
FOEUM ECCLESIASTICUM
FOPvUM ECCI.ESTASTICUM
what, then, ^^llLl!^l liavf become of Cliris-
tianity it' she had admitted that she had
no right of piinishiii^r except bv their
hands? "What happened some years ago
in the Anglican community may lielp us
to answer the question. Dr. Colenso, the
Anglican bishop of Natal in South Africa,
published Ijdoks in which he was said to
have denied the inspiration of Scripture.
A synod of his brother bishops met at
Ca])etown and deposed him. But the
Anglican Church is grounded on an
Erastian principle : its supreme head on
earth is the temporal sovereign ; hence
the deposed bishop found it an easy
matter to enlist the secular courts on
his side, and to continue to occupy the
see of Natal ! Miserable as are the
present times, such a scandal could
scarcely now happen within the Catholic
Churcl'i.
The punishments inflicted in the forum
extennnn are of various kinds: besides
those already enumerated (excommuni-
cation, deposition, il'c), they include, or
have included, stripes, fines, and rele-
gation to a monastery. It is the general
opinion of canonists thai they shoidd be
such as not to involve the shedding of
blood — citra sangmnis cjfusionem ; and
this because the Church can never, like
human justice, merge the consideration
of the possible reformation of the offender
in that of what is required for the safety
of society, and to deter others from doing
the like. The Holy Office, in the day of
its most unsparing severities, did not
it.«elf inflict the death-penalty on those
whom it sentenced, but delivered them
over to the secular arm. Practically it
amounted to much the same thing: V)ut
the viMsoii of this was that secular
governments in those days sincerely
belieMMi that the heretic not only sinned
at^ain-t (to(1, l)ut was also a dangerous
otiender against liuman society. It may
be rejoined that the ecclesiastical autho-
rities not only .shared in this opinion of
the ruhrs, but by their writings and
exhortations jiartly caused it. This
cannot be ilenie<l ; but it mav probably
be lield tli:i; til. y .11.1 ,-o in "their civil
capacity, as nieuiln rs of a community,
ratherthan in their ecch'siastical capacity,
as churchmen. With regai-d to stripes,
the change in manners scarcly |)ermits
of its being included at the jires. iit (hiv
among ecclesiastical punishments. \\'itli
regard to fines, the canonists prescribe
that they should be imposed with great
caution, and so that no suspicion can
arise that tlu' jii.lii' s or officials deriv©
any Iji'm^ht from them.
Lay encroachment and usurpation
have labinired to destroy the network
of ecclesiastical jurisdiction which for-
merly overspread Europe. In tTie day
of their power the canonists, speaking
generally, comprehended well the limits
of the two jurisdictions, and never en-
croached systematically on the temporal
domiiin ; the lawyers, on the contrary,
taking advantage of the decline of faith,
and the confusion caused by the heresies
of northern Etirope, have evervwhere
encroached on the ecclesiastical domain,
and laboured to sulistitute their various
systems of local law for the jui'isprudence
founded on divine revehition, the tradi-
tion of the Church, and general reason.
They say, indeed, that their jurisprudence
is guided by the principles of universal
morality, and ask wliat more is ne°ded?
Even if this were true to the fullest
extent, it would not follow that the civil
courts ^houhl assume jurisdiction in
s]jii'itual causes. Morality — justice —
must bi' till' norm of every endurable
jurisilicti.m set up amongst men; but it
will ii.it talie us far enough : for man is
not only cnjni.r mon(m, but also rnpa.v
rclif/i<mi><. .Turisprudence requires not
only a rule, but an end. This end, for the
Itoman jurists, was found in the arbitrary
pleasure of th.' prince (quod priiicipi
plaruit, kc): for moil.'rn jurists it is
found in the arbitrary pleasure of a
majority. In either case the general
good of the connnunity is the real end,
which is supjiosed at one period to be
h.'st attained through despotism, at
another through universal sutirage. This,
which is till' highest end of man com-.'ived
as living in time, is treat. .! li\- tie' un-
believing governments of lb.' .I:iv a- if it
were his sole .■ml. llis relii;i.ius d. >tiny
is absolutely igii.ired, and the jurisjiru-
dencewhicli i'i'-t> mi 1 li.' assumption that
he has such a .1. -tiny is trampled upon
and snpjiressed. To lawyers and otKcials
of this stamp it does not appear unjust
to disperse religious congregations and
confiscate their property, because they
do not consider the temporal welfare of
society to be promoted by their existence,
and they will not allow the reality of
anv higher end. In the middle ages the
lawyers admitted that the jurisprudence
of the Church was informed by a loftier
aim than their own, and the two systems
were administered side by side with — on
the whole — extraordinary success and
FOUNDATION
FRANCE, CHURCH OF ;]8->
advantage. (Ferraris, Forum Ecclesi-
asticmn.)
FOVXTSATzoitr. [See Benefice,
EXDO-WAIKNT, I^STAHLISHMEXT.]
FRAN-CE, CHVRCH OP, In the
articles Civil CoxsriTrxiox of the
Clergy and CoxcoRrAT, the transition
during the French Revolution, from the
ancient ecclesiastical order in France to
the present state of things was brieHy
described. Some account of the organi-
sation and working of the modem church
of France will be attempted in the pre-
sent article.
Since the commencement of the Second
Empire in 1852, the dioceses of Metz and
Strasburg have licen lost to France; on
the other hand, the Savoyard dioceses of
Annecy, St. Jean de Maurienne. and
Tarentaise, with the archdiocese of
Chamb^ry, have been annexed to it, and
Algiers, which was then subject to the
Archbishop of Aix, has been erected into
an archiepiscopal see, with the suffragan
sees of Constantine and Oran. There are
now in France and her dependencies
eighteen archbishoprics,* and seventy-two
bishoprics. The number of the parochial
clergy- amounts to upwards of f. .rty thou-
sand. They are divided into Cur^s and
Desservants, and the distinction between j
the two classes is important. The Con-
cordat between Napoleon and Pius VII.,
madenomention of Desservants; it merely
stipulated that the priests serving the
cures should receive certain emoluments.
In this, nothing lint bare justice, or rather j
a small instalment of justice, was asked '
from the State ; for the " traitement " or
annual grant was toreplnce the far larger
income from tithes andotlier Church jiro-
perty, which had been confiscated during
the Revolution. Rut if every parish priest j
should receive a decent .-t ipend, the govern- '
ment considered that it would not have
made a good bargain. It was accordingly
resolved to rec(>gnise as priests for the
purposes of the above-mentioned article,
speaking generally, only the cures of the
chief places in the several cantons* in
France. These curen canfonaur, were |
about S/)00 in number; they were, and
still are, divided into two classes, the i
stipend for the first class being ],oOi\ that i
for the second 1,200 francs per annum, i
' Viz. Aix, Alby, Alsiers, Auch, Avifcnon,
Bp.'amon, Bordeaux, Boiir. es, Camlirai, Cham-
Mry, Lyons, I'ari?. Kheims, Uennes, Rouen,
Sens, Toulou>e, and Ti urs.
- A canton is a division of an arronriisse-
ment. oontainii g usually from ten to twenty
comniunea.
Under each curi cantonal are usually
several vicaires. The priests sei-ving all
the other churches within the canton,
are called Dcssci-vants. They are first
mentioned in the Organic Articles [Con-
cordat^, where it is said that they shall
be under the surveillance of the cur^s —
i.e. the eiires cantonatix. Tluy were so
for a time, but their real canonical
jiosition gradually pre\ ailed, and a des-
servant is now iiiniKMliutcly under his
bishop, and is commduly called, and is,
" ^I. le Vm€ " in his own par'sli, as
much as the dignitarv- in the clicf lieu
r!p canton, to whom alone the law allows
the title. Their position, liowever. is .-o
far diflerent that, while the cure proper
can only be appointed, and perha]» re-
moved, by the bishop, with the ajii-rdval
of the government, the desservant is ap-
pointed hy the bishop alone, and can be
removed by him, on his own sole autho-
rity.
The religious orders and congregations
which adorn the modern French church
are veiw numerous : it is estimated that
their numbers amount to 140,000, of
whom about 20,000 are men and the rest
women.
The total amount of the annual grant
from public funds for the support of
the French clergv somewhat exceeds
i',0(K),()()(i/. sterliu?. The ecclesia.-tical
buil.lin- are in tlie hands of ( .ui.<.ih de
Fabri,
"Fa I! I
of a desservant is UdO hani >, or .■in/. The
commune is bound to provide' him w ith a
residence rent free; if it is too poor to do
this, the St!i!.' will SMmi-times give assist-
ance; lui' i - - I- - ]u-ivate subscrip-
tions have to I iv-irted to. Every
diocese has a yri at or upper seminary for
the education of priests, and there are
also about a handn^d and fifty little
seminaries, which give an education
corresponding to that t;iven in the State
lyc<5es, but under ecclesiastical manage-
ment, to boys destined either for clerical
or for secular life. Of the orders and
congregations, some — e.g. the I^az;irists,
the Sulpicians, the Sisters of Charity,
&c. — are recognised by the State, and
may possess property and also acijuire it
by bequest, but under close and constant
inrjuisitionon the part of the Department
of Public Worship. The unrecognised
congregations also have of late yeara
acquired a great amount of property; it
is said that, taking the recognised and
unrecognised congregations together, the
value of their prt)perty e.xceeds a thou-
0 C
386 FRANCISCANS
FRANCISCANS
sand million francs. With regard to
political privileges, the French law
recognises no distinction between cleric
and layman ; hence bishops and priests
are capable of being elected to the
Chambers. Chapters of canons are at-
tached to the cathedrals, but the canon-
ries are regarded chiefly in the light of
a dignified provision for aged or distin-
guished clergymen ; the canons have no
share in the government of the diocese.
The old Church tribunals, abolished at
the Revolution, have not been revived;
the bishops act e.r informata conscientia,
and there is no appeal for the inferior
clerg;y' except to Rome. Of the close,
vexatious, and almost ridiculous character
of the surveillance which the lay power
exercises over the Church, some idea may
be formed from the fact that the Depart-
ment of Worship undertakes the furnish-
ing of a bisliop's palace, and requires a
yearly inventory, that it may know what
to expend in repairs and new purchases !
The laws for the expulsion of religious
and the compulsory military service of
clerics show how far the anti-Catholic
spirit prevails. [Wetzer and Welte.]
FRAIO'CZSCAM'S. This order takes
its name from its founder, St. Francis of
Assisi, who died in 1226. The Life of St.
Francis has been so frequently written
that we shall confine ourselves to the
mention of those incidents in it which are
connected with the rise and growth of the
order. The saint had entirely broken with
the world in 1200, when, being then in his
twenty-fifth year, he had stripped himself
of the clothes which he wore belonging to
liis father, and embraced a life of strict
p 'verty. He lived for several years in a
ei>ttage near Assisi, in the practice of
almost continual prayer accompanied by
severe bodily discipline. In 1209 Bernard
of Quintavalle, a rich merchant of Assisi,
and Peter of Catana, a canon in the cathe-
dral of the same city, who had long wit-
nessed and admired the heroic virtue of
the saint, openly joined themselves to him ;
this is considered the date of the founda-
tion of the order. Another disciple soon
appeared in Giles of Assisi, who was after-
wards beatified. The rule which the
saint at (irst prescribed to his followers is
not now extant : it consisted, says Alban
Butler (October 4), " of the gospt-l coun-
sels of perfeetion, to which he luldcd some
things neci'.-sary for uiiirnnnity in their
manner of lili\ lie exlmrts liis bn'thren
to manual labour, but will have them con-
tent to receive for it things necessary for
life, not money." In the later editions of
the rule the prohibition against the hand-
ling or use of money, even by the inter-
vention of a third person, was maintained.'
"He bids them not to be ashamed to beg
alms, remembering the poverty of Christ ;
and he forbids them to preach in any place
without the bishop's licence." In a larger
(extant) version of the rule he laid down
twenty-seven precepts, all of which several
Pontifl's have declared to behinding on the
friars of the order under pain of mortal
sin. They prescribe the particular means
by which the vow of poverty is to be car-
ried out, regulate the dress to be worn,
order that the friars shall go barefoot,
specify the fasts to be observed, and enjoin
a blind unlimited obedience to superiors
for the love of God. The habit which he
gave them was a grey gown of coarse cloth
with a pointed hood or capuche attached
to it, one under-tunic and drawers, and a
cord round the waist. This costume
closely resembled that worn by poor shep-
herds in that part of Italy. After several
other disciples had joined him, the cottage
at Assisi was found too small to hold
them, and St. Francis was in doubt
whether it was not the will of God — who
had already announced to him in visions
that the destined work for him and hi«
company was to preach and labour for the
conversion of souls, and bring sinners to
penance — that he should establish the
order elsewhere. But about this time the
Benedictines of the neighbouring monas-
tery of Soubazo gave him a small plot of
ground near Assisi called Portiuncula, on
which stood an abandoned church dedi-
cated in honour of Our Lady of the Angels.
Francis would not accept the land as an
absolute gift, but by the tenure of render-
ing yearly to the Benedictines a basket
of little fish, called lasche, caught in the
stream that flowed hard by. From this
humble site, which thus became the cradle
of the order, thousands of monasteries
were to be planted, missioners were to go
forth to all parts of the world to preach,
toil, and in many cases sufter martyrdom
for the gospel of Jesus Christ, and a vast
multitude of doctors and holy prelates
were to issue, by whom the purity of the
faith should be sustained, and its principles
methodised and applied. In 1210 St.
Francis went to Rome to obtain the con-
firmation of his rule. The Sovereign Pon-
tifl" at that time was Innocent III. At
• A curious discussion on the subject maybe
read in Pecock's Hepressor of over-much Wyting
[blaming] of the Cleryy (_14.56).
FRAXCISCAXS
FRANCISCANS 887
the first interview he rejected the saint's
petition. Francis humbh- withdrew ; but
the same night the Pope dreamt that he
saw a palm spring- up from the ground
between his feet and wax gradually till
it became a great tree; at the same time
an impression was borne in upon his mind
that by this palm tree was designated the
poor petitioner whom he had repelled the
day before. The Pope ordered that search
should be made for him ; Francis was
found, and, being brought before the Pope
and the Cardinals, expounded in simple
hut glowing language the plan and aims
of his institute. The Pope was much
moved, but some of the Cni-dinals thought
that the poverty required surpassed the
strength of man. Francis betook himself
to prayer, and at the next interview Inno-
cent granted him a verbal approbation of
his rule. The Pope declared that he had
seen in a dream the Lateran basilica tot-
tering to its fall, but saved by a poor de-
spised man, who set his back against the
wall and propped it up. "Truly," said
he, " here is that man who, by his work
and teaching will sustain the Church of
Christ." The above particulars are taken
from the Life of the saint by St. Bona-
venture, who heard them from the Pope's
nephew. Some years later, St. Francis
drew up the rule in a more compendious
form, and in this shape it was solemnly
ratified by Honorius III. in V223.
It is difficult to realise in this nine-
teenth century the extraordinary attrac-
tion which the example and preaching of
St. Francis exercised on his contempo-
raries. Long before the final confirmation
by Honorius III., the Friars Minor (such
was the name which the founder in his
humility chose for them) had made their
way into the principal countries of Eu-
rope, preaching penance and founding
convents. St. Francis himself visited
Spain in 1214, was well received by
Alfonso IX., the grandfather of St. Louis
of France, and founded houses of his
order at Burgos and other places. In
1:216 he sent Pacifico, who had been a
trouvire and was called the " king of
verse," to France, Bernard of Quintavalle
to Spain, and John of Penna to Germany,
besides many others whom he despatched
to various parts of Italy. The noble in-
structions, full of divine light and evan-
gelical fire, with which he dismissed them
— instructions on the whole so faithfully
observed by his followers— go far to ex-
plain the wonderful success which has
attended them in every age in doing their
Master's work. Amongst other things he
said, " Let your behaviour in the world
be such that everyone who sees or hears
you may praise the Heavenly Father.
Preach peace to all ; but have it in your
hearts still more than on your lips. Give
no occasion of anger or scandal to any,
but by your gentleness lead all men to
goodness, peace, and union. We are
called to heal the wounded, and recall the
erring. For there are many who appear
to you limbs of the devil, who will be
one day disciples of Jesus Christ.'
The missions above mentioned all
prospered greatly, except thatto Geriiiiiuy,
which failed, chiefly because the I'riars did
not know the language. England wel-
comed the messengers, Angelo of Pisa and
eight others, whom the saint sent to our
shores in 1219: landing at Dover in 1220,
they formed their first convent at Canter-
bury, and another soon afterwards at
Northampton. The romantic story of two
friars finding their way to Oxford, and
beginning the great friary there (in St.
Ebbe's parish) may be read in the Monas-
ticon.- In London, at Coventry, and
other places, there were famous Franciscan
convents ; the list will be given further
on. So rapidly did the order increase
that at the first general chapter, that
called of Mats, held at the Portiuncula
in 1219, upwards of five thousand friars
were present.
St. Francis, after receiving the sacred
Stigmata Jy. v.'], died in 122G. The next
Minister-General of the entire order was
Elias of Cortona, an ambitious, restless
man, of a tyrannical spirit. He rela.xed
the rule of poverty, admitting rents and
foundations ; he also mitigated the fasts,
&c., and oppressed those who desired to
keep up the original strictness of the rule.
A long controversy arose, which ended
in the division of the order into two great
branches. Conventuals and Observantines
— the former living in large convents and
following a mitigated rule ; the latter
living more in the manner of hermits, in
low, mean dwellings, and according to
the original rigour of the institute. The
Recollects, or Grey Friars, were a refor-
mation first commenced by John of
Guadaloupe in Spain in 1500. The
Observantines received in France the
name of Cordeliers. In 1380 the number
of Franciscan monasteries was estimated
at fifteen himdred, containing ninety
1 Fleury, Hist, du Chrislinnisme, ch. 7.
2 Dugd'ale's Mon. Angl. vol. viii. p. 1524
(ed. of 1846).
0C2
S88 FRANCISCANS
FRANCISCANS
thousand friars. In tlie next hundred
and fifty years they must have increased
very much, for H^lyot states that in his
time — that is, long after the destruction
of the houses of the order in England and
other northern countries, vrhere they
were once numerous — there were, of the
first and third orders, seven thousand
convents, with 120,000 friars ; and of the
second order [see Poor Claees], above
nine hundred convents, with 28,000 nuns.
The superior of a Franciscan monastery
is not called an abbot, but a guardian,
Custos. The whole of the first order,
comprising both observances, was in the
time of H61yot, divided into two families,
the Gismontane and the Ultramontane ;
each family contained several provinces,
each province was subdivided into vicari-
ates, and these into custodies, each of
which consisted of a small group of con-
vents.
Volumes might be written on the
labours, sufferings, and triumphs of the
Franciscan missioners; no order in the
Church has surpassed them in zeal for
the propagation of the gospel. St. Francis
himself visited the Holy Land, presented
himself before the Sultan of Egypt (1220)
and endeavoured to convert him ; and sent
five friars to Morocco, who were all mar-
tyred. Franciscans preached in Tartary
about the middle of the thirteenth century,
and in China and Armenia before the end
of it. By a bull of Clement VI. (1342)
the ;;uardianship of the Holy Places at
Jerusalem was committed to the order,
and they still retain it. Franciscan mis-
sions were established in Bosnia in 1340,
in Bulgaria about 1366, and in Georgia
in 1370. We find them taking a large
share in the conversion of the natives
of the Canary Isles in and after 1423;
they got into Abyssinia in 1480, and
established a mission on the Congo (which
for a long time bore gi-eat fruit) about
1490. The order was instrumental in the
discovery of America. Fr. John Perez
de Marchena, guardian of a convent near
Seville, himself a learned cosmographer,
entered warmly into the designs of
Columbus, and used his influence with
Isabella the Catholic, whose confessor he
had been, to persuade her to fit out the
memorable expedition of 1492. In the
following year Fr. John himself went to
America, and opened the first Christian
church in the New World, at a small
settlement in the island of Hayti. Not
to speak of the Franciscan missions in
India, Brazil, and Peru — in all which
countries other orders effected yet more —
it was Observantine friars who were wel-
comed to Mexico by Cortes in 1523, and
who, under their holy leader, Martin de
Valenza, planted Christianity fii-mly in
that empire, whence they went forth to
preach the gospel in New Mexico (1680),
in Texas (1600), and, lastly, in California
(1769).»
The order of St. Francis has given five
Popes, more than fifty cardinals, and an
immense number of patriarchs and bishops
to the Church. The great statesman
Cardinal Ximenes was a Franciscan.
Among the schoolmen, St. Bonaventure,
the Seraphic Doctor; Duns Scotus, the
Subtle Doctor ; Alexander of Hales, the
Irrefragable Doctor; and William of
Ockham (the last three being natives of
the British Isles), were members of this
order. Its history is recorded in the
elaborate "Annals" of Fr. Luke Wad-
ding, an Irish Franciscan of the seven-
teenth century.
At the dissolution there were sixty-four
Franciscan houses in England ; the names
are given below.'' The English province
was restored by Fr. Jennings, who founded
a convent at Douay about I6I7 ; of the
friars who went from it on the English
' Henrion, Hist. Gen. di-s Missions Cathol.
* List of Franciscan Houses in England,
taken from Dvgdaie and Tanner.
Aylesbury
Lewps (Suss.)
Babwell (Suflf.)
Lichfield
Bedford
Berwick
LI invaes(Angl8y.)
Beverley
LoTiilun
Bodmin
Lyun
Boston
Maidstone
BridnDorth
40 Neuark
Bridgewater
Newcastle
10 Bristol
Northampton
Caeniiarthen
Norwich
Cambridge
Nottingham
Canterbury
Oxford
CardiflF
Ply.nnuth
Carlisle
Pi mte tract
Chester
Pre-ti.n
Chichester
Reading
Colchester
60 Kichniond (Sur.)
Coventry
Kichmond (York.)
20 Doneaster
Salisbury
Dorchester
Scarborough
Dunwich (SuflT.)
Shrewsliury
Exeter
Sc)utl\Hmpton
Gloucester
Stafford
Grantham
Stamford
Greenwich
Walsini,'ham(Norf.)
Grimsbv
Ware (Hert.)
Hartlepool
60 Winchelsea (Suss.)
Hereford
Winchester
30 Ipswich
Worcester
Lancaster
Yarmouth
Leicester
York
FIlA>-KFnRT, COUNCIL OF
mission, four (Frs. Bell, Heath, Bullak.>r,
and Woodcock) were put to death for
their religion by the Long Parliament
between 1642 and 1646. Excluding
Capuchins [see that article], there appear
to be at the present time (1891) eight
hcuses of Minorite friars in England — at
Stratford, Forest Gate, Bishopston, Cleve-
don, Ascot, Saltash, Ewell, and West
Gorton— and one in Scotland, at Glasgow.
In Ireland there are fifteen houses of the
^rst and twelve of the third order.' [For
Franci.«cnn nuns see Poor Clares.]
FRAWKFORT, COVNCZX. OF.
At this, the tirst national council of
Germany, convened by Charlemagne in
794, three hundred bishops and abbots'
-were present. Under the guidance of the
English Alcuin, the council confirmed the
condemnation of the Adoptionist heresy
of Elipandus and Felix, pronounced at
Ratisbontwo years before [Adoptionism],
and also rejected the decrees of the Second
General Council of Nicaea which the
Fathers of Frankfort knew only in a
grossly en-oneous translation. [See
Iconoclasts.]
FRANKS. [See Missions to the
Heathex.]
FRATERNAXi CORRECTZOIT.
An admonition which in certain circum-
stances we are bound to give our neigh-
bour in order to withdraw him from sin.
The duty of so admonishing is founded
on the natural law, which obliges us to
help OUT neighbour in the necessities of
his soul, and aUo on the command of
■Christ (Matt, xviii. 15), " If thy brother
shall ofieud thee, go and reprove him
between thee and him alone."
In order to be under such an obliga-
tion, we must be certain that the sin has
been committed ; we must have reason
to think that it has not been repented
of, and some reasonable hope that the
■correction will do good. We must also
have grounds for supposing that no one
else who is equally fit with ourselves to
» Namely, at —
Droglu'da Ennis
Multviamham Killarney
Athlone Limerick
Drum8hambo(n) Waterford
Dublin Carrickbeg
Wexford CloDmel
Thurles Gahvav
Cork
an l Tertiaries, at Clara ; an.l eleven places in
the dioce-e of Tuain.
2 So Bnronius, whom other writers have fol-
'lowed ; but this number, according to Hefele, is
•not to be found iu the crigiaal accounts.
FRATICELLI CID
give the correction is likely to do so.
'I'he admonition must of course be given
with great prudence and charity. Bishops,
parish-priests, parents, &c., are more
strictly bound than others to the duty of
fraternal correction. Many causes, such
as inconvenience and loss, or even bash-
fulness, may often excuse private persons
from administering it. (St. Liguori, iii.
3, 2.)
FRATZCEX.X.Z (lit. "little friars"').
An heretical sect which issued from the
Franciscan order in the thirteenth cen-
tury, attracted many adherents ami
caused great confusion, chiefly in Italy
and Sicily, and disappeared towards the
end of the fifteenth century. The Fran-
ciscans were divided, soon after the death
of their founder, into two great parties,
one of which — represented by Elias, the
second general — was favourable to some
relaxation of the rule in regard to poverty,
while the other vehemently opposed the
least abatement of the original rigour.
The contention became so warm that the
Popes were obliged to interfere, and
reserved to themselves the right of in-
terpreting the FiMuciscan rule. Gregory
] IX., Innocent IV.. Alexander IV., and
Nicholas III. successively undertook this
task, and settled the rule in such a
modified form as to allow the convents
I to possess the usufruct of landed estates,
the property of which was vested iu the
Holy See. This did not satisfy the
rigorists, some of whom were so carried
away by a false zeal as to forget the
earnest and repeated precept of their
founder, that his friars should be obedient
to the Holy See, and fanatically to declare
that the Pope and the Church were in
error. Among their leaders were Peter
John Oliva, Raymond, Peter of Macerata,
Henry of Ceva, &c. Apostate Francis-
cans formed at all times the chief strength
of the sect, but they were glad to accept
the co-operation of laymen, and even of
women. They wandered about Italy,
Sicily, Greece, and countries further east,
proclaiming that the Popes liad ceased
to be the Vicars of Christ, and that the
Church, corrupted by riches, had failed.
They pretended to consecrate popes and
bishops from among themselves. In their
dress, and all about them that mot the
eye, they affected extreme poverty and
simplicity ; but a contemporary writer
(Pelagius, the penitentiary of Pope John
XXII.) reports that this external austerity
was the cloak of abominable vices. The
bull of John XXII. against them (1318)
390 FREEDOM OF WILL
FREEMASONRY
attributes to tliem various errors, some j
of which were revived by Wyclif sixty ,
years later, and condemned by Gregory
XL and the Council of Constance. For
instance, the bull of John XXII. gives
as one of their tenets that " those who
are regularly ordained lose their power [
by their sins ; " and the council con-
demned as a Wyclifite error the propo-
sition that "The power of a temporal
lord, of a prelate, or of a bishop, is null
while he is in mortal sin." ' Martin V. :
(1418) published a bull and took other j
active measures against the sect, employ- [
ing for this purpose the great preacher
St. John Capistran, whose efforts appear
to have been crowned with signal sue- |
cess.
FREESOni OF WZI.X1, says St.
Thomas (" Sum." i, qu. 83, a. 2), consists j
essentially in the power of choice. We ;
are said to be endowed with free will
because we are able to accept one object,
rejecting another; which acceptance we
call " choice." A few words will explain
the doctrine of the scholastic philosophers •
on this point, and serve as the best intro- j
duct ion to the decisions of the Church. |
The will is an appetite which follows j
upon intellectual cognition, which tends,
in other words, to the good apprehended
and proposed by the mind. It is there-
fore proper to intellectual beings, and
wholly distinct from the animal appetites,
which tend to good apprehended by the
senses. Now, if the object apprehended
by the intellect be purely and simply
good, and seen only as such, the will
tends to it of necessity, and there can in ,
such a case be no question of choice or |
freedom. No man can will to be un-
happy or can help willing the objects
which he only thinks of as necessary j
means of happiness. But a vast number
of objects apprehended by the intellect
are neither perfectly nor in all respects
bad or good. A virtuous act, for example,
may involve self-restraint and suffering ;
the mind, influenced by the will, may tx
its attention chiefly on this element of
evil, and the will in its turn may reject
the good act because of the physical
suffering or evil which accompanies it.
So again, stealing may relieve a man
from great discomfort, and here, again,
the lesser good may be chosen, accom-
panied though it is by a moral evil. To
the metaphysical arguments other very
' Fifteenth error : " Nullus estdomintiscivi-
lis, nullus est prselatus, nollug est episcopus,
dum est in peccato mortali."
obvious ones may be added from psycho-
logical experience, e.y. the sense of sin if
we choose wrongly, and the general
feeling of all societies, in which criminals
have been punished precisely on the
ground that they were free and therefore
responsible agents.
The Reformers generally denied that
man, after the fall, possessed free willj
or, if the}' admitted it in words, they
explained the freedom of the will to
mean, not the power of choice, the power
whicli the will has to determine its own
acts, but a mere freedom from external
restraint {lihcrtns a coactione). The same
error was revived, though more cautiously
asserted, by Baius and the Jansenists.
On the other hand, it was defined under
anathema by the Trideutiue Council (Sess.
vi. can. 5), that free will remaius really
and truly in man after the fall : and the
true sense of this definition was frequently
enforced and insisted on by subsequent
Popes.
FRSEltXASOirRT. The system of
the Freemasons, a secret society, which
professes, by means of a symbolical lan-
guage and certain ceremonies of initia-
tion and promotion, to lay down a code
of morality founded on the brotherhood
of humanity only. Some writers apply
the term Freemasonry not only to the
Freemasons proper, but also to all secret
organisations M'hich seek to undermine
Christianity and the political and social
institutions that have Christianity for
their basis.
The origin of Freemasonry is disputed.
The Freemasons themselves, in the lan-
guage of their rituals, assume the sect to
have begun its existence at the building
of Solomon's Temple, but serious Masonic
writers, as well as all writers of repute,
declare this to be merely a conventional
fiction. Nor is any more value to be
attached to the attempts that are occa-
sionally made to find a link between the
pagan mysteries and Freemasonry. Some
writers trace Freemasonry to the heresies
of Eastern origin that prevailed during
the early and middle ages in certain parts
of Europe, such as those of the Gnostics,
Manicheaiis, and Albigenses, some of
whose miscliievous tenets are, no doubt,,
apparent in the sect. The suppressed
order of the Knights Templars, too, has
been taken to have been the source of the
sect ; and this theory may have some
countenance in the facts that a number
of the Knights in Scotland illicitly main-
tained their organisation after the sup-
FREEMASONRY
FREE-MASONRY 391
pression, and that it was from Scotland
that Freemasonry was brought into
France at the beginning of the last
centurj-.
But it seems more in consonance with
many known historical facts to trace the
sect to the medireval guild of stonemasons,
who were popularlj- called by the very
name of Free Ma?on's. During the middle
ages the various trades were formed, with
the approbation of the Church, into guilds
or close protective societies. In general
no one was permitted to follow a trade
for wages or profit, as apprentice, jour-
neyman, or master, until he had been
made free of the guild representing that
trade. Each guild had its patron saint,
and several guilds, it is certain, had each
its peculiar ritual, using its own tools
and technical language in a symbolical
way in the ceremonies of initiation and
promotion — that is to say, in entermg
an apprentice, and at the end of his time
declaring him a worthy fellow-jour-
neyman or craftsman, kc. The guild
of Free Masons was singular in this :
that it was a migratory one, its members
travelling under their masters in organ-
ised bodies through all parts of Europe,
wherever their services were required in
building. "WTien first referred to they
are found grouped about the monasteries,
especially about those of the Benedic-
tines. The earliest form of initiation
used by the guild is said to have been
suggested by the ritual for the reception
of a Benedictine novice.
The south of France, where a large
Jewish and Saracenic element remained,
was a hotbed of heresies, and that region
was also a favourite one with the guild
of Masons. It is asserted, too, that as
far back as the twelfth century the lodges
of the guild enjoyed the special protec-
tion of the Knights Templai-s. It is easy
in this way to understand how the sym-
bolical allusions to Solomon and "his
Temple might have passed from the
Knights into the Masonic formulary. In
this way, too, might be explained how,
after the suppression of the order of the
Temple, some of the recalcitrant Kniglits,
maintaining their influence over the Free
Masons, would be able to pervert what
hitherto had been a harmless ceremony
into an elaborate ritual that should im-
part some of the errors of the Templars
to the initiated. A document was long
ago published which purports to be a
charter granted to a lodge of Free
Masons in England in the time of
Henry VII., and it bears the marks in
its religious indifl^erence of a suspicious
likeness between Freemasonry then and
now. In Germany the guild was nume-
rous, and was formally recognised by a
diploma granted in 148U by the Empe-
ror ^laximilian. But this sanction was
finaUy revoked by the Imperial Diet in
1707.
So far, however, the Free Masons
were really working stonemasons; but
the so-called Cologne Charter — the genu-
ineness of which seems certain — drawn
up in 153.J at a meeting of Free Masons
gathered at Cologne to celebrate the
opening of the cathedral edifice, is signed
by Melanchthon, Coligny, and other
similar ill-omened names. Nothing cer-
tain is known of the Free Masons — now
evidently become a sect — during the
seventeenth century, except that in 1646
Elias Ashmole, an Englishman, founded
the order of Rose Croix, Rosicrucians, or
Hermetic Freemasons — a society which
mingled in a fantastic manner the jargon
of alchemy and other occult sciences
with pantheism. This order soon be-
came aftiliated to some of the Masonic
lodges in Germany, where from the time
of the Reformation there was a constant
founding of societies, secret or open,
which undertook to formulate a philo-
sophy or a religion of their own.
As we know it now, however. Free-
masonry first appeared in 1725, when
Lord Derwentwater, a supporter of the
expelled Stuart dynasty, introduced the
order into France, pml'essing to have his
authority from a lodge at Kilwinning,
Scotland. This formed the basis of that
variety of Freemasonry called the Scotch
Rite. Rival organisations soon sprang
up. Charters were obtained from a
lodge at York, which was said to have
been of very ancient foundation. In
1764 Martinez Pasquales, a Portuguese
Jew, began in some of the French lodges
the new degree of " cohens," or priests,
which was afterwards developed into a
system by the notorious Saint-Martin,
and is usually referred to as French II-
luminism. But it remained for Adaui
Weishaupt, Professor of Canon Law at
the University of Ingolstadt, in Bavaria,
to give a definite shape to the anti-
Christian tendencies of Freemasonry.
In 1776, two years after the expulsion
of the Jesuits from the university, he
brought together a number of his pupils
and friends, and organised the order of
the Illuminati, which he established on.
S92 FREEMASONRY
FREEMASONRY
the akeady existing degrees of Free-
masonry. The avowed object of the
Illuminati was to bring back mankind —
beginning with the Illuminated — to their
primitive liberty by destroying religion,
for which this newest philosophical in-
vention was to be substituted, and by
re-shaping ideas of pro])erty, society,
marriage, &c. One of the Illuminati, a
Sicilian, Joseph Balsamo, otherwise Ca-
gliostro, organised what he called Cabal-
istic Freemasonry, under the name of
the Rite of Misraim. He it was who in
1783 predicted, as the approaching work
of the Freemasons, the overthrow of the
French moiiarchy. Indeed, Fremasonry
was very active in the French Revolu-
tion, and assisted in bringing about many
of the calamities which accompanied the
great upturning of society.
Freemasonry in the meantime had
split up into numerous sects, or " rites,"
ill working to the common eftect of de-
stroying a belief in the divine revelation
of Christianity. In 1781 a great assembly
of all the Masonic rites was held at Wil-
helmsbad, in Hanover, under the presi-
dency of the Duke of Brunswick, which
refused to recognise Weishaupt's system,
but at the same time permitted the most
mischievous tenets of lUuminism to be
engrafted on the higher degrees of Free-
masonry, especially of the so-called
Scotch Rite. About this time the Scotch
Rite was established at Charleston,
S. C, by some officers of the French
auxiliary army. The York Rite had
been introduced into the United States
by English colonists.
Freemasonry in continental Europe
has been the hatching-ground of most
of the revolutionary societies, many of
which were affiliated to the higher Ma-
sonic degrees. In France the sect was
officially recognised by the government
of Napoleon III., but advanced Free-
masons bore this unwillingly, as it in-
volved restraint. An avowed belief in
God was required for initiation, but
this requirement, through the eii'orts of
M. Mac6, of the University, was finally
abolished in the convention of Free-
masons held at Paris, September 14,
1877.
A recent French writer maintains
tliat Freemasoni-y is — unknown to most
of the craft — managed by five or six
Jews, who bend its influence in every
possible way to the furtherance of the
anti-Christian movement that passes
under the name of Liberalism. Through-
out continental Europe, in the Spanish-
American States, and in Brazil, Free-
masonry has of late years again become
very active. The war against the Catho-
lic Church in Germany had no more
bitter supporter than Freemasonry. If
the Culturkampf was not directed from
the lodges, at least nearly all its leaders
were Freemasons. During "the Com-
mune " of Paris, in 1871, Masonic lodges
took part as a body in the insurrection,
marching out to the fight with their red
banners. In France and Belgium the
lodges have officially commanded their
members to assist the Lvjue de VEji-
seiffnement—SL league intended to bring
about the complete secularisation of the
primary public schools.
In the English-speaking countries,
however. Freemasonry has hitherto pro-
tested its respect for government and
established society, and it has not bad
any immediate action on politics, its
members being usually found as nume-
rous in one political party as another.
But it lias never failed indirectly to use
its influence for the advancement of its
members over others. English-speaking
Freemasons have usually been accus-
tomed to regard the pantheism of their
rituals as an amusing mummery rather
than as a reality. These Freemasons
usually disown for their order any aims
but those of a convivial and mutual-
benefit society, but no one can fail to see
that indifl'erentism in religion at least is
one of the necessary results of English-
speaking Freemasonry at its best. But
the constant influx into the English-
speaking countries of Jews and Conti-
nental Freemasons must necessarily im-
pregnate the order with all the poison of
the Continental sect.
Freemasonry is essentially opposed
to the belief in the personality of God,
whose name in the Masonic rituals veils
the doctrine of blind force only govern-
ing the universe. It is also essentially
subversive of legitimate authority, for
by professing to furnish man with an aU-
sufKcient guide and help to conduct, it
makes him independent of the Church,
and by its everywhere ridiculing rank
and authority it tends, in spite of its oc-
casional protests of loyalty, to bring all
governments into contempt.
The sect has been repeatedly con-
demned by learned and respectable men
of all countries, Protestant and Catholic.
Six bulls have been directed against it by
name — ^viz. "In eminenti," Clement XII.,
FRIAR
GALILEO
3 738 ; " Providas," Benedict XIV., 1751 ;
"Ecclesiam Jesu Christi," Pius "VTI.,
1821; "Qui graviorn," Leo XII., 1826;
"Quanta cum." Pius IX., 1864; "Hu-
manum genus," Leo XIII., 1884.
FRZAR. The word is a corruption of
the French frhre, the distinguishing title
of the members of the mendicant orders.
The Franciscans and Dominicans,
proved by the Holy See in 1210 and 1216
respectively, were the first friars ; to these
Innocent IV. in 1245 added the Car-
melites, and Alexander IV. the Augus-
tinian hermits (1256). Hence Chaucer,
writing about 1390, .speaks of " alle the
ordres foure." ' The Servites received in
the fifteenth century the same privileges ns
the four mendicant orders from Martin V.
and Innocent VIII.
FRONTAK (antipendium, pallium).
An embroidered cloth which often covers
the front side of the altar. The colour,
according to the rubrics of the missal,
should vary with the feast or season. In
early times the altar was open in front, so
that there was no need of such a covering,
and even now Gavantus says it may be
dispensed with if the altar is of costly
material or fine workmanship. (Gavant.
P. I. tit. XX.)
FUNERAK (e.vrquice). The follow-
ing are the chief points in the funeral rite
as prescribed in the Roman Ritual. The
corpse is borne in procession with lights
to the church. The parish-priest assists
in surplice and black stole ; the clerks
carry the holy water and cross ; the coffin
is first sprinkled with holy water and the
psalm "De Profundis" recited; then the
corpse is carried to the church while the
"Miserere" is said. The coffin is then
placed in the middle of the building, with
the feet to the altar if the dead person
was a layman, the head if he was a priest.
Candles are lighted round the coffin, and
» Cant. Tola, ProL 210.
the office and Mass of the dead, followed
by the absolution, accompanied by asper-
sion and incensation over the corpse, are
said. Then another procession, and the
corpse is carried to the tomb. At the
grave the " Benedictus " is sung, with the
antiphon, " I am the resurrection and
the life," and a prayer for the soul of the
departed. The body is sprinkled for the
last time with holy water, just before the
prayer. The funeral of infants is very
different. The psalms said are of praise
and thanksgiving, nor is there, of course,
any prayer for the repose of the soul.
The vestments used by the officiating
clergy are white, a crown of flowers is
placed on the coffin, and the church bells
are not rung, or else rung with a joyful
tone. The Ritual speaks of these rites as
handed down by " most ancient custom ; "
and with good right. The custom of
bearing the dead body to the grave with
psalms, and the Mass for the soul of the
departed, can be traced back to very early
times; indeed, the funeral procession is
the oldest of all, being mentioned by
Fathers such as Gregory Nazianzen, Je-
rome and Chrysostom, who wrote in the
age immediately following the heathen
persecution of tlie Church. The last of
these Fathers (Horn. iv. in Hebr.) notes
the custom of carrying lighted torches at
these processions, and as early at least as
the sixth centuiy (see Greg. Turon. "Vit.
Patr." c. 14) the cross was carried. The
practice, on the other hand, of tolling the
bell at funerals does not date beyond the
eighth or ninth age. (See Smith and
Cheetham, Article, Burials.)
In the Greek rite, as given by Goar,
the clergy keep vigil and sing psalms by
the corpse. The kiss of peace is given
to the corpse or at least to the coffin, and
at the actual interment the priest sprinkles
the coffin with earth and then with oil
from the lamp, or else ashes from the
censer
GA&ZKEO. The object of the pre-
sent article is, not to write a Life of
Galileo, but to give an account, as clear
as our limits will permit, of the two con-
demnations of the doctrine of the immo-
bility of the sun and the rotation of the
earth, pronounced by the Congregations
of the Holy Office (Roman Inquisition)
and the Index, with special reference to
the teaching and writing of Galileo in
1616 and 1633. After the most material
facts have been narrated without com-
ment, it will be necessary to examine
three separate points : — 1. ubat was the
precise nature of the condemnation pro-
nounced P 2, What was the character
894
GALILEO
GALILEO
111 iLe considerations wliich appeared to
the Pope and the cardinals to justify
them in pronouncing it ? 3. Was Gali-
leo, as some writers have maintained,
really put to the torture ?
In 1613 the great astronomer, who had
long inclined to the heliocentric ' system of
Copernicus, published a letter addressed
to his friend the Padre Castelli, in which
he says that it is not the object of God in
the Holy Scriptures to teach us science
and philosophy, and that the received
Ptolemaic system could no more be re-
conciled to the text of Scripture than the
Copf ruican. Some time afterwards, in
1615, he wrote a much longer and more
important letter to the Grand Duchess
Christina of Tuscany, in which he is said^
to have endeavoured to accommodate to
the Copernican theory the various pas-
sages in Scripture which seem to be
inconsistent with it. This letter was not
published till 1636, but its tenor appears
to have become known to many persons.
Galileo visited Rome towards the end of
1615, and was shortly summoned before
the Congregation of the Holy Office. The
original minutes, showing exactly what
occurred, have been published by M. de
I'Epinois.s On February 25, 1616, Car-
dinal Millin reported to the Congregation
that the Pope (Paul V.) had ordered that
Cardinal Bellarmine should call Galileo
before him, and should "warn him to
abandon the said opinion [of the immo-
bility of the sun, &c.], and if he refused
to obey, the Father Commissary ....
was to lay a command upon him to ab-
stain altogether from teaching or defend-
ing a doctrine and opinion of this kind, or
from dealing with it [in any way]." If
he was refractory, he was to be impri-
soned— " carceretur." The minutes of the
following day show how all this was
done, and an injunction, as above, laid
upon Galileo : " in which command the
said Galileo acquiesced, and promised to
obey it." The prohibition of the Pope
J The terms " heliocentric " and " geocen-
tric," as denoting the systems which assume the
sun or the earth resjiectivcly to be the fixed
centre round which the planets revolve, are
borrowed from two articles in the Dublin Re-
view (believed to be by Dr. Ward), of which
we bave made free use in the present paper :
one is headed " Copernicanism and Pope
Paul V." (April 1871); the other, "Galileo
and the Pontifical Congregations" (July
1871).
» Hallam, Lit. of Europe, iii.413.
' Leg Pieces du Proces de Galilee, Rome,
r.iri:', 1877.
was identical in intention ' with that con-
tained in a decree of the Congregation of
the Index dated a week later, xMarch 5,
1616. This decree first condemns five
theologico-political works, and then goes
on to say that it has come to the know-
ledge of the Sacred Congregation " that
the well-known doctrine — of Pythagorean
origin and wholly repugnant to the sacred
Scriptures — concerning the mobility of
the earth and the immobility of the sun,"
formerly taught by Copernicus and Diego
of Astorga, " was now being spread abroad
and embraced by many ; . . . . therefore,
lest such an opinion should insinuate
itself any more, to the destruction of
Catholic truth, it gave sentence " that the
books of Copernicus and Diego " should
be suspended [from circulation] till they
were corrected," that the work of a certain
Foscarini upholding the same opinion
should be altogether prohibited and con-
demned, " and that all other books teach-
ing the same thing were to be similarly
prohibited."
That this decree was sanctioned and
confirmed by the Pope it is impossible to
doubt. The writer of the article Oalileo
in the "EncyclopjediaBritannica" main-
tains that its responsibility rests with a
disciplinary congregation in no sense re-
presenting the Church, and that it was
never confirmed by the Pope. This view is
untenable in view of the fact that in any
decree of one of the Sacred Congregations
confirmed and ordered to be published by
the Pope, it is the Pope himself who
speaks — not the cardinals merely — if not
always in his capacity of Universal Doctor,
yet always in that of Supreme Pastor or
ruler. That the decree was not confirmed
by Paul V. there is not, so far as we
know, the smallest shred of evidence for
maintaining ; and the onus probandi rests
on those who make an assertion so im-
probable.
Galileo was thus estopped by a decision
in which he had acquiesced, and which
he had promised not to infringe, from pub-
lishing anything more on the Copernican
theory. Some years passed ; Urban VIII.
ascended the Papal chair in 1623 ; he was
an enlightened man, of considerable learn-
ing, and, as Cardinal Barberini, had had
much friendly intercourse with Galileo.
' This is certain; for Bellarmine, in th»
certificate which he gave to Galileo in 1616—
of which we shall again have occasion to speak
—says that " the declaration made by the Pope,
and published by the Sacred Congregation of the
Index [italics ours], was notified to him," &c.
GALILEO
GALILEO
395
The philosopher visited Rome in 1624,
and was received with great warmth and
kindness by the Pope. Soon after this he
began to return to the forbidden subject ;
in an essay on sun-spots he assumed the
fact of the sun's immobility. In his
famous Dialogo on the " System of the
"World," published at Florence in February
1632, he spoke out still more plainly.
The dialogue is carried on between three
persons, Salviati, Sagredo, and Simplicio ;
the last being a well-meaning ignoramus,
who supports the Ptolemaic side by argu-
ments manifestly futile. At the conclu-
sion of the work the question is in words
left open ; but the whole effect of the
treatise is said to be that of a powerful
and vehement defence of the Copernican
theory. The book reached Rome at the
end of February 1682, and caused great
excitement. The Pope was very angry;
he said that Galileo had been ill advised ;
that great mischief might be done to
religion in this way, greater than was
ever done before.' Riccardi, the Master
of the Apostolic Palace, whose licence
Gahleo had obtained for the printing of
the book by representations which do not
not seem quite straightforward, com-
plained that arguments which Urban
himself had used to Galileo against the
Copernican theory were in the Dialogo
placed in the mouth of Simplicio, a
ridiculous personage. The authority of
Aristotle was in that age inconceivably
great, and Aristotle had believed the
earth to be immovable. The Peripatetics
— so his followers were called — flocked
round the Pope, urged against Galileo
the breach of his promise, and the insult-
ing neglect of the prohibition of 1616,
and pressed for the condemnation both of
the book and its author. Urban, still
desirous of keeping the case out of the
Inquisition, appointed a commission of
theologians to examine and rei)ort on the
book. Their report was submitted in
September 1632 ; it was highly unfavour-
able to Galileo. The Pope then wrote to
the Grand Duke of Tuscany, in whose
service Galileo was at the time, saying
that the case must go before the Inqui-
sition, and that the accused must come
to Rome and stand his trial. After
a considerable delay, which produced a
stern letter from Urban (December 30,
1632) to the elTect that if Galileo could
travel at all he was to be sent up to
Rome in chains, the philosopher departed
^ L'Epinois, La Question de Galilee, p. 114.
from Florence and arrived in Rome about
the middle of February l(i"..i, takinj^- up
his abode at the Tu-eau t'lniia.-sy. Tlie
trial came on in April ; for ten day,- after
its commencement Galilro was eoniuiitted
to the house of the ti.M-al of th>- Holy
Office; but on his com]ilaiiiii;^ that from
his feeble state of health he could ill Ij.'ar
the confinement, lie was allowed to return
to the Tuscan embassy.
The minutes of the Holy Office show
that Galileo was examined on April 12
and 30, May 10, and June 21. The
report of the commissioners, one of whom
was Melchior Incliofer, told heavily
ajrainst him. Melchior said that the
author of the Dialogo did not put the
case in favour of the immobility of the
sun " h}-pothetice," but " theoreiiuitice,"
and that his having written in Italian, so
that " vulgares etiam homines" might
read it, made the matter worse. The
disobedience to the command issued by
the Holy Office in 1C16 was also much
dwelt upon ; to which Galileo could only
reply by putting in the certificate A\ liich
he had obtained at the time from Bellar-
mine,' and pleading that as the latter
had not in this expressly referred to the
injunction not to write any more on the
question, he had forgotten all about it.
It is probable that this was not believed,
and that some intention other than one
purely scientific was ascribed to him, as
accounting for his open disregard of the
prohibition of 1616 We read in the
minutes for June 16, 1633, that the Pope
ordered that Galileo should be questioned
" concerning his intention, a threat even
of torture being used to him; and that if
he persisted in his statement (et si sitstin-
uerit), his abjuration having been first
taken, he was to be condemned," &c.
On June 21 he was examined accord-
ing to this instruction. Being asked
wliether he had not held the opinion [of
the immobility of the sun] siiiee the
decree of 1616, he said, " I do not hold
and have not held this opinion of Coper-
nicus since it was intimated to me by
' The certificate ends thus— after stating
that Galileo had made no abjuration, nor been
put to penance — " but onlv tlio derlaratinn maile
by tlie Pope and publislie.l by th,. Sa. ir,! Con-
gregation of the Index u ,is .siilflnllly iiolihi'il to
\\\\\\, in which it is contained ihiit tlic dcicii-ine
attributed to Copcrnii us tliat the earth moves
round the sun, and that the sun remains in the
centre of the world without moving from east
to west, is contrary to the Sacred Scriptures,
and therefore cannot be defended or held. In
testimony whereof," &c.
30(5 GALILEO
GALILEO
authority (con prtcetto) that I must aban-
don it ; for the rest, I am here in your
hands : you must do what you please."
lie was then warned to speak the truth,
otherwise the torture would be applied.
He answered, " I am here to make my
Kubmissiou, and I have not held this
opinion since the decision was given, as I
have said." He was then allowed to
withdraw. The sentence was pronounced
the ne.xt day in the convent of thf-
Minerva. A full narrative of what passed
may be read in a letter addre.ssed by the
Cardinal di S. OiidlVio on July i', 1638,
to the hKiiiisition of Venice.' The sen-
tence o]ii'iied with the words, " Whereas
tliim, (Jalileo," kc, and after reciting the
jiroceedino-s of 1615 and 1616, stated that
the Holy Oftice appointed theologians on
t ha t occa si on a s qualificators, who reported
to this effect : —
1. That the sun is the centre of the
world and immovable is a proposition
absurd atid false in philosophy, and for-
mally heretical, a? being expressly con-
trary to Holy Scrijiture.
2. That the earth is not the centre of
the world, noi iinmcvable, but that it
moves even with a diurnal motion, is in
like manner a proposition absurd and false
in philos"iihy, and, considered in theology,
at least erroneous in faith.
The accused is reminded that, after
Bellarmine had advised and admonished
him, the then commissary of the Inquisi-
tion told him that he could not defend or
teach that doctrine any more, either orally
or in writing. In publishing the Dialmfo
he had manifestly disobeyed the precept,
and in consequence of the publication,
the tribunal understood, the said opinion
was spreading more and more. He bad
acted disingenuously in saying nothing
about the precept when he applied for
the licence to print. Mistrusting him,
the tribunal had thought it right to pro-
ceed to the rigorous examen (" rigoroso
esame ") in which he had answered as a
Catholic should (" rispondesti cattolica-
mente "). " We therefore," proceeds the
tribunal, "say, pronounce, declare, kc,
that you, Galileo, have n idc yourself
vehemently suspect of heresy lo iKis Holy
Office — i.e. of having believed and held a
doctrine false and contrary to the sacred
and divine Scriptures." He had therefore
incurred all the usual penalties ; never-
theless the tribunal would absolve him if
he abjured and detested the said errors.
' Printed in Venturi's Memorie e Lettere
Inedite (Modena, 1818).
But, as a warning to others, they ordered :
1, that his Dialogo should be prohibited;
2, that he should be "formally" im-
prisoned ' during the pleasure of the
Holy Office ; 3, that he should say once
a week for three years to come, the seven
])euitential psalms. Galileo then abjured
the condemned opinion,^ and swore never
to promote it in future, and to denounce
to the Holy Office any whom he might
find maintaining it.
Harsh as this sentence sounds, the
fact is that Galileo was treated with
little that can be called severity for the
remainder of his life. He resided at first
at Siena, afterwards in his own villa at
Arcetri, near Florence. He was so far
under restraint that he was not allowed
to go into the city, nor to remove else-
where without permission ; but within
his own house and grounds he seems to
have been left entirely free. Milton
visited him at Arcetri in 1638 or 1639.
"There [i.e. in Italy] I found and visited
the famous Galileo, grown old, a prisoner
to the Inquisition,"' Perhaps Milton
did not mean to mislead, but the common
inferi'Hce drawn fr.ini his words has been,
that he found Galileo immured in the
duugeiins of the Inq^^i^ition,'' instead of
living as a private gentleman in his own
country house. The philosopher died at
an advanced age at Arcetri in 1642.
Such, in brief outline, were the facts
of this celebrated condemnation. Before
considering the motives actuating those
who pronounced it, let us examine what
the si'iitence itself amounted to. Did
the lioinan Pontiff, at any stage of these
jiroceedings, pronounce ex catlictlra that
the theory of Copernicus was wi-oiig, and
that the 'earth was the fixed centre of
the world ? The writer in the " Dublin
Review " already referred to appears to
us to make it quite plain that the Roman
Pontiff did nothing of the kind. Whether
the decrees of Pontifical congregations
on matters of doctrine, in which there is
a clause expressly asserting the Papal
• Under restraint, but not In a material
prison.
The clever fiction which makes him say
at this point, Eiipur si munve (•■ And yet it
[the eui th] docs move "), lirst appeared, ac-
cerdini; to the writer in the Knc. Brit., in an
Historical Dictionary published at Caen in
I 17»H.
^ Areopiiffitica.
I ' Thus l)r. .Johnson says, in his Life of
Miltiiii, •• He had perhaps given some offence by
visitinf; Galileo, then a pris mer in. the Inquifi-
! tion [italics ours] for philosophical heresy."
GALILEO
GALILEO
397
sanction, are or are not to be regarded as
c.r cafhcdra and infallible judgments, is
a point, according to the reviewer, on
wbich theologians are not entirely
agreed; but no one, he adds, has ever
doubted that decrees not containing this
clause are not to be regarded as decisions
ex calhcdi-a. Xow, the decree of the
Congregation of the Index of March 5,
161G, does not contain the clause; it
cannot, therefore, be regarded as defining
ex cathedra.
I. What, then, does the decree decide
or do ? It decides that the theory of Coper-
nicus is "false" and "entirely contrary to
Scripture," and that the books which teach
it are to be prohibited. To this must be
added the language used by the Holy
Office in the preamble of their sentence, as
given in a previous paragi-aph. It is
abundantly clear that both Pontifical con-
gregations held that the opinion about the
earth's motion now universally received
was false and contrary to Scripture, and
that no Catholic could hold it without
falling into heresy. The reviewer main-
tain? that it was natural and inevitable
that they should so regard it, seeing that
the obvious sense of Scripture is unques-
tionably opposed to theCopernican theon-,
and only "some overwhelming scientific
probability" (p. loO) could render it legiti-
mate to override the obvious in favour of
an unobvious sense. Later researches have
supplied this overwhelming probability,
and consequently all Cat ho] ics now " admit
that the Holy Ghost for wise purposes
. . . permitted the sacred writers to ex-
press themselves in language which was
literally true as understood by them, but
was figurative in the highest degree as
intended by Him " {ib).
The reviewer moreover contends that,
although all Catholics were bound to as-
sent to the decrees, they were not thereby
obliged to hold the geocentric tliuory as an
article of divine faith — j.c. with an assent
excluding all doubt. To maintain the
contradictory of this proposition would
be absm-d, since the heliocentric theory
was allowed to be proposed hypotheticalhj,
but the Church would never for a moment
allow even the hj-pntlietical maintenance '
of an ojiinion contrary to an article nf
faith. For instance, what ini]): ili lity
is greater than that, since l>5i. the
Church should allow any Catholic theo-
logian to maintain, as a hypothesis, that
the doctrine of the Immaculate Concep-
» Except for the purpose of a reductio ad ab
gurdum, which of course is not here in question.
tion is untrue ? But that the helio-
centric theory might be hypothetically
propounded after the decree of 1616 is
indisputable. For. first, Galileo deposed
before the Holy Office in 16.!3i that in
](il6 Cardinal Bellarmlne spoke approv-
ingly, both as to liim and Copernicus,
of their holding the opinion of the
movement of tlie earth "ex suppasitione
and not absolutely."' Secondly, the same
Bellarmine declared in 1620, " that if a
scientific proof of Cnpernicanism were dis-
covered. Scripture ?hould then be Coper-
nically interpreted;" - and the theologian
Amort, wT-iting in 1734, expressed himself
to the same effect.' Thirdly, the report
of Melchior Inchofer speaks of " the
reasons by which Galileo assertively,
absolutely, and not hypothetically . . .
maintains the motion of the earth;"
whence it may be inferred that to main-
tain it hypothetically would not have
been censurable.*
II. The meaning and effect of the
decrees being what we have described,
the question arises. Was there any
urgent, and at the same time justifiable,
motive for issuing them at all ? After
all, it may be said, the opinion con-
demned by the decrees has come to be
universally believed ; was it not there-
fore a mistake, to say the least, to
j attempt thus to suppress it.^ Has not
the logic of events proved that course to
I be wrong ? Such questions as these will
be difl'erently answered acccjrding to the
varying estinnitcs which people may form
I of the value of a stable religious convic-
tion. The Pope and the cardinals believed
^ in 1616 that if everyone might freely
j teach, at universities or by printed books,
that the earth revolved round the smi, a
great weakening of relinious faith would
ensue, owing to the ajqiarent inconsistency
of such teaching witli a number of well-
known passages in the Bible. Tliev might
remember that Giordano Bruno, an ardent
Copernican, had also taught pantheism
with equal ardour. The standing danger
on the side of Protestantism was. they
might think, suliieientlj- formidable, with-
out the addition to it — while it could still
be staved off — of a danger on the side of
physical science. At the present day the
y.iiith of Italy liflen to infidel lectures
and read bad books without restriction ;
one single book of this kind, Renan's Vie
' L'Epinois, Les Pieces, &c., p. 60.
» Diih. Kev. vol. Ixix. p. 164.
» lb. p. 102.
* L'Epinois, p. 76.
GALILEO
GALLICANISM
de Jisus, is said to have caused loss of
faitli to innumerable readers in Spain and
Italy. With loss of faith there comes
too often, as v<re all know, a shipwreck in
morals. Are the ymmg Italians of to-day
whom no one thinks of shielding from
the knowledge of attacks on Christianity,
morally purer and intellectually stronger
than their partially protected predecessors
of the seventeenth century ? We are not
in a position to answer the question ; but
those who believe that the case is not so,
but much otherwise, may well approve
the solicitude of the rulers of the Church
at the former period — when the repres-
sion of bad books was still possible — to
protect the Christian faith of the rising
generation of Italians. Few Catholics
would hesitate to say, even now, that
it would have been to the unspeakable
advantage of European society and indi-
vidual souls, if the bad book by Renan
just adverted to had been summarily
suppressed at its birth, and the writer
imprisoned, at least " formally." Far be
it from us so to disparage the honoured
name of Galileo as to suggest for a
moment that the two cases are parallel.
Galileo was a Christian all along, and
could no more have written the senti-
mental impieties of the Vie de Jesus than
could Urban VIII. himself. Still there
can be no doubt that the Pope and
cardinals — besides thinking his personal
behaviour censurable, because he had
broki n a distinct promise and disregarded
a solemn warning — believed that the in-
terests of religion required that Coper-
nicanism should be no otherwise taught
than as a scientific hypothesis. The
decrees, it is true, say nothing as to a
hypothetical propounding: to them the
Copernican theory is simply false. But
this is the usual style of all disciplinary
tribunals. The words of Bellarmine
before quoted leave no doubt as to the
Church's mind, and an ini])ortant step
towards their rm ! ;>,i t ion w:is taken
when in 1767 — th.' New t"iii;ui jihilo-
sophy which involves the ceutrality of
the sun having been favourably received
at Rome — Ihmu diet XIV. suspended the
decree of the Congregation of the Inde.x
above described.'
' There need be no question as to tlie sin-
cerity of the Pope and cardinals in repudiatin;;
Copernifaiiism. So far as was tlien known, tlie
appearancps of nature niisrht he equally well ex-
plained on either theory, and Scripture in its
obvious meaning agreed with one and not with
the other. Neither Bacon, uor I xcho Bralie,
nor Descartes, aci'epted the Copernican theorj-.
III. One more question remains —
whether Galileo was or was not tortured
j in the course of his examination. It is
extremely painful to read of torture being
! even threatened to a man so warmly
I loved by a host of friends, and to whom
science was under such profound obli-
gations. However, one may feel reason-
ably confident that it was no more than
a threat. M. I'Epinois {La Question de
Galilee, p. 104) enters fully into the
question, and shows (1) that no one in
the seventeenth century ever said or
thought, so far as appears, that Galileo
j had been actually tortured ; (2) that a
] special " interlocutory sentence " of the
! judge must have been given before the
' application of the torture, and that of
such sentence there is no trace ; (3) that
even if such sentence had been given,
I Galileo might have legally appealed
I against it on the gi-ound of age and ill-
' health, and that his appeal must have
been allowed. For these and several
j other reasons which we have not space
to analyse, L'Epinois considers that it is
I scarcely possible to doubt that the tor-
I ture. though threatened, was not actually
administered.
CAI.I.ZCASI' XiXTITRGZES. [See
LlTrHGIES.]
CAi.z.xCAM'Zsnx. The tendency to
' enlarge the prerogatives of a national
church— in the particular case, of the
church of France — and to restrict pro-
])ortionately the authority of t'le Holy
[ See. It was this tendency wliicli was
I exeni])lified alike in the Harlays and Le
Tellievs in France, and the Gardiners,
Heaths, and Bonners of our own country.
The habit of thinking of Rome as a power
to be kept in check rather than loved
and obeyed, prorlnrcs a desire to restrict
its authority in all directions, in regard
to doctrine no less than discijiline.
Hence a secondary phase nf Gallicani^m
was — the tendency to exalt the autho-
rity of a general council, and to depress
correspondingly that of the Pope.
Gallicanisiu in the first sense is the
natural growth nf a state of things in
which despotic king? and corrupt mi'tro-
])olitans ])lay into each other's hands, in
ord'^r to disjioie of ( 'hurch property, ])at-
rona^e and inlliicnce a? th(>v please For
three hniulrcl y ir- after the death of
Charlemagne, such kings and such metro-
politans were but too common, both in
France and Germany. The wealth of
Milton, in the Paradise Lost, -wayers between
the two systems.
GALLICANISM
GALLICANISM 899
the metropolitan sees being very great,
princes used often to contrive that their
brothers or their illegitimate sons should
be appointed to them ; often, too, they
■would sell the nomination for a large sum ;
and in that turbulent age the sinKn i-al I
intruder was generally able for maiiy
years, perhaps for a lifetime, to set the
canons at nought and retain the benefice.
The bishops, less exposed to corrupting
influences than the metropolitans, main-
tained discipline as well as they could ;
but episcopal decisions were often referred
by appeal to metropolitans, and were re-
viewed— when the^e had been appointed
in the manner above described —in no
equitable or conscientious spirit. A metro- j
politan decided a cause, perhaps for |
money, against a bishop ; what was the
bishop to do ? Appeal to Rome, of
•course, wlience he might hope to obtain
a final and overriding sentence, quashing
the unjust judgment of the metropolitan.
Against such apj;eals the latter, and his
prmce also, would naturally protest.
Why should not the bishop be content
•with a decision given in the highest
ecclesiastical court in the country, and
approved by the civil power ? Why
should he go to Konie ? Here we have
Gallicanism at its fountain head. The
opposite view — that which makes Rome
the motlier and mistress of all churches,
and persists in regarding her as qualified
to review all causes and i-edi-oss all wrongs
in matters ecclesiastical — though some- 1
times called Ultramontane, has been
adopted by all the saints, and all clear-
sighted Catholics, in eveiy age of the
Church. It comes out forcibly [False
Decketals] in the psoudo-Isidorian com-
pilation, a work of the ninth century, and I
it dictated the celebrated Concordat of |
Worms (1122), where the riglit of the I
Pope to intervene in the appointment of
all bishops was distinctly recognised.
For many generations those ecclesias-
tics in France who desired to uphold the
royal power, and strengthen the preroga-
tives of the national churcli, were content
to appeal to the old canonical practice
(itsus canonum, ohservnntia juris nntiqiii)
against what they regarded as Roman
encroachments. Gradually — as a conse-
quence, partlv of the contest between
Boniface VIll. and Philip le Bel, partly
of the declarations made in th(! Councils
of Constance and Basle — two ])rinei)ili s
began to be enunciated by the national
party : one, that the King of France was ]
absolutely independent of the Pope in all |
temporal matters ; the other, that the
Papal power was not absolute, must be
exercised within the limits of the canons,
and was inferior to that of a general
council. By the Pragmatic Sanction of
1438, passed at Bourges, the Galilean
church, in union with the king, adopted
the decrees of the Council of Basle abo-
lishing Papal reservations and expecta-
tives, and restricting ajjpeals to Rome to
the causes viajorcs. Many Popes pro-
tested against the Pragmatic Sanction ;
but it was maintained tiU the date of the
concordat (151G) between Leo X. and
Francis I., and although it was then
abolished, several of its provisions con-
tinued to be in force. On the whole,
there was in the sixteenth century a large
body of customs and privileges, more or
less ancient, which the courtly portion of
the clergy delighted to speak of as the
" Galilean liberties." A crisis came in
the seventeenth century. Through the
arbitrary extension by Louis XIV. of the
royal right called Hegalia [see that
article], a collision occurred between the
Crown and two bishops, those of Aleth
and Pamlers. The bishops excommuni-
cated the Crown nominees : the metro-
politans of Toulouse and Narbonne, on
being appealed to, cancelled the sentences
of the bishops ; these last then appealed
to Rome, and Innocent XL annulled the
decisions of the metropolitans. In these
circumstances an assembly of the French
clergy was convened. Bossuet, just
elected to the see of Meaux, was re-
quested to preach the opening sermon ;
he delivered the celebrated discourse
" On the LTnity of the Church ; " concern-
ing which there Is nothing more remark-
able than that the man who defended so
eloquently the rights of the chair of
Peter should a few days afterwards sign
the Galilean Articles.
These articles, four in number, were
drawn up in March 1682, and are to the
following eflect :—
The first denied that Peter and his
successors had received any power from
God extending to civil and temporal
affairs, declared that kings were suoject
to no ecclesiastical power In temporals,
and denied the deposing power of the
Pope. [Deposikg Power ]
The second ratifies the third and fourth
sessions of the Council of Constance [see
that article] concerning the authority of
the council relatively to tluit of tlie Pope,
and denies that these sessions refer only
to the time of the schism.
400 GALLICANISM
GENERAL
Tlie third asserts the force and vali-
dity of the laws, customs, and constitu-
tions of the realm and of the Gallican
church.
The foujth is as follows : " The Pope
has the principal share in questions of
faith ; his decrees regard all the churches
and each church in particular ; neverthe-
less his judgment is not irreformable,
unless the consent of the Church be
.idded."*
The question of the Regalia fell into
the backgi-ound, after the publication of
the Articles of 1682 ; besides, the bishops
would not oppose the Court, and the
Pope could not successfully vindicate the
rights of the French church without
some help from its leaders. It will be
observed that the two tendencies of ■
Gallicanism — that which would limit
the action of Rome in discipline, and that
which would place its authority below
that of a general council in doctrine —
were both broadly affirmed in these
articles. The Spanish, Flemish, and
Italian clergy repudiated them ; Alex-
ander VIII. (1690) pronounced them null
and void ; Clement IX. (1716), and after-
wards Pius VI. renewed the condemna-
tion. Louis XIV. withdrew in 1692 the
edict by which he had approved the four
articles ; but he did so, not on the ground
that they were condemned by the Holy
See, and unsafe for Chi-istians to hold,
1)ut because the particular conjunction of
affairs which gave rise to them had
passed away.
Far from ushering in a period of
greater freedom for the French church,
the declaration of 1682 was merely
another link in the chain which politi-
cians and lawyers had long been forging,
for the enslavement of the Church to the
laity. F^nelon wrote : " In practice the
King of France is more the head of the
Church than the Pope. Liberty towards
the Pope : servitude towards the king.
The king's power over the Church has
fallen into the hands of the civil tribu-
nals. Laymen lord it over the bishops.
Secular judges go so far as to examine
even those Papal bulls which relate only
to matters of faith." Jansenism, in so
far as it fostered insubordination towards
the Holy See, co-operated with Galli-
canism. When the Revolution came,
1 It is scarcely necessary to remark, that to
adhere to this last proposition of the fourth
article, since the promulgation of the constitu-
tion Rnmanum Fimtificem at I lie Vatican Coun-
cil, would amount to formal heresy.
and the doctrinaires of the Convention
produced the Civil Constitution of the
Clergy (see that article), they were only
pushing the worst side of Gallicanism to
its logical outcome. But the great majo-
rity of the French clergy saw and recoi led
from the snare, and from the day that
they did so Gallicanism was doomed. In
our own day, there has, indeed, been a
party among the French clergy which
has been less Ultramontane than the
rest ; hence the " inopportimist " oppo-
sition at the Vatican Council. But the
definition of the Infallibility of the Pope
has made the doctrinal basis of Gallican-
ism formal heresy ; and the breach made
by the revolution in the ecclesiastical
traditions of France, the suppression of
the old tribunals, and the generally
deepened apprehension in Catholic society
of the rights and divinely founded autho-
rity of the Papacy, combine to render it
unlikely that even the Gallican temper,
in relation to the supreme ecclesiastical
authority on the one hand and the civil
power on the other, will ever reappear
! on any large scale in the Church.
GAKTGRA, COVM-CZI. OP. We
pos^^e^.s the twenty-one canons of this
council, which was held at Gangra, the
capital of Paphlagonia, but its precise
date is unknown. The chief intention
of the canons is that of condemning the
false asceticism of Eustathius of Sebaste,
or rather of his followers [see Eusta-
THiANs]. Eustathius no longer held the
see of Sebaste in 380, and some have
thought that he was deposed by this
Council of Gangra; if that were so, its
date would probably be 379 or 380 — not
earlier, because St. Basil, who died in
379, ninkes no mention of it. It anathe-
matises those who out of spiritual pride
and a false conception of purity blamed
marriage, and despised those who were
married ; at the same time it guards
itself from being supposed not to honour
and admire viiginity and continence
when embraced with humility and
charity. (Fleuiy, "Hist, du Christ."
Book xvii. ; Smith and Wace, " Christian
Biography," art. Eustathius.)
GAuioETE SUNDAY. The third
Sunday of Advent, so called from the
first word of the Introit, Gaudete, " re-
joice." On this day cardinals are re-
quired to wear pale-rose dresses.
GEHETNTNA. [See Hell.]
GEM-ERAX. (of an Order). From
the foundation of the orders of friars it
became usual for religious orders and
GENERAL
GENUFLEXION 401
congregations of men to be under the
rule of a general superior, usually elected
in general chapter for three years, or
some other fixed term. In the Society
of Jesus the general is elected for life.
The Renedictine order, as such, is not
governed by a general ; but a precedency
of rank is accorded to the abbot of Monte
Cassino, who is styk^d " Abbas abbatum."
Most, if not all, of the congregations that
have sprun<r from the Benedictine order,
or grown up within it {e.g. the orders of
Cluny and Giteaux, and the congregation
of St. Maur), have established geueralates.
In such cases, the general has been
usually the abljot of the mother house,
as at Cluny; hence the title "Abbas
generalis."
The prelates of regular orders enjoy
special powers and privileges. A general
has ordinary spiritual jurisdiction over
his subjects in utroque foro. Generals
and provincials have the same power of
absolution in reserved cases, in relation
to their subjects, which bishops have in
relation to their diocesans. Generals
can reserve to themselves eleven cases
(specified in the decree of Clement VIII.,
1593), but not more, without the consent
of the chapter general. Although neither
abbots nor superiors of orders were sum-
moned to the first six general councils,
yet from the date of the seventh onwards,
exemptions from episcopal control having
been freely granted to religious orders by
the Holy See, the custom was gradually
established that, not only abbots with
quasi-episfopal jurisdiction, but also the
generals of orders, " should be present at
a general synod as judges, and subscribe
its decrees, having a decisive vote, and
the right of defining." ' Seven generals
of religious orders subscribed the decrees
of Trent.
These powers and privileges of regu-
lar prelates are shared in part by the
Superiors General of regular and secular
clerks, such as the Theatines, Rarnabites,
Redemptorists, Passionists, &c. Several
modern congregations of women have
also general superiors, but their canonical
position is of course quite different.
Generals are forbidden by the law to
enter without necessity the convents of
nuns subject to them; their visitations
of such convents are, as a rule, to be
made not oftener than once a year. Nor
can they hear the confessions of such
nuns without the approbation of the
bishop. Nor can they, on pain of excom-
> Tamburinus, i. 368.
munication, grant any office or dignity,
or remit any punishment, to one of their
subjects at the instance of any person
outside the order, whatever the rank of
that person may be.
(Ferraris, Reyularis Prcelatug, Eelig.
Jieff II lares ; Tamburinus, " De Jure Abba-
tum," Rome, 1G29.)
GENTERAX. CONFESSIOIT. A
confession of sins committed by the peni-
tent since baptism, so far as they can be
remembered. Such a confession is of
course necessary in the case of those
who have made no previous confession,
or whose previous confessions have been
invalid — e.g. because they wilfully con-
cealed a mortal sin or were wanting in
true and supeinatural sorrow. It is
advisable if the validity of the past con-
fessions is very doubtful. But sometimes
persons repeat in a general confesfion
sins for which they have already received
absolution, although there is no reason
to consider this absolution invalid. Moral
theologians and ascetical writers admit
the utility of this practice in certain
cases. Thus a person may reasonably
desire to make such a confession in order
to obtain direction when he proposes to
enter on a new state of life ; or, again,
to acquire deeper humility and a better
knowledge of himself. Hence it is com-
mon to make a general confession before
first communion, ordination, religious
profession, &c. But the practice of fre-
quently making general confessions leads
to great loss of time, occasions scruples,
and is strongly discouraged by spiritual
authors and prudent confessors.
GEM'VFX.EXXOia- (the bending of
the knee) is a natural sign of adoration
or reverence. It is frequently used in
the ritual of the Church. Thus the
faithful genuflect in passing before the
tabernacle where the Blessed Sacrament
is reserved ; the priest repeatedly genu-
flects at Mass in adoration of the Eucha-
rist, also at the mention of the Incarna-
tion in the Creed, &c. Genuflexion is
also made as a sign of profound respect
before a bishop on certain occasions. A
double genuflexion — i.e. one on both
knees — is made on entering or leaving a
church where the Blessed Sacrament is
exposed.
The early Christians prayed standing
on Sundays, and from Easter till Pente-
cost, and only bent the knee in sign of
penance ; hence a class of penitents were
known as Genuflectentes. .\ relic of this
penitential use of genuflection survives,
D D
402
GHOST
GILDS, GUILDS
according to Gavantus (P. I. tit. 16), in
the practice enjoined by the rubric of
genuriecting at the verse " Adjuva nos,"
in the Tract of 31:i->i"s duriiii;' Lent.
GHOST. Among the ancient Greelc^,
Romans, and Germans, the l)elief in
apparitions of do])artiHl S]iirits was widely
spread. In the Old Testament there are
many allusions to necromancers, who
professed to summon up the spirits of
the drad ; and possibly in 1 lleg. xxviii.
7 we have the account of a real appari-
tion. Some of the Fathers (e._(/. Justin
and Origen) supjiose that Samuel's ghost
really did appear to Saul when he con-
sulted tlie witch of Endor ; others (e.f/.
Tertullian and Jerome) regard the sup-
posed ap])earance of Samuel's spirit as a
diabolical imposture. Many apparitions
of saints after death are recorded in the
history of the Church.
The theological principles on the
matter are stated by St. Thomas,
" Summ." Supp. qu. 69, a. 3. Accord-
ing to the natural course of things, no
soul can leave heaven or hell, even for a
time, or quit purgatory till its purifica-
tion is completed. But God may permit
departed souls to appear on earth for
many wise reasons — e.ff. that the saints
may help men ; that the sight of lost
souls may warn them ; that the spirits
in purgatory may obtain prayers. St.
Thomas even thinlis that God has com-
municated to the saints a permanent
power of appearing on earth when they
please.
GHOST, HOX.T. [See Tkinitt and
M.\.i:iH,xMNs.^
Gxx.BERTZM'ES. [See Sempeing-
HA:*I. ' ll'.DER OF.]
GX1.SS, GUXX.SS (A.S. ffildan, to
pay). The history of the word is obscure ;
in the Anglo-Saxon poems ascribed to
Cirdmon — Ocnp.^i.t and Daniel — gild or
gifi'l used in the sense of "sacrifice,"
and iil<o (it' " id'il " Among the Teutons
of the n^irlh its oi'iginal meanino- is said
to have li'im "sa(-rifieial feast/" Yet
so early as the time of Ina it is used in
one of the three allied senses attached to
it by Christian civilisnt ion — namely, that
of a society of contrihuting members
associated for mutual lielp and assurance.
By the laws of Ina, no ivcre, or compen-
sation for blood, was due to the guilds-
men {ijeyyldari) of a stranger whom sonu^
one might have slain in the honest belief
that he was a robber.'' At a later period
• Brentano ; see end of art.
* Leges IiiBS, 21.
we meet with these Frith-gilds under the
names of Frith-horg and Fran'k-phdge,
when their relation to the existing system
of public justice, and responsibility for
the good conduct of their members, is
the single point in their association con-
sidered. The passages in the Laws of
Ina which mention gogyldan, if carefully
weighed, seem to point to a general
system of association, for the exacting
and payment of were-gilds due from or
in respect of any of the members, which
was probably common to all Teutonic
communities, and dated bade to the times
of paganism. The conjuratores of the
Salic and Ripuariau laws may be re-
garded as the Frankish equivalent to the
gegyldan of Ina.' On this ancient foun-
dation were grafted the religious rites
and kindly customs, gradually developed
in a hundred beautiful ways, of the
media3val gilds, which in no country of
Europe flourished so much as in Eng-
land.
The geldomoe or confratncs of the
Carolingian times [CoisTfrateenitx] were
gilds to all intents and purposes, but the
imperial legislation discountenanced them,
and their precise rules and constitution
are little known. The first extant char-
ter of a gild is that by which, in the
reign of Canute, Orcy gives the guild-hall
{geggld-heallf) at Abbotsbury in Dorset,
" for God's love and St. Peter's," to the
gyldscipe of the place.^ Everj- guildsman
{gegylda) was to pay annually, three days
before St. Peter's Mass, one penny, or a
pennyworth of wax. On the eve of the
feast every two giiild^nien wiTe to bring
one large loaf, well .-il'led inid rai.-nl. for
the common alni-;ii\ ing. Five \\'ei.'k-^
liefori' the same festival each nieniberhad
to lirlng a measure of clean wheat, and
within three days afterwards a load of
wood. On the death of any member,
each of his fellows was to pay " one
penny at the corpse for the soul." These
were the " ]Mass-])once,'' of which we hear
so much in later time,-. Other rules pro-
vided for an annual feast, for almsgiving,
the nursing of sick members, the decent
burial of the dead, kc. The ends of the
gild appear here to be purely religious
and social ; yet in the somewhat later
charter of a Cambridge gild, the old prin-
ciple of mutual assurance against crime
and its penalties receives marked illus-
tration. Gradually this feature dis-
appears, and the gild assumes the aspect
' Giiizot, Civitisatinn en France, lect. ix. x.
I 2 Kemble, Cod. Dipl. 942.
GIllDLE
GLOSSA 403
of "a roluntan- association of those
living near together, who joined for a
common purjiose, paying contributions,
worshipping together, feasting together
periodically, helping one another in sick-
ness and poverty, and frequently united
for the pursuit of a special object," '
usually a religious one. These objects
the giids continued to promote down to
the Reformation, when they were de-
stroyed and plundered.'^
The Frith Gilds, as we have seen,
came first ; out of them grew what some
have called the Religious, some the
Social gilds. In Norfolk alone there
were 909 gilds of this class. Out of these
proceeded in the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries, the Trade Gilds, divided into
Gild-merchants and Craft-gilds.
Everj' gild had its distinct livery;
hence the name of the " Livery Com-
panies " of London Five of the Canter-
bury pilgrims, the Haberdasher, Carpen-
ter, Weaver, &c., are described as —
clothed in oo [one] lyver^
Of a solempne and gret fraternite,
or religious gild. The Craft Gilds of a
city would often combine together, and
each undertake to represent one scene in
a great religious drama or miracle-play.
Hence came the " Chester Plays," written
by Dan Randal of Chester Abbey, and
exhibited by twenty-four trades or craft-
gilds of the city.^ (See the interesting
volume " English Gilds," containing the
original ordinances of more than a hun-
dred of them, and edited by Mr. Toulmin
Smith for the Early iuiglish Text Society
[1870], with a preface by Dr. Luis Bren-
tano.)'
CXRDKE (cingulum, balteujn, C<^vr}),
A cord with which the priest or other
cleric binds his alb. It is the symbol of
continence and self-ivstraint, as is said
by Innocent III., and implied in the
prayer which the priest about to celebrate
Mass is directed to use while he ties the
girdle round his waist. The Congrega-
tion of Rites (January 22, 1701) lays it
down that the girdle should be of linen
rather than of silk, though it may also
be (S.R.C., December 23, 1862) of wool.
» £ncy. Brit. art. " Gilds."
- Mr. Toulmin Smith, who looks with in-
dulf;ence on the di-solution of the monasteries,
ij indiiinant at the spoliation of the.se lay in-
stitutions; "A case of pure wholi-sale robbery
and plunder; ... no page so black in
English history," &c. &c. — Kiig. Gilds, p. xlii.
5 Wrijiht's Chester Plays, edited for the
Shakspere Society, 184.3.
Usually it is white, but the use of
coloured girdles, varying with the colour
of the vestments, is permitted (S.R.O.,
January 8, 1709).
As to the origin of the girdle, its use
was common among Greeks and Romans
in their daily life, and thence took its
place, as a matter of course, among the
liturgical vestments ; but it is not till
the beginning of the middle ages that we
meet with liturgical girdles richly
adorned. Anastasius, in the ninth cen-
tury, mentions miircenults — i.e. jewelled
girdles in the shape of lampreys (ir eel.-.
We also read of girdles varit-gated with
gold, and of others (zona Uterata') with
letters or words woven in. The Greek
girdle is shorter and broader than ours,
and often richlv adorned. (See Benedict
XIV. " De Miss. ; " Le Brun ; Hefele,
" Beitriige.")
CXiEBE {(/leba). Land permanently
devoted to the sustentation of the incum-
bent of a particular parish. The word
gleha is used for a farm or estate in the
Theodosian code. In the body of the
canon law it means the land which,
along with a house, constituted the eccle-
siastical mansus of right a])pertaining to
j a benefice. Mediaeval charters present
1 many instances of this use of the word ;
thus Simon Islip, archbishop of Canter-
bury, in a charter dated about 1360, says,
"Item habebit vicarius duas acras ten-.-e
arabilis de dote sibi de gleba ipsius eccle-
siae juxta ipsam ecclesiam jacentes " (The
vicar shall have as liis endowment two
acres of arable land adjoining the church,
out of the glebe of the church itself).'
The fee-simple of a glebe was in abey-
ance ; the freehold was in the incumbent.
A glebe could not be alienated without
the bishop's permission. The canon law
recognises only four justifying cuusi's i'or
such alienation — (1) necessity, as uheu
the church is overburdened with debt ;
(2) an opening for an advantageous ex-
change ; (3) to redeem captives or feed
the poor in time of famine; (4) incom-
modity — e.g. when the land is so far off
that its produce cannot be gathered with-
out great expense. (Ferraris, Alienatio.)
GX.ORZA zsr EXCEZ.SZS. [See
DoXOT.diiv.^
CXiORZil. FATRX. i See DOXOI.OGY.]
CX.OSSA ORI>ZM-ii.RZA and XN-
TERXtZN-EARXS. Originally the word
" gloss " (-yXoifro-a) was used — o.g. by Aris-
totle— to signify a hard word in the text
of an author, the explanation being called
' T« vsden, Decern Script., p. 2090.
404 GLOSSA
GLOSSATOR
glossema {yKi)a(Tr)^ia). However, as early
at least as Quintilian, we find the diffi-
cult word called "glossema," and the
interpretation of it " gloss," and the
latter use continued during the middle
ages, and has passed into the languages
of modern Europe. A Glossarium was
distinguished from an ordinary lexicon
by the fact that it contained only the
difficult words of the language. Hesy-
•chius, an Alexandrian gi-ammarian of the
fourth century, published such a Glos-
sarium, though he calls it a lexicon in
the prefiice. The glosses which illustrate
the language of Scripture were collected
by Ernesti from the works of Hesychius,
Suidas (an author otherwise unknown,
of the tenth century), Phavorinus (an
Italian Benedictine, died 1537, a pupil of
the Greek Lascaris), as well as from the
" Etymologicum Magnum " (a work com-
piled by an unknown author of the
eleventh century), and published at
Leipsic in 1785-6 under the title " Glossae
Sacrse Ilesychii," &c.
There are two celebrated Glosses on
the Vulgate. The former is the " Glossa
Ordinaria," by Walafrid Strabo, a Ger-
man, bom in 807. He had some know-
ledge of Greek and made use of many
patristic authors, especially of Origen,
Augustine, Jerome, Ambrose, Gregory
the Great, Isidore of Seville, Bede,
Alcuin, Rabanus Maurus, &c. His
object is to give the literal meaning,
tho'igh he adds sometimes the mystical,
and here and there the moral, sense.
This Gloss is quoted as a high authority
by St. Thomas and other schoolmen, and
it was known as " the Tongue of Holy
Scripture." Indeed, from the ninth to
the seventeenth century it was the
favourite commentary on the Bible. The
" Postilla " of Nicolas of Lyra (died 1 340)
and the " Additiones " of Paulus Burgen-
sis were merely appended to it.
The second Gloss, the " Interlinearis,"
by Anselm, Scholasticus and dean of
Laon (died 1117), derived its name from
being written over the words in the Vul-
gate text. Anselm had some acquaint-
ance with Hebrew, as well as with Greek,
and his Gloss also had a great reputation.
Very often the " Glossa ordinaria " was
inserted in the margin, at the top and at
the sides ; the Gloss of Anselm was placed
between the lines of the Vulgate ; while
from the fourteenth century onwards the
"PostiUa" of Nicolas of Lyra and the
"Additiones " of Paulus Burgensis were
placed at the foot of each page. A fine
edition of the Vulgate, "cum glossis,
interlineari et ordinaria, Nic. Lyrani post-
illis et moralitatibus, Burgensis additi-
onibus et Thuringi replicis," was printed
at Venice in 1588. The Douay theolo-
gians published an improved edition in
1617. The last and best is that edited
by the Benedictine Leander a Sto. Mar-
tino, Antwerp, 1634. Each of these
three editions is in six folio volumes.
GLOSSATOR (a barbarous word
formed from the Greek yAoxro-a, tongue).
The writer of a "Gloss" or explicative
commentary on the text of some authori-
tative document, legal or theological. The
early gloss- writers only pretended to clear
up difficulties connected with the words
used, not those of the subject-matter.
On the writers of glosses on the Vul-
gate see Glossa ORDirfARiA. In the
twelfth century a school of interpreters
of the Roman or civil law [Civil Law]
arose at Bologna. The first of these,
Irnerius, was a native of that city ; be-
sides lecturing on jurisprudence, about
1120 he enriched tne law books which
he used with a gloss, or short running
interpretation. Many other jurists took
up the same business of glossing the
I Roman law, an occupation thoroughly
■ practical and useful in an age when
i politics and trade and every sort of civic
activity flourished among the free Italian
commonwealths. In the next century
the celebrated Accursius, or Accorso,
j who, though a native of Florence, taught
in the university of Bologna, selecting
from among the glossers those whose
works he thought most suitable for his
purpose, compiled his great "Corpus
Juris Glossatum," in which, with great
acuteness and extraordinary acquaintance
with the whole body of Justinian law,
be labours to solve difficulties and recon-
cile apparent inconsistencies. Accursius
died m 1 260. " His great compilation,"
says Hallnm, " made an epoch in the
annals of jurisprudence. It put an end
in grcnt measure to the oral explanationr
of lecturers, which had prevailed before.
It restrained at the same time the inge-
nuity of interpretation. The glossers
became the sole authorities, so that it
grew into a maxim — No one can go
wrong who follows a gloss ; and some
' said a gloss was worth a hundred texts."
Yet the writings of Accur^us and his
j forerunners are full of ridiculous philo-
I logical and historical blunders (such as
I deriving " Tiber " from " Tiberius ; " sup-
I posing that Justinian lived before Christ,
GLOVES (CITIROTIIECiE)
&c.), -nhich, though they have little to I
do with their value as jurists, appear to [
have been the cause why, after the revi- |
val of learning, they were so much dis-
credited. In the "fourteenth century,
Bartolus and Paul of Castro rose to emi-
nence as leaders among the " scholastic i
jurists ; " they were thinkers of great I
power, who invented innumerable dis- !
tinctions, and imagined and solved every j
sort of case which the law-text suggested. 1
After the publication of the " Decretum "
of Gratian, gloss-writers began to deal
•with the canon law as they had with the
civil, the great object always being to
make it consistent with itself, and work-
able in the courts. The glosser Pauco-
pal6a gave his name to the well-known
gloss or commentary called Palea. The
Decretals were glossed, among others, by
Sinibakli Fieschi, afterwards Innocent
IV. Andrea did the same service for the
Sext, and Zabarella for the Clementines.
Of all these early jurists and their writ-
ings, a connected account was given by
Pancirolo (f 1599) in his " De Claris
Juris Intei-pretibus." (Hallam, "Lit. of
Europe," Part I., eh. i. ; Rosshirt, in
"Wetzer and Welte.)
GZ.OVES (CHXROTHEC2:). A
bishops gloves are blessed and put on his
hands at his consecration by the consecra-
tor. Episcopal gloves are mentioned by
Hugo of St. Victor, Honorius of Autuu
(" Gemma Animte," i. 215), and Inno-
cent III., but not by the older writers,
Amalarius, Rabanus Waurus, or even
Pseudo-Alcuin, so that they must have
beec introduced about the eleventh century
(Hefele, "Beitrnge,"ii. p. 222). There is,
according to Mr. Maskell (" Mon. Kit." ii.
p. 286), no allusion to the solemn investing
of the bishop with gloves in the most an-
cient Ordinals, or in the Sarum Poiuitical,
or in Winchester, Bangor, and E.xeter
MSS., and he concludes that the rite
was of late introduction in the English
Church.
GiroSTZCzsnx {yvwais) is a name
given to the doctrine held by a large num-
ber of sects which flourished towards the
■close of the first and during the whole of
the second century after Christ. These
ixjdies differed from each other in many im-
portant respects, but the words " Gnostic "
and " Gnosticism " indicate the common
characteristic which united them in a cer-
tain sense to each other, and mark the
common principle of their opposition to
the Catholic Church. In itself, of course,
yritriy, or Gnosticism, means no more than
GNOSTIClSll
40.)
"knowledge;" but even in the Epistles
of St. Paul (1 Cor. xii. 8, xiv. 6) it begins
to acquire a technical significance, ami im-
plies a peculiar insight into the depth,- of
Christian doctrine. St. Clement of Rcinie
(1 Ep. 36 and 40), the author of tlie
Epistle ascribed to St. Baniabas (c. 2),
and St. Justin Martyr (" Dial. c. Tryph."
c. 112), use yvoxris to describe the gift of
understanding the Old Testament typo-
logy- ; and of these the Epistle of
Barnabas expressly distinguishes between
faith and " knowledge." It is the object
of the letter to assist Christians in add-
ing to " faith perfect knowledge {yvoxriv)."
Clement of Alexandria gives the word
yvouCTii, or knowledge, and its derivative
yvaxTTiKos, or Gnostic, a still more special
and technical meaning. The greatest of
his extant works is meant to show that a
Christian may do more than believe and
keep the Commandments. Beyond the
" ordinary faith," he says, we may reach
by instruction and the perfect observance
of God's law a knowledge ' which is
" the perfection of man as man." The
" Gnostic " is his ideal Christian. He is
free from the disturbance of passion,'
contemplates divine things,* knows truth
with a peculiar accuracy,* and can
" demonstrate " the things received by
faith.^ He can penetrate the hidden
meanings of Scripture,' and use all
sciences as a means of raising his mind
to God. He uses learning as a means of
confuting eiTor, and conveying to others
exact notions of the truth. He is the
champion of " true and orthodox know-
ledge,"^ to which faith is as needful as
air to natural life,'" and which is never
separate from the practice of Christian
virtue."
So far, it is plain, the esteem for
superior knowledge is consistent with a
loyal adherence to Christianity; it was
the fruit of reason exercising itself on the
things of faith, and it grew, as a matter
of course, with the growth and pro-ress
of the Church. But this holds good only
of the knowledge which starts with an
> Strom, v. 1, p. 644.
» JhiH. vii. 10. p. 864.
« Ibid. iv. (i. p. .581 ; vi. 9, p. 776.
« Jbicl.vn. 11, [1.867.
» vii. 16. p. 891.
8 Ri'l. vii. 10. p. 865.
T JIM. V. 9, p. f.-iO.
8 Ihid. vi. 10, pp. 780-1.
» lOld. vi. 1 6. p. 816 : lijv iKtjffrj Koi ^kkKti-
aiaariK^v yvwaw.
w Ibid. ii. 6, p. 445.
»' Ibid. ii. 10, p. 445.
406 GNOSTICISM
GNOSTICISM
acceptance of revealed truth. The spirit
of speculative inquiry may strike into
another path. Et a son may set itself
above faith; it may criticise and alter
the contents of revelation, till it comes
to look on faith as a gift for the simple,
with which a man of cultivated mind
may dispense. This was the line which
heathen philosi)])hers had taken with the
popular niythdlogy : they were far from
denying that it contained some measure
of truth ; nay, they thought it necessary
for the multitude, who were unable to
receive truth in its pure and philosophic
form. Now, the allegorical method of
interpretation which was associated to
some extent with this superior knowledge
among Christians was very apt to be
perverted till it led to a false and hereti-
cal assumption of knowledge. It was by
this very method that the philosophers
had refined the gross notions of popular
heathenism. Philo, at the beginning of
the Christian era, had chosen the same
expedient for adapting Judaism to Greek
philosophy. Even in the " Epistle of
Barnabas " we may discover the germs
of this dangerous tendency, for the
author, not content with giving a typical
sense to the ceremonial precepts of the
old law, denies that they ever bound in
their literal meaning at all.'
Only one step was wanting to turn
this " higher knowledge " into the formal
principle of heresy. Let the allegorical
intei-^jretation be applied to the New
Testament, and let its literal sense be
put aside as false or worthless, and then,
under the plea of higher knowledge,
Cliristianlty might be changed at will.
A man had but to suppose himself pos-
sessed of this higher gift, and then, on
l^je plea of alli'unrising, he might explain
away every I'act and doctrine in the
traditional belief. Nor need he even
trouble himself about explaining it away.
He might, in the confidence of his insight
into higher truth, distinguish between
elements of truth and falsehood in the
received doctrine ; he might mutilate
the text of the Gospels ; he might mix
tenets borrowed from the heathen philo-
sophy or religions with Christianity : he
might end by treating the moral law as
he had treated Christian doctrine, and
invent a new code of ethics. All this he
might do, and all this the Gnostics ac-
tually did. In fact, when the way was
once opened, the motives for pressing
into it were strong enough. The age of
1 Vid. e.g. cc. 4, 9, 10,
the Gnostics was eagei- for novelties im
religion, and addicted to fnutastic sujier-
stitious. It was the fashion of the time
to mingle philosophy, mythology, and
magic. There was the more inducement
to amend Christianity by the introduc-
tion of foreign elements, because, while
it showed a life and power to which
neither philosophy nor heathenism could
pretend, its teaching on creation out of
nothing, on the resurrection of the body,
on salvation through the siiHri'iiigs aiul
death of Christ the Son of God, ran
counter to every i)rejudice of the heathen
world. There was not a sect among all
the countless sects of Gnosticism which
did not deny each one of these doctrines.
Above all, the central idea of Gnosticism
made it welcome to many who were half-
converted from heathenism. It was a
knowledge superior to and independent
of faith. Faith was for the multitude,
knowledge for the few. The aristocratic
instinct which was the very soul of
Greek and Roman culture revolted at
the authority of a Church which imposed
the same belief on all, and exacted the
same submission from the philosopher
and the barbarian slave. In a system of
compromise, like Gnosticism, it escaped
from this ignominy.
Such, then, was the nature of Gnosti-
cism. It was a false knowledge which
threw oft" the trammels of faith and eccle-
siastical authority. It subjected every-
thing, as St. Irenaeus ' declares, to the
caprice of the individual, and made any
fixed rule of faith impossible. It " aban-
doned the faith which the Church pro-
claimed, and cavilled at the simplicity of
the holy presbyters." - It destroyed, as
Clement puts it, the rllicacy of baptism '
—that is, it set at naught 'faith, the gift
conferred in that sacrament. The Gnos-
tic professed to im])art a knowledge
" greater and deeper"'' than the ordinary
doctrine of Christians, a knowledge which
forgot the limits of reason and scorned
to believe what it could not understand.*^
This knowledge, to those who were cap-
able of it, was the means of redemption ;
indeed, in most of the Gnostic systems it
was the one and sufficient passport to
perfect bliss.* It is, however, important
1 Adv. Heer. ii. 27, 1.
2 Ireii. V. 20, 2.
3 Strom, ii. 3, pp. 443-4.
* Iren. i. 31, 3.
* Ihid. ii. 28, 2.
6 We liave explicit evidence on this point
with regard to most of the Gnostic syptems.
Thus see, for the Naasseni, Philnsophumena (,6d^
GNOSTICISM
GNOSTIt'TSM
407
to observe that (Gnosticism was not a
philosophy. True, it was as unfettered
and unstable as anj- philosophy could be,
and it addressed itself to the'same kind
of questions. But it kept the semblance
of Christianity, for in nearly all the
Gnostic systems Christ occupied a cen-
tral place, and, as a rule, Gnosticism
answered the speculative questions which
it raised, not in the abstract language of
metaphysics, but hy the invention of an
elaborate mythology. Without its Chris-
tian elements, it could not have entered
into such close conflict with the Church ;
without its mythological garb, it would
have missed the popularity which made
it dangerous.
It was in the East that Gnosticism
began, and in its rudimentary form it
appears very early in the history of the
Church. The Fathers in the latter half
of the second century speak of Simon
Mag\is as the first Gnostic. Both Simon
and his successor, Menander, were Sa-
maritans ; ' while Saturninus, the disciple
of the latter, taught at Antioch in the
time of Hadrian ^117-138).^ All three
taught that the world was made by
inferior powers more or less in antagonism
with the supreme God. Either the
highest God, or else some feon (a name
the Gnostics gave the spiritual beings
who play so large a part in their sys-
tems), appeared on the earth in the per-
son of Christ and redeemed man by the
" knowledge "He gave from the dominion
of matter and of the angels who ruled
the world. Menander, however, made
important contributions to the develop-
ment of Gnosticism. He was at least
more emphatic than his predecessors in
denying that Christ took a real body or
degraded Himself by contact with the
impurity of matter. Further, he main-
tained that the angels had made two
kinds of men, our Saviour having come
that He might overcome the evil men
and the demons who helped them, and
might save the good.'
There were two other forms which
Gnosticism assumed while still on Asiatic
Dunoker and Schneidewin, v. 8, p. 162) ; for the
Peratte, v. 17, p. 196 ; for the Setliinns, v. 21,
f). 212 ; for the Gnostic Justinns, v. 24, p. 216 ;
for th- Maroosians, vi. 52, p. 336 ; for the Ba-
silidinns, vii. 27, pp. 374-G ; for the Valen-
tiniana. Iren. i. 6, 1.
' Justin, 1 Apol. 26. On the connection of
the three hore.si.archs. see Iren. i. 23, 5 seg.
p;useb. H. E. \\. 7. Theodoret, Heer.
Fall. 1,2.
» Iren. i. 24, 2.
soil. Whereas Simon Magus attrilmted
the Hebrew prophecies to the inspiration
of the same lower powers which had
made the world, and Satiiniinns held
that the Saviour descended to destroy
the god of the .Tews; yet Ceriiitliiis, a
contemporary of St. .John the E\ niii;rlist,
and the Gnostics wlm aiv (Icnnmir. d in
the Ignatiau Ejiistles, unite. 1 a Iranm-- to
Judaism with tlieir Gnostic s]ierulatuins.
With strange inconsistency tliey advo-
cated Jewisli rites and denied the funda-
mental doctrine of Judaism — viz. the
unity of God.' Besides those Judaising
Gnostics, we find a cluster of Oriental
sects, known as Opliiti's, or w(ii-sln]i]H'r,s
of the serpent. They het vay tlicir I^ast-
ern origin by the use tliev nialie of
Chaldee names, and it is generally sup-
posed that they represtnit one of the
oldest varieties of Gnosticism. To them
belonged the Naasseni (from the Hebrew
word for serpent), the first of those
"wliii dared to Celebrate with hymns the
serjient which was the cause of trans-
gression," and boasted that they " knew
the depth " of truth : ^ the Peratae, who
professed to impart the secret by which
the initiated could " pass through the
corruption" of matter.' If we inquire
what was meant by this mysterious
knowledge, we find Judaism, Christi-
anity, and heathenism mixed together in
the wildest confusion. They held that
an aeon descended on Jesus and made
Him the prophet of the truth. But they
also appealed to Moses, Hercules, Homer,
Oi'pheus, Linus, to astrology, and to
heathen mysteries.'* Probably Baur is
right in regarding the Ophitic doctrine
as a mere ])hase of Oriental heathenism,
which ranks as a hei-esy only Ijecause it
adoj)ted some Christian terms.'
In Origcn's time scarcely thirty of
Simcni's sect were left,' and we hear
little from early writers about ^Menander,
Cerinthus, or Saturninus. Rut in Alex-
andria, the Gnostic tendencies gathered
life and strength. Their Gnosticism
learned to clothe the ideas of Greek
I Iren. loc. ext. The Essenes (see Joseph.
Antiq. xviii. 1, ,5) and the Judaisin;; Chri.stians
represented in the <7cm. Horn, (seeii. 38,60,51,
52 ; iii. It!. 1!> ; x\ iii. 20) made selections from
Jiulai.-iii ill tlu- same arbitrary way.
- riii/iis,j/,/iiiiii. V. 6, seq.
5 Ilml. V. k;.
4 Jhiil. V. 26. V. 7, V. 8, V. 13, v. 26, ■v\(P. Some
of thfin canotiiscil all who were held up to.
special reprobation in the Old Testament,
^ Kirchengescliichte, p. 195.
6 C. Ctls. i. 57.
408 GNOSTICISM
GNOSTICISM
philosophy in a religious garb ; there it
formed its elaborate aeon systems — partly
•Christian, partly Platonic, partly mytho-
logical. Basilides was the first of the
great Alexandrian Gnostics. He had
been a companion of Satuminus in
Syria,* but it was in Alexandria that he
began his public life, and the Basilidians
were largely indebted to the schools of
Greek philosophy in that city. By com-
paring the original teaching of Basilides,
■as given by Irenaeus, with the later de-
velopment of his doctrine as reported in
the " Philosophumena," we can note the
increasing influence which the physical
"theories of the Stoics exercised on the
Basilidians.'^ The Alexandrian Valen-
tinus made a fusion of Christianity with
Platonism, much as the Neo-Platonists
united the latter with heathenism.
Valentinus went to Rome about 141 and
stayed there till 157. He had numerous
disciples, who formed two great divisions
■of Valentinianism, known as the Eastern
and Western. Many of his followers
could boast of fame and influence : one
of them, indeed, Heracleon, will be re-
membered while history lasts, for he
wrote the first commentary on St. John's
Gospel. Evidently St. Irenaeus con-
sidered Valentinianism the most formid-
able heresy of the day.
The Valentinians set out from the
Platonic principle that the ideal or
heavenly world —the ' Pleroma,' as they
called it — alone possesses reality. God
dwelt for countless ages alone with His
thought (Enuoea), then after long silence
produced two aeons, who became the
parents of others. Just as IMato pictures
the supreme God as dwelling in eternity
w ith the ideas or archetypes of things
ever present to Him, so the Valentinians
peopled their celestial world with a long
series of aeons, which are the Platonic
" ideas " translated into the langiuige of
mythology. The aeons are an-anged on
the Pythagorean and Platonic principles
that certain numbers have a mystic
efficacy. Some of the names given to
them were suggested by the Catholic
doctrine of the Trinity or by the divine
attributes ; others, such as " man," " the
church," &c., point to the theory, also
Platonic, that things below are shadows
cast from a higher world.
» Epiphan. Heer. xxiii. 7, xxiv. 1.
' Hilgcnfpld and Lipsius rightly maintain
against Baur and others that the oldest form
of Basilidian teaching is found in Irenaeus.
See Hilgenfeld, Jiidiscli. Apocali/ptik, p. 287, seq.
So much for the nature of God and
the aeon world. But how did the ma^
terial world with its attendant evils
come to be ? It could not, of course, on
Valentinian principles, be attributed to
the supreme God. They supposed that
the aeons were less perfect the further
they were removed in the long line of
generation from the Father of all. The
lowest of them was overcome by desire
to comprehend God, and by this fruitless
desire gave birth to another aeon, Acha-
moth (niD^n — i-e. wisdom), who wan-
dered outside the aeon world in hel))less
misery. Higher aeons freed her from
her sufferings, and these sufferings thick-
ened into matter, and out of this pre-
existent matter men and thiuL'-s were
moulded by the demiurge, the " God of
this world." This demiurge (here, again,
we have both a notion and a name
borrowed from Plato) was the God of
the Jewish religion, a being imperfect,
ignorant, and, indeed, incapable of spiri-
tual ideas. Of men some were earthly
(xoiKoX), made from the worse kind of
matter, and necessitated to evil. Others
were " animal " (\|/uxtKoi), capable of
receiving the ordinary Jewish or Chris-
tian religion. They were endowed with
free will, and would obtain a partial
happiness hereafter if they led virtuou.s
lives. But there was a third class, of
" spiritual " men, in whom there were
certain germs which had fallen from the
ason world. They were destineil, what-
ever their actions might be, to enter the
higher world, but meantime they were
enslaved by the demiurge and by matter.
An aeon, called Christ, clothed Himself
in a body which looked like ours, and
communicated to these aeons the " know-
ledge " of their higher destiny, teaching
them to slight the god of this world and
his law. The Valentinians held that it
was not deeds, but the possession of a
spiritual nature, which led to the higher
world, and they made little account of
Christ's death. Some of them held that
only the body which He had formed for
Himself could suffer ; others, that Christ
had descended on a man, Jesus, and
abandoned Him at the crucifixion.'
Another Gnostic, as great as Valen-
tinus, came to Rome a little later and
made great changes in Gnosticism. He
I See the account of Ptolemy the Valen-
tinian. Iren. i. 8. ad fin. Cf. Massuet. Uist.
i. n. 83. The differences among the Valen-
tinians were not very serious.
GNOSTICISM
GOD
409
Furrendered tlie fantastic seon-systems,'
but, on the other hand, he represented
the demiur<je god of this world as
actually cruel and wicked.^ He showed
the bitterest hostility to the Old Testa-
ment, and in the New admitted only ten
Epistles of Paul and the single Gospel
of Luke, mutilating even these books
%nd interpolating passages according to
the requirements of his theory.' Marcion
g'ave greater prominence than the Valen-
tinians to moral ideas and to the death
of Christ,'' and apparently did not make
salvation depend on an original differ-
ence in the natures of men.
In the preceding sketch an attempt
has been made to note the principal
features of Gnosticism ; and though the
division adopted — viz. into the Oriental
Gnostics, the philosophical Gnostics of
Alexandria and the Marcionite Gnostics
■with their more practical and Christian
religion, which presents many points of
contact with modern Protestantism' — is
not altogether satisfactory, it is perhaps
as simple as any other which has been
proposed. Some of the Gnostics were
led by their belief in the impurity of
matter to asceticism, others to unbridled
licence; but we cannot classify the
Gnostics on this principle, for we find
the two opposite tendencies appearing in
the same sect. At least we know that
while Basilides respected the moral law,
the Basilidians set it at nought."
After Marcion the development of
Gnosticism came to an end, though the
heresy held its ground more or less for
centuries, and like tendencies reappear
in the Manichees and in the Manicheun
heretics of the middle ages. But Gnosti-
cism has left an enduring mark on the
history of the Church. It was in oppo-
sition to this heresy that Irennens wrote
the earliest treatise which we possess on
Catholic dogma. It was the coniiict
■with this heresy from which the need
arose of formulating with greater pre-
cision and stating with greater fulness
' Massuet denies this (Diss. i. n. 138) ; but
his only real authority — Gre^. Naz. Orat. 2.;
and 24— is a very poor one in such a matter.
2 Philnsophum. vii. 30 ; Ireii. i. 27, 2.
5 Epipbau. ifer. xlii. 9.
' lb. xlii. 8 ; and the Armenian bishop
Esnif?. apud Baur, Christlidie Gnosis, p. 272.
* Neander {Kirckengesrhichte. 'u.\).Wi) sees
in Marcion " the spirit of a gecuine Protestant-
ism." He rei)re-en(s. s;iys Lipsius (Giiosti-
cisiiiu.1. p. 16.")). 'the Protestantism of ecclesi-
astical antiquity."
« Clem. A].' Strom, iii. 1, p. 609 seq.
I the Catholic doctrines on the Incarna-
! tion, on the sacraments, and above all
on the authority of the teaching Church.
The Arian heresy itself did not produce
a greater crisis in the Church's history,
or contribute more to the development
of Catholic doctrine.
This account of Gnosticism has been
made with some care from the sources,
of which IreniBus and the " Philosophti-
mena " are the chief. But great use has
also been made of Massuet's dissertations
" De Gnosticorum Rebus ; " Neander in
the last edition of his "Church His-
tory ; " Mohler's essavs collected bv
Bollinger, 1839; Baur, « Christliche
Gnosis," 18o5, and " Kirchengeschichte
der drei ersten Jahrhunderte," 3rd ed.,
1863; Lipsius, " Gnosticismus," 1800.
COAXTESE SCHXSBX. [See Mis-
sions TO THE Heathen.]
GOB. In the Apostles' and in the
Nicene Creed we begin by professing
our belief in one God, creator of heaven
and earth, and the Fourth Lateran
Council explains more fully what we
know by reason and revelation of His
nature and attributes. The Vatican
Council, although to a gi-eat extent it
merely reiterates tlie Lateran detinltion,
adds at least two important truths con-
cerning God's relation to us and ours to
Him. For, after stating that there is
one true and living God, creator and
Lord of heaven and earth, almighty,
eternal, immense, incomprehensible, in-
finite in intellect and will and in every
perfection ; concerning whom, seeing
that He is one, singular, altogether
simple and unchangeable spiritual sub-
stance, we must assert that He is in
reality and essence distinct from the
world, most blessed in Himself and from
Himself, and infinitely e.xaltcd above all
that is or can be tliought of besides
Himself, tlie council adds that God " by
Ills most free counsel," constrained by
no necessity of any kind, created the
world, and then, in the next chapter,
that we can, by the natural light of
reason, and from the consideration of
created things, attain a " sure " know-
ledge of God, who is the beginning and
end of all. It is the object of this article
to explain the Vatican definition, and to
show its perfect consistency with reason
and with the previous teaching of tifo-
logians. It is obvious tliat we caiiiiot
attempt, in the space at our comniand.
anything like a full and philosophical
treatment of the subject, or even try to
410
GOD
GOD
explain many of the difficulties which
are often urged. The utmost which we
hope to do consists in indicating the
general line which Catholic philosophers
and theologians have taken in proving
the existence of God, and treating of His
attributes.
"We begin with a definition sufficient
to explain the sense we give to the word
"God," and which would be accepted pro-
bably both by theists and atheists, at
least in civilised countries. By " God " we
understand the one absolutely and in-
finitely perfect spirit who is the creator
of all ; and, taking this definition for
i;ranted, we proceed to state the follow-
ing propositions.
I. It is certain from mere reason,
apart from revelation, that God exists ;
and this may be proved, according to the
council, from a consideration of created
things. " His invisible things," St. Paul
says (Rom. i. 20), "from the creation of '
the world, are clearly seen, being under-
stood by the things that are made. His
eternal power also and divinity : so that J
they" {i.e. the heathen, who did not
believe in the true God) "are inex-
cusable." Everyone knows the popular
form in which the argument is put, and
has been put from the time of the
Fathers of the Church. There are, it is
said, plain marks in the mechanism of
created things which show that they are
the work of an intelligent being. The
laws, for example, which govern the
physical world must come from an in-
telligence of some kind, for they display
a high degree of wisdom united to im-
mense power. Plainly this intelligence
does not reside in the things themselves.
The world, therefore, was created and is
supported and governed by an intelligent
being whom we call God. Nor does
there seem to be any valid answer to
this argument. True, there are many
things in the world which are not, so
far as we can see, arranged to wise ends,
and others which even seem to contra-
dict the supposition that they come from
a wise and benevolent Creator. AU this
may be admitted, but it cannot do away
with the fact that we do on every side
discern unmistakable traces of intelligent
design. When these traces abound, it
is not only humility but common sense
which prompts us to acknowledge a wise
Creator, and to believe that all is created
for a good end, though in many cases
our ignorance prevents us from discern-
ing it. A man who does not understand
the mechanism of an engine is still
within his rights when he concludes
that it is due to an intelligence possessed
of understanding which he himself laeks^
and would most certainly transgress the
plainest rules of common sense if he
attributed all the parts of the machinery
which he could not understand to mere
chance, or, again, to a want of knowledge
or power on the part of the constructor.
Accordingly, we may fairly conclude
that the argument from design will
always keep its place among the proofs
of God's existence. It has the great ad-
vantage of being easily grasped, and no
valid objection can be urged against it.
While, however, St. Thomas gives
this argument, he places it last among
the five which he adduces at the begin-
ning of the " Summa," and though it is
the most popular it does not seem the
most cogent. His other arguments are
more metaphysical and subtle, but they
have the advantage of leading the mind
more directly and more conclusively to
the belief in an absolutely perfect Being.
His first argument is from motion, and
it assumes no more than the patent fact
that movement exists. Whence does it
come? Not simply from the things
themselves, for nothing can in the same
respect be at once the cause and the
subject of motion. Motion implies pas-
sivity : in other words, the thing moved
must be under the influence of some-
thing distinct from itself which causes
the movement or change. Life oilers no
instance to the contrary, for though, no
doubt, we say, and rightly, that living
things have the cause of motion in
themselves, this only means that one
part in living organisms communicates
movements to other parts. The heart
sends the blood through the frame, but
the heart itself receives the first impulse
from the parent to whom life is due.
Nor are even intellectual beings the in-
dependent cause of their own move-
ments. The will is influenced by the
thoughts, the mind cannot think unless
objects are proposed or have been origin-
ally proposed to it from without. Hence,
even if we assume an infinite series of
creatcKl things, still, so long as they all
are subject to motion and change, this
motion and change calls for explanation,
and we are forced to the belief (a sublime
one, truly) of a first mover, Himself im-
movable, of a Being who is at once the
perfection of activity and life and the
perfection of rest, the cause of move-
GOD
GOD
411
tnent and change, while He Himself
changes not.
The second proof is taken from tlie
acti%'ity, as tlie former from the pnssivity,
of things. Certain caiis,\* in the world
produce certain effects, and we find
these causes existing in a regular series
or order. Cause? are themselves the
effects of other causes ; the parent is the
cause of his child's being, and he himself
owes Ills being to his own parents.
Here again, if we prolong the series to
infinity, we cannot escape from the con-
clusion that there is a God. Even in
such a series, there is no cause which is
not itself the effect of another cause —
which does not mpiire a cause outside
of itself as the origin of its being. No
explanation can be devised except that
of a first cause, who is Himself imcaused.
The third argument is drawn from
the contingency of things. Existence
does not belong to the essence of things ;
they are not in their own nature de-
termined to be, for most of them fade
and die : of all of them it may be said,
once they did not exist. Besides, then,
the series of contingent entities (and
here again we may, without prejudice to
the argument, multiply the series to
infinity) there is a necessary and absolute
being.
AVe cannot do justice in the space at
our command to the fourth argument of
St. Thomas, taken " ex gradibus Iwiita-
tis " — i.e. from the degrees of perfection
in things. It is jierliaps the most subtle
and difficult of all, and the commentators
are not agreed al)out its meaning. The
following account, however, may be
given as the substance of the reasoning.
We find by observation that creatures
are more or less wise, noble, good, and
the like. These qualities do not belong
to their es.sence, for if so, there could be
no question of more or less. Socrates
and Plato were both men: humanity
constituted their nature, and in the strict
sense neither could be more truly and
perfectly a man than the other, since the
definition of man may be predicated of
each. The very fact, then, that one
man or angel is more wise, noble, power-
ful than another proves that wisdom,
nobility, power, do not belong to the
human or angelic natures as such or in
themselves. As they are not wise, &c.,
in themselves, or in virtue of their mere
existence, their perfection must come to
them from without, and we end with
the idea of a ]?eing absolutely and per-
fectly wise, holy, strong, &c., because
wisdom, holiness and strength are in
Him more than mere attributes — are, in
short, identical with His nature. Thus
St, John says, not merely that God is
charitable or loving, but that He is
charity. Such a statement is untrue of
any being except God.
St. Thomas's fifth argument, viz.
from design, has been already stated.
The reader will find another from
conscience — i.e. from the fact attested
by experience, that man has by nature
a sense of right and wrong altogether
distinct from the Imowledge that certain
actions are hurtful to others, hurtful to
or iniworthy of himself, drawn out with
surpassing genius by Cardinal Newman,
in his " Grammar of Assent." Thi.s
argument has the advantage of leading
us Tuore directly than any of those given
from St. Thomas to a true conception
of God's character as a just, holy, and
merciful God.
Such are the chief arguments by
which Catholic theologians prove God's
existence. But are any arguments neces-
saiy ? Have we not an intuitive percep-
tion of God's existence ? Or again, can
we not be sure of His existence the
moment we understand the meaning
which the word ''God" is intended to con-
vey? The great majority of theologians
answer this question in the negative.
St. Thomas holds that the mode of cog-
nition coiTesponds to the nature of him
who knows. Our soul, he says, informs
a material body. By nature, therefore,
it can only know directly things which
are themselves, partlj^ at least, material.
It recognises the existence of purely
spiritual beings only by a process of
inference. But instead of explaining and
developing this Thomist (or rather Ari-
stotelian principle), we will take the
simpler course of pointing out the flaw
in the reasoning of those who have advo-
cated the theory that the knowledge of
God's existence is self-evident. St.
Anselm, who has been followed in
modern times by Descartes, began with
the assumption that all men, theists and
atheists alike, understand the name of
God to denote the most perfect being
that can be conceived, and so far we may
allow that he was right. When, how-
over, he goes on to argue that the idi^a of
the utmost perfection implies existence,
he confuses, as St. Thomas justly objects,
between tlie real and the imaginary.
The mere fact that we can form a notion
412
GOD
GOLDEN ROSE
of a being the most perfect that can be
conceived cannot prove that such a
being has existence except in our imagi-
nation. Nor have the attempts of onto-
logists in our own day to show that the
belief in God is intuitive been more
successful. We begin, they say, with
the notion of being, and this notion of
existence, without which we can under-
stand nothing, is nothing else than the
divinity. The obvious answer is, that
although we do begin with the vague
and abstract notion of existence, the
existence which we predicate of the
things around is wholly distinct from
the self-existent and all-perfect spirit
whom we call God. In 1861 the Roman
Inquisition decided that ontologism as it
has just been expounded could not be
'• safely taught " (" tuto tradi ").
II. The Mature of God.— AM human
conceptions of God's nature are of course
imperfect ; still, since reason enables us
to ascertain God's existence, it also en-
ables us to know something of His
nature.' We learn what God is partly
by removing from the idea we form of
Him all imperfections which belong to
creatures, partly by attributing to Him,
in a more excellent form, all the perfec-
tion we find in them. The schoolmen
set out with the notion of God as " pure
actuality," which notion is immediately
derived from the proof given for the
divine existence. Creatures have poten-
tiality, or the power of becoming what
they are not, in different modes and
degrees. There was a time when they
were not, and merely had the capacity of
existence: once existing, they are cap-
able of further perfections, which deter-
mine their nature ; and again, they are
subject to the possibility of falling away
from the perfection of their nature, or of
ceasing to exist altogether. All these
capacities are expressed by the Aristote-
lian word " potentia," which is opposed
to " actus," or actuality. Now, because
capacity can be reduced to act only by
something which is already in act, God
as the ftrst cause, as the mover of all,
Himself immovable and changeless, as
the necessary and self-existent being,
must be pure actuality. He is infinite
in all perfection, for otherwise He would
be subject to the capacity of change and
improvement. His essence, as we have
I Here is the radical difference between
the view of Catholic theologians and that pro-
pounded with great abilitj- by the late Dean
Mansell in his famous Bampto'n Lectures.
already seen, is one with His existence.
His attributes also, such as goodness,
justice, and the like, are identical with
His nature. Goodness, justice, &c., per-
fect an intellectual or rational creature,
but nothing can perfect the infinite and
perfect nature of God. His justice is
really one with His mercy and love ; and
although we rightly distinguish the one
from the other, this is only because He,
notwithstanding the absolute simplicity
of His nature, produces in His government
of the world a variety of effects equiva-
lent to those which would be produced
by distinct attributes in creatures. All
the pure perfections of creatures are
found in Him, and though certain quali-
ties of creatures, such as bodily form, are
wanting in God, who is a pure spirit,
this is because these qualities involve
imperfection, because, e.g., a corporeal
being cannot, from the nature of the case,
be infinite or perfectly simple. Lastly,
all these perfections belong to the one
true God. If there were more gods than
one, there must be something to consti-
tute the individuality, to distinguish the
one deity from the other. Either, then,
the distinguishing attribute must be a
defect, or else a perfection proper to the
one deity and absent in the other. Each
alternative is inconsistent with infinite
perfection.
ni. An important conclusion results
from the principle that God by natural
reason can be known as the author of
the world. Men may be excused on the
plea of invincible ignorance, if they in
good faith reject certain truths of faith.
But all men who have come to the use
of reason are bound to know, love, and
obey God.
(An admirable exposition of St.
Thomas's arguments for the existence of
God will he found in the last part of
Kleutgen's " Theologie der Vorzeit.")
GOD-FATHER. COB-MOTHER.
[See Sponsors.]
COX.BEM' HrVMBER. [See OXCLB.]
coXiOEir ROSE. An ornament
blessed by the Pope every year on Lsetare
Sunday (fourth Sunday in Lent), and
sent occasionally to Catholic sovereigns,
male or female, to noted churches and
sanctuaries, to great generals, and to
illustrious Cathohc cities or republics.
Originally, it was a single flower of
wrought gold, coloured red ; afterwards
the golden petals were decked with
rubies and other gems ; finally, the form
adopted was that of a thomy branch,
GOOD FElDAi'
GOSPEL (LITURGICAL USE OF) 413.
'vitb several flowers and leaves, and one
principal flower at the top, all of pure
gold. The practin^ appcivs to have
arisen in the thiiLnif h ecutury, but by
what Pope it was in-tu utcd mils present
form is uncertain. That Popes used to
send presents in very early times to
princes who had deserved well of the
Church, is well known: Gregory the
Great was accustomed to send with this
intention golden Ijeys containing filings
of St. Peter's chains, and Boniface "V.
sent to Edwin, king of Northumbria, in
6i!G, a camisia, or shirt with a gold orna-
ment, and to Ethelberga his queen, a
S"lded ivory comb and a silver mirror.^
rban V. sent a golden rose in 1366 to
Joanna of Naples. Among the recipients
of the rose have been Gonsalvo di Cor-
dova, Napoleon III., and Isabella II. of
Spain. Morone records a large number
of instances in which this favour has
been conferred : a few of the most note-
worthy are the following. Henry VIII.
received the rose from three Popes, the
last time from Clement VII. in 1524.
It was sent to his daughter, Queen Mary,
by Julius III., in 1555. The republic of
tucca was thus honoured by Pius IV.,
in 1564; the Lateran Basihca by Pius
V. three years later ; and the sanctuary
of Loretto, by Gregory XIII., in 1584.
The Queen of France, Maria Tlieresa, re-
ceived it from Clement IX., in 1668 : and
the Queen of Poland, Mary Casimir, from
Innocent XL, in 16.'.^4, in recognition of
the recent deliverance of Vienna by her
valiant husband, John Sobieski. Bene-
dict XIII. (1726) granted the Golden
Rose to the cathedral of Capua ; and in
1833, it was sent by Gregory XVI. to
the Basilica of St. Mark's, A^enice.
(Morone, " Dizionario Ecclosiastico.")
GOOD PRXD AY. [See HoLT Week.I
COOX> WORKS. [See Merit.]
GOSPEX. (XiXTirRCXCAX. TTSE
or). The practice of reading the gospels
in the Christian assemblies is mentioned
by Justin Martyr, and prescribed in all
tile liturgies. " The First Council of
Orange, in 441, and that of Valentia in
Spain, order the Gospel to be read after
the Epistle and before the offertory, in
order that the catechumens might listen
to the words of Christ and hear them
explained by the bishop. We give here,
first of all, the ceremonies with which the
Gospel is sung at High Mass according
to the Latin rite, adding illustrations
from history and the other liturgies.
I Bed. Hist. Eccl. ii. 10, 11.
We conclude with an account of the way
the Gospel is read at Low Mass.
I. The Oo.'ijid at High Mas^s.—The
deacon places the book of the Gospels on
the altar, kneels and prays that God may
purify his lips, as He purified those of
Isaias, takes the book of the Gospels, asks
the priest's blessing, and then goes to a
place in the sanctuary on the right hand '
of the altar, where the Gospel is to be
sung. The deacon is accompanied by
acolytes bearing lights; he announces
the title of the Gospel, the choir singing
" Glory to Thee, 0 Lord ; " he makes the
sign of the cross on the book, then on
his forehead, lips, and breast; he in-
censes the book, the incense having been
previously blessed, and sings the Gospel,
which the priest has previously read in a
low voice on the right side of the altar.
Finally, he incenses the priest, to whom
the book is presented open, and who
kisses it saying, " By the words of the
Gospel may our sins be blotted out."
The singing of the Gospel was not
always reserved to the deacon, as has been
shown in the article under that word,
and, according to Benedict XIV., the
lector still recites the Gospel in the Greek
Mass. In ancient times the book of the
Gospels was carried in procession to the
altar at the beginning of Mass, a custom
noted in the liturgies of St. Basil and
St. Chrysostom, and observed for a long
time in the West. This procession fell
into disuse when Missals containing all
that is said or sung at Mass replaced the
old Gospel-book, sacramentaries, lection-
aries, and antiphonaries, which contained
diflferent parts of the Mass, each in a
separate form. All the ancient liturgies
recognise the use of incense at the Gospel.
It signifies the " good odour of Christ."
The lights at the Gospel were familiar to
St. Jerome, and St. Isidore, who says
they were carried in sign of joy, and to
signify that Christ is the light of souls.
In the old churches, which were usually
turned to the east, the south side was
occupied by the men, and down to the
middle of the ninth century the deacon
turned towards them when he reached
the " ambo " or place where the Gospel
was sung. On the other hand, Remi
of Auxerre, who wrote about 882, assumes
that the Gospel is read towards the north,
the region of darkness, in order to signify
the power Christ's words have to annul
evil influences. Le Brun thinks that this
I I.e., tho rifrht hiind of the crucifix or of one
who stands with his back to the altar.
414 GOTHIC LITURGIES
GRACE
mysticnl reason was comm'^nly adopted;
that then a similar evil signification was
attributed to the left side of the priest
(i.e. his left when he faces the altar),
and that hence it became usual to move
the Missal which the priest uses to his
left, before he reads the Gospel. In the
older Ordines, the Missal is not changed
to tlie left till the oti'ertory,' when con-
venience obviously requires the moving; of
the book. The people stand at the sing--
ing or reading of the Go.spel, to indicate
their alacrity in ol)eying Christ's words ;
and for a like reason members of military
orders stand with drawn swords. In the
earliest of the Roman Ordines, all the
clergy Iriss the book of the Gospels, and
Jonas, bishop of Orleans in the ninth
century, speaks of this rite as an ancient
one even in his day. It appears from
Remi of Auxerre that the people made
the sign of the cross at the end as well as
at the beginning of the Gospel.
II. At Low Mass.>'i till' h .ok is moved
to the Gospel side a 1 tlimid ot'tlicGradual,
the priest says the ])rnyi'r " .M inula," \-c. in
the middle of the altar, and begs a blessing
from God, saying " Jube, Domine, bone-
dicere," " Pray, Lord, a blessing," whereas
the deacon uses the form, " Jube, domne,"
&c., " Pray, Sir, a blessing." He then
signs the book, &c., as has been described
above, the server saying, " Gloria tibi,
Ilomine." At the end the server says,
" Praise be to thee, 0 Christ," and the
priest liis^i's tlu' IhihI:. with the prayer
" Hy the wni-.ls o\' tlir ( in-,,,. I,'' ,^cc. the
old ciislom was to -^ii v Aincn " at the end
of th.> (iospi'l, as is still (lone ui the 3Ioz-
arabic Muss. Alexander of Hales tells us
that some in his time said " .S.inen,"
others " Deo gratias," but his words inqily
that "Laus tibi, Christe " had alivady
become the prevalent form. (See Le
Brun, and Benedict XIV. " Ue .Miss,")
GOTHIC XXTVRGIES. [See LITUR-
GIES.]
COTHS. [See Missions to the
HE.iTHEN.]
COTTESCAXCVS, or GOTTS-
CKAI.K. [See Predestination.]
GRACE. I. D(Jiiution a)id Divisions
of Grace. — All that we receive from
God— our existence, our natural powers,
the good things of this life — are God's free
gift and may therefore be rightly called
graces or favours received from Him.
But God has been pleased to call man to
a supernatural end — i.e. to a destiny out
1 So even nn Ordo of Moiite Casoiiio, written
about 1100.
of all proportion to the exigencies of his
nature, and which cannot be attained by
the use of his natural powers. Man has
been created that he may see God face to
face in His glory, and God, who calls
him to eternal life, also furnishes the
means by which it may be secured.
Hence the Scriptural writers and the
theologians of the Church distinguish
grace from nature ; and gi-ace iu this
stricter and narrower sense may be de-
fined as a supernatural gift freely be-
stowed by God on rational or intellectual
creatures in order that they may attain
eternal life. We say that it is freely
given, apart, at least in the first instance,
from all merit or claim of ours ; otherwise,
as the Apostle argues, it would not de-
serve the name of grace. We call it
supernatural in order to distinguish it
from gifts which come to us in the natu-
ral order, although the definition is not
meant to exclude those special provi-
dences which dispose even natural events
for the f jr*herance of our salvation. We
speak of as bestowed on intellectual
and rational creatures, for angels and
men are the only creatures capable of
knowing and loving (xod, and conse-
quently the only recipieuls of grace. All
grace since the Fall lias b. ^n ;: iventoman
on account of Christ's meiirs. Whether
the gi-ace of the angels or of Adam in his
innocence was due to the same cause, is a
I question freely discussed in the theological
I schools,
I Grace thus understood is divided ip-
to external and internal grace. The
former term iuclndi-s such external gifts
as the preaching of the Gospel, the ex-
aiti])li's of Christ aiul the Saints, occasions
o!' pood actions, the removal of exterior
ton;]. I III ions — in a word, all the effects of
supmiiit iiral providence by which the
cause of our salvation is ])romoted. In-
ternal grace directly afl'ects the under-
standing and the will, either inhering in
the soul as ajiennanent r|uality, or merely
moving and aiding the soul at the time
to acts of supernatural virtue. Internal
graces may be conferred for two great
emls. They may be given in order that
the recipient may ])romote the spiritual
good of others among whom he labours,
and in this case the schoolmen speak of
graces as " gratis datse," and infer from
I Cor. xii. 8 that they are nine in number
— viz. the word of wisdom, the grace of
healing, &c. Or, on the other hand,
graces may be given with the direct object
j of bringing the subject of the grace nearer
GRACE
GRACE
415
to God, and sucli graces are called "gra-
tum facientes" — graces, \rliich make man
pleasing to his Creator. We have already
explained that internal graces may be
actual (i.e. pa.-sing movements of the soul
by God), or habitual {i.e. penuanent
qualities residing in the soul or its facul-
ties). Habitual grace may inhere in the
substance of the soul, which it sancti-
fies and renews by the very fact of its
presence there. It is then called sancti-
fying grace, and is, says the Council of
Trent(Sess. vi. can. 11), shed abroad in our |
hearts by the Holy Ghost, who is given j
to us. This sanctifying gi-ace makes us i
the friends of God and partakers of the |
divine nature (2 Pet. i. 4), it creates '
■within us new hearts and spirits (Ezech. i
xxxvi. 26\ and its e.xistence in the soul I
is incompatible with mortal sin (1 John
iii. 9). The infused virtues are another '
form of habitual grace. They inhere in
the faculties of the soul; they do not
directly sanctify, but they complete and
perfect sanctification and make the soul
capable of supernatural acts. Actual
grace also is subdivided into grace of
operation {gintia opei-atis), and of co-
operation— the former exciting the mind
to action, the latter working with it and
a.«sisting it in operation already begun —
into prevenient and subsequent, into suf-
ficient and efficacious grace, &c. This
last subdivision will be explained in the
account which we have to give of the
doctrinal systems of grace maintained in
the Church.
II. Catholic Doctrine on Grace. — The i
Church teaches, in opposition to the Pela- !
gians, not only that the grace of Christ |
is absolutely necessaiy for ju.stification j
before God, but also that without the
prevenient inspiration of the Holy Ghost {
and His assistance a man " can neither
believe, hope, love, or repent, as it is
necessary he should do, in order that the |
grace of justification may be conferred
upon him " (Concil. Trid. Sess. vi. De I
Justif. can. 3). In no case can a man |
merit the first grace by natural good
■works. "No man," says our Blessed
Saviour, " can come to Me except the !
Father who hath sent Me draw him " j
(John vi. 44) ; and the Apostle, " It is
God who worketh in us to will and to
do" (Philipp. ii. 13). The very wish to
believe or to rise from sin conies, accord-
ing to the definition of the Council of
Orange (can. 3, 4> o), from the •jrace of
God. Moreover, although we can by our
own strength do good actions in the
natural order, and although our nature is
not wholly depraved and corrupt, even
after the Fall and before it is healed by
the grace of Christ, stUl so great is the
■weakness left by original sin, and by the
disorder consequent on the very fact that
a man destitute of gi-ace is necessarily
turned away from his last end — viz. God
apprehended by supernatural means — that
we need grace in order to resist grievous
temptations against natural virtue, nor
can we fulfil the whole natural law of
God without its help. Hence Scripture
constantly attributes triumph over temp-
tation to the grace of God, who with
temptation makes a way of escape tliat
we may be able to bear it (1 Cor. x. 13).'
Finally, even a person who is in a state
of grace and friendship with God needs
a new impulse of actual grace before he
can think a good thought or perform a
good deed ; while a special grace, which
cannot be merited, is required in order
that he may persevere to the end. " In
the case of those who are regenerate and
holy there is always need to implore God's
help that they may come to a good end or
persist in a good work " (Concil. Araus.
ii. can. 10). In short, the world of grace
is like the world of nature, which is not
only created but also sustained at each
instant by the hand of God.
As the Pelagians and Semipelagians
erred in the estimate they formed of
man's natural powers, so the Calvinists
fell into another and much more perni-
cious error by denying the freedom of
the will altogether and makino: grace
irresistible ; and the Jansenist doctrine
on these points is substantially identical
with that of the Calvinists. The Coun-
cil of Trent (Sess. vi. De Justif.) con-
demns under anathema those who main-
tain that the will of man is merely passive
under the action of grace, and lias not
the power of resisting it. It also defines
that a state of grace is not, as the Cal-
vinists supposed, the mere external
favour of God, but that it is a gift in-
herent in the soul, in virtue of which the
sinner is not only accounted just, but
really becomes so, and that the gift of
sanctifying grace is forfeited b}- any
single mortal sin. We di.'-cuss these
points more fully under the articles
CiLvixisM, Final Perseverance, Jtjs-
» On this part of the subject, see the Second
Council of Orange, anno 529, confirmed by Pope
Boniface II.
- I.e., of course, a thought or deed profitable
to eternal salvation.
416
GRACE
GRACE
TiFiCATiON, Merit, only remarking here
that the very essence, not only of Chris-
tianity, but of natural religion, is at issue
in the dispute between Catholics and
Calvinists. That God will accept no
man as just except he really be so; that
nothing else, neither ritual uor sacrifice,
nor imputed merit can be taken as a
substitute for personal hohness — that is
the central truth of all religion ; it is the
very truth which the prophets of God
maintained against the priests of Baal or
Moloch. We are of course well aware
that there are many excellent Christians
who profess Calvinism, and do not dream
of holding the consequences which may
fairly be deduced from their tenets. But
this should not blind us to the fact that
the Calvinistic theories on imputation,
irresistible grace, the impossibility of fall-
ing from a state of grace, &c. are in them-
selves not only irreligious but immoral.
III. Theological Systems on Grace. —
All Catholics, as we have seen, believe
in the necessity of grace for all super-
natural acts, and therefore also, since
God desires the salvation of all, they
hold that He offers to all grace, really
and abundantly sufficient for their salva-
tion. They further maintain that the will
always remains free to reject grace or to
correspond with it. But when we in-
quire into the nature of the distinction
between efficacious and sufficient grace,
Catholic theologians give different an-
swers. We begin with a general defini-
tion which may suffice for the under-
standing of the question in dispute. A
sufficient grace is one which merely
enables the soul to perform a super-
natural act; an efficacious grace is one
which does really effect the purposes for
which it is given. Thus Judas received
sufficient, Peter efficacious, grace for con-
version : in other words, grace was given
capable of converting Judas, but to Peter
grace which actually did convert him.
The question is, whence does the effica-
city of grace proceed ?
'The Dominican theologians defend
what is usually called the Thomist system
of grace, because those wlio hold it allege
that it is in substance to be found in the
writings of St. Thomas Aquinas.' This
theory may be stated in the following
propositions : —
(1) Second causes act only so far as
they are determined to act by the first
cause — i.e. God. Hence it is not enough
> An allegiitioii, however, by no means ad-
mitted by their antagonists.
to say that the power to work out our
salvation comes from God. He also
moves to the good action itself, and the
existence of two kinds of grace must be
admitted — viz. sufficient, which merely
enables the recipient to act ; and efficient,
which is always followed by, and, indeed,
produces the action (" dat non solum
posse sed agere ").
(2) God sincerely wishes all men to
be saved, and oflers to all the means of
salvation. But He wishes some to be
saved absolutely, and considering all the
circumstances; others, only on certain
conditions which are not realised. To
the latter He gives sufficient, to the
former efficacious, grace.
(3) In either case grace is given with-
out any claim or merit on man's part.
(4) There is an intrinsic difference
between sufficient and efficacious ^^race —
i.e. between the graces in themselves — so
that it is always true to say that a man
consented to grace given because it was
efficacious : never true that the grace was
efficacious because the man consented.
(5) Man always remains free and
capable of merit under efficacious grace :
free and responsible for his demerit with
merely sufficient grace. For God as the
first cause in no way interferes with the
agency of second causes, but, on the con-
trary, moves each second cause according
to its nature, so that beings with free
will do not cease to be free because
efficaciously moved by God. Sufficient
grace gives full power to act, so that a
man is perfectly responsible if he does
not exert the power; while efficacious
, grace leaves perfect power of resistance.
The reader will perceive the extreme
difficulty, or, as the adversaries of
Thomism would say, the impossibility of
reconciling this last with the foregoing
propositions : but the fact that the
Thomists do honestly bold this last
proposition places a wide gulf between
Thomism on the one hand, and Calvinism
and .Tansenism on the other.
The first three of the Thomist pro-
positions are admitted ' by that large
number of Jesuit theologians known as
Congruists, but they make the efficacity
of grace depend, not on anything in the
grace itself, but on the fact that it is
given under circumstances which, as God
foresees, are suitable to the dispositions-
1 So at least BiUuart puts the case in his
treatise De (iratia, but probably the Jesuit
theulopans would demur to the form at least of
the first proposition.
GRACE
GRACE
of the recipient. He foreknows what all
creatures would do in all possible circum-
stances— in what combination of circum-
stances they would accept or reject grace.
If He decrees their predestination abso-
lutely He gives them grace in circum-
stances under which they will certainly
correspond to it ; otherwise He confers
grace which is in itself perfectly suttl-
cient, but which they will certainly
reject. Congruism has the advantage of
admitting the full force of scriptural
texts which attribute the whole differ-
ence between sinner and saint to the
grace of God, while at the same time
there is no difficulty in reconciling it
with belief in the freedom of the will.
The Molinists (so called from Louis
Molina, a celebrated Jesuit) hold that the
efficacy of grace depends simply on the
will which freely accepts it. The differ-
ence is not in the graces in themselves,
nor even in the circumstances under
which they are given. A powerful grace
given at the most favourable juncture
may be rejected, and so remain merely
sufficient ; a much less powerful grace
may be given with much less favourable
circumstances, and the consent of the
will may make it efficacious. God pre-
destines those who, as He foresees, will
correspond to that grace which He offers
to all.
The Augustinians advocate a third
system. Like the Thomists, they admit
an intrinsic difference between efficacious
and sufficient grace, but they maintain
this position on purely theological, not
on philosophical grounds : on the weak-
ness of man's Avill since the Fall, not on
the general principle that all second
causes must he moved to action by the
first cause. Ilnicr they propound a
Molinist tliedrv for the jieriod before, a
Thomist theory for that after, the Fall.
A singular theory, adopted, however,
by St. Liguori in his treatise on prayer,
was devised by Tournely, a doctor of the
Sorbonne, and author of a " Dogmatic
Theology" justly held in high esteem.
Tournely supposed that God gave men
first of all sufficient grace, in the Molinist
sense, for certain initial works, especially
prayer, which grace, if rightly used, was
followed by grace efficacious in the
Thomist sense. The obvious objection is
that prayer, if it fulfils the conditions
necessary for obtaining the requests made,
is one of the most excellent and difficult
of all good works, so that either there is
no need at all of grace efficacious in its
own nature, or else such grace would be
imperatively demanded for prayer.
The controversy on grace and pre-
destination between the Dominicans and
Jesuits began in Spain about the year
1580. Bannez, a Dominican professor
at Salamanca, maintained the intrinsic
efficacity of grace as e-xplained above.
Setting out from the notion of God as
the first cause and the first mover, he
represented efficacious gi-ace as deter-
mining the free consent of the will by
"physical premotion," and this premo-
tion which was infallibly followed by the
consent of the will came, as he alleged,
from God's absolute decree that the
person so moved by grace should corre-
spond to it. The Jesuit college at the
same university met this doctrine of
intrinsic efficacity of grace and physical
premotion on the part of God with
vigorous opposition. As early as 1581,
a Jesuit, Prudentius de Monte-Mayor,
defended in public disputation a doctrine
which had already been propounded by
another member of his ord(n-, Fouseca, in
1566 — viz. that God knew, apart from
any decree except the general one of
concurring with free agents in this deter-
mination, where and when the will would
correspond to or reject grace, and that
efficacious grace was simply that which,
as God foresaw, would be accepted.
This doctrine was eagerly defended in
the Society of Jesus. Suarez maintained
it at Coimbra, Vasquez at Alcala, Gre-
gory of Valentia at Ingnlstadt, Lessius
in "the Netherlands. Tnletus at Rome.
But it was Molina, professor at Evora,
in Portugal, and a disciple (if Fonseca,
who carried out the piiiicijiles of his
master to their utmost consequences.
His famous book, "Liberi Arbitrii cum
gratire donis, diviua pnescientia, provi-
dentia, pv.-edestinatione et rej)robatione
Concordia," was published at Lisbon in
1588. It made an epoch in theology, and
roused the keenest controversy amongst
Catholics for more than a century. The
controversy turned on predestination as
well as grace, for Molinists' held (1)
that sufficient grace became efficacious
simply by the free consent of the will
1 We say Molinists in deference to usage,
though the name is renlly inaccurate. Lessius
held proposition (2). Molina, on the contrary,
I "doctrinani irratiie confjru.T una cum pra'(iesti-
, nati.'MP ante praevisa nierita et honoruni oprnim
1 riuiletinitioneni adunibravit." Sclineciiiann,
Conlrovtrsiarum de dicinee gratiae lUieriqiie arbi-
trii Concordia initio et progressus, p. 2.S7.
E E
418
GRACE
GRACE
which corresponded to it ; (2) that God
predestined those who He foresaw would
consent to grace, so that predestination
was an effect of God's prevision that His
creatures would consent, not vice versa}
In 1594 Clement VIII. intimated
that he reserved the decision of the con-
troversy to himself, and in November
1597 the famous Congregations de
Auxiliis — i.e. concerning the helps or
assistance of gi'ace— were instituted for
the examination of the question. The
congrt'grtt ion consisted of eight consultors
(of these eight two were absent, and
were replaced by three new members),
of whom all except two condemned
Molina's book after considering it for
little more than two months. They re-
peated this adverse sentence after a
second consultation. Molina begged to
be heard in his own defence, and ac-
cordingly the Pope ordered that col-
loquies should be held, in which the
generals of both orders and the great
Cardinal Bellarmin took part. The limits
of the question were seriously narrowed
in these colloquies, for the Jesuits re-
fused to commit themselves to the
opinions of Molina and Lessius on pre-
destination, and the dispute was confined
to the eflicacity of grace. In 1600 Car-
dinal Madrucci, who presided at the con-
ferences, died, and the conferences them-
selves ended without definite result.
Once more ^lolina's book was submitted
to a congregation on which two Jesuits
and two Dominicans sat, and twenty
propositions contained in it were cen-
sured by a majority of the members.
From 1002 to 1606 congregations were
held in the Vatican before Clement VIII.
and Paul V. The Dominicans were re-
presented by Didacus Alvarez and
Thomas of Lemos, the Jesuits during the
first nine sessions by the learned and
pious Gregory of Valentia, and later by
Arrubal, liastida, and De Salas. The
Spanish Court pressed for the condem-
nation of the Jesuits, who had offended
Spanish prejudices and selfishness by es-
pousing the cause of Henri IV. in France.
It has been alleged that Clement VIII.,
shortly before his death in 1605, had
prepared a bull condemning Molina, but
this supposed fact has never been proved.
In any case the bull was not promulgated,
1 On the Congruist and Thomist theories,
God, apart from all prevision of merit or de-
merit, determines who are to be saved, and then
gives to the elect efficacious grace by which they
freely merit their salvation.
and the congregations, which met sixty-
eight times under Clement, held twelve
more sessions under Paul V. On August
28, 1607, the latter Pope convoked the
College of Cardinals (excluding, however,
those who had been consultors or secre-
taries of the congregMtion), and handed
an encyclical to the generals of the Do-
minicans and Jesuits, which they in turn
were to communicate to the provincials.
The theologians of each party were al-
lowed to hold and teach their respective
opinions, provided they did not stigmatise
their opponents with theological censures
Urban VIII. and Clement XII. declared
themselves in the same sense.
, In 1613 Aquaviva, general of the
Jesuits, required the members of his
order to teach the doctrine on grace
known as Congruism, and defended by
Bellarmin, Suarez, and others as distinct
from the doctrine of Molina, Lessius,
Becanus, &c., known as Molinism (but
see Schneemann, p. 302 seq.). It is
scarcely necessary to add that the vio-
linist and Congruist theories are held by
many theologians who are not Jesuits,
just as the so-called Thomist doctrine is
accepted by many besides the Domini-
cans.
All the large courses of dogmatic
theology published during the seven-
teenth and earlier part of the eighteenth
century enter fully into the controversies
on grace. Santamour and other writers
inclined to Jansenism published acts of
the CongTegations de Auxiliis, attributing
them to Pegna, Coronell, and De Lemos,
along with a constitution said to have
been drawn up, but never promulgated,
by Paul v., in condemnation of Molin-
ism. The Pope is said to have abstained
irom promulgating this constitution be-
cause the Jesuits at the time were sufter-
ing for their obedience to the interdict
issued by Paul V. against Venice. But
in 1654 Innocent X. declared that no
faith Avas to be given to these documents.
In spite of this, the Dominican Hyacinth
Serry compiled a history of the con-
trover.sy, drawn in great measure from
the spurious Acts and full of bitter
attacks on the Jesuits. It was published
at Louvain early in the last century.
In reply, the Jesuit Livinus Meyer, under
the pseudonym of Theodore Eleutherius,
wrote his ' Historia Controversiarum de
div. gratiae auxilio sub S. P. Sixto V.,
Clemente VIII., el; Paulo V." (Antwerp,
1705). A Bavarian Carmelite, Alex-
ander a Sto. Johanne,in his continuatiou
GRACE AT MEALS
GRADUAL rSAL:NLS
of Fleury, repeated the charges of Seriy,
and was answered in the Latin treatise
of the ex-Jesuit Mangold, "Reflexions
on Fr. Alexander's Continuation of
Fleury." See also Mannhart, " De in-
genua indole gratia^ efficacis," in Zac-
caria's " Thesaurus," torn, v., and Schnee-
mann's treatise quoted above.
GRACE AT MEAI.S. In this ex-
pression " grace " represents the Latin
grati<e, thanks (see Matt. xv. 36 ; Mark
viii. 6: John vi. 11); but it also covers
the notion of benedictio, blessing (Matt,
xir. 19; Mark vi. 41; Luke ix. 16);
hence the Italian equivalent to "saying
gi'ace," is " benedire la tavola." In the
passages above cited, and also in other
places, our Lord sets us the example of
praying for the blessing of God on the
daily bread which He gives us, and giving
Him thanks for what He thus provides,
both before and after partaking of it.
Christians have from the first complied
with this teaching. " Whether you eat
or drink," says St. Paul (1 Uor. x. 31),
" or whatsoever else you do, do all to tlie
glory of God '' ; and this precept is
further developed in Col. iii. 17 :
" Whatsoever you do in word or in work,
all things do ye in the name of the Lord
Jesus Christ, gieing thanks to God and
the Father by Him." Compare also 1
Thess. V. 18, and I Tim. iv. 3. Many of
the Fathers — e.;/. Clement of Alexandria,
TertuUian, St. Cyprian, St. John Chry-
sostom, and St. Basil — enjoin the punc-
tual performance of this duty. St. Basil
says,' " Let prayers be said before taking
food, in meet acknowledgment of the
gifts of God, both of those which He is
now giving, and of those which He has
put in store for the future. Let prayers
be said after food, containing a return of
thanks for the things given, and request
for those promised." A variety of speci-
mens of early graces are given in the
Gelasian Sacrameutarj-, which dates
from the end of the fifth century. In
the Apostolical Constitutions as given in
Bunsen's "Hippolytus" (§ 21), meals in
the church are spoken of, of which the
bishop is always to be ready to partake
along with the faithful, and at which he
is to distribute a portion of the bread
among those present, "for a blessing,"
before they begin to eat. This custom
still prevails in the East, and a relic of
it survives in the eulogies or pain bimt
of certain French churches. The Con-
1 Kp. ii. ad. Greg. Naz. (quoted in Mr. Scu
damore's art. Diet, of Christ. Antiq.)
stitutions also say, "Everything which
they shall eat they shall g'ive thanks to
God for." ' (Smith and Cheetham, art.
by Scudamore.)
GRASITA^. An antiphon sung
after the Epistle, and so called either
because it used to be sung on the altar
steps, or because it was sung while the
deacon ascended the steps of the ambo to
sing the Gospel. It is also called " re-
sponsory," because it answers to the
Epistle, or because sung antiphonally.
The " Liber Pontificalis," in the Life of
Celestine I., attributes its origin to that
Pope; others refer its introduction to
Gregory the Great. It is omitted in
Lent. (From Benedict XIV. " De
Missa.")
CRADVAX. PSAX.KS. A title
given to Psalms cxx.-cxxxiv. in the
Hebrew — cxix.-cxxxiii. in the Vulgate
numeration.'' All these Psalms have
much in common. All except Ps. cxxxii.
are short ; the same tone of joyful trust
in God's protection runs through them
all; and although some of them (viz.
Ps. cxxii., cxxiv., cxxxi., cxxxiii.) are
ascribed to Dand, cxxvii. to Solomon, it
is pretty plain that they all belong to
the early period of the return from the
exile.
The Latin " canticum graduum" is
a translation of the Hebrew nibysri TJi'
(in cxxi. m*?!;^^), which occurs in the
inscriptions. The LXX have wbi) wajiaB-
nS)v. But it is impossible to say for
certain what the title means. The fol-
lowing are the chief attempts at solving
the problem.
(1) The oldest explanation given by
Jewish and Christian scholars, and im-
plied perhaps in the LXX translation, is
that the psalms were so called because
sung on the fifteen steps which led from
the court of the men to that of the
women. According to the Talmud, two
priests were stationed on the evening of
the first day of the Feast of Tabernacles
at the top of the steps with trumpets,
while the Levites sang the psalms on the
steps (according to a later tradition one
psalm on each step). We have no histo-
rical evidence apart from the Talmud for
such a custom ; the steps most likely did
not exist till Herod's time ; and there is
strong reason to suspect that the custom
' Apnst. Constit., from the Coptic, Tattnni,
1848 ; p. 74.
I * The Hebrew nunieratioo is followed in the
^ rest of this article.
SB2
420 GRADUAL PSALMS
GRADUAL PSALMS
was imagined to account for the title of
the psalms.
(2) Others have suggested that the
psalms were sung by the exiles in re-
turning or " going up " from Babylon, so
that the word translated "graduum"
would answer to the Greek dvd^aa-is.
This explanation was adopted, partially
at least, by the Syriac translator, and
seems to have been in the mind of Aquila,
Symmachus, and Theodotion when they
used dvaSdartis to render ni7y.l3. This
view was advocated by Chrysostom and
Theodoret among the Fathers, as well
as by modern scholars of name. No
doubt the words ^23?? nVy.D do occur in
Esdras vii. 9, in the sense of return, or
dvdlSaais, from Babel. But the plural
number in ni'pUD retained in the Vulgate
" giaduum " is against this interpreta-
tion ; and, besides, Ps. cxxii. implies that
the exile was over some considerable
time, and the Temple and city rebuilt.
(3) Closely allied with the foregoing
is another explanation adopted by njany
great scholars — e.g. by Eichhorn, Maurer,
Hengstenberg, Keil, Hupfeld, Kuenen,
&c. — and which has very much to re-
commend it. They sup]inse that these
psalms were sung durinn; the "goings
up " or pilgrimages to Jerusalem for the
great annual feasts. This account satis-
fies the laws of grammatical usage [e.g.
it accounts for the use of the plural), and
is perfectly consistent with the contents
of the psalms in question. We may rea-
sonably conjecture that some of the
psalms were actually written for the ])il-
grims, while others were placed in this
collection because they dealt with sub-
jects or exprcsM'd feelings which had a
powerful att:-action for the pious Israelite
in general, and so for the pilgrim in par-
ticular. "Thus Ps. cxx.-cxxii., Ps.
cxxxiii., cxxxiv. (i.e. the first and the
last songs in the collection) point directly
to the pilgrimapes: Ps. cxxiv., cxxvi.,
cxxviii., cxxix., cxxxli., treat of subjects
more or less connected therewith ; lastly,
Ps. cxxiii., cxxv., cxxvii., cxxx., cxxxi.,
are more general, but at the same time
contain nothing which makes their in-
corporation in a 'petit psautier des
pelerins du second temple ' inexplicable
or even strange."
We add, for the sake of completeness,
two other explanations. Gesenius, fol-
lowed by De Wette, Winer, Delitzsch,
&c., suggested that the name described
the ascending rhythm of the psalms, for
the sense goes on progressively, and the
first or last words of a preceding are
often repeated at the beginning of a sub-
sequent sentence. It is scarcely fair to
urge against this view that the same
rhythm is found in the song of Deborah,
and in Isa. xxvi. 5, 6. It is, however, a
strong objection that this ascending
rhythm is not found at all in Ps. cxxvii. -
cxxxiv.; and is, to say the least, not
strongly marked in Ps. cxxv. Besides,
this explanation will not suit the inscrip-
tion of Ps. cxxi. — viz. a song " for as-
cents " not " of ascents : " " gradibus," not
" graduum "(ni'Pi;??^).
Fiirst's theory, given in his Concor-
dance and in his Lexicon (sub voc. nS^^O),
may be dismissed in a single sentence.
He translates the titles " songs of excel-
lence," a meaning which is not justified
by usage, which is unlikely on the face
of it, and which leaves the plural number
unexplained. (Chiefly from the essay in
Hupfeld's " Commentary on the Psalms,"
vol. iv. p. 274 seg., and from Kuenen,
" Ilistorisch-kritisch Onderzoek naar het
Onstaan en de Verzameling van de
Bneken des Ouden Verbonds," vol. iii., p.
218 srg. : the words in inverted commas
are from the latter author.)
We may now pass on to the use of
the Gradual Psalms in the Christian
Church. The Fathers, as well as later
Catholic writers, found various mystical
meanings in the number fifteen, and re-
garded these Psalms as marking the steps
by which the soul ascends to God. The
Breviary divides the Gradual Psalms
into three sets of five each, the first five
ending with the common conclusion
" Requiem aeternam dona eis, Domine,"
and with a prayer for the dead, while
each of the remaining psalms ends with
the " Gloria Patri," and each of the re-
maining sets with a collect. This
arrangement and the practice of reciting
these psalms before matins are mentioned
by Radulphus, a contemporary of Inno-
cent in. At one time the Gradual
Psalms were said before matins every
day in Lent, but Pius V. limited the
recitation to all Wednesdays in that
season, excepting Wednesday in Holy
Week, and days on which an office of
nine lessons occurs. Moreover, Pins V.
made the private recitation a matter of
devotion, not of precept. He attached
an indulgence of fifty days to the devout
repetition. When, however, office is said
in choir, the obligation of reciting the
QRATLi: EXPECTATIV^
GREEK CITTT.CH
421
"Gradual Psalms still continues, as appears
from the Constitution of Pius V. on the
Breviary as interpreted by various deci-
sions of the Congregation of Rites.
(From Gavantus, sect. 0, cap. 2.)
GRATIS EXPECTATZVJB. [See
ElPEC I ATIVl'S ^
GREATER TITHES. [See TiTHES.]
creek[schisivsatic]cburch.
Under this title we include all those
Christians who, being separated from the
communion of the Pope, acknowledge
the primacy of the Patriarch of Constan-
tinople. The Russian Church, however,
which is really Greek in the sense of the
above definition, we put aside for the
present, reserving our account of it for
another article. At one time, as ever\--
body knows, the Greek Churches were in
full communion with the Holy See. T\'e
begin, therefore, with the history of the
schism and of the origin of the Greek
Church as au independent body.
Ignatiue, a member of the imperial
family and a monk, was made Patriarch
•of Constantinople in 846 or S47, during
the reign of Theodora. "When Theodora's
son Michael III., known as Michael the
Drunken, began to reign, he fell entirely
under the influence of his uncle Bardus,
A profligate of the most abandoned cha-
racter, who lived in sin with his own
stepdaughter. On the feast of the Epi-
phany 857 Ignatius refused to give Bar-
dus communion, and further offended
him by declining to clothe Theodora and
her daughters against their will with the
religious habit. Accordingly Ignatius
was banished, and in 8.18 Photius was
consecrated Patriarch in his place. Pho-
tius was the most learned man of his
time, among the most learned of any
time — as his Bibliotheoa [or ^vf}iolSi,3'\iov,
as he entitled it, con.sisting of extracts
from 280 books which he had read) still
remains to testify. But he was ambitious
and imscrupulous. His con,secration was
utterly uncanonical. For, first, Ignatius, ,
a pious and virtuous man, was the lawful 1
patriarch ; ne.xt, Photius, who was a lay-
man at the time of his election, was pro-
moted to the episcopate within six days ; I
:ind, lastly, he was consecrated by a
bisho]) who was himself under sentence
I )f deposition. !
This violent change in the govern-
ment of the Church caused discontent
among the clergi,- and people, and in
order to quiet them, the Eiuiieror Michael
sent ambassadors with costly presents to
Pope Nicholas I., in order to secure his
approbation. In spite of false statements
made by the ambassadors, the Pope re-
fused to decide till he had investigated
the matter, and for this purpose des-
patched two legates to Constantinople.
Those legates, yielding to bribery or to
threats, confirmed the deposition of
Ignatius on the ground that he had been
elected through the undue influence or'
Theodora, and acknowledged the juris-
diction of Photius. This took place in a
sjTiod at Constantinnple, held in 8(i:^. but
the Pope remained inflexible. He >ent
word to the Ea>t.Tii bishops that he
condemned both the deposition of Igna-
tius and the usurpation of Photius, and
in tli'' same year, S63, he deposed the
latter from the office into which he had
intruded.
Three years later Bardus was mur-
dered by the army, but the schism which
he had originated still continued ; nay,
fresh causes of quarrel arose. The Bul-
garians, a Slav people, had been con-
verted in the niidille of the ninth century
by the Greek teachers. St. Cyril and St.
Methodius. Some time later, when Cvril
and Methodius had gone to the Mora-
vians and Bohemians, the Bulgarian king,
3Iichael, sent envoys to Pope Nicholas
desiring information on various points.
Nicholas sent Latin missionaries to the
country, and the Roman missionary
bishops re-confirnii'd all those \\ho had
received Confirmation iVnm (4reil jiriests,
denying that Photius. who was liim-elf
without real jurisdiction, conlil empower
his priests to confirm. In M'>7 Photius,
now more eniliittered than ever, convoked
a council in the imperial city, and de-
livered sentence of de])Ofition and excom-
munication against the Pope. Further,
he accused the Latin Church of heresy
for adding the words "Filioque'' to tlie
Nicene Creed, andattacke<l the disrijiline
and usages of the Latins, part iculnrly
their practice of fasting on Saturday,
their use of milk and cheese on fasting
days, and the enforced celibacy of their
clergy.
Scarcely had Photius issued his pre-
tended deposition of the Pope, when he
himself was removed from office by the
new emperor, Basil, who had murdered
Michael; and Ignatius was reinstated.
The new pope, Hadrian II., worked
zealously for the restoration of ])eace;
the Eighth General Council met at Con-
stantinople in 869, and then the excom-
munication of Photius was recognised,
though his followers were admitted to
422 GREEK CHURCH
GREEK CHURCH
the communion of the Chureh if they con- j
sented to express their sorrow for the
past. Thus Greeks and Latins were
again united ; but Bulgaria was still the
cause of strife, and in 872 Pope John
YIII. threatened Ignatius with excom-
munication if he insisted on regarding
it as subject to his see. Peace was not
actually broken till 878, when, after the
death of Ignatius, Photius again ascended
the patriarchal throne of Constantinople.
John VIII. would not acknowledge him,
except on condition that he begg:ed pardon
for his offences and renounced his claim to
jurisdiction in Bulgaria. Once more Pho-
tius circumvented legates sent from Rome.
At a Council of Constantinople in 879 he
contrived to evade the Pope's demand for
apology, and those who made any addi-
tion to the Nicene Creed were anathe-
matised. The Pope, however, was not to
be deceived. He despatched the Roman
deacon Marinus (afterwards Pope) to
Constantinople, and he annulled the acts
of the late synod. The excommunication
of Photius was reiterated by Marinus,
John's successor, as well as by Pope
Hadrian III. Things took a new turn
under Pope Stephen V. (885-891); The
Emperor Basil died in 88G, and his suc-
cessor, Leo VI., " the Philosopher,"
• banished Photius, who died in 891. The
schism was healed after a fashion, but
the ashes of the old dissension were still
smouldering, and it only needed a new
Photius to kindle them into flame. !
This new Photius was found in
Michael Cerularius, also Patriarch of Con-
stantinople, who in 1053, under Pope
Leo IX., wrote to the bishop of Trani, in
Apulia, reproaching the Latins with their
use of unleavened bread in the Mass, their
habit of eating flesh with the blood
{nviKTov ; see Acts xv. 2.3), their cus-
tom of omitting the Alleluia during Lent,
&c. The Pope wrote a reply which made
a good impression on the Emperor Con-
stantine Monomachus, and in 1054 the
Papal legates went to Constantinople. The
Patriarch, however, would not hear of
peace, and the legates left the document
containing his excommunication on the
altar of St. Sophia. Michael succeeded
in withdrawing the Oriental bishops from
communion with the West — a task which
he did not find difficult, for the Greeks
generally were averse to the additionof the
"Filioque," and to the use of unleavened
bread in the Eucharist. Since then the
Greeks have as a body been severed from
Catholic communion, although the separa-
tion of the Russo-Greek Church from
Rome was not effected till the twelfth
century.
Many attempts were made to repair
the breach, but without lasting results.
In 1098 Urban II. convoked a synod at
Bari, in wliich St. Anselm of Canterbury
defended the doctrine of the Holy Ghost's
procession from the Son. Negotiations
were carried on between Alexander HI.
and the Emperor Manuel Comnenus, and
the latter assembled a council at Constan-
tinople in 1168 to promote the reunion
of the Greeks, but the resistance of the
Greek Patriarch defeated the Emperor's
intentions. The presence of the Crusaders
in the East only served to aggravate the
schism. Latin patriarchates were esta-
blished in Antioch and Jerusalem. On
the capture of Constantinople by the
Latins, a Latin empire and patriarchate
were set up there (in 1204) ; the Greek
Patriarch of Alexandria returned to
Catholic communion ; and learned Greeks,
such as Nicholas, archbishop of Thessa-
lonica, the mordi Nicephorus Blemmidas,
and John Beccus, archivist of the church
at Constantinople, were courageous advo-
cates of the union ; but the cause which
they had at heart was ruined by the
selfishness of the Emperor, the fanaticism
of the Greek monks, the cruelty and
avarice of the Crusaders. The Greek
Patriarchs of Constantinople settled at
Nicfea, where Theodore Lascaris had
founded a kingdom on the ruins of the
Byzantiue empire. In 1262 the Latin
empi re fell, the G reeks recovered possession
of Constantino])]e, and the schism con-
tinued in full force. The union effected
at Lyons (1274), when the Greeks ac-
knowledged the ])rimacy of the Pope and
the procession of the Holy Ghost from the
Son, did not last six years, and the Decree
of union at Florence (1439) was repu-
diated in 1443 by the Patriarchs of
Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. In
Constantinople it was only the Patriarcli
and the prelates of the Court who ad-
hered to the union ; and when (in 1453)
this city fell before the Turks, its Patriarch
fled to Italy, and Gregory Scholarius, a
schismatic, was chosen in his place by
command of the Sultan Mahomet II.
Peace was at an end between Rome and
Constantinople. In the Russian empire
proper, the decree of Florence had never
been accepted. The Greek exarchs, how-
ever, subject to the Metropolitan of Kiew
among the Lithuanians and Poles, and the
Greek Churches in Italy, Illyria, Hungary,
GREEK CHrECH
GREEK CHT^RCH
423
Slavonia, &c., were faithful to the union
effected at Florence. They are known
as " United Greeks," or Catholics of the
Greek rite.
II. The Present State of the Greek
Schismatic Church.— The Patriarch of
Constantinople is superior in rank to the
three other Patriarchs — viz. of Alexan-
dria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. His direct j
spiritual jurisdiction extends over all the
Greeks of Turkey in Europe, and over all
the Greeks of turkey in Asia who are j
not subject to the other Patriarchs. His j
power has been greatly lessened within
the last three centuries. The Russian
Church was emancipated in a consider-
able degree by the erection of a patri-
archate at Moscowinl589, and completely
by the institution of the Holy Governing
Synod in 1721. The bishops in the king-
dom of Greece asserted their independence
in 1833, and it was acknowledged in
868 by the Patriarchs themselves. Quite
recently, the Bulgarian Church has placed
itself under an exarch or primate who is [
independent of Constantinople. Still the '
Patriarch retains imder his rule a large
population, for the schismatic Greeks in
Turkey number between eleven and
twelve millions.' He inflicts spiritual
penalties, including excommunication, }
on any of the clerg}- or people in his
patriarchate. He nominates and de-
poses archbishops and bishops. He has
also ample civil jurisdiction, for he can
summon criminals before his court and
inflict punishment ; he has his own police
and his prison, and he is the supreme
arbiter in all civil disputes between Greeks
and Greeks. The council of the Patri-
arch is the Holy Synod — a body which
consists of twelve metropolitans, though
the Patriarch may reduce the number to
ten The metropolitans of Heraclea, Cy-
zicus, Nicomedia, and Chalcedon are e.v
officio members; the rest are nominated
by the Patriarch, but all bishops who
happen to be in Constantinople at the
time are entitled to take part in the de-
liberations and decisions of the synod, if
matters of great import are at issue. The
Patriarch needs the synod's consent for
matters which concern the general good
of the Church, whether these affairs
are spiritual or temporal, and for the
nomination of bishops. When the patri-
archate is vacant, the synod chooses three
candidates, who, according to the present
> This calculation, however, includes Bul-
garians.
rule, must all be metropolitnns. The
names are announced to the "com-
munity," composed of dignitaries, lay and
cleric, belonging to the patriarchal palace,
of notables from the merchants, and
of heads of corporations. The "com-
munity " then elect one of them by
acclamation, and the Porte grants the
Berat. or diploma of investiture. The
day after, the (irand Vizier presents the
new Patriarch with a pastoral staff', a
white horse, and rich ornaments. The
Pati-iarch may be tried by the synod, and
if he is found guilty the Porte is requested
to depose him. The Patriarch is assisted
by the officials of his household. Of these
the principal are — the (IJconome (jxe'yar
oiKovoy^os), who manages the revenues
and presents candidates for ordination;
" Visitors " (o-aKfXXapiot), who inspect
the monasteries and convents ; the Chart o-
phylax, who superintends ecclesiastical
causes ; the Protonotary, who has charge
of wills, contracts, and the patriarchal
correspondence ; the Great Logothete
{^liyai XoyoBiTTji), a layman who repre-
sents the Patriarch at the Porte; the Prot-
ecdicos (TrpajrexSiKor), who, with twelve
assistant judges, forms a court of minor
instance.
The other patriarchates are mere
shadows of former greatness. That of
Alexandria comprises Eg^-pt, Lybia,
Nubia, and Arabia, but contains only
about -OjOOO members of the Greek
Church. Next comes the Patriarch of
Antioch, ruling over about 28,000
Greeks in Syria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia,
Isauria, &c. There are some 15,000
Greeks in the Holy Places stibject to the
Patriarch of Jerusalem, who lives at Con-
stantinople. These patriarchs have their
synods, otficials. \-c. The Berat of their
investiture is obtained from the Porte by
the mediation of the Patriarch of Con-
stantinople.
There are few ecclesiastical provinces
in Turkey, and the title of archbishop is
merely honorary. As bishops are neces-
sarily celibate, they are selected by the
Patriarch and Holy Synod from the
monks, a Berat being required to conlirra
the appointment. The bishops appoint
the parish priests, and no monastery can
be erected in their dioceses without'their
leave. Collections are made for them in
the parishes ; they receive dues from their
priests, besides honoraria for dispensations,
marriages, burials, Masses, &c., so that
their revenues are sometimes large. They
also wield considerable political influence.
424 GREEK CHT^RCH
They, like the Patriarchs, have their
officials, such as the Protosyncellus, an-
swering to the Latin Vicar-Greneral ; the
Proto-Presby ter, who visits the churches,
instals the new parish prie^its, and exe-
cutes episcopal sentences; the Oharto-
phylax or chancellor. There is, moreover,
in every diocese a commission consisting
of three members : one of them examines
candidates for orders ; another watches
over the administration of the sacraments
and the publication of books, to which he
gives his imprimatMr in case of approval ;
a third superintends the schools.
In large parishes there is a Proestos,
who baptises, marries, and buries; a
Pneumaticos, who is approved by the
bishop to hear confessions ; and an Ephe-
merios, who says Mass and recites the
canonical hours ; but poor parishes have
only one priest, with a deacon or lector to
assist him. The clergj' are usually ill-
paid. As a rule they are married.
The religious men and women gener-
ally follow the rule of St. P>asil, for
houses of St. Antony's order are only
found on Sinai and Lebanon, and by the
shores of the Red Sea. Most of the
monies are laymen ; if priests, they are
called Upoixovuxoi. The monks never
taste flesh, and are bound to the recita-
tion of the hours. The superior of a
monastery is called ITegoumenos, or, in
the case of the great nionastei'ies, Archi-
mandrite. The name for the superioress
of nuns is Hegoumenissa. The monks
wear a long robe of coarse cloth, a belt,
clonk, scapular, and a hood with five
crosses. Some of tlie religious houses are
subject to the bi^hdp, others are placed
innnediately under the Patriarchs. On
Mount Athos there are still anchorites, or
solitaries, and the Greeks have preserved
the old custom according to which pious
virgins and widows lead an ascetic and
quasi-religious life in the bosom of their
families.
The Greeks reject the words "Filio-
que " in the Creed, and they do not use
the word"Purgatory," but they teach that
there are two hells, from one of which
there is no redemption ; and they pray for
the dead. " In all other points of doc-
trine," says Hefele, " they are in full agi-ee-
ment with the Latin Church," though we
ought to add that they consider the
marriage tie to be dissolved by adultery.
In 1576 the Patriarch Jeremias of Con-
stantinople sent a document to the Pro-
testant theologians of Tubingen, in which
be asserted the belief of his Church in the
GREEK CHURCH
saving efficacy of good works, the seven
sacraments, the change of the bread and
wine into Christ's body and blood, the
necessity of detailed confession to a
priest, the veneration due to the saints,
the utility of prayers for the dead, and
the sanctity of the monastic life. The
Greeks offered a stubborn resistance to
Cyril Lucar, Patriarch of Alexandria, and
afterwards of Constantinople, who en-
deavoured to introduce among his own
people the doctrines which he had learnt
in Geneva. He was driven repeatedly
from his see, and finally murdered by the
Janissaries in 1638. During the contro-
versy of Arnauld and Nicole with the
Calvinist Claude on transubstantiation,
the most distinguished Greek theologians
were asked for their opinion, and gave it
in the most decided way for the Catholic
doctrine.
There are, however, great differences
on points of ritual and discipline between
Latins and Greeks, whether united or
schismatic. The Greek Church retains
its ancient and beautiful rites. Mass is
celebrated throughout Turkey in Greek,
except where the " orthodox community
is Slav or Roumanian. The liturgy of
St. Chrysostom is used all the year round,
that of St. Basil only on certain fixed
days. Leavened bread is consecrated at
Mass. During Lent, except on Saturdays
and Sundays, there is no Mass in tiie
proper sense, but only a " Mass of the Pre-
sanctified," coiTesponding to our office on
Good Friday. The liturgies for Mass,
and the forms for the administration of
the sacraments, are contained in the
" Euchologion," of which an excellent
edition by the Dominican Goar was pulj-
lished at Paris in 1647. The canonical
hours are given in the " Horologion," the
office for Lent in the "Triodion," that
from Easter Sunday to the octave of
Pentecost in the " Pentecostarion." The
" Heortologion " is a calendar of the feasts,
fasts, and ferias ; the " Typicon," an Ordo
which marks the order of prayers in
the office, while the " Mensea " contains
lives of the saints honoured in the East.
The greater feasts of our Lord and the
Blessed Virgin are nearly the same as
with us, except that their Epiphany or
Theophany on January 6 merely com-
memorates the baptism of Christ, and
that the greater solemnities are preceded
by a Proeortia or Ante-feast. Sunday is
sanctified by hearing Mass and resting
from servile work, and holidays of obliga-
tion are observed in the same manner, the
GREGORIAN MUSIC
GYRO VAGI 42o
number of these holidays being different
in different nations.
Every Wednesday and Fridaj^, and the
Ti<rilsof the great feasts, are fasting-days.
In addition to Lent, the Greeks keej) the
fast of " the Mother of God," from
August 1 to August 15 ; the fast of
Christmas, from November 15 to Decem-
ber 24 ; the fast of the Apostles St. Peter
and St. Paul, from the first Sunday after
Pentecost to June '28. On Wednesdays
and Fridays, and during Lent, the use, not
only of meat, but of tish, eggs, milk, cheese,
•wine, beer, and oil, is strictly forbidden.
The Greek canon law is based on
the Apostolic canons and constitutions,
the canons of the Councils of Nicaea,
Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon, in
TruUo ; on the canons of the particular
councils held at Gangra, Laodicea, and
Antioch ; on the canonical letters of the
bishops ; on the council of Photius, and
the synodal decrees of the schismatic
Patriarchs. Mgr. Pap-Szilagyi has made
a methodical compendium of these docu-
ments in his " Enchiridion Juris Eccle-
siae Orientalis."
(The substance of this article is chiefly
taken from an elaborate essay on the
Greek Church by Hefele in his " Beitrage."
But in the description of the present
Greek Church great use has also been
made of an article by Professor Lamy in
the "Dublin Review" for July 1880.
Professor Lamy refers to Selbernagel,
" Verfassung und gegenwartiger Bestand
sammtlicher Kirchen des Orients," Lands-
hut, 1865.)
CREGORZAsr Mvszc. [See Plain
Ch.\nt.]
CREGORZAir SACRAMBir-
TARY. [See LiTUEGIES.T
GRz:iazAl.E. A piece of cloth often
adorned with gold or silver lace, which
is placed on the bishop's lap when he
sits in celebrating Mass or conferring
orders. Probably its original purpose
was to keep his vestments from being
soiled. It must be distinguished from a
similar vestment, the " subcinctorium,"
which is only used by the Pope. (Merati
on Gavantus, Tom. I. p. ii. tit. 1.)
CRET FRZARS. [See FRANCIS-
CANS.]
GVARSZAir. I. A person respon-
sible in the eye of the law for the proper
bringing up of children whose father is
dead or incapable. Under the ancient
discipline, a cleric might not act as
guardian, lest he should be too much
entangled in worldly business ; and e con-
vei-so, a Council of Carthage decreed that
a guardian should not be ordained to any
ecclesiastical function till the period of
his responsibility had come to an end.
(Smith and Cheetham).
II. The superior of a Franciscan con-
vent. He is elected for three years, and
cannot hold the guardianship of the
same convent twice, though he may be
chosen head of another convent. [Abbot,
Fkanciscans.]
GITM-PO-WDER PIiOT. [See ENG-
LISH Chfech, persecution period.]
GYROVAGX (lit. " circuit-wan-
derers "). There was a class of spurious
monks in the early Christian centuries —
nor were they unknown even to the
middle ages — who were without real piety,
and, hke the tramps of modem time^,
preferred a lazy rambling life to one of
steady regular activity. St. Benedict
mentions them by this name in his Rule,
and describes them as the fourth, last,
and worst Itind of monks — men who
"spend their life in travelling up and
down the different provinces, lodging in
each cell T = monastery] some three or
four days; always wandering, never
stable ; enslaved to their own pleasures
and to gluttony ; and worse in all respects
than the Sarabaitse " (the third class of
monks). More than a hundred years
later, the .Synod in TruUo ((iOl), when
regulating monastic discipline, orders that
a man who wishes to be recog-nised as a
true monk shall pass three years at least
in the same monastery, and that " the
vagabonds calling themselves hermits,
clad in black, and with long hair," be
driven away from the cities into the
desert. This is evidently the same class
of persons as those whom St. Benedict
I calls " Gyrovagi."
HALO
HEART OF JESUS
RAX.O. [Soe ArREOLB.]
HEART OF TESVS (SACKED
HEART). The special and formal devo-
tion to the Heart of Jesus, -which is now
so popular in the Church, owes its origin
to a French Visitation nun, the Blessed
Margaret Mary Alacoque, who lived in
the latter part of the seventeenth century.
Her biographers relate that our Lord
Himself appeared to her and declared
that this worship was most acceptable
to Him ; and her director, the famous
Jesuit, Father de la Colombiere, preached
the devotion at the Court of St. James's,
and zealously propagated it elsewhere.
The most popular book in defence of the
new devotion was that of Father Gal-
lifet, S. J., " De Cultu SS. Cordis Jesu in
variis Christiani orbis partibus jam pro-
pagato." It was pubUshed with a dedi-
cation to Benedict XHI. and with the
approval of Lambertini (afterwards Bene-
dict XIV.); the French translation ap-
peared in 1745, at Lyons. On February 6,
1765,' Clement XIII. permitted several
churches to celebrate the feast of the
Sacred Heart, which was extended in
1856 to the whole Church. It is gene-
rally kept on the Friday (in England on
the Sunday) after the Octave of Corpus
Christi. In England, Italy, France,
Netherlands, Germany, Spain and Por-
tugal, indeed throughout the Catholic
world, the devotion and the feast found
a ready and enthusiastic acceptance.
However, the worship of the Sacred
Heart encountered keen opposition, par-
ticularly from the Jansenists. They who
practised it were nicknamed "Cardio-
latros" or " Cordicolse," and charged
with Nestorianism, as if they worshipped
a divided Christ, and gave to the created
humanity of Christ worship which be-
longed to God alone. The Jansenist
objections were censured as injurious to
the Apostolic See — which had approved
the devotion, and bestowed numerous
indulgences in its favour — by Pius VI.
in his condemnation of the Jansenist
synod of Pistoia. This condemnation
was issued in the bull " Auctorem fidei,"
bearing date August 28, 1794. A further
approval of the devotion was implied in
1 The Congregation of Rites had refused to
sanction the feast in 1697 and 1729.
the beatification of Margaret Mary Aie-
coque in 1864.
The bull "Auctorem fidei" contains
the following explanation of the prin-
ciple on which the devotion rests— an
explanation which is at once authorita-
tive and clear. The faithful worship with
supreme adoration the physical Heart of
Christ, considered " not as mere flesh, but
as united to the Divinity." They adore
it as "the Heart of the Person of the
Word to which it is inseparably united."
It is of course absurd to speak of this
principle as novel; it is as old as the
belief in the hypostatic union, and it was
solemnly defined in 431 at the Council of
Ephesus. All the members of Christ
united to the rest of His sacred humanity
and to the Eternal Word are the object
of divine worship. If it be asked further
why the heart is selected as the object of
special adoration, the answer is, that the
real and physical heart is a natural sym-
bol of Christ's exceeding charity, and of
His interior life. Just as the Church in
the middle ages turned with singular de-
votion to the Five Wounds as the symbol
of Christ's Passion, so in these later days
she bids us have recourse to His Sacred
Heart, mindful of the love wherewith He
loved us "even to the end." Nothing
could be made of the fact, if it were a
fact, that the devotion actually began
with Blessed Margaret Marj-, for though
the doctrine of the Church cannot change,
she may, and does from time to time, in-
troduce new forms of devotion. But the
special devotion to the Heart of our
Saviour is as old at least as the twelfth
century, while early in the sixteenth the
Carthusian Lansperg recommended pious
Christians to assist their devotion by
using a figure of the Sacred Heart.'
(An account of the theology of the
devotion will be found in Card. Franzelin,
" De Incarnatione," and of the propagation
of the devotion in the admirable Life of
Blessed Margaret Mary, by F. Tickell,
S.J. Both the doctrine and the history
are exhaustively treated by Nilles, "De
1 See F. Ryder's quotations (Cathnlic Con-
troversy, pp. 148-9) from the Vitis Mystica, a
series of meditations printed among the works
of St. Bernard, c. iii. 8, and from Lanspergius,
Divini Amnris Pharetra, ed. 1572, p. 78.
HEART OF MAEY
HEAVEN
427
Rationibus Festorum Sacratissimi Cordis
Jesu et Purissimi Cordis Marise," 1873.1
HEART OF MART ZKIWACV-
XATE). The principles on which the
devotion rests are the same {mutntis mu-
tandis) as those which are the founda-
tion of the Catholic devotion to the
Sacred Heart. Just as Catholics worship
the Sacred Heart because it is united to
the Person of the Word, so thev venerate
{with hyperdiilia) the heart of Mary be-
cause united to the person of the Blessed
Virgin. In each case the physical heart
is taken as a natural symbol of charity
and of the inner life, though of course the
charity and virtues of Mary are infinitely
inferior to those of her Divine Son.
The devotion to the Immaculate Heart
was first propagated by John Eudes,
founder of a congregation of priests called
after him Eiidists. [See that art.] Eudes
died in 16-^0. The Congregation of Rites
in 160!), and again in 172(), declined to
sanction the devotion. However, a local
celebration of the feast was permitted (but
without proper Mass and office) bv Piiis
VI. in 17!)9; and in 1855 Pius IX. ex-
tended the feast — which is kept with a
special Mass and office, either on the Sun-
day after the Octave of the Assumption
or on the third Sunday after Pentecost—
to the whole Church. The Arch-confrater-
nity of the Immaculate Heart established
some twenty years earlier at the church
of Notre Dame des Victoires, in Paris,
did much to spread the devotion and make
it popular.
(Nilles, " De Rationibus Festorum SS.
Cordis Jesu et Purissimi Cordis Marire.")
HEAVExr. A full account of the
joy which constitutes the essential hap-
piness of heaven has been given in the
articles on the PiEatific Vision and on
Beatititde. In these articles, particularly
in the former, it has been shown that all
the blessed see God face to face, some,
however, more perfectly than others, ac-
cording to the degree of their merit, and
that the soul's entrance into perfect bliss
is not deferred till sentence has been
passed at tlie day of judgment. Here,
however, it is as well to point out that
heaven is not only a state but a place of
beatitude. It is the place where God
manifests His glory to the blessed, and
clearly shows Himself to them. This
appears from the fact that Christ has
ascended to heaven in that body which
He took from Mary, and that the body
of Mary herself is, according to the belief
of the Church, already reunited to her
soul, so that she is, body and soul, with
her Divine Son. Since, then, the sacred
humanity is not omnipresent, heaven is a
definite place in which Christ and the
Blessed Virgin exist, and in which the
angels and blessed souls are gathered
together. After the general resurrection
heaven will also be the home in which
the bodies of the just will live for ever.
Where the place is we do not know, but
Scripture clearly indicates that it is beyond
this earth. (See Jungmann, " De Novis-
simis," a. viii.)
We may here add a few words " on the
third heaven " of which St. Paul speaks,
2 Cor. xii. 2-4. Catholic commentators
are not agreed about the meaning of the
words "caught up," and it is of course
lawful to hold, as St. Thomas appears to
do (" Summa," i. 6S, 4), that St. Paul was
simply raised to the highest kind of super-
natural vision. But in any case the
metaphor implies belief in a corresponding
reality, and hence St. Thomas maintains
{he. cif.) that there are three heavens, viz.
the sidereal, the crystalline, and the em-
pyrean, the last of which is heaven in the
proper sense. Further, it is generally
taken for granted that St. Paul identities
this third heaven with paradise. There
is a difficulty, however, in supposing that
the Apostle alludes to this triple division,
for the statement of Grntius, that the
Rabbins recognised three heavens, is un-
supported by good evidence. Tht^re is
some Rabbinical authority for the belief
in two heavens, but the Jewish doctors
almost unanimously taught that there
were seven, and we find this belief re-
cognised in a Christian document of the
second century — viz. the " Testament of
the Twelve Patriarchs," iii. § The pro-
bability, therefore, is that St. Paul alludes
to this belief without necessarily assert-
ing its truth. We may, then, reasonably
distinguish "the third heaven" from
paradise. The former was a resting-point
on the journey upwards, whether that
journey was local or merely spiritual:
the latter marks the end of the journey,
the "Paradise of God," or heaven in the
usual acceptation of the word. This dis-
tinction between "the third heaven " and
paradise is in keeping with St. Paul's
own language. "I know a man ....
caught up ... . even to the third heaven
.... and I know of sxich a man ....
that he was caught up into paradise."
This distinction is made by several Fathers
as well as by Estius and others among
modem commentators.
42S
HELL
HELL
HEXiXi may be defined as the place
and state in which the devils and such
human beings as die in enmity with God
sailer eternal torment. In this article
we have to consider the proofs for the
existence of hell, the nature of the punish-
ment there inflicted, and the eternity of
these torments. This triple division of
the subject arranges the difficulties at-
tached to it in an ascending scale. No
one who accepts the Christian revelation
at all, no one perhaps who believes in a
God at all, is likely to find much difficulty
in believing that obstinate and unrepented
sin will be punished in the next world.
It is much harder to ascertain the nature
of the torments which God reserves for
those who die in rebellion against Him ;
while the dogma of eternal punishment
is undoubtedly one of the most awful
and mysterious truths taught by Scripture
and the Church.
1. The Existence of Hell— The. Hebrew
Bible contains few direct and clear an-
nouncements of a life beyond the grave,
so that it is not the place to which we
should naturally turn for the proofs that
hell exists. Three passages are most
commonly quoted as decisive on the point
— viz. Isa. xxxiii. 14; Isa.lxvi. 24; Dan.
xii. 2. The first of these must, we think,
be put aside, for it has no real connection
with the matter before us. Isaias, writing
})!i)balily at the close of his life, foretells
the judgments of God which are to fall
bi ith on the Assyrians and on the immoral
and irreligious part of the Jewish nation.
This judgment, by a metaphor familiar
in the Hebrew Scriptures, he describes as
fire which is, like God Himself, eternal.
" Sinners shudder in Sion : trembling
seizes unholy men. O who will dwell in
devouring fire ? O who will dwell in
eternal burnings ? A man who walketh
in justice, and speaketh upright things,
who rejecteth the gain of oppression, who
shaketh his hands, so that they lay not
hold of a bribe, who stoppeth his ears
so that they hear no deeds of blood, and
closeth his eyes so as not to look on evil
• — he shall dwell on heights ; fastnesses of
rocks are his fortress ; his bread has been
given to him, his waters are sure. The
king in his beauty shall thine eyes behold ;
they shall see a land that stretches far."
In other words, the fire which consumes
the wicked will leave the just man un-
harmed : he will be secure from the sword
and the famine. Then when the Assyrian
IB destroyed, he will see the King of
Judah in the fulness of his royal splen-
dour, the city no longer beleaguered, the
land no longer held by the foe, but peace-
fully inhabited by its rightful owners and
stretching to its ancient limits.
The second passage (Isa. Ixvi. 24)
comes near the point, if it does not actu-
ally touch it. It clearly refers to the
Messianic age. " All flesh " is to come
and worship at Jerusalem, "from new
moon to new moon, from sabbath to sab-
bath." " And they shall go out and look
on the corpses of the men who rebelled
against me, for their worm shall not die,
and their fire shall not be quenched, and
they shall be an abomination to all flesh."
Immediately, of course, the prophet only
mentions the dead bodies of the wicked,
but we may reasonably suppose that the
prophet is depicting punishment in the
future world in imagery borrowed from
that in which he lived. For it is impos-
sible to take his words literally. "AU
flesh" could not gather in Jerusalem;
worms cannot live in fire, or dead
bodies continue to bum for ever. The
heavenly Jerusalem and the eternal suf-
ferings of the lost are the real object of
his prophecy. Such is the interpretation
found in the Targum, and so, as we shall
presently see, the words of Isaias are
applied in the deutero-canonical books,
and by our Lord Himself. We say ap-
plied, for neither the deutero-canonical
books nor our Lord give an authorita-
tive explanation of the prophet's actual
meaning.
The words of Daniel xii. 1, 2, are
more definite. A time of trouble such
as has never been known is to come.
Michael, however, is to stand up for
the people of God, and everj'one whose
name is written in the book is to be
delivered. "And manj' of them that
sleep in the dust of the earth " (literally,
" earth of the dust," i.e. grave) shall
awake, some to eternal life, and some to
shame and to everlasting contempt."
Here we have an explicit statement that
some will meet with eternal punishment.
We must beware, however, of pressing
the words further. Even if the word
D*3T which in all other places means
" many," could be regarded here (cf.
Romans v. 15, oi n-oXXoi dnedavov with
Romans v. 12, els ttuvtus d.v6pa>TTovs 6
Odvaros 8irjX6(v) as equivalent to "all,"
this sense is absolutely excluded in the
passage before us by the construction (i.e
by the partitive ]Q which follows). To
say that " many from or out of those who
sleep in the dust " means " all who sleep,"
HELL
HELL
429
&c., is not to interpret language, but to
abuse it.
There are two piissii<.'es in the deutero-
canonical books, in which the hmmiiiofeor
Isa. Ixvi. 24 is evidently borrowed, but
at the same tinu- applied more deiiniteh'
to the future snilerings of the wicked.
"Humble thy (ioul exceedingly," says the
book of Ecclesiasticus vii. 17; "remember
that wrath will not tarry, and that fire
and worm take vengeance on the im-
pious." And in Judith xvi. 17 we read,
" Woe to the nations that rise uj) against
my people: the Almighty Lord will take
vengeance on them in the day of judg-
ment, aiipointing fire and worms for their
flesh, and feeling it they will weep for
ever." The last passage is very import-
ant from an historical point of view. It
is well known that the Talmudical doc-
tors disputed whether immortahty and
resurrection were common to the bad and
the good, or reserved for the latter; and,
again, whether any but IsraeUtes partook
in the future life! The book of Judith
speaks clearly on this question.
No one (ionl)ts that the New Testa-
ment ti Mi 1m > I he existence of hell; and
here it i.~ eiiniii:li to refer to such passages
as Matt, xviii. 8, XXV. 41 seq.; Mark ix.
48, &c. The New Testament has a
special name for hell, viz. Gehenna (yftvi'a,
which occurs repeatedly in St. Matthew
(v. 22, 29, 30, X. 28, xviii. 9, xxiii. 15,
;?8) ; three times in St. Mark (ix. 4.3, 45,
47); once in St. Lulie (xii. 5); and once
in St. James (iii. Qi). The name, wliich
is taken from the Hebrew Bible (Din 'J
Jos. xv. 8, or more fully " n " n"|3 'J),
simply means "the valley of [a man
called] Hinnom." It was a deep and
narrow glen to tlie south of Jerusalem, in
which from the time of Acha/, Jews
ullered their children to Moloch. Josias
in consequence of these abominations pol-
luted the valley (4 Reg. xxiii. 10), and
into it the dead bodies of criminals and
every kind of tilth were cast, and, if we
I'oUow l:.te and soniewliat ijiiestionable
authorities, were burned. Thus it became
the image of, and gave a name to, the
place of punishment for the wicked after
death — a usage which is (■(nnnion to tlie
Targums and to Rabbin ic.i I lit.'riitiut>
generally.' It would be nsd. >> in this
place to produce evidence I n mi C hristian
traditions and from the definitions of the
Church, since we shall have to discuss
' It becomes one word Q 3 ; see Buxtorf,
$ub vnc.
them in considering the eternity of pun-
ishment.
2. 77(6 Nature of the Punishment. —
Theologians divide the punishments of the
damned into that of loss and that of sense.
Tlie former of these ("poena damni") is
indicated in our Lord's words, "Depart
fro7H me, ye cursed," and consists in the
deprivation of the vision of God, which
each human soul was intended to enjoy.
It is from the knowledge of the bliss
which they have forfeited that the chief
suH^'ering of the lost arises. It is the loss
of the kingdom of heaven, as St. Chryso-
stom explains at length ("Ad Theodor.
laps." i. n. 10, 12), w hich is the most bitter
torment of all. " So great a punishment,"
says St. Augustine' (" Enchirid." c. 112),
" that no torments known to us can be
compared to it."
The " punishment of the sense " (" poena
sensus") comprehends all the suffering and
torment inflicted in hell, except that
which springs from the loss of the sove-
reign good. The origin of this term is
uncertain Suarez (" De Angel." lib. viii.
c. 12, quoted by Jungmann) supposes that
this class of torture is so called because
it arises chiefly from a sensible substance,
viz. fire. This explanation is not accepted
by all, but of course the term cannot
mean punishment inflicted on the senses,
for separated souls who have no senses
are still undoubtedly subjected to the
" poena sensus."
However this may be, it is certain
that the devils and disembodied spirits of
the damned suffer from material fire.
True, Origen (" De Princip." ii. 4 seg.)
distinctly teaches tliat tlie fire o'' hell is
merely figurative, while St. Ambrose (in
Luc. xiv.) and Theophylact (in Marc, ix.)
express the same oji'iiion. Petavius, how-
ever ("De Angel." 111. 5), has shown that
the preponderating weight of tradition is
on the other side, and sums up this pari
of the question in the following words :
"At present, all theologians — nay, all
Christians— are agreed that the fire of hell
is corporeal and mat.-:MMal, though as Vas-
quez righth' observes, the matter has not
been settled as yet by any decree of
the Churcli." To those who ask how ma-
terial fire can ail'ect spirits no certain an-
swei- can he gi\ I'li. St. Thomas (" Siippl."
qii. 70, a. a) thinks that God gives to the
fire as the instrument of His justice a
preternatural power of cnn^trainiiig the
spirit and impeding its acliou. so as to
j cause intense siiflering. Other theories
I have been propounded — e.r;. by Suarez,
430
HELL
HELL
who argues that just as God elevates and
ennobles the soul by grace, so He may use
the fire of hell to deform and disfigure it.
But it is really impossible to understand
much about a question which is above our
reason and on which revelation is silent.
Though the fire of hell is the chief, it
is by no means the only cause of the
positive punishment. The lost are af-
flicted by "the worm which never dies"
— i.e. by the anguish of remorse. They
are doomed to endure the society of others
reprobate like themselves, and they know
that all hope is over. Their will is en-
tirely depraved because entirely averted
from God, the end to which each thought
and action should be directed. After the
resurrection the body also is subjected to
torment.
Further, it is certain from Scripture
and tradition that the torments of hell
are inflicted in a definite place. But it is
uncertain where the place is. According
to the common opinion of Fathers and
theologians, it is in the centre of the
earth, but many other theories have been
propounded, and St. Thomas ("Suppl."
qu. 97, a. 7), quoting St. Augustine (" De
Civ. Dei," xv. cap. 16) and St. Gregory
the Great ("Dial." iv. cap. 42), admits
that no one can know where hell is un-
less he has had a special revelation on
the point. St. Thomas himself thinks it
" more probable " that hell is under the
earth.
.S. The Etervity of Punishment in
Hell. — Here, as we have already said, we
reach the most awful and mysterious part
of the subject, and one which, at a time
when the Catholic doctrine of eternal
punishment is rejected and attaclfed by
so many and with such vehemence, it is
necessary to treat carefully and in detail.
We begin with the teaching of Scripture.
(a) Our Lord's words are plain
enough to make reasonable doubt impos-
sible. He speaks of " the eternal fire,"
Matt, xviii. 8 ; of " hell, where their
worm dieth not and their fire is not
quenched," Mark ix. 48. He tells us
that He will say to the wicked at the
last day, "Depart from me, ye cursed,
into the eternal fire, pi-epared for the
devil and his angels." Daniel, long be-
fore Christ, had held similar language
(see xii. 2, quoted above), and so do the
Apostles after Christ (2 Thess. i. 9 ; Jude
13 ; Apoc. xiv. 11).
Now, it may be admitted that the
word translated " eternal " (ni&ji'ioy) is
not in itself decisive. Thus in Titus i. 2
St. Paul mentions the hope which God,
who cannot lie, promised "before eternal
times," where the Greek npo XP""'^"
ala>viu)v is very happily rendered by the
Vulgate " ante tempora sajcularia." The
promise of salvation had not, of course,
been made from all eternity ; it had been
made long ages before by the prn])hets
who are said in Luke i. 70 to have been
an alavos (Vul. " a saiculo ") — i.e. from of
old or since the age of the prophets first
began. Again, the word alaivws in the
LXX and the Hebrew noun to which it
corresponds (oViy) are still more loosely
used : e.ff. (to quote the strongest instance
which occurs to us), Isa. Iviii. 12 predicts
that the children of Israel " will build up
the eternal ruins " (dViV n'mn, al i'prifioi
aiQ)vtoi), though the ruins present to his
mind had only been ruins for some fifty
years. So much may be freely granted.
But the fact that Christ sets eternal fire
in sharp antithesis to eternal life assures
us that He did mean to warn men that
there was no hope iu hell and no escape
from it. Moreover, He speaks of tire
which will never be quenched ; of an un-
dying worm ; He declares it would have
been better for Judas not to have been
born ; and He does not breathe a syllable
which can be urged on the other side or
,'i])])lipd to qualify His language about
I'tcrnal fire. Tlie celebrated Protestant
commentator il ever fully admits that the
words "eternal fire" must be taken in
their strict and absolute sense. Nobody
will accuse Meyer of ignorance on the
one hand, or on the other of ])rejudice in
favour of the dogma. Nobody, we may
111' sure, would douljt Christ's meanin";
wild considered it with a really unl)iasseil
mind. The fact is, men persuade them-
selves that the doctrine is initrue and in-
human, and therefore that Christ, being
the eternal truth, coidd not have taught
it. Their exegesis will scarcely find ac-
ce])tance either with Christians ]ire]iared
to acce])t the doctrine or witli non-
Christians who come with purely historical
interest to the study of the (lospels.
Here we turn for a moment to two
passages alleged against the doctrine
which we are maintaining from the dicta
of the Apostles. One is from 1 Cor. xv.
24 seq. "Then is the end when He
[Christ] shall give uj) the kingdom to
the God and Father, when He shall
bring to nought every princedom and
authority and power ; for He must needs
reign, until He has put all His enemies
HELL
HELL
431
under His feet. The last enemy that
^hall be brought to nought is death . . . .
and -when all things have been subjected
to Him, then even the Son Himself will
be subjected to Him [GodJ who subjected
all things to Him [Christ], that God may
be all in all." There are dogmatic and
exegetical difficulties in this text which
do not concern us here, but the last
clause, "that God may be all in all,"
presents no difficulty to believers in
eternal punishment. All are to be sub-
ject to Christ. Christ as man is and will
be recognised as subject to God, and
" God will be all in all " — i.e. will be seen
to be the one source of every blessing in
all the subjects of the kingdom of heaven.
The context clearly limits the meaning
of the word " all." God is not to be " all
in aU " to Christ's enemies. On the con-
trary, Christ is to put them under His
feet.
The second pas.*age is Acts iii. 20,21,
when St. Peter tells the Jews that the
heavens must receive Christ " until the
times of restoration of all things." The
Apostle seems to mean that Christ will
remain in heaven till the people of God
are converted and renewed and their due
and original relation to God restored ;
and this is the motive for penance which
St. Peter urges. Our Lord's words, Matt,
xvii. 11, "Elias indeed cometh and will
restore all things," and the prophecv of
Malachy iv. fi (Heb. iii. i\3), " Behold I
send to you Elias the prophet before the
day of the Lord comes, the great and
terrible [day]. And he will turn the
heart of fathers to sons, and the heart of
sons to their fathers, lest I come and
smite the earth with a curse," probably
supply the key to the sense. Anyhow,
St. Peter has in mind a renewal and
restoration which is to take place on earth
and not in hell: before the judgment, not
after it.
O) Tradition. — The historical objec-
tions to the doctrine of eternal punish-
ment may really be reduced to one head
— viz. the views of Origen. In his " De
Principiis," i. G this great man gives it
as his opinion that even the devils will
undergo a long course of purification and
be saved at last ; and in Ids commentary
on Josue (Horn, viii.) he asserts the same
thing of men who have been condemned
at the day of judgment. In " Princip."
iii. 6 he puts forward tlie interpretation
of St. Paul's words, " God will be all in
all," which we combated a little further
l>ack. Origen's piety, genius, and learn-
ing, and his reputation as a commentator
on the Bible gained for him a wide and
an enduring influence in the Church, so
that we cannot be surprised to find that
other Fathers followed him in his hopes
of a universal restoration. Petavius
("De Aiigelis," iii. 7) shows tliat St.
Gre^orj- Nyssen did so, that St. Grfyory
Nazianzen entertained the hope that the
puni.shment of sinners in the next world
would not last for ever — a hope which
St. Jerome limits to such sinners as had
died in the Catholic faith. St. Ambrose,
as quoted by Petavius, says that men
may, though angels will not, be purified
and restored, even after an adverse sen-
tence has been passed upon them at the
judgment. Carefully to be distinguished
from this error is the opinion of Augustine
and other Fathers, viz. that the suHerings
of lost souls may be mitigated by the
prayers and good works of the faithful.
"Concerning this amelioration of the
condition of lost men at least " (so Peta-
vius writes in words which Cardinal
Xewman has made familiar to all) " the
Church as yet has laid down nothing as
I certain, so that for this reason this opinion
held by Fathers of high sanctity is not
to be dismissed ofiTiand as absurd, though
it differs from the common feeling of
modern Catholics." '
"\Ve have tried to give as fairly as
possible the patristic evidence for the
view that the torments of hell will come
to an end. But the whole stream of
tradition runs in the contrary direction.
There is no real trace of such a view
witliin the Church before Origen's time.
Theophilus of .\ntioch (•' Apol." 1, ad Jin.)
contrasts the eternal joys of heaven with
the eternal woes of hell. Sr. Ir'n;i?us
(iv. 28, 2) and St. Cyprian i - A.l D-me-
trium," cc. 24, 25) expres- i le ni-. h , ~ iu
a way which puts their meaning beyond all
possibility of misapprehension. " Those,"
says the former, "to whom Christ ad-
dresses the words ' Depart into everlasting
fire' {pei-petumn, not ati-rnnm) will be
always condemned, and those to whom
he says, ' Come, ye blessed,' &c., always
obtain the kingdom." " Hell ever burn-
ing," says St. Cj-prian, "will consume
those who are given over to it, nor will
1 Zacearia inhis noteson Petavius has shown
that both in the East ami West prayers were
said in Mass for the damned. He cites, e.g.. au
ancient Latin Missal which contains a touchinjc
prayer for a person taken away without time
ibr penance, beseeching God. if "the dead man's
crimes make it imp ssible for him to rise to
glory," at least to make his torments endurable.
432
HELL
HELL
there be any means by which their tor-
ments can ever rest or cease."
Petavius has collected a catena of
passages from later Fathers, some of them
expressly reprobatin<;- the error of Origen.
It is doubtful whether or not his error
was condemned at the Fifth General
Council. Certainly his name stands in
the present text of the eleventh anathema,
which is levelled at " Arius, Eunomius,
Apollinarius [sic], Nestorius, Eutyches,
and Origen, together with their impious
writings," and Hefele (" Concil." ii. 898)
defends the authenticity of the text as
we have it against Gamier and many
other critics. But no particular doctrine
of Origen is mentioned in the anathema.
Cardinal Noris and the Ballerini in their
edition of his works tried to show that
part of the Acts of the council have
perished, and that a special investigation
and specific condemnation of Origen's
errors took place. There are plausible
gi-ounds for this opinion, which is, how-
ever, rejected by Hefele {loc. cit. p. 858)
after an elaborate discussion. He thinks
that the Church historian Evagrius, one
of the chief witnesses cited by Cardinal
Jvoris, confused the general council of
5.53 with another held ten years earlier
at the same place. But whether or no
Origen was expressly condemned by a
general council, it is a plain matter of
i'act that a council has defined that the
punishment of hell lasts for ever. The
Fourth Council of Lateran (anno 1215)
spi'uks of the " everlasting punishment "
{jiwriavi perpeUtam) which awaits the
reprobate, and the force of the word
" perpetuam " cannot be evaded even by
those who explain away the word "eter-
nal.'' And, apart even from this defi-
nition, the question is closed by the con-
stant teaching of the Church through
her pastors.
(y) If we turn from the history of
the doctrine to the doctrine itself, and
a.sk "Is it reasonable or credible?" the
difficulties are unquestionably great and
terrible enough, and never have they
been felt more keenly than in the present
age. We must of course put aside
eiToneous or even unwarranted presen-
tation of the Church's belief. God con-
demns no single soul unless He has first
bestowed upon it full opportunity of
securing a life of eternal happiness with
Himself. Mdi cover, He desires the sal-
vation of all, whether Catholics or Pro-
testants, Christians or heathen, and will
judge all according to the advantages or
disadvantages they have had. "Thoa
sparest all, because they are Thine, O
Lord, Thou lover of souls." Again, He
remembers the frailty of our nature and
condemns to eternal banishment from
His presence those only who die separated
utterly from Him by mortal — i.e. by
deliberate and grievous — sin. Nor can
we say who these persons are, or guess
with any degi-ee of probability what pro-
portion they bear to the whole race of
man. Sins which seem grievous to us
may be excused by ignorance or want of
deliberation, and even men who appear
to end evil lives with evil deaths may
nevertheless be enlightened by God's
mercy at the last — perhaps just as their
souls are passing out of their bodies —
and so die in peace with Him. Even
after these and other abatements have
been made, the awful and mysterious
character of the doctrine remains. Why
does not God, who holds all hearts in
His hand, turn the hearts of sinners to
Himself? It is no answer to say that
He chooses to confer the gift of free will
on men with its attendant responsi-
bilities, for it is the common doctrine of
theologians that God could soften the
heart of each and every sinner, and yet
leave the freedom of the will in its in-
tegrity ; and one who seriously reflects
on the meaning of omnipotence as a
divine attribute will scarcely venture to
contradict the proposition. The only
safe reply is that God so acts for reasons
inscrutable to us, and that if reason can-
not penetrate God's designs, it is at the-
same time unable to show that the con-
duct which the Scripture attributes to
God is unjust. "Retributive justice,"
Cardinal Newman writes (" Grammar of
Assent," p. 415), " is the very attribute
under which God is primarily brought
before us in the teachings of our natural
conscience." If, then, God will by na
means clear the guilty, it is not at any
rate inconceivable that He should punish
a man who ends the period of trial in
utter rebellion against Him who is at
once his sovereign and his loving bene-
factor, by the most extreme punishment
which can be conceived. "The great
mystery," to continue our quotation
from Cardinal Newman — "the great
mystery is, not that evil should have no
end, but that it had a beginning." From
this latter mystery there is no escape to
those who believe in a God at all.
Some other arguments have been ad-
duced for the Catholic doctrine, but w»
flENOTICON
HERMESIAN'ISM 433
have preferred to rest our belief on the i
words of merciful warning spoken by
Christ Himself. For it is not surely j
without significance that it is from Christ
Himself rather than from the Apostles
that we have the plainest statements of
the doctrine.
Christ on Himself, considerate Master, took
The utterance of that dni trine's fearful sound;
'I'he fount of love His servants aends to tell
Love's deeds ; Himself proclaims the sinner's
hell.
HENOTZCOir {ivartKov). [See Mo-
NOPHYSIIES.]
HERESY {aipfcrts, from alptla-Oai, to
choose) is used in a later Greek (e.ff. by
Sextus Empiricus) to denote a philo-
sophical sect or party. In the Acts of
the Apostles {e.ff. v. 17, xv. 5) it is
applied to the parties of Sadducees and
I'harisees, who were divided from each
other in religious and political views.
But in the New Testament we also find
the word employed in a distinctly bad
sense. In 1 Cor. xi. 18, it indicates an
aggravated form of division (bixoa-Tao-ia)
among Christians — i.e. of division grown
into distinct and organised party. We
find St. Paul (Gal. v. 19) placing
" heresies " on the same level with the
most heinous sins, and St. Peter (2 Ep.
ii. 1) speaks of false teachers among
Christians, who will bring in " heresies
[or sects] of perdition." St. Ignatius in
his epistles also uses tlie word as a term
of bitter reproach, and TertuUian (" Prffi-
script." 5 and (5) accurately draws out the
meaning of the term. The name, he
savs, is given to those who of their own
will choose false doctrine, either institut-
ing sects themselves, or receiving the
false doctrine of sects already founded.
He adds that a heretic is condemned by
the very fact of his choosing for himself,
since a Christian has no such liberty of
choice, but is bound to receive the doctrine
which the Apostles received from Christ.
The nature of heresy is further ex-
]ilMined by St. Thomas in the "Summa"
(■2 2nd:e, qu. 11). Heresy, according to St.
Thomas, implies a profession of Christian
belief, so that persons who have never
been Christians, or who have utterly
renounced Christianity, are infidels and
apostates, but not heretics. The heretic,
he says, is right in the end which he pro-
poses or professes to propose to himself—
viz. the profession ot Christian truth —
but he errs in his choice of the means he
takes to secure this end, for he refuses to
believe one or more of the articles of
I faith, "determined by the authority of
the universal Church." St. Thomas adds
I that this rejection of Catholic dogma
must be deliberate and pertinacious, so
that his teaching, which is that of all
theologians, may be summed up in the
following definition. Heresy is error
pertinaciously held and manifestly re-
pugnant to the faith, on the part of one
who professes the faith of Christ. It is
clear from this that such Protestants as
are in good faith and sincerely desirous of
knowing the truth are not heretics in the
formal sense, inasmuch as they do not
pertinaciously rqect the Church's teach-
ing. Their heresy is material only — i.e.
their tenets are in themselves heretical,
but they are not formal heretics : i.e. they
do not incur the guilt of heresy, and may
belong to the soul of the Church.
Formal heresy is a most grievous sin,
for it involves rebellion against God, who
requires us to submit our understandings
to the doctrine of His Church. This guilt,
if externally manifested, is visited by the
Church with the greater excommunica-
tion, absohition from which, except in the
article of death, can only be given by the
Pope, although the power of imparting it
is communicated to bishops, under certain
restrictions, in their quinquennial facul-
ties, and to priests, in missionary countries,
such as England. Ecclesiastics who fall
into heresj- are hable to irregularity,
perjietual deprivation of their offices and
benefices, and to deposition and degra-
dation. The sons of an heretical mother,
the sons and grandsons of an heretical
father, are incapable of entering the
clerical state."
HERMESXAIO-ZSM. The name is
given to principles on the relation of
reason to faith which were propounded
by George Hermes, a German priest and
professor. These principles were acce])ted
with enthusiasm by many German Catho-
lics, were vehemently attacked by others,
and were finally condemned by the Holy
See.
Hermes was born at Dreyerwalde, in
Westphalia, in 1775. He was ordained
priest in 1799, studied and to a great
extent adopted the philosophy of Kaiit,
published a little treatise on "The Inner
Truth of Christianity " in 1805, and in
lb07 was appointed to a chair of theology
at Miinster. In 1819 he became theo-
logical professor at Bonn, and was nomi-
1 Provided the heresy was notorious, and
that the parents died in it. St. Lig. T/ieol.
Moral, lib. vii. § 363.
F F
134
HERJIITS
HESYCIIASTS
Dated to a canonry by his diocesan, the
Arclibishop of Cologne, in 1825. In 1831
he died, revered for the purity of his life,
and beloved by his pupils. Although his
writings and lectures excited great oppo-
sition, particularly during the last six
years of his life, no authoritative condem-
nation of them appeared till 1835, when
Gregory XVI. censured his " Introduc-
tion to Theology," parts 1 and 2 (Miin-
ster, 1819 and 1829), and the first part
of his Dogmatic Theology (published
after the death of Hermes; Miinster,
1834). The same Pope, by a decree of
the Congregation of the Index, declared
that the second and third parts of the
Dogmatic Theology were included in the
previous condemnation. The chief error
of Hermes lay in his theory that Chris-
tians ought to begin by doubtiiig every-
thing which was not self-evident, and
hold themselves loose in theory from the
faith they had been taught, till it had
Ijeen demonstrated to their satisfaction
by reason. Some of his disciples held
obstinately to their master's doctrine,
and the former condemnations were
repeated by Pius IX. in 1847. Herme-
sianism is now extinct.
HERMZTS. Eremita (from the Gr.
(prifins, desert), a dweller in the desert.
Anchorite {dvaxcopijT^s, one who has re-
tired from the world) has the same mean-
ing. On the life of St. Paul the first
hermit, who was bom in the Thebaid
about 230, and died in 342, after ninety
years spent in solitude, see Alban Butler
for Jan. 15, and the " Acta Sanctorum."
Though the lives of the hermits are not
propo.sed by the Church for the imitation
of ordinary Christians, she holds them
up for our admiration, as men who, com-
mitting them.-^elves to the might of
divine love, buoyed up by continual
prayer, and chastened by life-long pen-
ance, have vanquished the weakness and
the yearning of nature, and found it
possible to live for God alone. "They
appear to some," says St. Augustine,'
" to have abandoned human things more
than is right, but such do not understaTid
bow greatly their souls profit us in the
way of prayer, and their lives in the way
of example, though we are not allowed
to see their faces in the fiesh." St. Paul
fled to the di'si>rt during the persecution
of Decius, when he was twenty-two years
old, and never afterwards left it. He
was visited in his cell by St. Anthony
1 De Mor. Eccl. Cath. i. 31, quoted by
Thomassin.
shortly before he died (see his Life by St.
Jerome). Experience soon proved that it
was seldom safe for a man to essay the
life of a solitary at the beginning of his
religious career. The prudent plan was
found to be, to spend some j^ears in a
monastery, in rigorous conformity to all
the ascetical rules of the coenobitic life,
and then, the spiritual strength being
tested and the passions subdued, to pass
on to the hermit's cell. Thus we read
i in Surius (" Vita Euthymii abbatis ") of
I an abbot Gerasimns, who presided over a
great monastery near the Jordan, round
which there was a Laura consisting of
' seventy separate cells. Gerasimus kept
everyone who came to him for some years
in the monastery ; then, if he thought
him fit for solitary life, and the disciple
himself aspired to it, he allowed him to
t occupy one of the cells, where he lived
j during five days in the week on bread and
water, in perfect solitude, but on Satur-
day and Sunday rejoined his brethren
in the monastery and fared as they did.
On the Hermits of St. Austin, and
those instituted by St. Romuald, see
AtTGUSTixiAN HsKMiTS and Camaldoli.
Among the more famous English hermits
were Bartholomew of Fame, St. Godric
of Finchale, and St. Wulfric of Hasle-
bury ; all these flourished in the twelfth
century. St. Cuthbert lived an eremiti-
cal life on Fame Island for nine years,
from 676 to 685. H^lyot, in his history
of the monastic orders, mentions a Spanish
order of Hermits of St. John of Penance,
and two Italian orders, one called
Coloriti, the other, of Monte Senario.
HESYCHASTS (Gr. i)uvxoi, quiet).
So-called because they held the opinion,
shared by the Quietists of later times
[Qxtietism], that the absolute repose of
all the faculties both of mind and body
was the best prepai-ation by which the
soul was made fit to receive divine com-
munications. The monks of Athos in
the fourteenth century endeavoured to
reduce this quietism to a system, adopt-
ing the principles of a certain abbot
Simeon ; who in a work written about
three centuries before had taught that if
the body was kept motionless day and
night, the mind raised above transitory
things, the eyes steadily fixed on the
contemplative's own navel, and the
thought searching for the place of the
heart within the frame, the result would
be, if the monk persevered long enough,
that he would find himself enveloped in
a wonderful light and full of discernment.
HIERARCHY
HOLIXESS
Barlaam, a Calabrian abbot, retiiniing
from Italy about 1340, where he had
been negotiating for the termination of
the Greek schism, met some of these
monks at Thessalonica and fell into con-
troTersy with them. He called them
" omphalopsychi " on account of the sin-
gular tenet above mentioned. They
maintained that the light which Simeon
spoke of was none other than the un-
created light which the disciples saw on
Mount Tabor, during the Transfiguration
of Christ. Barlaam took up the ex-
pression " uncreated hght," and charged
them with believing in two Gods, one
visible, the other invisible. A synod
held at Constantinople in 1340 condemned
Barlaam, who was supported, however,
in his dispute with the Hesychasts by
the monk Gregory Akindynos, and Niee-
phorus Gregoras, the Byzantine historian.
(Fleury, xcv. 9; Mohler, "Kirchenge-
schichte.")
BZERARCKT (tepdpxis, a president
of sacred rites, a hierarch : whence up-
apxM, the power or office of a hierarch).
The word first occurs in the work of the
pseudo-Dionysius (a Greek writer of the
fifth century) on the Celestial and Eccle-
siastical Hierarchies. This author appears
to mean by it " administration of sacred
things," nearly in accordance with its
etymology. The signification was gra-
dually modified until it came to be what
it is at present : a hierarchy now signifies
a body of officials disposed organically in
ranks and orders, each subordinate to the
one above it. Thus we speak of the
"judicial hierarchy" and the "adminis-
trative hierarchy." However, when t/ie
hierarchy is spoken of, what is meant is
the organisation of ranks and orders in
the Christian Church. In a wide and
loose sense, when the whole Catholic
Church is considered as existing in the
midst of heretics, .schismatics, and the
heathen, even the laity may be considered
as forming a portion of the hierarchy.
"With this agrees the expression of St.
Peter, calling the general body of Chris-
tians in the countries to which he is
sending his epistle "a kingly priest-
hood" and " a holy nation" (1 Pet. ii. 9).
St. Ignatius, writing to the Smyrnoeans,'
salutes " the bishop worthy of God, and
the most religious presbyter}*, my fellow-
servants the deacons, and all of you indi-
vidually and in common." So at the
Mass, the priest, turning to the people,
bids them pray that " his and their sacri-
' Ad Smtfrn. xii. |
fice " may be acceptable to God ; and at
the incensing before the Sanctu«, the
acolyte, after the rite has been ptrformed
to ail the orders of the clergy within the
sanctuary, turns towards and bows to the
laity, and incenses them also. But ac-
cording to its ordinary signification, the
word "hierarchy" only applies to the
clergy — with varieties of meaning which
must be clearly distinguished. I. There
is a hierarchy of divine right, consisting,
under the primacy of St. Peter and his
successors, of bishops, priests, and dea-
cons, or, in the language of the Triden-
tine canon, "ministers." "If any one
shall say," defines the council,' " that
there is not in the Catholic Church a
hierarchy established by the divine ordi-
nation, consisting of l.ii<hops, presbyters,
and ministers, let him be anathema."
The term " ministers " comprehends those
minor orders of ecclesiastical institution
which, as occasion arose, were, so to
speak, carved out of the diaconate. II.
There is also a hierarchy by ecclesiastical
right, or, a hierarchy of order. This con-
sists— besides the Roman Pontifi'and the
three original orders of bisli'ips. priests,
and deacons — of the five minor orders
(two in the East) of subdeacons, acolytes,
exorcists, lectors, and porters (oi^finrii),
which, as was said above, were in the
course of time severed from the diaconate.
III. There is also the hierarchy of juris-
diction. This is of ecclesiastical institu-
tion, and consists of the administrative
and judicial authorities, ordinary and
delegated, which, under the supreme
pastorate of the Holy See, are charged
with the maintenance of the purity of
the faith and of union among Christians,
with the conservation of discipline, &c.
These authorities exercise powers con-
ferred on them by delegation, expressed
or implied, from the order above them :
thus the powers of cardinals, patriarchs,
exarchs, metropolitans, and archbishops,
proceed from the Pope, either e-xpressly
or by implication ; again, the powers of
archpriests, archdeacons, rural deans,
vicars-general, foran, &c., are derived to
them from bishops. (Thomassin,- I. iii.
23; art. by Phillips inWetzer and Welte.)
HOX.ZDAYS, or BOX.T SAYS.
[See Fe.vsts."
HOXiXM-ESS, as a title of the Pope.
[See Pope.]
* Ses3. xxiii. can. 6.
^ Thom.assin's Vetus et Nova Reel. Disciplina
is quoted by the part, book, chapter, and para-
graph.
FF2
436 HOLT FAMILY
HOLY GHOST
HOZ.-r FAnxziiV. Our Lord, His
Mother, and His foster-father St.
Joseph, together formed one family
which should be the model and venera-
tion of all Christian households. An
archconfraternity under the invocation of
the Holy Family has this devotion for
its special object. It was founded at
Li^ge in 1844 by Henry Belletable, a
non-commissioned officer of engineers.
He used to assemble a number of work-
men on one night in each week for the
sake of joining in prayer and pious
reading, and encouraging each other in
the practice of Christian virtues. The
good work was taken up by the Redemp-
torists and approved by the Bishop. In
1847 Pius IX. enriched it with many
indulgences and raised it to the dignity
of an archconfraternity with the power of
affiliating to itself other confraternities
with the same name and object. Women
now benefited by this approval. Their
numbers soon began to rival those of the
men. At prcspiit the confraternity has
brandies in almost every country in the
world. We cannot here give a full
account of the constitution and rules.
The following e.xtracts must suffice.
The end of the archconfraternity is to
honour the Holy Family, and to give to
the faithful of every age, sex, and rank,
powerful means of advancing in the way
of salvation. The means to attain this
end are, principally, prayer, sermons, and
the sacraments. Each association is
governed by a priest called the Director,
and is divided into sections composed of
a certain number of members. Each
section is placed under the protection of
a patron saint and has at its head a
prefect appointed by the director. The
exercises of piety which must never be
omitted at the weekly meetings are :
the prayer " Remember, 0 most pious
Virgin Mary," the Litany of the Holy
Family, a part of the Rosary, the exami-
nation of conscience, and the invocation
of the patron saints of the year. The
meeting always closes with Benediction
of the Blessed Sacrament or of the cruci-
fi:x. The obligations entered into by the
members are altogether duties of love.
In general they must live as good
Christians, each one according to his
state of life ; they must avoid bad com-
pany, dangerous places of amusement,
and all that may lead them into sin.
Every morning they should make an
offering of the actions of the day to
Jesus, Mary and Joseph, and renew the
offering from time to time during the
day ; every evening they should make an
examination of conscience, followed by
a spiritual communion. (For further
information see the " Directory of the
Archconfraternity of the Holy Family.")
HOX.T GHOST. [See Trinity.]
HOX.Y GHOST, COM'GREGA.TXON
OF THE, ASTD OF THE Z, H. OF
iMii.xt'r. This congregation, as its name
might suggest, arose out of the fusion into
one, in 1848, of two pre-existing institutes
— the Congregation of the Holy Ghost,
and the Missioners of the Immaculate
Heart of Mary. The former was founded
at Paris in 170y by a poor Breton student,
Claude Desplaces; the latter by Francis
M. P. Libermann about 1841. In 1848,
it having been long observed that the aims
of the two societies were to a great extent
similar, a fusion was effected between the
congregation of Libermann and that of the
Fathers of the Holy Ghost, whose superior,
Father Monet, had seen the missioners of
the other society at work in l^ouibon.
The rule of the Conirregaf ion of the Holy
Ghost (which had been lately approved at
Rome^ was to be retained, and the con-
stitutions of the missionaries (which
Libermann, after many vain attempts to
frame them, is said to have drawn up with
ease after lie had consecrated his work to
the Immaculate Heart) were for the most
part incorporated in it.
The Pere Libermann, the first superior
of the united congregation, died in 18-52.
A process has been commenced for his
canoni.?ation, and he was declared "Vene-
rable" in 1875, no other Jewish convert
having ever been so distinguished.
Under the three successors of the Ven.
Libermann, FF. Schwindenliammer, Le
Vavas.seur, and Emonet, the work has
been carried actively on, and is " visibly
blest by heaven." ' In 1884 it had about
eighty houses, of which fifteen were in
Europe, fourteen in America and tlie West
Indies, and more than forty in Africa and
the islands adjacent, with about thirteen
hundred members. The con.stitutioiis, as
finally settled at a general chapter held in
1876, have been approved at Rome without
change or addition. " The society ... is
governed by a superior-general elected
for life. Its missions are directed by
bishops or vicars-apostolic chosen from
its own body. All the members — fathers
and brothers — consecrate themselves to
God by the three simple vows of religion,
at first temporary, afterwards perpetual;
1 F. MS.
HOLY PLACES
HOLY PLACES
437
and they bind themselves to the congrega-
tion by their act of profession, which con-
tains an engagement of perseverance.
Besides the professed members there are
the oblates, who, from the age of fourteen,
after a trial of at least six mouths, are
received into the congregation as its chil-
dren, are clothed with its habit, and take
the engagement to persevere till their
f)rofession." The novitiate is ordinarily
or two years. "The congregation always
pursues as its main and direct object,
after the perfection of its members, the
evangelisation of the blacks, especially of
the blacks in Africa itself." *
Indirectly the congregatii n pursues the
same end by founding institutions prima-
rily devoted to different objects. A house
at Rome being found to be necessary, they
established there a French seminary,
canonically erected in 185.3, which has
been treated with remarkable favour both
by Pius IX. and by the reigning Pontiff".
Again, it was thought desirable to en-
courage vocations in Ireland, and as a
means to this end two colleges for second-
ary education have been established by the
congregation, at Blackrock and Rockwell
(near Cashel), and have achieved in a few
years, owing to the skill and ability with
which they have been conducted, an extra-
ordinary success. The Iri.sh houses were
founded by F. Leman, whose name is
loved and honoured wherever an alumnus
(and they now amount to thousands) of
one of the " French colleges " is found in
anv part of the world. ^
" HOX.V PLACES, THE. The SpotS
rendered sacred to Christians by the
birth, death, resurrection, and ascension
of our Saviour, as well as by events in
the life of the Blessed Virgin, have been
visited by pilgrims and travellers at
least since the third century, when we
hear of Alexander, the friend of Origen,
and Origen himself as going to Palestine
to explore them. Constantine, early in
the fourth century, after the removal of
the earth and rubbish which had long
encumbered the site of the Holy Sepul-
chre, caused a magnificent church to be
built over it. His mother, St. Helena,
erected and richly adorned a basilica over
the grotto of Christ's nativity at Beth-
lehem,* and a portion of her work is be-
lieved to be still preserved in the exist-
» F. Reffe's MS.
Much of the information for this article
■was kindly furnished by F. Reff^, of the Black-
rock College.
s Eusebius, Viia Constant, iii. 43.
ing structure. She also built a churcli
on the top of Mount Olivet, over the
cave which was traditionally believed to
mark the scene of the Ascension. Arcul-
fus, a French bishop, visiting the Holy
Land about the end of the seventh cen-
tury A..D., saw a church built over the rock
of Golgotha, the place of the Crucifixion.
To the consideration of the sites here
named the present article will be con-
fined. The Abb6 Michon, in his work
on the Holy Places, gives a list of
twelve localities more or less identified by
tradition with religious events: among
these are Cana, Tiberias, Nablous, &c.
To examine the value of the tradition in
each of these cases would be a task much
exceeding our limits. Narrowing the
problem to the necessary degree, we ask
this question. Is the traditional belief
which has connected for many centurie>,
and does still connect, certain sites in
Palestine with the conception, nativity,
crucifixion, resurrection, and ascension
of our Lord reasonably trustworthy, or
is it not ?
Holy places, considered as supports
and encouragements to faith and virtue,
are in the same category with miracles
and relics. " Movemur nescio quo pacto
locis ipsis, in quibus eorum quos dilici-
mus et admiramur adsunt vestigia."
As miracles reassure and quicken faith,
so the touch of relics, and visits to holy
places, seeming to bring us palpably
nearer to those to whom God was very
near, or even to the very Author and
Founder of our religion, tend to the con-
solation and softening of the hearts ot
men, and to the revival of their courage
under the trials of life. Not sharing
the faith, and regarding the consolation
as illusory, Protestants and agnostics are
disposed by a natural instinct to reject
miracles, scoff at relics, and deny the
authenticity of holy places. All such
supports to a faith and a morality which
they accept only in part, find with them
no easy credence. In the case of holy
places, the multiplication of traditions
— some spurious, others doubtful, many
ridiculous — aft"ords a plausible ground
for incredulity. The objector urges that
tradition supplies no valid c^vidi nce. But
there are traditions and traditions. A
perfect or adequate tradition as to a holy
place is one which identifies by the
unvarying testimony of many generations
of Christians living on the spot — who
therefore could not have been deceived —
I a place which, as connected with some
4?.^ HOI.Y ri.ACES
HOLY PLACES
event of high religions importance, must
have been interesting to them from the
■very time of its occurrence. Imperfect
or inadequate traditions are those in which
these conditions are not fullilled; and
they are imperfect in the ratio of their
non-fulfilment. The tradition as to the
site of the Resurrection is one of the
first kind ; that as to the " prison of
Christ " of the second. To stand at the
spot where death, the common enemy,
was eftectually vanquished, could not but
be profoundly interesting to everyone
bearing the name of Christian. The
Apostles and the women from Galilee
"saw where he was laid,'' and certainly
and the garden-tomb from which Christ
rose to die no more. Under the prfssure
of motives such as have been described
above, many non-Catholic writers have
formed conclusions adverse to the authen-
ticity of the entire site. Prominent
among these are the American Dr.
Edward Robinson,' the German Tobler,
and the Englishmen Clarke, Fergusson,
and Conder. A much larger number of
names may be appealed to in support of
the authenticity of the site. Among
these the most prominent are — Chateau-
briand, Schulz (the Prussian consul at
Jerusalem, 1845), Williams,^ Tischen-
dorff, Finlay, De Vogii(5, and Clermont
1. First wall.
2. Second wall (Warren).
3. Second wall (Conder).
4. Clmrch of the Holy Sepulchre.
5. Pool of Hezekiah.
6. The tower Hippicus.
made true report of what they saw.
But no such eager memory or universal
interest attached itself to the place
where Christ wn.s confined while waiting
for His trial ; and the identification of the
spot, since it may have arisen out of the
desire to carry out with a dramatic com-
pleteness the localisation of the entire
story of the Passion, may well be classed
among imperfect traditions.
1. We may now proceed to the con-
sideration of the Church of the Holy
Sepulchre at Jerusalem, under the roof
of which, it is alleged, may be seen the
two most holy places in the world —
Golgotha, or the scene of the Crucifixion,
Ganneau, the discoverer of the Moabite
stone.
The slight diagram given above will
help to explain, so far as that can be
done in a brief popular essay, the main
difficulties of the question
The theory of Fergusson ' may be at
once disposed of He identifies the sepul-
chre of Christ with the " dome of the
rock," commonly called the Mosque of
' Biblical Researches in Palestine (1841) ;
Later Researches (1856).
2 See his Holj/ City (1849), a work of
immense research.
* Kssay on the Ancient Topography of
Jerusalem, 1847.
HOLY PLACES
HOLY PLACES
439
Omar, in the middle of the Temple area, j
This extravngant notion has found few-
supporters, and the latest researches have
entirely exploded it. Lieut. Warren (now
Sir Charles Warren), who laboured three
years in Jerusalem (1867-1870) for the
Palestine Exploration Fund, after passing
under review all the known facts, came
to the conclusion that the Jewish temple
stood in the middle of the Temple area ;
"where, in fact, Jewish, Christian, and
Mohammedan tradition all unite in placing
it."' ' Capt. Conder, n well-known worker
in the same field, came to the same con-
clusion. But if the site of the Temple be
identified with that of the Mosque of
Omar, it is obvious that the sites of
Golgotha and the Holy Sepulchre —
which Scripture tells us (John xix. 41)
were close together — must be looked for
elsewhere. Kor does the theory of Conder
require much consideration. That inde-
fatigable explorer, after plunging into a
maze of difficulties connected with frag-
ments of old walls, and subterranean
drains, and the ancient lie of the ground,
thought that he had found a way out of
them by placing the Holy Sepulchre far
away to the north, outside the present city
wall. If he had had a little more respect
for local tradition, he would hardly have
been so adventurous. Scarcely anyone
doubts that the present site is that which
Oonstantine and the bishop of Jerusalem
in his day believed to be the true one.
If the true site was away where Capt.
Conder puts it, Constantine and Macarius
must have known the fact, and what
motive could they have in pitching upon
a false site in preference to the true one ?
Even had they wished to do so, could they
have outraged the devout associations of
the Christian community of Jerusalem,
who must have known the true site as
well as their bishop?
The objections of Robinson, tending to
throw doubt on the traditional site rather
than to suggest any other, are more serious.
His contention is that whereas it is certain
from the language of Scripture (Matt,
xxvii. 32, Mark xv. 20, John xix. 17, 20,
Hebr. xiii. 12) that the place where Jesus
was crucified was outside the city, this
cannot have been true of the place where
now rises the Church of the Holy Sepul-
chre. The present aspect of Jerusalem,
showing that church surrounded by build-
ings, and far within the modern city wall,
lends a certain plausibility to the objection.
1 Twenty-one Years' Work in the Holy Land
(Pal. Exploration Fund), 1886.
This consideration, however, is of no real
force, for no one supposes that the present
distribution of the buildings of the city is
not very different from that which j)re-
vailedat the time of our Saviour, and the
modern wall was erected many centuries
later. But Dr. Robinson argues that the
language of Josephus is almost incom-
patible with the assumption that the tra-
ditional site was outside the wall as it
stood at the date of the Crucifixion. At
the time of the siege of Jerusalem by Titus
three walls protected the city on tho north
side. About the course of tlie first there
is little difference of opinion ; it ran
from the tower of Hippicus on the west
nearly in a straight line across to the
Temple enclosure on the east. It is
about the course of the second wall tliat
the main controversy is waged. Josephus
says that it left the first wall at the gate
called Gennath, and, " encircling the
northern quarter" of the city, reached
as far as tlie tower Antonia.^ The posi-
tion of Gennath is uncertain, but it is
generally believed to have been near
Hippicus, and not far from the Jafi'a gate.
If it ran nearly straight thence to the
tower of Antonia, at the nortli-west
corner of the Temple area, the second
wall would have excluded the received
site of the Holy Sepulchre. If, on the
other hand, it were much curved, it must
have included it. Robinson and Conder
maintain that it must have been con-
siderably curved, so as to include the
large suburb which had gradually sprung
up to the north of the first wall. It
would in that case have included within
its sweep the ground on which stands
the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, wliieh
cannot, therefore, be the true extra-urban
site required by the words of Scripture.
But Sir Charles Warren and Mr.
Williams maintain that the second wall
(see diagram) ran in such a manner as
clearly to leave the traditional site out-
side of it. According to the first view,
Constantine and Bishop Macarius were
either mistaken or deceivers; according
to the second view, they were right in
what they thought and did, and have
been trustworthy guides to posterity.
That this last is the more reasonable
opinion is now believed by the majority
of inquirers, and probably in course of
time it will cease to be much disputed.*
I Jo8. IFarsofthe Jews, v. 4.
' The testimony of a scholar so eminent a»
Tischendorff is worth citing. He wrote to Mr.
Williams {Holy City, i. p. x): "I think it
440 . HOLY PLACES
TTOLT PLACES
The third wall of Josephus ' was '
built about eleven years after the Cruci-
fixion, by Herod Agrippa ; no one doubts
that it included the traditional site with- I
in it. I
Assuming now that the Church of
the Holy Sepulchre may correspond with
the true sites of the Passion and Resur-
rection of Christ, we have still to trace
its history, so as to ascertain the degree
of firmness with which one may hold the
belief that it is the true site, and then to
give a brief description of what the church
contains. 1
That from the very first the places
(vhere Jesus was crucified and rose again I
were visited and reverenced by many, if
not the majority, of the Christians of
Jerusalem it is impossible to doubt. '<
There may have been some among them '
who, like the Puritans and Quakers of '
later times, found or fancied their faith |
so firm as to be independent of external '
aids. But to the majority the tomb, the
pillar, the inscription, the fixed feast,
the annual rite, were powerful helps to \
that devotion which aimed at bringing
the facts of the Passion and the lives of
the martyrs more vividly before the
mind, and arousing for these last an imi-
tative enthusiasm. " His sepulchre is
with us to this present day." * This
meant much to the Jews, whom St. Peter
reminded of it, and considerations of the
like order, in spite of Puritanism, mean |
much to us to-day. Some forty years
after the Crucifixion occurred the siege
and destruction of Jerusalem. During
the siege the Christians in the city with-
drew to Pella, on the other side of the j
Jordan ; but the time was not long i
enough to cause a break in their re- i
collections. Moreover, in spite of the
hideous devastation and destruction
which followed the coll!q>se of the Jewish
resistance, we must remember that no
rapine or violence could injure the rock
of Golgotha, nor the tombs in the neigh-
bouring garden. The Jewish revolt under
Barcochebas, in the time of the Emperor
Hadrian, was the occasion, when sup-
pressed, of an order prohibiting all Jews
from entering the city ; but this did not
extend to the Christians, whom, up to a
certain point, Hadrian was disposed to
favour. He was resolved, however, to
will be in futiu'e difficult to dispute that
authenticity [viz. of the traditional site of the
Holy Sepulchre] upon reasonable grounds."
1 Loc. cit.
Acts IL 2».
make Jerusalem a completely Roman
city ; he renamed it .^lia Capitolina, after
himself and the Capitoline Jupiter ; and
we may reasonably accept the testimony of
Sulpicius Severus — writing towards the
end of the fourth century — to the efiect
that Hadrian profaned by pagan statues
both the site of the Temple and the
sacred localities of (/hrist's Passion.' It
is therefore to the reign of Hadrian that
the origin may probably be referred of
the state of things described by Eusebius.
The Bishop of Caesarea, in his " Life of
Constantine," tells us that when the first
Christian emperor resolved to build a
church at Jerusalem on or near the site
of the Passion, that site was found to be
covered over by a huge mound of earth,
which " impious and godless men," de-
siring to efl'ace the memory of all that is
most precious to Christians, had heaped
up over it, crowning this mound with a
statue of Venus. Constantine caused the
earth to be removed ; the rock tomb from
which Jesus had risen was found un-
injured beneath it; architects were en-
gaged ; and by the year a.d. 335 " the
entire site" — including the place where
Helena found the cross, the Golgotha,
and the cave of the Sepulchre, with the
intervening ground — " was occupied by
a symmetrical mass of building." But
the place of the Resurrection, surrounded
on three sides by porticos, and having
the Basilica of the Saviour on the east
side, was left open to the air. In 614
Jerusalem fell into the hands of the
Persians, who set the basilica on fire,
and committed every sort of devastation.
"When they had retired, the Bishop
Modestus at once undertook the task of
rebuilding ; but now, instead of the vast
pile of Constantine, three edifices arose,
which the description of Arculfus, a
French bishop who was at Jerusalem
towards the end of the seventh century,
and was questioned on the subject by the
Irish Adamnan, brings very clearly be-
fore us.
1. Tlie Church of Constant uie, or Martyrinm.
2. The (Jhureh of Uulgotha.
3. The Cliurch of tlie Resurrei-tion.
I Sulp. Sev.. quoted in Merivale's History
of the Roman Empire, viii. 178.
» Willis, in Williams' Holy City, ii. 257.
HOLY PLACES
HOLT PLACES 441
Nearly in this condition the three
churches remained till the era of the
Crusades. After Jerusalem was taken
by Godfrey de Bouillon, great building
works were undertaken, and the result,
speaking generally, is the Church of
the Holy Sepulchre as we now see it ;
the three churches mentioned by Arcul-
fus being no« , so to speak, fused into one
spacious basilica, containing both Gol-
gotha and the Holy Sepulchre beneath
its roof. A fire in 1808 did much damage
to the edifice, but it was repaired within
two years.
Aided by the diagram here given,
the reader may easily understand the
I Golgotha. In one of these chapels is
shown a hole in the rock, in which the
cross which bore our Saviour is said to
have been fixed.
Towards the eastern end of the
church, which is called the Rotunda,
from the semicircular row of columns
round it — placed in the middle of the
pavement — is the small Chapel of the
Holy Sepulchre. It is about twenty-six
feet long by eighteen broad, and con-
tains two small chambers, to which the
only approach is by a door on the ea<t
side. The outer chamber is called the
"Chapel of the Ansjel," the inner one is
the Sepulchre. The "Chapel of the
L Holv Sepnlehre,
f. Pillar of Flagellation.
». Chapel of Helena.
4. riace where the Cross was 1
5. Altar of the Franks.
6. Place of the Cross.
7. Stairs to Golgotha.
8. Place where Christ appeared 1
Magdalene.
I Mary
mutual topographical relations of the i
chief sites. The general slope of the I
ground is from west to east ; twenty- j
nine steps lead down from the Greek
church into the Chapel of Helena, at
the south-eastern end of which twelve
more steps descend to the place where |
Helena found the cross. The rock, or 1
" monticulus " of Golgotha, now encased I
in masonry, rises considerably above '
the floor of the Greek church ; it there-
fore has to be separately shown on the
diagram. Eighteen steps, beginning at
the point marked (7), lead up from the
floor of the basilica to the chapels of
Angel " is regarded as the place where
the angel appeared to the wdmen who
were coming to the sepulchre on the
morning of Easter-day. All that it
contains is a portion of a marble slab,
said to be the very stone which closed
the sepulchre, and on which, after he
had rolled it away (Matt, xxviii. 2),
the angel sat. A narrow low door
leads out of the chapel into a sort of
grotto, only seven feet by six, and eight
or nine feet high. More tlian half of
this confined space is occupied by '■ a
kind of altar or pedestal," not quite three
feet high, " which covers and protects
442 HOLY PLACES
HOLY PLACES
the real sepulchral couch where the
body of our Lord was laid."' The
whole of this inmost chamber, this
penetrale of the Christian religion, is
now cased with marble ; but there can
be no reasonable doubt that the marble
slabs veil and screen the actual natural
rock of the "new tomb" in which
Jesus, after the deposition from the
Cross, was laid.^
2. Nazareth lies in a basin of gently
rounded hills, near the northern edge of
the great plain of Esdraelon, about half-
way between the lake of Gennesareth
and the sea. " It is a rich and beautiful
field in the midst of these green hills —
abounding in gay flowers, in fig trees,
small gardens, hedges of the prickly pear ;
and the dense rich grass aifords an abun-
dant pasture" (Stanley's " Palestine," 357).
It was at Nazareth that the annun-
ciation of tlie future birth of her Divine
Son was made to our Lady by the angel
Gabriel (Luke i. 28-38). but the exact
place is disputed between the Greeks
and Latins. The former maintain that
it was near the well at the eastern end
of the village, whence the women of
Nazareth draw water to this day. They
support their opinion by reference to the
apocryphal gospel of St. James (" Prot-
evang. Jacobi," cap. ii.), where it is said
that the angel saluted Mary as she was
drawing water from the spring near the
town. But the belief of the Latins in
the genuineness of their site rests upon a
stronger and fuller tradition. Whether
the statement of Nicephorus (a Byzan-
tine writer of the fourteenth century ')
be correct or not, that Helena built a
stately church at Nazareth over the house
of Mary, it is certain that pilgrimage was
made to the spot from an early period.
The same Arculfus whose report of the
Holy Sepulchre given to Adamnan we
have quoted above says that he found
two churches at Nazareth, and that
one of them was "at the place where
the house had been built in which the
archangel Gabriel, finding her alone," had
addressed the Blessed Virgin. After the
first crusade, the brave Tancred, to whom
the government of Galilee had been com-
mitted, is said to have enriched the
church at Nazareth with many donations
> Williams' Holy City, ii. 160.
2 Full details may be found in Williams'
Holy City, Murray's Handbook for Syria and
Palestine, and many other works.
s Quoted in Archbishop Kenrick's worli on
Loreto ; see that article.
(Kenrick, p. 20). What Phocas saw here
in 1185 is related under the article
LoEETO ; where also is given the later
history of the church, down to the removal
of the Santa Casa in 121)1.
A grotto within the church of the
Franciscan convent at Nazareth is
believed by the Latins to have been the
scene of the Annunciation This convent,
" the most prominent building " in Naza^
reth, " stands on a spur of the hill which
projects some little distance into the green
plain" (Murray). Through the great gate
the stranger is admitted into a square
court, on the opposite side of which is
the church. The interior of the church
forms nearly a square of seventy feet.
From the pavement a broad marble stair-
case of fifteen steps leads down to the
grotto. First there is a vestibule,
twenty-five feet by ten, where, it is
believed, the house of Mary formerly
stood, and whence it was removed in 1 291
[LoKExo]. From the vestibule " a low
arched opening, opposite the stairs, admits
to the sanctum, about the same dimensions
as the vestibule " (Murray). Here is an
altar of white marble, with a fine picture
of the Annunciation over it ; below it
is a marble slab, on which are carved
a large cross, and the words " Verbum
caro hie factum est." Not far ofi" is a
large pillar, said to mark the spot where
the angel stood during the Annunciation ;
and another pillar, broken in the middle,
where Mary is said to have stood at the
same time. Many other interesting locali-
ties are pointed out by the Franciscan
fathers, respecting which we must refer
to the work of Father Geramb ■ ; the
chief facts are also given in Murray's
" Handbook for Syria and Palestine."
3. The place of the Nativity of Jesus
Christ was already reported by Justin
Martyr,^ in the middle of the second
century, to have been " a cave near
Bethlehem." The apocryphal gospels
uniformly adhere to the tradition of a
cave ; and it is further confirmed by the
reference of Eusebius (" Vit. Const." iii.
43) to the "places renowned by two
mystical caves," the sites of the Nativity
and the Ascension, which Constantino
and his mother took especial care to
adorn with all the splendour that the
resources of architectiu-e could supply.
Bethlehem is on high ground, about seven
miles south of Jerusalem. "The Con-
vent of the Nativity is an enormous pile of
• Pelerinage d Jerusalem, 1853.
» Trypho, 78.
HOLY PLACES
HOLT PLACES 443
buildings, extending along the ridge of the
hill from west to east, and consisting of the
Church of the Nativity, with the three con-
vents (Latin, Greek, and Armenian) abut-
ting respectively on its north-east, south-
«ast, and soutli-western extremities." ' The
nave of the church, which is the common
property of all the sects, still remains to
•a great extent as Helena's architect left
it. But the impression of the noble
building, with its marble columns and
mosaics, is marred, says Schulz,^ by a
whitewashed wall, by which the Greeks
in 1842 cut off the" transept and apse
■(which belong to them exclusively) from
the rest of the church. There are five
aisles, of which the chief and central
one leads up to the apse ; the others end
At the wall above mentioned. " Under
the high altar before the apse belonging
to the Greeks .... is the sanctuary
proper, the place of the Nativity, to
which two marble staircases, north and
south, lead down from the choir. It is
a cave under the transept, about three
metres high, twelve long, and three and
A half broad, lighted with thirty-two
lamps ; its pavement and walls are covered
with white, black, and red-veined marble
slabs. At the eastern end is a recess,
and under the altar thereof there sparkles
in the light of fifteen lamps a star, set
close to the ground, with fourteen rays,
and several inlaid glittering stones. It
bears the inscription, 'Hie de Virgine
Maria Jesus Christus natus est ' " Near
the foot of the southern staircase "one
descends by three steps into the Chapel
of the Manger (prresepe). The manger
is now of marble ; the earlier [or original]
wooden one was taken by Sixtus IV. to
Rome in 1486," and may now be seen
in the Church of Santa Maria Maggiore.
^' In the same chapel is also the altar of
the 'Adoration of the Magi,' and from
the west end of the principal cave a
narrow passage leads " to the place where
St. Joseph is said to have received the
-command to flee into Egypt, to the
Chapel of the Innocents, the tombs of
Paula and Eustochium, and the cell
where St. Jerome laboured at the trans-
lation of the Bible. Some way off is
the " Grotto of the Shepherds," said to
mark the place where the shepherds on
Christmas night saw the great light and
the angelic company.
4. The traditional site of the Ascen-
fiion of Christ into heaven is now marked
> Stanley's Palestine, 432.
* Quoted in Herzog, art. " Bethlehem."
by the Chapel of the Ascension on the
top of the Mount of Olives. Re.-jpecting
this site objections have been raised.
"It is clear," writes Dean Stanley,'
"from the language of Eusebius, that
the traditional site which Helena meant
to honour was not the scene of the
Ascension its'elf, but the scene of tlie con-
versations [between Christ and the
apostles] before the Ascension." But the
words of Eusebius warrant no such con-
clusion. Constantine, he says (" Vit.
Const." iii. 41, 4.3), adorned "other places"
(besides the scene of the Resurrection),
paying reverence to the cave of the
Nativity, " and for the cave of the as-
sumption (ai'aXi}\|/'f&)f) into heaven digni-
fying the memory on the hill-top." Again
(c. 43), " The Emperor's mother ennobled
with lofty buildings the memory of the
passing into heaven of the Saviour of the
world upon the Mount of Olives, raising
the sacred edifice of a church above, along
the summit of the whole mountain ; and
there a true tradition holds, that in that
very cave the Saviour of thp world ini-
tiated His disciples in the inefl'able rites."
It is plain from these words that Eusebius
conceived the cave on the top of Olivet
to have been the scene both of the
Ascension and of the previous conver-
sations.
Another objection, raised by Dr.
Robinson ("Bibl. Researches," ii. 77), is
founded on the language of Scripture.
He thinks that the Christian tradition
which places the scene of the Ascension
on the top of the Mount of Olives is
certainly wrong, because inconsistent with
Luke xxiv. 50, " He led them out as far as
Bethania." The village of Bethany is
about one mile farther from Jerusalem
than the top of the Mount of Olives, to
the eastward : and in its immediate neigh-
bourhood Robinson, Stanley, and others
would look for the scene of the Ascension.
But there is another important passage,
viz. Acts i. 12, which tells us that, imme-
diately after witnessing the Ascension, the
disciples "returned to Jerusalem from
the mount called Olivet, which is nigh
Jerusalem, within a Sabbath day's jour-
ney." What other conclusion can be
drawn from these words but that the
Ascension took place on Mount Olivet ?
What would have been the sense of
specifying the distance of Olivet from
Jerusalem, if in fact the Ascension had
not happened on the Mount of Olives at
all, but somewhere "among the retired
» Syria and Palestine, 448.
444 HOLY WATER
HOLY WEEK
uplands immediately overhanging the
village " 1 of Bethany P Everything being
taken into consideration, the probability
in favour of the traditional site being the
true and Scriptural one, as well as the one
accepted by Helena, appears to be over-
whelming. In the passage from Luke
xxiv. "Bethany," as Lightfoot long ago
suggested, must be understood to mean
" the district of Bethany," which might
very well have commenced on the summit
of Mount Olivet.
The Chapel of the Ascension, a pro-
minent object on the ridge of the Mount
of Olives, which rises 175 Paris feet above
the city, is now in Mussulman hands. At
the present day no trace remains of the
cave mentioned by Eusebius. The church
built by Helena has long since disap-
peared, though it seems to have been
still standing in the time of Maundeville.
The present chapel is a small octagonal
structure within a paved court. In the
chapel is shown the rock said to be im-
printed with the footsteps of Christ —
His last on earth. There is now, it is
said, no resemblance to a foot ; what is
seen is merely a rudely oblong cavity.
Arculfus speaks of two footmarks ; at pre-
sent only one is shown.'^
HO£Y WATER (aqua benedicta).
Washing with water is a natural symbol
of spiritual purification. " I will pour out
upon you," says God by the prophet
Ezechiel, xxvi. 25, " clean water, and you
shall be clean." In the tabernacle a laver
was placed in the court between the altar
and the door of the tabernacle for the
priests to wash their hands and feet before
offering sacrifice ; and the later Jews, as
may be inferred from Mark vii. 3, deve-
loped the frequent washing of the hands
into a matter of ritual observance. If we
look into a modern Jewish prayer-book,
we find the same importance attached to
ritual ablutions, and in particular washing
of the hands is prescribed before prayer.
The use of the " aqua lustralis " with which
the Romans sprinkled themselves or were
sprinkled by the priestshows thatthesame
symbolism existed among the heathen.
A like custom, beautiful and natural
in itself, though of course it may degene-
rate and often has degenerated into super-
stition, has been adopted by the Church.
Water and salt are exorcised by the priest
and so withdrawn from the power of
1 Murray's Palestine, 187.
2 This descri|ition of the Chapel of the
Ascension ia abridged from that in Mun-aj-,
p. 178.
Satan, who, since the fall, has corrupted
and abused even inanimate things ; prayers
are said that the water and salt may
promote the spiritual and temporal health
of those to whom they are applied, and
may drive away the devil with his rebel
angels ; and finally the water and salt are
mingled in the name of the Trinity. The
water thus blessed becomes a nieans of
grace. Even common water, if devoutly
used as a memento of the purity of heart
which God requires, might well prove
useful for the health of the soul. But as
the Church has blessed holy water with
solemn prayers, we may be sure that God,
who answers the petitions of His Church,
will not fail to increase the charity, con-
trition, &c., of those who use it, and to
assist them in their contests with the
po^'ers of evU. The reader will observe
that we do not attribute to holy water
any virtue of its own. It is efficacious
simply because the Church's prayers take
efl'ect at the time it is used.
Holy water is placed at the door of
the church in order that the faithful may
sprinkle themselves with it as they enter,
accompanying the outward rite with in-
ternal acts of sorrow and love. Before
the High Mass on Sundays the celebrant
sprinkles the people with holy water ; and
holy water is employed in nearly every
blessing which the Church gives. And at
all times, on rising and going to bed, leav-
ing the house or returning home, in temp-
tation and in sickness, pious Catholics
use holy water.
The use of holy water among Chris-
tians must be very ancient, for the
Apostolical Constitutions (viii. 28, ed.
Lagarde) contain a formula for blessing
water that it may have power " to give
health, drive away diseases, put the
demons to flight," &c. But there does
not seem to be any evidence that it was
customary for the priest to sprinkle the
people with holy water before the ninth
century.
HOI.Y WEEK. The week in which
the Cliurch commemorates Christ's death
and burial, and which is spoken of by
ancient writers as the Great, the Holy
Week, the Week of the Holy Passion
(tcoi/ ayltov nadaiv, tov aaiTrjpinv ira&ovs,
Trd T^a oravpoxTi/ioi/), the Penal Week, the
Week of Forgiveness (hebdomas indul-
gent.iee). The observance of Holy Week
is mentioned by Irenaeus (apud Euseb.
" H. E." V. 24), towards the end of the
second century; while Eusebius (ii. 17)
evidently believed that the custom of
HOLT WEEK
keeping Holy Week dated from Apostolic
times. In the East, Holy Week was dis-
tinguished from the rest of Lent by the
extreme strictness of the fast. Thus
Dionysius of Alexandria, in his Epistle to
Basilides, tells us that some Chi'istiaTis
kept an absolute fast the whole week,
others did so for one, two, three or four
days.' Epiphanius, in his exposition of the
orthodox faith, says much the same. In
the Latin Church (according to Tliomiis-
sin, " Traits des Jeunes," p. 50), it is
difficult to discern any proof that the fast
of Holy Week exceeded the strictness of
the ordinary Lenten fast.
We have said that in Holy Week the
Church commemorates Christ's Passion,
and it may be objected that the definition
is incomplete, since on Palm Sunday, the
first day of Holy Week, it is Christ's
triumphant entry into Jerusalem which is
chiefly contemplated. But, in fact, Holy
Week begins with the Monday, not with
the Sunday. At least this is the reckon-
ing of St. Cyril, Theophilus and St.
Epiphanius, quoted by Routh in his
" Reliqulfe Sacrae " (torn. ii. p. 62). We
therefore reserve our account of Palm
Sunday for a special article, and confine
otirselves here to the ceremonies of Holy
Week.
The Tenehrce. — Tliis is the name given
to the matins and lauds of the following
day, which are usually sung on the after-
noon or evening of Wednesday, Thursday,
and Friday in Holy Week. The " Gloria
Patri " at the end of the Psalms and in
the responsories, the hymns, antiphons
of the Blessed Virgin, &c., are omitted in
sign of sorrow. The lessons of the first
nocturn are taken from the Lamentations
of Jeremias, the Hebrew letter which
begins each verse in these acrostic ^ poems
being retained in L.itin. At the begin-
ning of the office fifteen lighted candles
are placed on a triangular candelabrum,
and at the end of each psalm one is put
out, till only a single candle is left lighted
at the top of the triangle. During the
singing of the Benedictus the candles on
the high altar are extinguished, while at
the antiphon after the Benedictus the
single candle left alight is hidden at the
Epistle comer of the altar, to be brought
' This strictest form of fasting, which im-
plied a total abstinence from food till the
(biwn of the next day, was called uirepfletrij or
tuperpositia.
- I.e. acrostic in the original Hebrew. Xo
•ittempt is made to preserve the acrostic in the
Vxdgate.
HOLY WEEK 446
oat again at the end of the office. This
extinction of lights (whence probably the
name tenebrfe or darkness) is best ex-
plained by Amalarius Fortunatus, who
wrote in 820. It figures, he says, the
growing darkness of the time when Christ
the Light of the world was taken. The
last caudle, according to Benedict XIV.,
is hidden, not extingiii>hed, to signify that
death could not really obtain dominion
over Christ, though it apjieared to do.
The clapping madr at the end of the
office is said to syniliolise the confusion
consequent on Christ's deatli.
Holy Thttrsdaij. — On this day one
Ma?s only can be said in the same church,
and that Mass must be a public one.
The Mass is celebrated in white vest-
ments, because the institution of the
Eucharist is joyfully commemorated, but
at the same time there are certain signs
of the mourning proper to Holy Week.
The bells, which ring at the Gloria, do
not soimd again till the Gloria in the
Mass of Holy Saturday, and the Church
returns to her ancient use of sumuioning
the faithful or arousing their attention by
a wooden clapper, ^sor is the embrace
of peace given. The celebrant consecrates
an additional Host, which is placed in a
chalice and borne in procession after the
Mass to a place prepared for it. In
ancient times this procession occurred
daily, for there was no tabernacle over the
altar for reserving the particles which re-
mained over after the communion of the
faithful. Medifeval writers connect the
procession with the Blessed Sacrament on
Holy Thursday with our Lord's journey
to the Mount of Olive* after the Last
Supper. The " Pange lingua " is sung
during the procession, and the place to
which the P)U'<#ed Sari':miPnt is removed
— often called the SepiiK'ln-e, but properly
the altar of rejiose — is decked with flowers
and lights. Afterwards the altars are
stripped. This used to be done, accord-
ing to Vert in his explanation of the
ceremonies of the Mass, every day after
the celebration of the sacrifice, and is
retained on Holy Thursday to remind the
Christians of the way in which their
Master was stripped of His garments. In
St. Peter's the chief altar is washed with
wine, and a similar custom prevails
among the Dominicans and Carmelites,
and in some churches of France and Ger-
many.*
The stripping of the altars is followed
1 So says Benedict XIV., speaking of his
own ' ime.
446 HOLY WEEK
HOLY VTEEK
by the washing of the feet, called " Manda-
tum " from the words of the first antiphon
Bung during the ceremony — " Mandatiim
novum," &c., " A new commandment I
give unto you, that you love one another; "
whence our English word Maundy Thurs-
day. The principal priest or prelate of
the church, assisted by deacon and sub-
deacon, washes the feet of twelve poor
men. The Pope washes the feet of thir-
teen poor persons, all of whom are priests ;
and some churches follow the Papal
custom. The observance of the Mandatum
is mentioned as a recognised custom, and
is enforced under penalties, by the
Twenty-second Council of Toledo in 694.
Since the seventh century the holy
oils, formerly consecrated at any time,
have been blessed by the bishop in the
Mass of this day. Twelve priests and
seven deacons assist as witnesses of the
ceremony. The bishop and priests breathe
three times upon the oil of the cate-
chumens and the chrism, meaning by this
action that the power of the Holy Spirit
is about to descend on the oils ; and after
the consecration is complete they salute
the oils with the words, "Hail, holy oil ;
hail, holy chrism." Another rite proper
to Holy Thursday, now passed into dis-
use, was the reconciliation of penitents.
This reconciliation on Holy Thursday is
mentioned by Pope Innocent I. and St.
Jerome. The ^lass now celebrated is one
out of three which used to be said, the
other two being for the consecration of
the chrism and the reconciliation of peni-
tents.
Good Fnday {ndcrxa arnvpaxrifiov,
paraxci've, or nnpaa-Kfvr) — i.e. the day of
preparal ion for the Jewisli Sabbath — ro?na
piira, dies ahsolutionis, dii;'> Kalufarix).
On this day the Church commemorates
the Passion of Christ, so that it is the
most sad and solemn of all the days in
Holy Week. The officiating clergy appear
in black vestments, and prostrate them-
selves bi^fore the all ar, which still remains
stripped. Nor arc the candles lighted.
After a sliort ]);iiisc, tlii> altar is covered
with wliite clnlli>, nnd passages of the
Old Testament, iollowed liy the history
of tlie Passion from St. .Tolm, are read.
Next the Church prays solemnly for all
conditions of men, for all the members
of tlie hierarchy, for the ])ros])erity of
Christian people, for eateeliuiiii'iis, liere-
tics, Jews, and Pag;ni>. r.. |'<iie eacli
prayer the sacred miinsli rs t;vn;illiTt,
except before that for the .Jews, when
the genuflection is omitted in detestation
of the feigned obeisance with which the
Jews mocked Christ. When the prayers
are ended, the cro.«s, which has been up
to this time covered with black, is exi)o>ed
to view, " adored " [see the article Cross]
and kissed by clergj' and people. During
the adoration the " Improperia " are sung,
each improperium being followed by the
Trisagion in Greek and Latin. Impro-
perium is a barbarous word used by Latin
writers of a late age meaning "reproach,"
and these " reproaches " are addressed in
dramatic form by Christ to the Jewish
people. They begin with the touching
words, " My people, what have I done to
thee, wherein have I vexed thee?
.Answer Me." The Trisagion is so called
because the word " holy " occurs three
times in it : " Holy God, holy [and]
strong, holy [and] immortal, have pity
on us." It was first introduced at Con-
stantinople, and it is probably because of
its Greek origin that it is recited in the
Good Friday office in Greek as well as in
Latin.
We have now to speak of the most
striking and singular feature in the Good
Friday ritual. From very ancient times,
as appears from the Council of Laodicea,
canon 49, and the Synod in Trullo,
canon 52, the Greek Church abstained
from the celebration of Mass in the ])rnper
sense of the word during Lent, except on
Saturdays and Sundays, and substituted
for it the Mass of the Presanctified, in
which the priest received as communion
a Host previously consecrated. The
Greeks still observe this ancient use, but
the Latin Church contents herself with
abstaining from the celebration of Mass
on Good Friday, the day on which Christ
was ofti^red as a bleeding victim for our
sins. Tliis Mass of the Presanctified on
Good Friday is mentioned by Pope Inno-
cent 1. in his letter to Decentius. The
Blessed Sacrament is borne in procession
from the chapel where it was placed the
day before, while the choir sing the hvmn
" Vexilla Regis." The priest places the
Host on the altar, the candles of which
are now lighted. The Blessed Sacrament
is elevated and adored while the wooden
cliip])er is sounded; it is divided into
tliree parts, one of which is put into a
chalice containing wine and water.
Finally the priest n ceives the jiortions of
tli(> Host which remain on the paten, and
thcii takes the wine with the third portion
of the Host. According to a Roman
Ordo written about the year 800 and
quoted by Thomassin (" Trait(5 des
HOLY WEEK
HOLY WEEK 447
Festes"), the ceremony ended with the
silent communion of the faithful; but
the present discipline of the Church for-
bids communion to be given on Good
Friday except in the case of sickness.
Holy Saturday. — Before entering on
the history of the ceremonies for this the
last day of Holy Week it is necessary to
say something about the time at which
they are performed. We learn from the
Epistle of Pope Innocent already quoted
that in his time no Mass was said during
the day hours of Holy Saturday. The
office began at the ninth hour, i.e. at
three o'clock p.m. ; the faithful kept vigil
in the church, and the Mass celebrated
at midnight belonged rather to the morn-
ing of Easter Sunday than to Holy Satur-
day. This state of things lasted till late
in the middle ages. Hugo of St. Victor
(died 1140) mentions the custom then
creeping in of anticipating the vigil office ;
but the old mode of observance is spoken
of as still subsisting in some churches by
Durandus (lived about 1280) and Thomas
Waldensis (after 1400). Though the
time is changed, the words of the office
remain as they were. This explains the
joyous character of the Mass, the fact
that the history of the resurrection is
sung in the Gospel, and the allusion to
the night time in the Preface, the " Com-
municantes," and the majestic language
of the Collect, " O God, who didst illu-
mine this most holy night with the glory
of the Lord's resurrection."
At present the ceremonies begin early
in the morning with the blessing of the
new fire struck from the flint. This
blessing was unknown at Rome in the
time of Pope Zacharias ('anno 751 ), though
it is recognised about a century later by
Leo IV. Apparently it was the custom
in some churches daily to bless the fire
.struck for the kindling of the lamps, and
about the year 1100 this benr-diction was
reserved exclusively for Holy Saturday,
when the fire is an appropriate image of
the Light of light rising again like " the
sun in his strength." From this fire a
candle with three stems, and placed on a
reed, is lighted and carried up the church
by a deacon, who three times chants the
words "Lumen Christi." The same
symbolism reappears in the paschal
candle, which is blessed by the deacon,
who fixes in it five grains of blessed in-
cense in memory of the wounds of Christ
and the precious spices with which He
was anointed in the tomb, and afterwards
lights it from the candle on the reed.
The use of the paschal candle goes back
very far — as far at least as the time of
Zosimus, who was made Pope in 417 —
and the sublime words of the " Exultet,"
a triumphant hymn of praise which the
deacon sings in the act of blessing the
(;andle can scarcely be less ancient. The
great critic Martene attributes it to'St.
Augustine.
The blessing of the candle is followed
by the twelve prophecies, and after they
have been read, the priest goes in proces-
sion to bless the font. This last blessing
carries us back to the days of the ancient
Church in which the catechumens were
presented to the bishop for baptism on
Holy Saturday and the vigil of Pentecost.
The water in the font is scattered towards
the four quarters of the world, to indicate
the catholicity of the Church and the
world-wide efficacy of her sacraments :
the priest breathes on the water in the
form of a cross and plunges the paschal
candle three times into the water, for the
Spirit of God is to hallow it, and the
power of Christ is to descend upon it;
and lastly a few drops of the oil of cate-
chumens and of the chrism are poured,
in order, says Gavantus, to signify the
union of Christ our anointed king with
His people. On the way back from the
font the Litanies of the Saints are begun,
they are continued while the sacred
ministers lie prostrate before the altar,
and, as they end, the altar is decked with
flowers and the IMass is begun in white
vestments. At the Gloria the organ
sounds and bells are rung, and the joyful
strains of the Alleluia peal forth after
the Epistle. The vespers of the day are in-
serted in the Mass after the Communion.
The reason for the jubilant character
of the Mass has been given above, but
there are some other peculiarities which
need explanation. The kiss of peace is
omitted, because in the ancient rite the
faithful kissed each other in the church
as day was breaking, with the words,
" The Lord is risen ; " there was therefore
a natural objection to anticipating the
ceremony in the Mass at midnight. The
Agnus Dei, which was introduced by Pope
Sergius towards the end of the seventh
century, was never added to this Mass.
The Communion and Postcommunion are
simply replaced by vespers. But why is
there no Oft'ertory? Liturgical writers
give many diflerent answers, none of
which are satisfactory. Gavantus alleges
that the celebrant alone communicated,
and that hence there was no oblation of
448 HOMICIDE
HOMILY
bread and -n ine on the part of the faith-
ful. But, though now custom and a de-
cree of the Congregation of Rites forbid
communion, it is certain, as Meratus points
out, from the Gelasian Sai-ramentary,
that the faithful in former times did
communicate and did make the usual
oblations on this day. Meratus himself
has no better explanation to give than
the desire to shorten the Mass as much
as possible on account of the long offices
which preceded it. (Chiefly fi-om Ga-
vantus, Meratus, Thomassin, " Sur les
Festes," and Benedict XIV. " De Festis.")
HonxiCZDE. The -violent slaying of
one human being by another. The modes
are various — e.r/. shooting, stabbing,
.strangling, causing abortion, drowning,
throwing from a height, the denial of food,
&c. Homicide may be either intentional
or accidental. If intentional, it may be so
either directly or indirectly : directly, as
when one man kills another with the full
intention of killing him ; indirectly, as
when a man, without actual intention to
kill, does that which he knows is danger-
ous tolife — e ^z. kicks a fallen man violently
about the head. Intentional homicide
may be either just or unjust. The cases
when it may be justly done are these
four: the command of God; the execu-
tion of public justice ; a just war ; and
necessary defence either of oneself or
others. For the first case the canonists
cite the command of God to Abraham to
slay his son, and the putting to death by
the Israelites of the women and children
whom they found in Jericho. The second
case is that of judges, civil or military,
who justly condemn men to death,' and
of execulioners or soldiers putting their
mandates in force. For the third case,
see the article on Wae. The case of life
justly taken in necessary defence is one
that requires a careful examination of the
surrounding circumstances. Homicide is
only lawful in this case if it be done
" cum moderamine inculpatfe tutelre,"
"under the limitation of an unblamable
defensiveness." A defence of oneself which
t'Xceeds the measure of the assault made
upon one (as, if a man were to kill an un-
armed footpad, or an assailant whom it
was in his power to disarm or get rid of in
some other way) does not comply with the
condition just mentioned. Nor is that
defence of oneself " unblamable," and
therefore justifiable, which would make a
criminal who was being led to execution
rise up against the officers of the law and
' Rom. xiii. 4.
kill them in order to effect his own escape ;
for in such a case there would be no jmta
causa for defending his life, and so it would
be blamable. Nor, thirdly, is that a law-
ful self-defending homicide which takes
away the life of the aggressor, not at the
moment of the assault, but after some time
has elapsed, and by way of revenge. But
if tbe condition " cum moderamine incul-
patae tutelse " be duly observed, a man may
lawfully kill an unjust aggressor, not only
in defence of his own life, but in defence
of the life of a parent or a wife or any of
his kindred, or even of an innocent
stranger. It is lawful also to kill an un-
just aggi'essor in defence of temporal pos-
sessions, if they are of great value to their
possessor, and cannot otherwise be pro-
tected or recovered But it is not lavd'ul,
even in defence of honour and reputation,
to kill a man in a combat offered or ac-
cepted on private authority. [See Duel.]
Several other forms of unlawful homicide
are enumerated among the Condemned
Propositions.
In unjust intentional homicide a man
may be either a principal, an accomplice,
or an accessory. If a principal, it is
by one of the various ways of killing
specified at the beginning of the article.
If an accomplice, he is so either by
counsel (inflaming the wrath of another,
exaggerating his wrongs, &c.), or by co-
operation (supplying the principal with
weapons, hindering the person assailed
from defending himself, &c.). If an acces-
sory, it is in one of three ways — by pre-
cept, by protection, by permission. An
unjust judge knowingly condemi i ig in-
nocent persons to death is an accessorial
homicide by precept; the executioner in
such a case would incur no blame. A
master ordering his servants to kill his
private enemy falls under the same cate-
gory; the servants are also guilty, because
they should not have obeyed an unlawful
command : Botliwell's ordering some of
his retainers to murder the Lord Darnley
is a case in point. Persons who shelter,
maintain, and favour homicides are acces-
sory to homicide by protection. Lastly,
miigistratos who neglect to enforce the
law ngninst murderers and highwaymen,
and so allow them to practise upon other
men's lives with ini])unity, are acces.sory
to homicide by permission. (Ferraris,
Homicifln, Ilomicidium.)
BOniZXiY (from o^iCKia, intercourse)
is used by ecclesiastical writers to signify
a famihar discourse on Holy Scripture.
The homily differs from the Xdyoy, or dls-
IIUMOOUSION
HOXORIUS 449
course, because the liomilj' does not, like
the oration or discourse, set forth and
illustrate a single theme. It sacrifices
artistic unity and simply follows the order
of subjects in the passage of Scripture to
be explained. On the otlier hand, a homily
is distinct from mere exegesis or exposi-
tion, because the latter is addres.sed to the
uuderstiiiuliiig, wliile th(> homily is meant
to affect the Ih-art iilso and to persuade
those who liea r I n a] 41I y the lessons of Scrip-
ture for til.' r.f,.nii,,( ioTi of their lives. The
word " homily " in the si'iise of discourse
first occurs in the I'ljiistle of St. Ignatius
to Polycarp, c. 6. The earliest homilies
on Scripture which we possess are those
of Origen, though for the most part they
only survive in a Latin version. Jerome
calls the homilies of Origen " tractatus,"
so that this word may be fairly regarded
as the equivalent of the Greek o/jiXta.
Homilies were wTitten in abundance by
later Fathers, and early in the middle
ages Homiliaria or collections of homilies
■were compiled. The famous Homiliarium
of Paul Warnefried was made at the
command of Charlemagne and contains
homilies for the Sundays and festivals of
the year. Wherever the lesson in the
matin office of the Breviary is taken from
the Gospels, a homily by one of the
Fathers is appended to explain and apply
the words of the sacred text. (See Probst,
" Lehre und Gebet in den ersten drei
Jahrhunderten," p. 203.)
HOKOOTrszoir (of one essence or, as
it is usually translated, of one substance),
a word used by the Fathers of Nicaea, to
express the truth that the Son is one God
with the Father. The heretical party,
starting with the notion common to their
heresy in all its varying shapes that the
Father and Son were of distinct essence,
confessed at most that the Son was of like
essence with (the o^iowvaiov) or even only
" like " (o^oiot) the Father. "Here, then,"
says Cardinal Newman, "the word 'one
in substance ' did iust enable the Catholics
to join is.sue with them, as exactly ex-
pressing what the Catholics wished to
express, viz. that there was no such dis-
tinction between them as made the tei m
' like ' necessary, but that their relation to
each other was malwjous to that of a
material offspring to a material parent, or
that as material parent and offspring are
individuals under one common species, so
the Father and Son are persons under one
common individual siihstance."^ The his-
' Xewmnii, Treatises of St. Atkajiasius.
Edition of 1842, 144.
tory of the words "homoousion" and
" homoeousion " will be found in the article
Akianisji.
HONORART CAtlotts. Besides
the residentiary Canons there are, in con-
nection with all the cathedral chapters of
France, Austria, and Prussia, a certain
number of honorary canons, who are not
bound to residence. These are nominated
by the bishops, and selected from among
tlie higher clergy — deans, cur&s cantonaux,
and priests who have rendered eminent
services to the Church — and many of
them become in time titular canons, with
all the privileges attaching to that posi-
tion ; but they cannot claim this succession
as a matter "of right. They usually re-
ceive a small emolument. (Wetzer and
Welte.)
HODTORXirs. The condemnation of
Pope Ilonorius by the Sixth General
Council is a fact so remarkable in itself,
and possesses so much additional interest
from the discussion which it has occa-
sioned in modern times, that it seems
best to give some account of the facts
and the inferences to be drawn from them
in a separate article. There is a vast
literature on the question, for it was for
a long time a matter of contention be-
tween Galileans and Ultramontanes, while
the definition of Papal infallibility in our
own day has served to bring Honorius
once more before the bar of history, and
to reopen the controversy on the sense of
his fiimous letters, and tlie precise mean-
ing of the anathema which the council
hurled at his head. We cannot, there-
fore, pretend to state, and much less to
examine, all the views which have been
advanced, or to give anything like a
detailed history of the controversy. We
shall content ourselves with mentioning
the most prominent facts, and adding
what we believe to be a fair and impartial
estimate of their bearing on the Papal
claims.
We will first of all remind the reader
of the points at issue in the Monothelite
controversy to which the letters of Hono-
rius relate. The Monothelites, who were
really Eutychians or Monophysites in dis-
guise, held that there was in Christ only
one will (viz. the Divine Will) and one
operation. The Catholic doctrine, on the
other hand, is that, as Christ had two
natures, there were in Him two operations,
or modes of acting, viz. the Divine and
human, for each nature, from the very
fact that it is a living nature, must needs
act, must needs have an energy proper to
6 G
450
HONOEIUS
IIOXOPJUS
itself ; and again, since Christ is man, He
must have a human will, for human
nature without a human will is not human
nature at all.
Ilonorius became Pope in 625, and in
633 or 634 Sergius wrote asking his help
in the following difficulty. Cyrus, Patri-
arch of Alexandria, had succeeded in
bringing certain Monophysites (viz. the
Theodosian?) to the Church by admitting
tliat, as in Christ there was but one per-
son, so tliere was but one operation proper
to the God-man Christ (/ii'a ^eai/Sptx?) eV-
fpyeia). Sophronius, monk in Palestine,
and about 634 Patriarch of Constanti-
nople, justly objected to this term of
union as a betrayal of the faith defined at
Chalcedon. The doctrine of St. Leo and
the Church is, two natures, therefore two
operations. The doctrine of Cyrus was
one person of the Word, therefore one
operation ; so that in reality he was join-
ing the Monophysites, not the Monophys-
ites the Church. The compromise, how-
ever, was warmly espoused by Sergius,
and he was naturally anxious to prevent
the Pope from interfering on the side of
Sophronius, and so undoing the work of
reunion already effected. But let the
reader observe that Sergius did not put
liis doctrine honestly and fairly before the
Pope.' He did not ask him to accept the
doctrine of a single operation, but he ex-
pressed his desire that peace should be
secured and scandal saved by avoiding
either expression, one operation or two
operations. The former, he said, though
found in the Fathers, might cause surprise
to the sim])le ; the latter had no support
in tradition, and might lead to the lalse
doctrine that in Christ there were two
coiitriirv wills (fivo 6€'\r]ixnTa euavrlaii
TTpus <'iAX?/Xa i'xovTa). Accordingly Hono-
rius addressed two letters to Sergius; the
earlier of the two exists entire in a Greek
translation, but this version may be ac-
cepted as an accurate one, for it was com-
pared with the Latin original in the
archives of Constantinople by .John de
Prato, Papal deputy at the Sixth Council.
Of the second letter we have fragments
only, which are preserved in the Acts of
the Sixth Council, Session xiii.
In his former letter the Pope praises
Sergius for his moderation and prudence.
He teaches that Christ wrought both as
man and God, which is equivalent to a
confession of the two operations, but he
expresses his strong wish that neither
• He had, however, already modified his
language before he wrote to Honorius.
formula, " one operation " or " two opera-
tions," should be used, and adds contemp-
tuously that such formulae shoidd be left
to the vain disputes of cavilling gram-
marians. Moreover, after s])eaking about
the union of the natures in a single per-
son, he proceeds to say, " Whence also ice
confess one will of the Lord Jesus Christ "
{odev Koi fv 6fkr)fxa 6fio\nyovfiev rnv Kvptov
'I^fTov Xpt(TTov), "since plainly our na-
ture was taken by the Godliead, and that
nature sinless, as it was before the fall."
In his second letter, so far as we can
judge from the fragments of it which
remain, Honorius does not reassert his
belief that Christ had but one will, and
on the other hand he puts forward still
more strongly the doctrine of two opera-
tions. For he confesses two natures in
Christ, " unmixed, undivided, unchanged,"
operating what is characteristic [of each]
(Jvepynvrra^ tci iSki), though he again re-
pudiates, as inexpedient, the formula
" two operations."
It is certain that Honorius found
orthodox advocates, who maintained that
he had written with good intentions, and
tliat his words had been misconstrued.
Thus Pope John IV. in a letter to the
Emperor Constantine, dated 641, defended
Honorius on the ground that when he
said "we confess one will of the Lord
Jesus Christ," he meant one human will,
and the Roman abbot, John Symponus,
whose services Honorius had used in
writing to Sergius, takes the same line
of defence. But in the Sixth Council
Honorius met with harder measure. In
Session xiii., held March 28, 681, the
fathers declare that after reading the
letter of Honorius to Sergius, they fouud
that it was "altogether alien from the
Apostolic dogmas, and followed the false
doctrine of the heretics." They anathe-
matised the Monothelite leaders, and
with them Honorius, who " in all things
followed his mind [i.e. the mind of
Sergius] and confirmed his impious doc-
trines " (Kara rravra rrj exfiVou yvu)p.r)
i^aKo\ov6rj(TavTa Koi to avTov dcrf$^ (cv-
paxravra hoyp-ara).
In the acclamations of Session xvi.,
the bishops shouted " Anathema to Hono-
rius the heretic 1 " and in the decree of
faith, Session xviii., Honorius is spoken
of as a tool in the hands of the devil.
This decree was signed by the whole
council, including the Papal legates, and
by the Emperor. In a letter to the
Emperor confirming the conciliar defini-
tion. Pope Leo II., after anathematising
HOXORIUS
HOXORIUS
451
CjTus, Sergius, &c., " the discoTerers of [
new error," continues tlms : " Also
Honorius, who did not endeavour to
sanctify this Apostolic church by teaching
of Apostolic tradition, but permitted the
spotless one to be d-filed by unholy be- ■
trayal." ' The anathema of the Sixth was
repeated in the Eighth General Council,
its justice was recognised by Pope Ha-
drian II., and for a time each Pope at his
election swore that he acknowledged the
Sixth Council, which pronounced eternal
anathema against Sergius, Pyrrhus, &c.,
and also against Honorius, " becau.se he
fostered the perverse statements of the
heretics " (" quia pravis hereticorum as- '
sertionibus fomentum impendit "). '
The reader is now in possession of the
chief facts, and the following questions
naturally rise out of them — viz. (1) "SMiat
is the independent judgment which
would be fairly passed on 'the letters of
Honorius, apart altogether from the fact
of their condemnation by Pope and
council.^ (2) What is the judgment of
the Church on the matter? (3) "Were
the letters of Honorius ea- cathedrn?
Cathoiic writers of great name have given
very different answers to each of these
questions. Pighius, Baronius, and in
modem times Bamberger, have main-
tained that the documents and particu-
larly the Acts of the Sixth Council have
been falsified. This view is not likely to
find a respectable defender in the future,
and may be here summarily dismissed.
But admitting that the documents al-
leged are genuine, some writers, like
Dupin and IJossuet in his defence of the
Oallican declaration, have a.sserted that
the letters of Honorius were heretical,
and as such condemned. Others — e.g.
Gamier, Ballerini, and a miUtitude be-
sides— strenuously maintain the ortho-
doxy of Honorius. Finally, though most
Ultramontane authors deny that his
letters were ex cathedra, some (and not-
ably a recent Italian author, Pennachi)
admit it. In developing our own view,
we shall briefly note how far we are sup-
ported by the judgment of Catholic critics.
(1) 'The ' Orthodo.vy or Heresy of
Honoring. — At first sight, no doubt it
seems difficult to excuse from heresy
letters which repudiate the Catholic for-
mula, "two operations," and infer the
unity of Christ's will from the unity of
1 And so in Leo's letter to the Spanish
bishops, " flamraam haeretici dogmatis, non. ut
decuit apostolicam auctoritatem, incipientem
extinxit, sed negUgendo confovit."
His person. But, we think, only at first
sight. We have seen that the Pope dis-
tinctly admits that each nature in Christ
was operative, which implies two opera-
tions. Further, the Pope evidently did
not understand the precise sense in which
Sergius used the word "operation," for
he (the Pope) asserts that Christ's opera-
tion was manifold (TroXirrpoTrtoy fVepyfl).*
As for the " unity of will," we must re-
member that Sergius drew the false con-
sequence, " if two wills in Christ, then
there are two contrary wills," so that the
words of Honorius on the unity of the
will admit of an interpretation which
makes them perfectly orthodox. He
argues thus. Because Christ's humanity
was united to, and perfectly controlled
by, the Word, and because He assiuned a
sinless humanity, therefore " we confess
one will" — i.e. his will, though not physi-
cally, is still morally one ; there can be
no opposition of human and divine will in
Him. But while Honorius was free from
heretical error, and did not teach heresy,
he neglected the only means by which tlie
new heresy could be met. He prohibited
and contemptuously dismissed the for-
mula " two operations," which exactly
summed up the orthodox faith," and
though he meant only to assert a moral
unity in the two wills of Christ, he did
so in language which lent itself easily to
abuse on the part of the Monothehtes,
and he abstained from stating the exist-
ence of two wills in Christ, just when the
occasion imperatively demanded this state-
ment. Thus he fomented the heresy
which it was his duty to check, and his
exalted position made his conduct doubly
mischievous, and therefore doubly repre-
hensible. For all that, his position is
separated by a very wide gulf from that
of the heresiarchs Sergius and Cyrus.
This first part of our thesis may claim
the support of many Catliolic critics, and
among them of the learned Jesuits, Gar-
nier and (in recent times) Schneemann,
of Ballerini, and of Hefele.
(2) The Judgment of the Church.—
Ballerini, in his famous treatise " De
Primatu," and many others, holds that it
was only in the sense given above that
the council condemned Honorius. It was,
1 I.e. the Pope takes " energy " for a single
act, not for the whole class of operations proper
to one nature.
- Observe, however, that, as has been al-
ready said, Honorius did not clearly apprehend
the mt-aning of the word "energy" as the
heretics employed it.
6 0 2
452
HONORrUS
HOPE
they say, for negligence, not for heresy,
that the Pope was axiathematised. We
confess that we cannot see how the words
of the council, taken by themselves, are
capable of this sense ; * and here again we
have great authorities on our side, and
these far from Galhcan. Pennachi allows
that Honorius was condemned as a formal
heretic, and Hefele's view in his second
edition is substantially the same. But
how, it may be asked, can we defend the
orthodoxy of letters which the Church
has branded as heretical ? We answer
that it was the council, not the Church,
which did so, for the Church consists of
head as well as members. The decisions
of tlie council, on Catholic principles, are
binding only so far as confirmed by the
Pope, and Leo II. approved the Pope's
anathema on Honorius so far as it im-
plied the assistance which his neglect
had given to heresy, not so far as it im-
plied the formal heresy of Honorius him-
self. Wliether we say with Schneemann
tluit the Pope confirmed the decrees of
the council under this reserve, or, with
Hefele, that he determined the precise
sense which the words of the council
were to bear (" Sie [i.e. die Briefe Leo's]
pracisiren nur die Schuld des Honorius
genauor und exi)liciren dadurch den Sinn
in welehem die Conciliensentenz zu fassen
sei"), does not appear to make any essen-
tial difference.
(.'{) Were the Letters of Honorius ex
Cat/icdraf— Hefele, even in his second
edition, answers this question in the
artirniative, and we follow him in believ-
ing that Honorius exercised his apostolic
authority, and did implicitly address the
whole Church. He addresses Sergius,
but he lays down rules to be observed
everywhere. Nor is there, so far as we
can see, any reasonable doubt that
Honorius issued a doctrinal pronounce-
ment. True, he will not define that the
words " one operation " or " two opera-
tions " express the truth, and it is plau-
sibly argued that his refusal to define
was the very head and front of his
ofl^ending. But though he does not de-
fine the Monothelite doctrine, he most
distinctly teaches that it is vain and
foolish to talk of " one operation " or of
" two operations," and that such subtle-
1 No doubt the council made an emphatic
distinction between Honorius and the heresi-
archs. Cyrus, Sergius, &c., but only, if we under-
.stand it rightly, because it looked on Cyrus,
Sergius, &c., as the inventors of the heresy, on
Honorius as their dupe.
j ties of language should be left to the
grammarians. If Honorius had imposed
his own belief with regard to this point
on the Church, and threatened to sever
from his communion all who did not
j believe that the phrase" two operations "
I was frivolous, we do not see how such a
: fact could be easily reconciled with the
' Vatican definition. Such a proposition
would be so closely connected with faith
as to amount to nothing less than an
error in dogmatic fact. But this imposi-
tion of his own belief on others is just
what Honorius abstained from. He
wished to impose the disciplinary law,
that the form " two operations " ■was to
be avoided, but he stops short of requir-
iny anyone to believe that the expression
is idle and unmeaning. For this reason,
as we think, Honorius did not teach ex
cathedra, and there is nothing in his
letters or in his condemnation, fairly con-
sidered, which can be justly urged against
the doctrine of Papal infallibility as de-
fined iu 1870.
The diflTerent opinions on this ques-
tion are given with tolerable fulness by
Schneemann, " Studien iiber die Hono-
riusfrage," 1869, and by Hefele, " Concil.,"
vol. iii., 1877. Pennachi's treatise "De
Honorii I. Romani Pontificis Causa "
appeared at Rome in 1870, and was sent
to all the bishops of the Vatican Council.
The learned author is (or was) Professor
Substitutus at the Roman University in
place of Archbishop Tizzani, who had
become blind.
HOPE. One of the theological vir-
tues [see that Art.]. It may be defined
as a supernatural gift of God whereby we
trust that God will give us eternal life
and all the means necessary thereto if we
do our part. Hope is made up of two
elements, desire and expectation. Salva-
tion and the means of obtaining it are the
objects of our desire. Our expectation of
obtaining these is based upon the fact
that God is both able and willing to
grant them, and that He has promised
to do so. "With God all things are
possible" (Matt. xix. 20). God "will
have all men to be saved and to come to
the knowledge of the truth" (1 Tim. ii. 4 ).
"Let us hold fast the confession of our
hope without wavering, for He is faithful
that hath promised" (Heb. x. 23). .Vt
the same time, we must co-operate with
God's work in us. "He who made us
without our ludp will not save us with-
out it ; " yet " to him that does what in
him lies God denies not grace." Hence
IIOSriTAL
HOSPITAL 453
our expectation is not absolutely certain.
" With fear and trembling work out
your salvation " (Phil. ii. 12) ; " Man
knoweth not whether he be worthy of love
or hatred " (Ecel. ix. 1 ). There is no room
for hope in heaven : the blessed already
enjoy eternal life. The damned in hell
cannot hope, for they can have no expec-
tation of salvation. It is on earth that
this virtue finds place. Inconsequence of
the twofold element of hope there are a
number of vices opposed to it. The
defect of desire for salvation belongs to
the vice of worldliness. We can hardly
sin by excessive desire. Want of confi-
dence is called despair. The heinousness
of this sin arises from the fact that it is
a virtual denial of God's power, or good-
ness, or truth. Too great confidence is
called presumption. This may be due to
excessive self-reliance or to a distorted
idea of God's goodness. The sins of
Judas and St. Peter are familiar instances
ofthese opposite vices. (See St. Thomas,
1» 2"* qii. xli. ; 2* 2" qq. xvii.-xxi.)
HOSPZTA.X>. The term is at present
restricted to institutions for the treat-
ment of the sick, and in this sense only
we shall use it in the present article.
For a general account of early hospitals
(Nosocomia, from uoa-oKofj-dov ; the term
first occurs in the fourth century) see the
article on Charity, Works of. Hospital
attendants are called in the language of
the canon law jmrabolani. The infirmary
{ijifirynaria) with which every large
monastery was provided (see the Rule of
St. Benedict, c. 3o, 36) appears to have
furnished the model for the hospitals of
later times. The synod of Aix in 816
ordered that every ecclesiastical founda-
tion, whether of canons or monks, should
provide accommodation for the poor, the
sick, widows, and strangers. As a rule,
hospitals were in early times under the
jurisdiction of the bishop. Even at the
Council of Trent ' large powers of visita-
tion and su])er\ l.-inn nf the accounts of
hospitals wri- ,is-wii.m1 id dn' Ijishop.s ;
but in practicr l powers were gii'atiy
limited from tin; first by the existence of
contrary customs and privileges, and at
present they are hardly exercised at all.
The special endowments which in course
of time were founded for the support of
hospitals came to be much diverted from
their original destination ; in consequence
of which the Council of Vienne (1.312)
forbade that the charge of a hospital,
1 Sess. xxii. De Ref. 8, 9. |
unless it was expressly so ordered in the
original foundation, should be conferred
titulo benejidi on any secular clerk, but
ordered that their government should be
committed to prudent and capable men
of good character, who should make
periodical reports to the ordinaries or
their delegates.' From this decree the
lay administration of hospitals may be
said to date.
The earliest distinct record of the
establishment of a hospital in England
connects it with the name of Archbisliop
Lanfranc, who built wooden tenements
outside the west gate of Canterbury
(about 1080) for the reception of persons
afflicted with the king's evil.' The priory
and hospital of St. Bartholomew's,
Smithfield, were founded by one Rahere,
a minstrel, in 1102. The hospital of St.
Thomas, in the Borough, was founded by
the prior of Bermondsey in 1213; it was
removed to its present site in Lambeth
in 1871. The priory and hospital of
Bedlam (a corruption of " Bethlehem ")
were founded in 1247. These three in-
stitutions were given up or sold to the
citizens of London by Henry VIII. after
the dissolution of monasteries, and have
continued to be flourishing hospitals down
I to the present time. A great movement
' in the building of hospitals took place in
! the eighteenth century ; the writer in
j the " Enc. Brit." gives a list of forty-nine
' erected in England and Ireland between
; 1719 and 1797. Of late years the Catho-
lics of Ireland have shown a most laud-
able and fruitful energy in this direction,
especially in the dioceses of Dublin and
Cork. The Mater Misericordise hospital
in the first-named city is a splendid
monument of their zeal and humanity.
It has been often urged, and not with-
out plausibility, that the treatment of
the sick in hospitals is less conducive to
their recovei-y than their treatment at
home. The returns of the mortality at
these institutions are said to prove that
it varies in the ratio of the size of the
hospital, and the consequent aggregation
of patients ; the larger the hospital, the
higher is the rate of mortality. The
statistics of surgical cases and lying-in
cases have been carefully examined ; and
it has been established that out of a
thousand amputation cases in the London
hospitals, four hundred, on the average,
are followed by death, whereas in only a
hundred and eight eases out of a thousand,
Fleurv, xci. 60.
Maluiesbury, Gett. Pont. i. 44
HOSPITALLERS
IKiSriTALLERS
ill country practice, is this the case.
Similarly, in the lying-in hospitals, thirty-
five women out of a thousand die,
whereas the general average of deaths
in country practice is only 4| per 1,000.
The diseases which are specially fatal in
hospitals, and which it is most ditlicult
to keep out of them, are hospital gan-
grene, erysipelas, surgical fever, and puer-
peral fever. On the other hand, it is
iirged that, for the poor at any rate, the
treatment of their diseases in hospitals
enables them to obtain an amount of
care, and of suitable food and medicine,
which they could not possibly command
at home; that medical practice would
suffer severely if deprived of that clinical
instruction for which hospitals aHbrd
facilities ; and that rigorous precautions
as to ventilation and drainage, and against
overcrowding, have been always found
effectual in reducing the rate of hospital
mortality. (Ferraris, Iloxjntale ; " En( ycl.
Britan." art. Hospital, by Prof, de Claau-
mont; Smitlr and Cheetham.)
HOSPZTAI.X.ERS. (Hospitales ;
Knights of the Hospital of St. John of
Jer^^alem ; Knights of Rhodes ; Knights
of Malta.) This celebrated order, which
in its palmy days had vast posses^sions in
every country in Europe, and enjoyed
immunities which almost rendered them
independent of the lex loci, grew up out
of humble beginnings. Some merchants
of Araalfi founded at Jerusalem about the
middle of the eleventh century a convent,
church, and hospital, for the benefit of
poor pilgrims visiting the Holy Plao':>s.
At the date of the siege of Jerusalem by
the Crusaders (1091»), the hospital was in
charge of Abbot Gerard, a Provencal.
The intrepid devotion with which Gerard,
before and after the city fell, sought to
relieve human suffering without distinc-
tion of creed or class, drew forth the ad-
miration of Duke Godfrey, who author-
ised the separation of the hospital from
the convent, and gave to it one of his own
manors. Others among the princely and
noble Crusaders followed this example,
and the "Brothers of the Hospital of St.
John the Baptist " soon became a wealthy
fraternity, and founded dependent hospi-
tals in various places. Gerard died in
1118; his successor, Ruyiiiniid du Puy,
took the title of Master, and drew up a
rule for the order, which Oalixtus II. con-
firmed in 1120. The rule was exceed-
ingly austere; all the brothers, laymen
as well as clerks, were required to take
the three vows of poverty, chastity, and
obedience; abstinence was to be kept ott
all Wednesdays and Fridays, and from
Septuagesima to Easter; all faults were
sternly punished ; gross sins visited by
expulsion. Knights began to join the
brotherhood; Raymond himself was one;
and the members were divided into three
classes — knights, who were all of noble
birth ; priests or chaplains ; and brothers
servants, who were not noble. The reve-
nues of the order being by this time very
considerable, and Jerusalem being in a
settled condition, new views presented
themselves to the more aspiring among
the members. Of the religious fervour
of the first knights who joined the order
it is impossible to doubt, when one con-
siders the rigour of the life which they
voluntarily embraced ; still they did not
I cease to be knights; and the critical con-
dition of the little Christian kingdom,
planted as an outpost in the midst of
a swarming populati<m of misbelievers,
might naturally suggest to them that
they would bear the sword in vain if
they did not wield it as occasion arose
in support of the Christian cause. They
theref ore first joined, then initiated expe-
' ditions against the Moslems; returning
from which, they laid aside their arms and
resumed the care of the sick in the hos-
pital. By degrees their military duties
assumed the first place in their own
minds, and in the thoughts of other
men ; and they became, with the Tem-
plars, one of the chief bulwarks of the
Christian power in the East. Dissen-
sions arose, and were of long continuance,
between them and the Templars; on one
occasion (1-59), the forces of the two
orders fought a pitched battle on the soil
of Palestine. When, in 1187, Jerusalem
fell before the arms of Saladin, the tenth
j Master of the order transferred the con-
vent and hospital to Markab, in Phoe-
nicia, whence, on the retaking of Acre
by the Christians in 1103, they were re-
moved to that city. Acre, the last
stronghold of Christian power, fell before
the Mussulmans in 1291, and the Hos-
pitallers withdrew to Cyprus, whence
they carried on a naval war for some
years against the Saracenic nations of
[ the Levant. After the suppression of the
Templars (1310), their lands were made
over to the Hospitallers ; but the latter
I " had to purchase the suiTender from the
' King [of France] and other princes at
such vast cost of^ money, raised at such
exorbitant interest, that the Order of
St. John was poorer rather than richer
nOSriTALLERS
HOST
455
from what seemed so splendid a grant." *
The sojourn in C%-prus is said to have
■witnessed a great moral declension
among the Knights, and a departure
from the spirit and letter of their rule.
In 1310 they seized the ishiiu! of Rhodes,
and maintained themselves there for
more than cwo centuries, in spite of all
the eliorts of the Turks. But in 1522,
the Grand Master (this title had been
used since being then Villiers de
risle Adam, Solyman the Magnificent
sent an immense fleet and army against
Rhodes, and though the defence was
valiant, and creat numbers of the be-
sieger? were Ivilled, yet, being assisted by
treachery within the walls, the Sultan
at length compelled I'lsle Adam to capi-
tulate. Some years later, in 15.30, the
Emperor Charles V. granted to the dis-
possessed order the island of Malta.
Here, after repelling a viirorous attack
made by Solyman in 156-i, they re-
mained undisturbed till, in 1798, under
the Grand .Master Ferdinand d'Hom-
pesch, a German, some of the French
knights having previously been won over
by the bribes and promises of the French
Government, the island was tamely sur-
rendered to Najioleon Bonaparte, then on
his way to Egypt. It was soon after
blockaded by an English fleet, and the
garrison was compelled by hunger to
capitulate in 18UU, since which time
Malta has been held by England. The
Grand-Master Hompesch, in 1799, re-
signed his office in favour of the Czar of
Rus.-.ia, Paul 1. In that and following
years the order was suppressed in several
European States where it still had pos-
sessions. Paul was assassinated in 1^01 ;
Hompesch died in lb03; the head-quar-
ters of the order were then, with Papal
sanction, fixed at Catana, and afterwards
at FeiTara. An order of knighthood,
designed apparently for the purpose of
decorating members of the nobility with
crosses and ribands, was founded in
Prussia in 1812, under the same name —
Johanniter-thrden — by which the Hos-
])itallers had always been known in
Germany.
After the order had attained its full
development, it was divided into
eight " languages," Provence, Auvergne,
France, Aragon, Castile, England, Ger-
many, and Italy. The Grand Com-
mander was always a Provencal, because
that was the nationality of Rkymond du
» Villani, quoted by Mihuan, Lot. Chrigt.
viL276.
I Puy ; the chief of the language of Au-
! vergne was Grand Marshal ; that of
France, (iiand Ilosjiitaller ; of Italy,
Iliuli Admiral : of Arae-,ni, Grand Guar-
dian ; of (leri.iany, lligli Bailiif; of
Castile, Gram! ( 'liancelli)r ; and of Eng-
land (before that "language" was sup-
pressed on account of the national adop-
tion of Protestantism), General of In-
fantry. Each I'anguage was divided into
grand priories and bailiwicks, which
again were subdivided into coniman-
deries. The ordinary knights, "cheva-
liers de justice," were required to prove
noble birth; but a certain number of
knights by favour, " chevaliers de grace,"
were also admitted, though not noble, in
consideration of distingtiished valour or
other mi'rit. The dress of a Knight in
time of peace was a long black mantle,
with a white cross of eight points (the
" Maltese " cross) upon it ; in the field he
wore a red coat with similar crosses in
front and on the back. The banner dis-
jilayed a similar cross on a held gules,
(lI(?lyot, "Ordre de Malte ; " "Conver-
sations-Lexicon," Johanniter-Orden.)
HOST (from hostia, a victim). It is
used in the Vulgate both of Christ the
victim of expiation for our sins, Eph. v.
2, and also of spiritual sacrifices, such as
almsgiving, Phil, iv. 18. In the liturgies
and ecclesiastical writers, the word is
used (1) of Clirist present on the altar
under the appearances both of bread and
wine: thus, the Mozaraljic Missal men-
tions the " host of bread and wine ; " (2)
of Christ present under the form of bread :
this use is recognised by the three, earliest
Roman Ordines, which were drawn up
between the seventh and ninth centuries ;
(?>) of the bread before its consecration :
so the word is employed in the ordinary
laniruage of Catholics at the present day,
and the word in this sense occurs in the
Oll'ertory of the Roman Missal, when the
priest prays "Receive, O Holy Father,
this unspotted Host," &c., taking the
bread, not for what it is, but for what
it is to become after consecration. Le
Brun (" Explic. de la Messe," p. iii. a. 6)
says that this prayer was borrowed from
the Spanisli liturgy, and inserted in the
Roman Missal towards the end of the
eleventh century. The writer of the
article Host in Smith and Cheetham,
maintains that in the Spanish liturgy the
words were used of the cojuccrated Host,
j the unconsecrated elements being known
I in early times as " oblata."
The form and material of the altar-
456
HOST
ITOZANNA
breads, the offertory, the consecration and [
elevation of the Hos-t, are explained in
separate articles, but this is perhaps the
most convenient place to speak of the
breaking of the Host.
All litiirpies, following the example of
our Ijord at the last supper, require the
Host to be broken. The Oreeks break
the Host into four parts, of which one is
received by the celebrating priest, another
by the otlier communicants, while a third
is reserved for the sick, and a fourth put
into the chalice. In the Mozarabic rite
the Host is divided into nine parts. In
the Roman Mass the Host used to be
divided into three jiarts, one for the cele-
brant, another for tlie communicants pre-
sent and for the sick, while a third was
placed in the chalice. Traces of this
ancient usage still remain in the Papal j
Mass, when the deacon and subdeacon !
communicate from the same Host as the [
Pope, and in the Mass of episcopal conse- !
cration, in wliicli ihr cinisiTi-ator and the |
new bisho]) ricci\i' pdi-lions dI' th»' ilost
consecrated i'liiitly by liiith. .Miircin ri, in
the ancient Roman Mass tlie celeliratini;-
bishop ])ut into the chalice the consecrated
Host sent from anotlier clnirch in sign of 1
peace and unitv, savinu' as he phiced tins ;
Host in the Precious I'.iood, " 'i'lie j.enee of I
the Lord be ah\ ays witli yuw." The Pope,
according to file two oldest Ordines, per-
foi nied the same rite of mixture with the
Host whieli had been reserved from a
previous Mass, and which was placeil on
the altar and adored by him before his
own Mass began. At ])resent it is oidy
from the Host consecrated at the Mass
that a part is taken and dro])ped into the
chalice. Just be'ore the celebrant puts
this portion in the chalice, lie says, " Pax
Domini," &c., words originally intended
for the portion consecrated at another
Mass and rcvserved to svmbolise the unity
of the Church and of the sacrifice. The
words " H;ec conimixtio," " May this mix-
ture of the llody anil P.lood of our Lord
Jesus Christ liei |i my soul unto everlast-
ing life," are said alter the portion of the
Host is placed in tlie chalice, and have
kept llieir iirielual reference.
'J'bis eiistoiii oi' mixing the Host and
the Precious Rlood is very ancient. It
occurs in the Liturgy of St. James, and is
mentioned by a Council of Orange in 441.
And liturgical writei's tell us that it
figures the reunion oC (Christ's body and
blood after His resum^ction. But if we
ask what was the historical origin of the
rite, the question is not easily answered.
Le Brun suggests that the Host sent
from another churck would become hard
and dry (for altar-breads were thicker in
those days), and that this led to the prac-
tice of moistening them with the conse-
crated wine. He supports this ex])lana-
tion by analogies from the discipline of
the early Church, and it seems at least
very probable. As to the portion of the
Host consecrated in the same Mass and
dipped in the chalice, Pouget and Vert
suppose it S]jrang from an old custom
connected with communion. If the con-
secrated wine did not suffice for the num-
ber of communicants. onliinD-y wine was
poured into a chalice. nuJ liu- li(|uid was
sanctified by contact with .i ]icrtioii of
the Host. Benedict XIV. jii^ilv lei. cts
this theory as destitute of any >oliil inun-
dation. There is no proof tint llic cus-
tom alleged is older than the jn-a^tice
which still continues of plucmi; part of
the Host in the chalice; and the tliccrv
is o]ien to other oljjections. A\'e are not
awaie, howevei-, that any better explana-
tion has been devised. (Le Brun and
Benedict XIV. on the Mass.)
HOUSX3I.. For many centuries this
was the English name for the Blessed
Sacrament: it had not liecome obsolefe
even in the time of Shakespeare, who
makes the Ghost in Hamlet lament that
he had been hurried " unhoiisi lleil " out
of the world. The Anglo-Saxon form
was husel; compare the (iotlnc liinisl,
which in the version of LHilas i> the
translation of Tr/joo-r/^opn, '• olirriug."' iu
i'"])h. V. 2, and is seen in t lie rendering
InnisljaiJu of trnivSofxai, " I am beinu'
offered up," in 2 Tim. iv. 6. Grein ' con-
nects the word with the Gr. xan'O) and
Sanskr. l;l,an. " to kill." Hu.^cl to our
forefathers expressed the lii_'liest -ood
and ahsolutt' eiiioyineul ; thus ('\iie\viilf
(about 700 k.l).), writing of the ha])piness
nf the blessed in lieaven, says, " him hi'"*
lenge husel," " housel shall be their por-
tion." Robert of Gloucester (1270) says
that the Normans made their shrift before
the battle of Hastings, " and amonve
bom let hoseli " — in the morning caused
themselves to be houselled.^ The word
does not occur in thither of the Wycliffite
versions of the Bible.
HOZA.NM'A {u>(ravva). A Hebrew
word taken from Ps. cxviii. (Vulg. cxvii.)
25. " O Lord, we beseech thee, save now :
' Glossar der Angelsdchsischen Dichtir,
1864.
^ Quoted by Morris and Skeat's Specimens,
Part 2.
HUGUENOTS
0 Lord, we be.*eech thee, send now j
prosperity." The words of the Psalm,
X3 n^'tl'in. " save, we pray," were shouted
by the Jews at the most joyful of their
feasts, that of tabernacles, while they
waved their branches of palm and wiUow.
So closely was the feast associated with
this shout of joyful prayer that it came
to\e called the " Hosanna " (Wyti'in or
npy^^in), the last or great day of the feast
being known as "the great Hosanna"
(nai ~3VL''in).' It was with this joyful
shout that the crowds met our Lord as
He entered Jerusalem on Palm Sunday.
" Hosanna in the liigliest probably
means " Send help from thy place in the
highest heavens to the Messias."
The word is retained in the S;nictus
at Mass, and in the hymn in the Mass of
Palm Sunday.
HVCTTsio'OTS. TSee Refokmation.]
HUMERAI. VEZX.. An oblong
scarf of the same material as the vest-
ments, worn by the subdeacon at Ilipli
Mass, wlien he holds the jjaten, betwot u
the Offertory and Paternoster : by the
priest when he raises the monstrance to
give benediction with the Blessed Saci'a-
ment ; and by priests and deacons when
they rt irove t'le Blessed Sacrament from
one place to another, or carry it in preces-
sion. It is worn round the shoulders,
and the paten, pyx, or monstrance is
wrapped in it. According to Le Brun
{"Explication de la Messe," i. p. SIO),
this veil was introduced bt cau.-.e in many
churches it was tlie ancient custom for
an acolyte to huld the paten at W.^h
Mass, and he. not being in holy Girder-,
could not lawfully touch the sacred vessels
with bare hands. The Levites, as may
be seen in Numbers iv., were only allowed j
to hear the sacred vessels after they had
been wrnpped up in coverinjrs. This \
reason obviously ihies not supplv any ex-
planation of the u^e iif the veil by the
priest at Benediction, &c. But though
the priest is permitted to touch vessels
containing the l)les>e(l Sacrament, he ab-
stains from doing so at certain solemn
moments out of reverence. We ought to
add that the use of the humeral veil at
Benediction is strictly prescribed in
several decrees of the Congregation of
Kites.
HTTSSXTES. The followers of the
Bohemian John Huss, rector of the uni-
versity of Prague, who was burnt for
heresy at the Council of Constance. His
' Buxtiirf, Lex. Chcdd. et Rabbin, sub voc
imiN
4.-7
countrjTnen, or a large proportion of
them, rose in arms in 1418 against the
imperial government, and during a war
which lasted thirteen years inflicted many
defeats on the German armies, and laid
many churches in ashes and many cities
waste. Their principal leader -w as .liilin
Ziska, who died in ]4:?4, and the blind
Procopius, an ex-priest. Terrible ex-
cesses were committed on both sides, the
war being to a great extent one betwet-ii
two hostile nationalities, the Slavunian
and the German. Bohrmia was at that
time celebrated for the nTaiideiir and
beauty of the churches and other religious
edifices which met the eye in every part;
but the Hussites destroyed most of these ;
in Prague alone may still be seen evid^tice
of the ancient architectural glory of the
land. Several crusades were preached
ao-ain-t them, but \\ ith little result. Alter
the victorv of Taa>s (^U^l), which dissi-
pated the forces of the Fifth Cru.-ade. the
war ceased : and the bisho])s of the Coun-
cil of Basle, wli'eh met in that vear,
laboureil earnestly tii bring about a peace-
ful arranofnient. The council conceded
to that VN'tlon of the Hussites called
Utraqui>ts the comnumion un<lt r both
siiecies, besides certain reforms on priints
of discipline : the >ect was thus divided;
and when war broke out again in 14.'J4,
the insurgents sustained a crushing defeat
at Lepan from the inijierial forces" The
legate, Philil-ert. bishop of Contancns,
succeeded at last in neootiatiii::' a peane;
and by the treaty of Iglau (July 14.-'>n)
the I'oheinian and Moravian nati(in» re-
tiinii-d to the unity of the Church. Never-
thele,-s. heretical opinions continued to be
rife, until the pi-'Mohinff of St. John
Capi>tran. the plorv of the Church in the
fifteenth r.-ntnry -bi-rwrm 14ol atid 14.5:J
— wroiiL;ht a -r-af and sieWm change.
Eleven thousand Hussites are said to have
renounced their errors bcf ne him.
HYIVXSI. I. In the wider and ancient
sense, incliidinfj Psalms and Canticles:
v^vos meant originally a sons: of prai.se
in honour of gods or heroes. ' It had a
religious character, and was distinct for
this reason from the ('yKcofjiiov (sc. eTros),
or laudatory ode in honour of a mere man.
In the LXX the word is adojited as a
translation of several Hebrew terms,' an<l
here the word hymn keeps its old classical
1 Often the Helirew -word doe.s not answer
at all closely to the Greek v/jlvos — f-p. in Ps.
Ixxi. 20, the LXX have S/xvoi f"r 'prayers"
(niiiDJ]!) and the Vulgate translates viwot into
" laude-s."
458
HYMN
HYMN
meaning, except, of course, that it is used
of songs in honour of the true God. The
use of the New Testament is the same as
that of the LXX. Thus we read in Matt .
xxvi. •")(), Mark xiv. 2(), that Christ and
His disciples sang a hymn (vfxvrjaavrfs)
at the close of the last supper. This
hj mil, no doubt, was the latter part of
the Ilallel (^.^n)) or ascription of praise,
consisting of Ps. cxiii.-cxviii., which was
suufi oil the feast of the new moon, the
dt'dicut Kin, and the three great solemnities
of i';i>>o\ i r, I'fntecost, and Tabernacles.
The loimer \yAvt of the Hallel (Ps. cxiii.
cxiv.) was sung before beginning the Pas-
chal meal ; the latter (Ps. cxv., cxvi.,
cxvii., c.xviii.), after the assembled com-
pany had drunk of the fourth and last
cup,' over wliich the "blessing of the
song " was said, beginning with the words,
" Let all thy works praise thee, 0 Lord,"
and including the beautiful and solemn
ascription, " Klessed is he who createth
the fruit of the vine." In the gospels, then,
the word hymn is not distinct from psalm.
St. Paul, however, does make a distinc-
tion, tie tells the Ephesians (v. 19, cf.
(Joloss. iii. 16) that they are not to imitate
the drunken revelry of the heathen, but
to express their joy in a diil'erent way.
They are to "speak to each other in
psalms and hymns and spiritual odes."
Probably by psahns the Apostle means
poems in the style of the Hebrew psalter ;
by hymns, songs in praise of God and
Christ (see v. 19); while spiritual odes
(aJdai nvfVfjLartKai) is perhaps a generic
term including both psalms and hymns.
In the first part, then, of this article we
shall continue to use the word in the
wide sense with which we set out, in-
cluding under it any composition in praise
of God which is adapted to be chanted or
sung.
We do not believe (though the autho-
rity of Probst, " Lehre und Gebet in den
drei ersten christlichen Jahrhunderten,"
p. 2ri6 seq., may be quoted against us)
t^iat St. Paul in the passage just quoted
refers to the use of psalms and hymns
in public worship. The context appears
to show that he has in view the private
intercourse and social meetings of Chris-
tians, and desires to point out the kind of
1 All present must taste the four cups, :in(l
nfter the fourth no more wine could be drunk
th.it nifiht, to both of which points our Lord
-cenis to allude (Matt. xxvi. 27, 29). The
student interested in such matters may be
referred to the fascinating article in Buxtorf s
Chuldte and Rabbmical I^exicon, sub voc.
joy and mirth Avhich should accompany
them. But it is certain that from the
earliest times psalms and hymns were
sung In Christian a-,M inl.lh>^. " Pliny, in
his famous letter tu Trajan, w ritten about
104, mentions the Cliristian custom of
singing a hymn (carmen) to Christ aa-
God in their assemblies. Christian hymns
are spoken of by Justin Martyr (" Apol."
i. 1.3), and it would be useless to multiply
citations on the use of the psalms in the
primitive Church. In them the Church
of the first three centuries fomid the most
natural expression of her own sorrow and
hope when persecution weighed hard
upon her; of her joy in the midst of tri-
bulation. There, too, she found the most
natural expression of her faith, for " nearly
all the psalms," Tertullian says ("Adv.
Prax." 11), "are spoken in the person of
Christ " ("Christi personam sustiuent").'
The psalms still form the bulk of the
Breviary office, and portions of them
constantly occur in the Mass. They are
sung antiphonally — i.e. alternate verses
of the psahns are chanted by each side of
the choir. A legend given by Socrates
attributes the introduction of the anti-
phonal chant to St. Ignatius. Theodoret,
with better reason, says that it was begun
at Antioch by the two monks Flavian
and Diodorus, in Coiistantine's reign.
This mode of singing came to the West
some time later. Justina, the Arian
empress, sought to imprison St. Ambrose.
His people gathered round him in his
church, and passed their time in the sing-
ing of psalms and hymns antiphonally.
This was the earliest instance of the
custom in the Latin Church.
Besides the hundred and fifty psahns,
the Roman Breviary contains seven can-
ticles taken from the Old and three from
the New Testament. Their use in the
offices is at least as ancient as Ainalarius,
who wrote in 820.^ The following is a
list of the canticles in question : —
" Benedicite," from the book of Daniel
(the deuterocanonical portion), with ab-
breviations and ascription of praise to the
Trinity inserted at the end. This addi-
tion, though not quite in the present
form, is mentioned by Amalarius. This
canticle is fitly said on Simday, the first
day of the creation, at lauds.
' There is, however, some doubt about the
reading. Oehler reads "omnespsalmi qui Christi
personam Bustinent."
^ His remarks on the cauticles as used in
the office are quoted by Gavantns, torn. ii. § 6,.
cap. 9.
HYMN
HYMNS
459
" Confitebor," from Isa. xii. Monday
at lauds.
Tbe Song of Ezechias, from Isa.
xxxviii. Tuesdav at laudss.
The Song of Anna, 1 Reg. ii. Wed-
nesdav at lauds.
The Song of Moses, Exod. xv. Thurs-
day at lauds.
'The Song of Habac. cap. iii. Friday
at lauds.
The Song of Moses, in Deut. xxxii.
Saturday at lauds.
The three New Testament canticles
are the " Benedictus " or Song of Zacha-
rias ; " Magnificat," called by Amalarius
the " Hymn " of the Blessed Virgin ; and
the " Nunc Dimittis or Song of Simeon.
At the chanting of these last all stand,
out of reverence for the Incarnation, to
which they directly refer, and particular
honour is shown to the " Magnificat,"
because of its special connection with
that mystery. While it is sung at
solemn vespers the altar is incensed by
the otlifiating- priest.
Further, the Roman Church uses
Other canticles, which are not to be found
in Scripture — viz. the "Te Deum," and
the "Trisagion," of which an account is
given in separate articles, and the
" Gloria in excelsis " and " Gloria Patri,"
of which we have spoken in the article
DosoLOGY. The Greek Church is rich in
canticles. A beautiful evening hymn or
canticle still used by them, and as old
probably as the beginning of the third
century, is given by Routh in the " Reli-
quiae SaeriB," vol. iii. p. 516. It belongs
to the first division of our subject, for it
is not metrical, and may be rendered
thus : — " O joyful light of the immortal
Father, who is heavenly, holy, blessed, 0
Jesus Chri.«t, having come to the setting
of the sun, and having seen the evening
light, we hymn tlie Father and the Son,
and the Holy Spirit of God. Worthy
art Thou at all times to be hymned with
holy voices, 0 Son of God, who givest
life : wherefore the world glorifieth thee."
II. Hymns in the modern and more
restricted sense. — HjTnn is now generally
used for a religious poem adapted to be
sung, and written in metre. The earliest
hymn of this kind which we possess is
by Clement of Alexandria. It occurs at
the end of his " Predagogus," and is en-
titled u/ii/or Tov auiTTipo'i Xf)ia-Tov. We
have hjTnns by other Greek Fathers —
e.ff. by Gregory Nazianzen and Synesius
— but the hymns actually used in the
Greek offices are by later authors, St.
John Damascene, Joseph of Constanti-
nople, Cosmas and Theophanes. Hilars'
of Poitiers is the first Latin hymn-wi iter
whose hymns survive: he was followed
by Ambrose, Prudentius, Fortuiiiit lis,
Paul the Deacon, Sedulius. (tp'Oovv the
Great, Venerable Bede. St l'>rrnai-(l. St.
Thomas of Aquin, ^cc. X-e. TIk- t'oimeil
of Agde, can. 30 (unno '>iu>\: ili.it of
Tours, can. 2.') (anno ^A',7\: that of
Toledo, can. 13 (anno P.3;i), approve the
use of hymns in the office; tliousli it is
plain from the words of the canon cited
last that many felt -in objection to using
even the hymns of Hilary -uid Ambrose,
on the ground that they were not Bibli-
cal. It was. however, very late (not,
according to Grancolas, till the thirteenth
century) that the Roman Church ad-
mitted hymns to a place in her Breviaiy
offices.
Hefele, " Beitrage," ii. p. 302, thus
traces the origin of the hymns which
occur in the Breviary and Missal. The
list is in alphabetical order.
Beeviaet Hymns.
1. "A solis ortus cardine." Used at
Christmas. The first part of the hymn
is called Abecedarius, because the first
verse begins with A, the second with B.
By Cifiiius Sedulius, a poet of the fifth
century. Country unknown.
2. " Ad regias agni dapes." Used on
Low Sunday. By a very ancient imitator
of St. Ambrose.
3. " Ad sacros virgo thalamos." For
the Feast of St. Gertrude. Author un-
known ; of the media>val period.
4. " Adoro te devote." In the thanks-
giving after Mass. By St. Thomas of
Aquin (t 1274).
5. " ^F]tema Christi munera." For
feasts of Apostles. Ascribed by the
Benedictines to St. Ambrose. Mone
doubts whether it is St. Ambrose's, but
ascribes it to the fifth century.
6. " Sterna cceli gloria." Friday at
lauds. By an ancient imitator of St.
Ambrose.
7. " JEteme rector sidenim." For
the feast of Angel Guardians. By Car-
dinal Bellarmine {d. 1621).
8. "^Eterne rerum conditor." Sun-
day at lauds. St. Ambrose.
9. " ..'Eterne rex altissime." For the
Ascension. St. Ambrose, but altered.
10. " Ales diei nuntius." Tuesday at
lauds. By PrudentiuB (bom in Spain,
348).
4G3
HYMNS
HYMNS
11. "Alma Redemptoris Mater."
Antiplion from Advent to the Purifica-
tion. Bj- Heimaimus Contractus, monk
at Reichenau (d. 1054).
12. " Alto ex Olympi vertice." Dedi-
cation of churches. A continuation of
" Coelestis urbs." See belo-w.
13. "Antra deserti." For feast of
St. John Baptist. By Paulus Diaconus,
eighth centur}'.
14. "Aspice infami." Feast of the
Passion. Unknown author, sixteenth to
eighteenth century.
15. "Aspice ut verbum Patris."
Feast of Our Lord's Prayer. Author
unknown, sixteenth to eighteenth century.
16. " Athlcta Christi nobilis." Feast
of Yenantius. A continuation of" Martyr
Dei Yenantius."
17. "Aiictor beate sseculi." Sacred
Heart. Author unknown, sixteenth to
eighteenth century.
18. "Audi, benigne conditor." For
Lent. By Gregoiy the Great {d. 604).
19. " Audit tyrannus anxius." Holy
Innocents. By Prudentius. See No. 10.
20. " Aurora coelum purpurat." Sun-
days after Lent. Old imitator of St.
Ambrose.
21. "Aurora jam spargit polum."
Saturday, lauds. Same as preceding.
22. "Ave, maris stella." Ascribed
by Cardinal Thomasi to Fortunatus,
bishop of Poitiers {d. 600), but certainly
much later. Daniel places the date of '
its origin between the sixth and ninth i
centuries. Mone considers even this
date much too early.
23. " Ave, Regina coelorum." Anti-
plion at compline and lauds. Author
unknown ; tenth to fifteenth century.
24. " Beata nobis gaudia." For Pen-
tecost. According to Daniel, by Hilary
of Poitiers {d. 379) ; but this is very
doubtful.
25. "Beate pastor Petre." Feast of
St. Peter and St. Paul, &c. By Elpis,
the first wife of Boethius, the famous
minister of Theodoric. Boethius was
executed at Pavia in 524.
26. " Christe, sanctorum decus ange-
lorum." On the feasts of Gabriel,
Michael, and Raphael. By Rabanus
Maurus, archbishop of Mayence (d. 856).
27. "Christo profusum sanguinem."
Common of Martyrs. Except that the
initial words are altered, this hymn is
taken from the ".Sterna Christi munera."
See No. 5.
28. "Oivis beatas patriae." Feast of
Holy Relics. A modern hymn.
29. "Coelestis ag-ni nuptias." Feast
of St. Juliana Falconieri. By her bio-
grapher, Lorenzini (anno 1719).
30. " Coelestis urbs Jerusalem." Dedi-
cation of churches. Author unknown.
Date from tenth to fifteenth century.
31. "Coeli Deussanctissime." Wed-
nesday at Yespers. By an old imitator
of St. Ambrose.
32. " Coelitum Joseph decus." Feast
of St. Joseph, sixteenth to eighteenth
century.
33. "Ccelo redemptor praetulit."
Maternity of Blessed Virgin. As pre-
ceding.
34. " Consorspaterniluminis." Tues-
day at matins. St. Ambrose.
35. "Cor, area legem continens."
Sacred Heart. Sixteenth to eighteenth
century.
36. " Corpus domans jejuniis." A
continuation of " Gentis Polonse gloria."
See No. 54.
37. " Creator alme siderum " (in the
original text "Conditor alme siderum").
Imitated from St. Ambrose, but at least
200 years later.
38. " Crudelis Herodes." Altered
from Sedulius. See No. 1.
39. " Crux fidelis." Passion Sunday.
A part of the "Pange, lingua, gloriosi
lauream certaminis." By Yenantius For-
tunatus. See No. 22.
40. "Custodes hominum psallimus
angelos." Guardian Angels. By Bellar-
mine {d. 1621).
41. " Decora lux." St. Peter and St.
Paul. By Elpis (see No. 25), but much
altered.
42. " Deus, tuorum militum." Com-
mon of a Martyr. By an old imitator of
St. Ambrose.
43. " Domare cordis impetus." Feast
of St. Elizabeth of Portugal. By Urban
VIII. (d. 1044).
44. " Dum nocte pulsa lucifer." A
continuation of " Martyr Dei Yenantius."
See No. 89.
45. " Ecce jam noctis tenuatur umbra."
Saturday at lauds. By St. Gregory the
Great (rf. 604).
46. "Egregie doctor Paule." St.
Peter and St. Paul, and Conversion of
St. Paul. By Elpis (see No. 25).
47. "En clara vox redarguit." For
Advent. By an old imitator of St.
Ambrose. Altered from the original
text.
48. "En ut superba criminum."
Sacred Heart. Sixteenth to eighteenth
century.
HYMKS
HYMNS
401
49. " Ex more docti mystico." Sun-
day matins in Lent. Attributed by Mone
to St. Gregoiy the Great. Daniel puts
it in seventh to ninth century.
60. " Exite, Sion filife."" Crown of
Thorns. Sixteenth to eighteenth cen-
tury.
51. " Exultet orbis gaudiis." Feasts
of Apostles. Tenth to fifteenth century.
52. " Festivis resoiient." Precious
Blood. Sixteenth to eighteenth century.
53. " Fortem virili pectore." Com-
mune non Virginum. Cardinal Sylvius
Antonianus (fJ. lfiU3).
54. " Genti.-i Polonpe gloria." Feast
of St. John Uantius. By an author of
the eighteenth century.
55. " Gertrudis area numlnis." Feast
of St. Gertrude. Medipeval author.
56. "Gloriam sacrae celebremns omnes
Sindonis." Feast of Our Lord's Wind-
ing-sheet. Sixteenth to eighteenth cen-
tury.
57. "Haec est dies qua Candida."
Feast of St. Theresa. By Urban VIII.
58. " Hominis supeme conditor." Fri-
day vespers. Ambro.<;ian.
59. " Hujus oratu, Deus alme, nobis."
Commune non Virginum. A part of
" Virprinis proles." See 171.
60. " Jam Christus astra ascenderat."
Pentecost. Ambrosian, and, according
to Mone, actually by St. Ambrose.
61. "Jam faces lictor ferat." Feast
of St. John Nepomuc. Eighteenth cen-
tury.
62. "Jam lucis orto sidere." At
prime. By an old imitator of St. Am-
brose.
63. "Jam noctis umbras lucifer."
Feast of St. Catherine of Ricci. Eight-
eenth century.
64. " Jam sol recedit igneus." Trinity
Sunday, and Saturday at Vespers. Imi-
tated from Ambrose, hymn 11. Thomasi
gives a similar hymn by Ennodius, bishop
of Pavia {d. 521).
65. " Jam toto subditus." Seven
Dolours. Sixteenth to eighteenth cen-
turj-.
66. "Jesu, corona celsior." Com-
mune Conf. non Pont. By an imitator
of St. Ambrose.
07. " Jesu, corona virginum." Com-
mon of Virgins. As preceding.
68. " Jesu, decus angelicum." Feast
of the Holy Name. A part of "Jesu,
dulcis memoria." See No. 70.
60. ",Tesu, dulcis amor meus." Feast
of the Winding-sheet. Sixteenth to
eighteenth century.
70. "Jesu, dulcis memoria." Feast
of the Holy Name. By St. Bernard {d.
1153).
71. "Jesu, redemptor omnium."
Common of Conf. Pont. Tenth to fif-
teenth century.
72. Jesu, redemptor omnium, quem."
Christmas. By an old imitator of St.
Ambrose.
73. "Jesu, rex admirabilis." Feast
of Holy Name. A part of St. Bernard's
hymn, " Jesu, dulcis memoria."
74. "Immense iwW conditor." Mon-
day at vespers. Imitated from St. Am-
brose. Regarded by .Mdiie as prohalily
the work of St. Grrnni v tlic Great.
75. "In profunda noeti.^^ umbra."
Feast of St. John Nepomuc. Eighteenth
century.
76. " Invicte martyr." Common of
Martyrs. Tenth to fifteenth centui-y.
77. "Invictus heros." Feast of St.
John Nepomuc. Eighteenth century.
7>^. " Ira justa conditoris." Precious
Blood. Eighteentli century.
79. " Iste confessor." Common of
Confessors. Mediaeval, but in the man-
ner of St. Ambrose.
80. " Iste quem laeti colimus." Feast
of St. Joseph. Sixteenth to eighteenth
century.
81. " Legis figuris pingitur." Crown
of Thorns. As preceding.
82. " Lucis creator optime." Sunday
at vespers. Ambrosian, and older than
St. Gregoiy.
83. " Lustra sex qui jam peregit."
Passion Sunday, &c. A part of the
"Pange, lingua, gloriosi lauream certa-
minis." See No. 108.
84. "Lux alma, Jesu, mentium."
Feast of Trniisfipuration. Urban VIII.
85. " Lux ecce siirn'it aurt/a." Tlnirs-
day at lauds. Slightly altered from
Prudentius. See No. 10.
86. " Magnse Deus potentiae." Thurs-
day at vespers. By an old imitator of
St. Ambrose.
87. " Maria castis oculis." Feast of
St. Mary Magdalen. According to some,
bv Gregory the Great; according to
I others, by Odo of Clugny {d. 942).
88. " Martinre celebri." For Jan. 30.
By Urban VIIT.
89. " Martyr Dei Venantius." Feast
of St. Venantius. Sixteenth to eight-
eenth century.
' 90. " Mi'iuonto, rerum conditor." In
the Little Otlice B. V. M. From "Jesu,
1 redemptor omnium." See No. 72.
I 91. "Miris modis repente liber."
462
HYMNS
HYMXS
Feast of St. Peter's Cliains. Ascribed to
Paulinus of Nola (but ?).
O'i. " Man-entes oculi." Feast of the
Passion. iMghteenth century.
93. " Mvsterium mirabile." Feast of
the "Winding-sheet. Sixteenth to eight-
eenth century.
94. " Nocte surgentes." Sunday ma-
tins. St. Gregory the Great.
95. " Nox atra rerum contigit."
Thursday matins. According to Thomasi,
by Ambrose; to Daniel, merely Am-
brosian ; to Mone, by Gregory the Great.
96. " Nox et tenebrae et nubila."
'\^'ednesday at lauds. By Prudentius
Clemens (see No. 10), but altered.
97. "Nullis te genitor blanditiis."
Feast of St. Ilernienegild. From " Re-
gali solio." See No. 122.
98. "Nunc sancte nobis Spiritus."
At tierce. Ascribed by Hincmar to St.
Ambrose ; probably only Ambrosian.
99. "0 gloriosa yirginum." Feasts
of the Blessed Virgin. From "Quern
tena, pontus, sidera." See No. 117.
100. "O nimis felix." Feast of St.
John Baptist. From " Ut queant laxis."
See No. 164.
101. " 0 quot undis lacrimarum."
Seven Dolours. Sixteenth to eighteenth
century.
102. " 0 sol salutis." Lent at lauds.
Tenth to fifteenth century.
10.3. "0 sola maguarum urbium."
Epiphany. By Prudentius Clemens.
See No. 10.
104. "0 Stella Jacob." Purity of
Blessed Virgin. Sixteenth to eighteenth
century.
105. " 0 virgo cui praecordia." Feast
of St. Catherine of Ricci. Eighteenth
century.
106. " 0])es decusque." Feast of St.
Elizabeth of Portugal. By Urban VIII.
107. "Pange, lingua, gloriosi cor-
poris." Corpus Cliristi. By St. Thomas
of Aquin {d. 1274).
106. "Pange, lingua, gloriosi lauream
(praelium) certaminis." Passion and
Palm Sunday, &c. By Venantius. See
No. S3.
1 09. " Pange, lingua, gloriosae Lancese
prseconium." Feast of Lance and Nails.
A mediaeval imitation of the preceding.
1 10. " Paschale mundo gaudium."
On Feasts of the Apostles. From the
" Aurora ccfilum." See No. 20.
111. "Paschali jubilo." Feast of
the Lance, &c. Author unknown, but
the hymn found in MS. of fourteenth
centuty.
112. "Pater superni luminis." As-
cribed to Odo of Clugny, but perhaps by
Bellarmine, who inserted it in the Bre-
viary.
113. "Placare, Christe, servulis."
For All Saints. Written late in the
middle ages.
114. "Praeclare custos virginum."
Purity of Blessed Virgin. Sixteenth to
eighteenth century.
1 1 5. " Primo die quo Trinitas." Al-
tered from St. Gregoiy the Great.
110. "Quaenam lingua tibi." Feast
of the Lance, &c. Sixteenth to eight-
eenth century.
117. "Quern terra, pontus, sidera."
Feasts of Blessed Virgin Maiy. Altered
from Venantius Fortunatus. See No.
22.
118. "Quicunque certum quaeritis."
Sacred Heart. Of late and uncertain
origin.
119. " Quicunque Christum quaeritis."
Transfiguration. By Prudentius Cle-
mens. See No. 10.
120. " Quodcunque in orbe," St.
Peter's Chair. From the " Miris modis."
See No. 91.
121. "Rector potens." At sext.
Ambrosian.
122. "Regali solio." Feast of St.
Hermenegild. Urban VIII.
123. " Regina coeli, laetare." Easter
Antiphon at lauds and compline. Tenth
to fifteenth century.
124. " Regis superni nuntia." Feast
of St. Teresa. By Urban VIII.
125. "Reium creator optime." Ma-
tins of Wednesday. Ambrosian, and per-
haps by Gregory the Great.
126. " Keruin Deus tenax vigor." At
none. Ambrosian.
127. " Rex gloriose martyrum." Com-
mon of Martyrs. Written early in the
middle ages.
1 28. " Rex sempiteme ccelitum." Sun-
day matins. Ambrosian.
1 29. " Sacras reliquias." Feast of
Relics. See No. 28.
130. "Sacris solemniis." Corpus
Christi. St. Thomas of Aquin.
131. " Saepe dum Chi isti." Feast of
Blessed Virgin Help of Christians. Nine-
teenth century.
132. "Sacro dolorum turbine." Feast
of the Passion. Sixteenth to eighteenth
century.
133. "Salutis humanae dator." All
Saints. Late in middle ages.
134. " Salutis aetemae sator." Ascen-
sion. Ambrosian.
HYMNS
HYMNS 463
135. "Salve, Hegina." Antiphon at
lauds and compline. By Herinannus
Contractus, or bv Peter of Monsoro,
bishop of Corapostella.
l;^6. " SalvetejChristivulnera.'' Pre-
cious Blood. Sixteenth to eighteenth
century.
137. " Salvete, clavi et lancea." Lance
and Nails. As prooeding.
138. " SalTete,tloresmartyrum." Holy
Innocents. Prudentius.
139. " Sancta mater, istud agas." See
"Stabat Mater."
140. " Sanctorum meritis." Com-
mon of Martyrs. Sixth to ninth century.
141. " Solemne laudis canticum."
Feast of St. Catherine of Ricci. Eight-
eenth century.
142. "Somno refectis artubus." Mon-
day matins. St. Ambrose.
143. " Splendor paternae glorias."
Monday lauds. As preceding.
144. " Stabat Mater." Seven Dolours.
According to Wadding, by Giacopone da
Todi, a di.sciple of St. Francis in the
thirteenth century. It is inserted in the
works of St. Bernard as given in a MS.
at Utrecht.
145. " Summae Deus clementiae."
Seven Dolours. Sixteenth to eighteenth
century.
146. "Summse parens clementiae."
Satiu-day matins. Ambrosian.
147. " Sumroffi parens clementiae."
Trinity Sunday. Compiled from the pre-
ceding and other ferial hymns.
148. " Sunimi parentis filio." Sacred
Heart. As No. 118.
149. "Summi parentis unice." St.
Mary Magdalen's day. By Odo of Clugny
{d. 942). '
150. "Te deprecante corporum."
End of " Gentis Polonae." See No. 54.
151. " Te Deum laudauius." Sunday
matins. Attributed to St. Ambrose, but
certainly older.
152. "Te Joseph celebrant." St.
Joseph. Si.xteenth to eighteenth century.
153. "Telucisanteterminum." Com- j
pline. Ambrosian.
154. " Te, mater alma." Feast of the
Maternity. Sixteenth to eighteenth cen-
tUTJ.
155. "Te redemptoris." Blessed Vir-
gin Help of Ohristian.s. Modem.
156. " Te splendor et virtus Patris."
St. Michael and AU Angels. ByRabanus
Maurus, archbi-^hop of Mayence {d. 856).
157. " Telluris alme conditor." Tues-
day vespers. Ambrosian, and, as Mone
thinks, by Gregory the Great. ^
1 58. " Tibi, Christe, splendor Patris."
St. Raphael. By Rabanus Maurus. An
adaptation of the "Te splendor." See
No. 156.
159. "Tinctam ergo Christi sanguine."
Lance and Nails. Sixteenth to eighteenth
century.
160. " Tristes erant Apostoli." Feasts
of Apostles. The second half of " Aurora
ccElum." See No. 20.
161. "Tu nutale solum." Feast of
St. Martina. Urban VIII.
162. " Tu Trinitatis unitas," with the
second strophe "Nam lectulo." Friday
matins. Gregory the Great.
lt?.'l. " Tu Trinitatis unitas," with the
second strophe "Ortus refulget." Imi-
tated and partly borrowed from preced-
ing.
164. "Ut queant laxis." St. John
Baptist. By Paulus Diaconus, properly
Paul Wamefrid, a scholar at Charle-
magne's Court, and author of the " His-
tory of the Lombards "
165 "Veni, creator." Pentecost.
I Commonly attributed to Charlemagne,
I but found in MSS. written before his day.
j Probably by St. Gregory the Great.
1H6. " Venit e cojlo." Agony in the
Garden. Sixteenth to eighteenth cen-
tury.
167. "Verbum supernum prodiens e
Patris aeterni sinu." Advent. Am-
brosian, and not later than second half of
fifth century.
168. "Verbum supernum prodiens,
nec Patris linquens dexteram." Corpus
Christi. St. Thomas of Aquin.
169. "Verbum supernum prodiens,
salvare quod perierat." Feast of Lance,
&c. A text of this hymn is given by
Mone from a MS. of the fourteenth cen-
tury.
170. " Vexilla regis." Passion Sun-
day, Finding and Exaltation of the
Cross. Venantius Fortunatus. See No.
22.
171. "Virginis proles." Common of
Virgins. A mediaeval imitation of St.
Ambrose.
172. "Virgo virginum praeclara."
From "Stabat Mater." See No. 144.
173. " Vix in sepulcro." Feast of St.
John Nepomuc. Eighteenth century.
Hykns aitd Seqtiekces in the Missal.
1. " Dies irae." By Tliomas of Celano,
disciple of St. Fiancis, about 1250.
2. "Exultet jam angelica." Holy
Saturday at bh -sing of the Paschal
candle. Ascribed to St. Augustine.
464
HYMNS
ICONOCLASTS
. 3. " Gloria in excelsis." [See Doxo-
LOGY.]
4. "Gloria, laus et honor." Palm
Sunday at the procession. By Theodulf,
bishop of Orleans (rf. 821).
5. " Lauda, Sion." Corpus Christi.
St. Thomas of Aquin.
6. " Salve, sancta parens." Introit in
Mass of Blessed Virgin. Sedulius, in fifth
century.
7. "Stabat Mater." See above, No.
144.
8. "Veni, Sancte Spiritus." By the
French King Robert, son of Hugh Capet
{d. 10;31).
9. " VictimfB paschali." Easter. At-
tributed by an Einsiedeln MS. of the
eleventh century to Wipo, chaplain to
Conrad II. (eleventh century).
(Cardinal Thomasi, "0pp. torn. iL,
contiuens psalterium," Romae, 1747;
I Daniel, "Thesaurus Hyranolog." Halle,
I 1841 : and Mone, " Lat. Hvmnen des
' :Mittehilters," Freiburg, 1853, are the
j chief authorities on the subject. MouU,
" Lat. Hvmnen des Mittehal'ters," Einsie-
deln, 18ii6: Sfhlosser, "Die Kirche in
ihren Liedern," Freiburg, 186.3; Neale,
" Hymns of the Eastern Church," London,
18fi-':S: "Mediicvalllyrans and Sequences,"
]86-'i; Hiras'hi, " Inni sinceri e carmi di
S. Amb.-nnio," Milan, 1862; Hueiuer,
" Untcrsucluing uher die altesten lat.
Christ. Khythmen," Wien, 1879, may
also be consulted.)
RVPOSTA.TZC VXTZOir. The
union of Christ's human nature to the
hypostasis or person of God the Word.
[See Cheist.]
I
XCOIiroCX.ASTS ("Breakers of ima-
ges"). A name given to the powerful
party which set itself against the religious
use of images, and disturbed the peace of
the Church during the eighth and the
former half of the ninth centurv.
1. Fh-ft Starje of the Controversy (726-
775). — Leo III., known in history as " the
Isaurian" (717-741), published an edict
against images. Both the exact date
(Ilefele places it in 726) and the purport
of this edict are uncertain. The Emperor
is said to have acted by the advice of
Constantine,Bishopof Nacolia,in Phrygia,
and it is certain that shortly before the
Khalif Jezid II. had set the example —
natural, of course, in a Mohammedan — of
destroying images. Possibly Leo may have
believed that he was removing a cause of
scandal to Jews and Saracens, and taking
away an occasion of superstition from
ignorant Christians. Leo, however, met
with immediate and strenuous opposition.
The destruction of a famous image of
Christ over the brazen door of the palace
led to an uproiir among the people. Leo
was resisted by Germanus, the Patriarch
of Constantinople, and condemned by
Pope Gregory II. St. John of Damascus,
who was living under the rule of the
Khalifs, published thr-^e discourses in
defence of images, entitled Xoyoi airo-
\oyrjriKoi The Emperor threatened to
destroy St. Peter's image at Rome, and
to take the Pope captive ; and his rage
was further inflamed by the rebellion of
Cosmas. The suppression of the rebellion
was followed by a new edict against
images, in 730, and by fresh acts of
violence. A fleet was sent to Rome, in
order to revenge Gregory's anathema
published in a Roman synod of the year
732 ; and, although this attack' failed,
Illyria was torn from the Holy S(>e. and
its possessions in Lower Italy seized.
Leo's successor, Constantine V. (Coprony^-
mus). continued his father's work. Again
the Emperor's zeal against images caused
a reliellion. but this, too, was quelled, and
in 754 Constantine convoked a council of
3-is bishops — -ndth which, however,
neither the Pope, nor the Patriarchs of
Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem,
would have anything to do. This Council
of Constantinople, whicli pi-etended to be
oecumenical, anathematised those who
venerated images ; and this anathema
was the excuse for additional severity.
Mona.steries were destroyed, and many
monks — among them John of Monagria
and the abbot Stephen — died as martyrs
for the faith and traditional usage of the
Church.
2. Second Stage of the Controversy
(775-842). — The persecution abated,
though it did not cease, under Leo IV.
(776-780). His wife, Irene, who held
the regency after her husband's death.
ICONOCLASTS
ICONOCLASTS 465
set herself to restore the veneration of
images, and was supported by Tarasius,
the new Patriarch. Irene and Tarasius
convoked a general council, to which
Pope Hadrian I. was invited, and to
which he promised to send legates. The
soldiers made it impossible to hold the
assembly in tlie imperial city, but the
Father.s met in 787 at Niciea. Tie P.-qml
legates — viz the arclipri^st Peter and the
abbot Peter — presided, their names being
always mentioned in the Acts before those
of the otlier menibi'rs, but the business
was mainly conducted by Tarasius. The
decrees were signed by at least 308
bishops, or proxies for bishops, but it
appears from the Acts that besides the
bishops a large number of monks and
clerics, not entitled to vote, were present
at the deliberations. It was on October
13, and in the seventh session, that the
opos or definition of faith was issued. In
it the council teaches that the figure of
the cross, and " holy images, whether
made in colours, or of stone, or of any
other material," are to be retained. They
are not to ■become objects of " adoration
in the proper sense (ti)k dXrjdLvriv Xarpeiav),
which is to be given to God alone," but
they are useful because they raise the
mind of the spectator to the objects which
they represent. It is right to salute,
honour, and venerate them (acrmia-nov
(cat TiprjTiK^v TTpocrKvirrjaiv), to burn lights
and incense before them, not only because
this is in accordance with the tradition
of the Church, but also on the ground
that such honour is really given to God
and His saints, of whom the images are
intended to remind us. The council uses
the word " worship " {irptxTKvvei) of the
veneration due to images, but, as we
have seen, carefully explains the sense in
which the word is employed. This
decision was approved by Pope Hadrian,
a- he himself declares in a letter to
Charlemagne.
The Iconoclast spirit revived in Leo V.,
"the Armenian" (813-820), Theodore,
abbot of the monastery of Studion, at
Constantinople, being the champion of
the orthodox cause. Michael 11., "the
Stammerer" (820-829), tried to reconcile
tlie friends and enemies of images, but
his son Theophilus (829-842) persecuted
the monks who adhered to the Nicene
definition. On February 19, 842, his
widow, Theodora, brought the images
b-ick in triumph to the chief church at
Constantinople, and this day, which marks
the close of a long and dreary strife, ie
still kept by the Greeks as the "Feast of
Orthodoxj-."
3. The Controversy in the West. —
Pope Hadrian sent a very unfortunate
1 translation of the Acts of the Nicene
Council to Charlemagne. The latter
stated bis objections in a document sent
' to the Pope, and known as the "Libri
Carnlini."' lie n;j(^cls both synods— the
IcDiiocList one at Unii-l.Ditindple in 754,
and Second Council of Xic;e:i — ami assi-i ts
that God alone is to be adoi cd {^(ijnrfui(lii>i)
and worshipped {cole>i/fi's), while the
saints are only to be venerated {rp/)/'rri>i(/i).
A certain " adoration " {ailoratio) may,
j indeed, be given to men — e.y. by bowing
j reverently before them, or by kissing,
but even this is to be withheld from
images, because they are lifeless, and it
is foolish to burn incense or lights before
them. Moreover, although images may
lawfully be used in churches, their use is
by no means necessary. The great Coun-
cil of Frankfort, in 794, also rejected the
Nicene decree, evidently misled, as
Charlemagne had been, by the faulty
translation, which made no distinction
between supreme worship (Xarpela) and
secondary veneration. Indeed, this synod
attributes to and condemns in the Nicene
council a doctrine which it had expressly,
and in set terms, rejected.
(The principal ancient authority on
the Iconoclasts is Theophanes (d. 818).
His "Chronographia" is published among
the Byzantine historians (Bonn, 1839).
Later authors — e.ff. Cedrenus (sec. xi.),
Zonaras (sec. xii.), Constantine Manasses
(sec. xii.), Glycas (sec. xv.), draw from
him. In modern times, the whole or part
of the history has been investigated by
; the Protestants, Goldast, " Iniperialia
Decreta de Cultu Iniaginum," 1608 ;
Dallfeus, "De Cultu Imaginum," 1612;
Spanheim, " Restituta Historia Imagi-
num," 1686 ; and by the Catholics,
Maimbourg, "Histoire de l'H6r(5sie des
Iconoclastes " (not always trustworthy),
Paris, 1683 ; Marx, " Bilderstreit der
Byzantinischen Kaiser," Trier, 1839 ; and
1 Petaviu8(Z)e Incamat. xv. 12, 3, 8) thinks
that only extracts from the "Libri Caroliiii"
were sent to Pope Hadrian ; and so Ilifele,
Concil. iii. p. 71S, 2nd ed. The authenticity of
i the Libri Carolini " was denied by Bellarmin,
for reasons abundantly refuted l>y later Catholic
scholars — e.g. Sisniond and Natalis Alexander.
An unsuccessful attempt to attack the authen-
ticity was made once more by Dr. Floss, De
j Suspecta Lihrorum Carnlinorum . . . Fide,
I Bonn, 1860.
H H
466 ICOXOSTASIS
IGNORANCE
by Hefele, " Concil." iii. — which last has
been chiefly followed here.)
ZCOirbsTASIS (eiKorocTTacTts). A
wooden wall which in Byzantine churches
separates the choir from the nave. It is
so called because icons or images of Christ,
the Blessed Virgin, &c., are ])laced upon
it. The icono.staais is found in Greek
and Russian churches, but it is doubtful
whether it was known before the middle
ages.
ZDOiiATRY. [See Images and
Saints.]
zcxrosANCS. St. Thomas (1 2'"^»,
Ixxvi. 2) distinguishes ignorance from
mere nescience. The latter he explain.-i
to mean the simple absence of knowledge;
the former implies absence of knowledge
in one who is capable of acquiring it.
He proceeds to show that ignorance may
easily involve sin, since a person is bound
to use all reasonable means in order that
he may have the knowledge necessary for
the performance of his duties. Thus all
men are hound to learn, so far as they
can, the general principles of religion and
morals ; and a man sins grievously who
remains from his own negligence in the
belief that a false religion i% true, or that
an unlawful course of action which he is
pursuing is really lawful. The degree of
his sin will difler according as the obli-
gations whicli he does not fulfil through
ignorance are more or less serious, and
according to the amount of negligence or
malice which his ignorance implies. Thus,
while a man is never excused from sin of
omission or commission on the plea of
ignorance which he can be fairly expected
to overcome, this vincible ignorance, as it
is called, admits of subdivisions, repre-
senting different grades of guilt. A man
may use some but not enough industry
in removing his ignorance, which in that
case is said to be " sim|)ly vincible ; " he
may take scarcely any pains to remove it:
then liis ignorance is "crass;" he may
positively wish to be ignorant, in order
that he may sin more freely : then his
ignorance is known as " affected." The
reader must understand that up to this
point we have been speaking of the sin
which lies in the ignorance itself, not in
the evil act to which the ignorance leads ;
and the conclusion which we have reached
is that all vincible ignorance of the things
a man's duty requires him to know is in
itself sinful. A physician who practises
his profession without the knowledge
which he can and ought to have sins,
even if aa a matter of fact he happens to
prescribe what is really best for his
patients.
With regard to the guilt of sins igno-
rantly committed, invincible ignorance
altogether excuses from sin, because no
man can incur moral guilt without any
intention direct or remote to transgress
God's law. A Protestant who thinks the
Catholic religion idolatrous, and cannot
reasonably be expected, considering his
education, circumstances, &c., to think
otherwise, is guiltless so far in the sight
of God. So, again, if a person is aware
that he sins but is invincibly ignorant of
circumstances which aggravate or change
the nature of his crime, he is responsible
only so far as he knows or maj' know
what he is about. A man, for example,
who, meaning to kill his enemy, kills his
father unawares, is of course a murderer,
but he is not a parricide. We pause here
to observe that although every man may
know the first principles of the moral
law and the most obvious deductions
from them, he may be invincibly ignorant
of certain precepts which belong to the
natural law of right and wrong. This
point is profusely argued and illustrated
by St. Liguori, "Theol. Moral." lib. i.
§ 170.
Supposing that a man is responsible
for his ignorance, it may still diminish
the guilt of the sins which he ignorantly
perpetrates. Such is the case with igno-
rance " simply vincible," and even, thougli
in a less degree, with " crass " ignorance.
When, however, a man remains ignorant
to sin more freely {i(/noranfia affectata)
St. Thomas {loc. cit. a. 4) holds that
"such ignorance seems to increase the
voluntary character of his act and its
sin " (" videtur augere voluntarium et
peccatum ").
Censures are not incurred by those
who are invincibly ignorant of their
existence, though they may be aware that
the action forbidden under censure is
wrong. If the censure is imposed only
on those who sin knowingly, it is held by
some theologians that even a person whose
ignorance is " affected " escapes the cen-
sure. The other opinion is better sup-
ported; but" crass" ignorance undoubtedly
would serve to save a person from a cen-
sure promulgated in these or similar
terms.
We may mention in conclusion that
St. Thomas (1 2'^^, qu. vi. a. 8) and
other theologians also divide ignorance
into that which is "antecedent" — i.e.
which precedes all action of the will;
IMAGE OF GOD
IMAGE OF GOD
407
"consequent" or voluntary ignorance;
" concomitant," when a man acta in
ignorance, but is so minded that he would
act in just the same manner if he under-
stood the nature of his deed. We need
not, however, dwell on this distinction,
since " antecedent " coincides with invin-
cible, " cotiseipent " with vincible igno-
rance, while " concomitant " ignorance has
no influence on moral action.
ZIVXACS OP GOD. We read in
Genesis i. 20 that God said, " Let us make I
man to our image and likeness, and let '
him rule over the fishes of the sea and
the birds of the air," &c. Petavius, "De
Opiticio Sex Dierum," lib. ii. cap. 2-4,
elaborately discusses the meaning of these
words and the history of their interpre- ''
tation. We select the most important \
points from his account, adding a few ^
remarks drawn from other sources.
1. Althinigh the text quoted speaks
of Adam only as created in God's image,
it is plain that neither this likeness itself
(see Genesis v. 1-3) nor the dominion
over the beasts which flows from it (see |
Genesis is. 8, and cf. Ps. viii. 6) has |
been wholly forfeited by the fall. At
the same time it has been partially lost,
and thus St. Paul, Goloss. iii. 10, speaks
of the likeness to God as restored in
Christ.
2. We may at once dismiss the anthro-
pomorphite error mentioned by Epi-
phanius that the likeness to God consists
primarily in the bodily shape. Such an in-
terpretation is contrary to the principles
of the Mosaic as well as of the Christian
religion. God has no body, and no bodily
form as such can be like Him (see Exod.
XX. 4, Deut. iv. 12, 15 seg., Is. xxxi. 3).
Here we may observe that though many ^
parallels to the expression with which :
we are concerned may be quoted from
heathen writers (e.c/., Knobel and Dill-
mann, ad loc, quote eiKcuv 6eov from
Lucian, " De Imag." 28, " Ad effigiem
moderantum cuncta deorum,"' from Ovid,
" Met."i. 83, and also refer to Juvenal xv.
142), the force of the passages is blunted
by the fact that the heathen had much
less perfect notions than the Jews of
God's spiritual nature.
3. We may also set aside the beauti-
ful explanation of Tertullian, who makes
the likeness refer to the Incarnate Word,
who made man in the likeness of that '
bodily form which He was to take. " So
runs," he says (" Uesurr. Gamis,"6), " the
speech of the Father to the Son, ' Let
us make man,' &c. . . . He made him to
the image of God, i.e. Christ. Thus that
slime, even then taking the image of
Christ who was to come in the flesh, was
not only a work of God, but also a
pledge." Even if the plural number
indicates the my.<!tery of the Trinity,
there is no hint in the text that man was
made in the image of one Divine Person
rather than in that of another.
4. Petavius distin-ni^hes that which
was made like to God and that in wliich
the likeness resides. The whole man, he
says, with his double nature (bodily and
spiritual), was made in the likeness of
God. But he maintains, following the
general teaching of the Fathers, that the
reason or foundation of this likeness
resides chiefly in the soul. The essential
point of the resemblance lies in man's
possession of intellect and will, wliich
separates him specifically from the beasts
and makes him like God. This essential
likeness is perfected by accidental qualities
— viz. by the natural and supernatural
virtues — and in consequence of these
accidental perfections one man may be
more like God than another. In man,
who is the bead of the woman, this
accidental likeness is more perfect than
in woman (1 Cor. xi. 7).
5. He goes on to say tliat this likeness
overflows {reduri'lat) from the soul to the
body, and no doubt his erect carriage,
the perfection of his form, the way in
which his intelligence manifests itself in
his features, mark man out as like (iod
and fit to rule over the lower creation.
This seems to be the view adopted in the
recent edition of our English Catechism,
where man's likeness to God is said to
reside " chiefly " in his soul.
0. From the time of St. Ambrose
(Petavius quotes " De Dignitate Con-
ditionis Humanae," cap. xi.), it has been
common to see the image of the Trinity
in the three powers of the one soul —
viz. memory, understanding and will.
Dirt'erent writers, however, have fixed
upon different powers of the soul aa
representing the Persons of the Trinity.
7. Still older is a distinction made
between "image" and "likeness." Irenajus
(v. 6, 1), whose view has been largely
accepted in the Church, supposes that
man was made in the image of God by
nature, and became like God by the gift
of the Holy Spirit. A similar distinction
has been defended by so good a scholar
as Delilzscli, but Petavius is surely right
in rejecting it. The Hebrew (literally
" in our image, according to our likeness")
4G8
IMAGES
BIAGES
shows more clearly than the Greek or
Latin, which insert the copula " and,"
that the two words are practically
synonymous.
ZMAGES. The idolatrous worship
of images is vehemently condemned in the
Scriptures, and in the Old Testament two
forms of idolatry are .specially reprobated.
First, we find denimciations of worship
paid to images of false gods, such as
Moloch. Astarte, &c. Here the whole
meaning and intention of the religious
act was bad. No respect was due to
such a divinity as Baal; to worship him
was an iict of treason against the living
God, sii that there could be no possible
excuse for venerating his image. But
besides this, the law and the prophets
condemn worship given to images of the
true God. It seems clear that the calf-
worship begun at Mount Sinai, and con-
tinued in the northern kingdom at Bethel,
&c., was meant as the worship of the true
God set before Israel in this symbolical
form.' But this worship also is de-
nounced— e.f/. by Amos and Osee — and
was really idolatrous, because it conveyed
false notions of God, who is a pure
spirit, so that althougli, e.c;., Jeroboam
professed to worship .Jehovah, he was
really serving ii god of his own imagi-
nation. To prevent such idolatrous
errors, to which the .lews were constantly
tempted by the example of the surround-
ing heathen, the Hebrew worship was
regulated in each detail by God. Images
they had in the tabernacle and the
Temple, for the cherubim were placed in
the holy of holies, and the walls and
pillars were adorned with figures of
palms, pomegranates, &c. But these
figures were placed in the tabernacle from
which the pattern of the temple was
taken by the express ordinance of God,
and the Jews were by no means left to
their own discretion in the use of sacred
images and symbols.
The prohibition of idolatry conveyed
in the first commaudment continues, it is
needless to say, in full force. Idolatry is
evil in its own nature, and necessarily a
sin of the deepest dye by whomever it
may be committed. Moreover, it is
possible to commit this sin without fall-
ing into the gross and brutal error of
identifying a lifeless image with the
' See Exod. xxxii. 6, where Aaron calls the
idolatrous feast a feast to Jehovah ; and 3 Kings
xxii. 6, from which it appears that prophets
who sanctioned the calf-worship were still con-
sidernd prophets of Jehovah.
Divinity. Therefore the Ootincil of Trent
(Sess. XXV. De Invocatione, &c.) not only
reprobates the delusion that the godhead
can be really portrayed by material
figures; it also states that in images there
is no divinity or " mi-tue, on account of
which they are to he worship/>ed, that no
petitions can be addressed to tliem, and
that no trust is to be placed in them."
At the same time the Tridentine
Fathers, following the Second Council of
Nicffia, advocate the true use of images.
The danger of idolatry has at least to a
very great extent passed away from
Christian nations. Further, God Himself
has taken a human form which admits of
being represented in art. So that the
reasoning of Moses in Deut. iv. 15 no
longer holds,' and on the whole matter
the liberty of Christians is very different
from tlie bondage of Jews. Images,
according to the Tridentine definition, are
to be retained and honoured, but abuses
and all occasion of scandal to the rude
and ignorant are to be removed. The
object of images is to set Christ, His
Blessed Mother, the saints and angels
before our eyes, while the council adds
that " the honour which is given to them
is referred to the objects {j)rotot(ipa)
which they represent, so that through
the images which we kiss, and before
which we tincover our heads and kneel,
we adore Christ and venerate the saints,
whose likenesses they are." " The coun-
cil," says Petavius, " De Incarnat." xv.
17, "could not have declared more ex-
pressly that the cultus of images is simply
relative (f7-;^eriKdi') : that they are not in
themselves and strictly speaking {per se
ef proprie) adored or honoured, but that
all adoration and veneration is referred to
the prototypes, inasmuch as images have
no dignity or excellence to which such
honour properly appertains." We cannot
imagine any better exposition than that
of this great theologian, who, among
many othermerits, is always distinguished
for his sobriety and his avoidance of use-
less subtleties. His words explain the
doctrine of the Church and remove all
possibility of scandal, when we find the
Church in the Good Friday Office inviting
the faithful to adore the cross. It is the
suffering Saviour, not the dead wood,
which Catholics adore [see Cross].
The use of images in the Church dates
' "Ye did not see any hkeness on the day
that the Lord spake to you on Horeb from the
midst of the fire, lest ye should act wickedly
and make for yourselves a graven imatfe," &c.
IMAHES
IMMACULATE COXrKPTTOX ^GO
from the very earliest times. The Church
no doubt was cautious in her use of
images, both because the use of them in
the midst of a heathen population might
easily be misunderstood, and also because
the images might be seen and pn)laned
by the heathen persecutors. It is, as
Hefele and De Rossi maintain, for this
latter reason that the Council of Elvira,
in the year 306, forbade the placing of
" pictures in the churches, lest vrhat is
worshipped and adored should be painted
on the walls." Certainly the Church of
that time did not reject the use of
Christian art — witness the numerous
sacred pictures recently brought to light
in the Roman catacombs. Many ancient
works of art which have come down to
us from the old Spanish church — e.g. the
beautiful sarcophagi of Saragossa— prove
that there was no difference of feeling or
opinion on this matter between Spanish
and Roman Christians. But whereas
the Roman churches were under, the
Spanish were above, ground. Hence the
anxiety of the council to avoid the
mockery and actual danger which the
sight of images misrht have created.
"VVe can trace the veneration of imasres
and the Trideutine doctrine concerning
it through the whole history of the
Church, but here a few instances must
suffice. The early Christian poet Pniden-
tius speaks of himself (" Peristeph." ix. 9
*ey.) as praying before an image of the
martjT Cassian. We read that at a
conference held between St. Maximus and
the bishop Theodosius the Fathers present
bent the knee to the images of Christ and
the Blessed Virgin.' The principles of
Gregory the Great on the respect due to
images are well known. \Mien Serenus,
bishop of Marseilles, removed images
from the church on the ground that they
had proved an occasion of idolatry,
Gregory tells him (Ep. ix. 105) that he
ought not to have broken imj.ges placed
in the church as means of instruction,
not objects of adoration. In sending
Secundinus images of Christ, the Blessed
Virgin and St. Peter and St. Paul,
Gregory writes (Ep. ix. 52) : " I know
you do not ask for the image of our
Saviour to worship it as God, but that
being reminded of the Son of God, you
may be inflamed anew with love of Him
whose image you long to see. And we
on our part do not prostrate ourselves
before it as a divinity, but we adore Him
1 See Kraus, Encydopiid., art. " Bilder-
verehrung."
whom by means of the image we bring
to mind, in his birth, in his passion, or as
He sits on his throne."
Two qualifications must be made to
the doctrine stated in a previous part of
this article. We have said that no
images can really resemble the divine
nature which is immaterial. But there
is no harm in symbolical representations
of the Holy trinity, or of the divine
Persons singly. The contrary proposition
was condemned by Pius VI. (Synod of
Pistoia, prop 69), in the bull " Auctorem
fidei." Again, t bough images have no
virtue in themselves, God may be pleased
to give special graces at particular
shrines. This is taught in the same bull,
and the words of St. Augustine (Ep. 78)
are aptly quoted : " God, who divides
special gifts to each according as He
wills, was not pleased that these ''marvels]
should take place in all the shrines of the
saints."
ZMIWACTTXiATE COTrCEPTZOir
OF THE BXiESSEO VXRCZM-. I. The
M&anu/r/ fjftlie Doctrine. — Benedict XIV.
(" De Fest." clxxxvii. seq.^. quoting Eras-
sen, a Scotist theolos-ian, distinguishes be-
tween active and passive conception. The
former consists in the act of the parents
which causes the body of the child to be
formed and organised, and so prepared
for the reception of the rational soul
which is infused by God. The latter
takes place at the moment when the
rational soul is actually infused into the
body by God. It is the pnssive, not the
active, conception which Catholics have
in view when they speak of the Im-
maculate Conception. For there was
nothing miraculous in Mary's generation.
She was begotten like other children.
The body, while still inanimate, could
not be sanctified or preserved from
original sin, for it is the soul, not the
body, which is capable of receiving
either the gifts of grace or the stain of
sin. Moreover, from the fact that Mary
sprang in the common way from Adam
our first father, it follows that she was
the daughter of a fallen race and incurred
the " debt " or liability to contract original
sin. Adam was the representative of
the human race : he was ])ut on his trial,
and when he fell all his descendants tell
with him, and must, unless some special
mercy of God interposed, receive souls
destitute of that grace in which Adam
himself was created. In Mary's case,
however, God's mercy did int«rpose.
For the sake of Him who was to be bom
470 iM:\iArrLATT-: coyrr.rTioN
IMMACrT,.VTT: COXCF.rilON
of lier and for " his merits loivsci'n "
grace was poured into her soul at the
first instant of its being. Christian
children are sanctified at the font: St.
John the Baptist was sanctified while
still unborn. Mary was sanctified
earlier still — viz. in the first moment of
her conception. She received a gift like
that of Eve, who was made from the
first without sin, only the immaculate
conception is rightly called a privilege,
and a privilege altogether singular, be-
cause in the ordinary course of things
the Blessed Virgin would have been con-
ceived and born in original sin. We beg
the reader to remt niber that what we
have written up to this point is the
universal teaching of theologians, and we
have carefully abstained from entering
on scholastic disputes {e.g. as to the
remote and proximate debt of sin),
because we believe that the mere state-
ment of the doctrine is enough to remove
many prejudices from the minds of candid
Protestants. So far from derogating
from, the Catholic doctrine exalts, the
merits of Christ. He who redeemed us
redeemed her. He who sanctified us in
baptism sanctified her in her conception.
Nor could any Catholic dream of com-
paring Mary's exemption from sin, we do
not say with the sinlessness of the Divine
nature, for such a comparison would be
insane as well as blasphemous, but with
the sinlessness of Christ as man. Sin
was a physical impossibility in the human
soul of Christ, because it was hypo-
statically united to the Divinity. M.'iry,
on the other hand, was sinless by the
grace of God. "Thou art innocent,"
says Bossuet, addressing Christ, " by
nature, Mary only by grace ; Thou by
excellence, she only by privilege ; Thou
as Redeemer, she as the first of those
whom thy precious blood has purified "
(" Sermon pour la fete de la Conception de
la Sainte Vierge "). No better summary
could be given of the Church's doctrine.
2. History of the Controversy on the
Doctrine. — The controversy, so far as we
know, began in the twelfth century.
The church of Lyons had adopted the
custom, which already prevailed else-
where (see the article on the feast), of
celebrating the feast of IMnry's con-
ception. St. Bernard {d. 1153) remon-
strated sharply with them, m great
measure because the feast had not been
approved at Rome. The authenticity of
this letter has been disputed, but on
grounds, as Benedict XIV. implies, abso-
lutrly insul!k-i,M.t. BrsiJes, littl,- u:.uld
be gained even if tlie letter were spurious,
, for Petavius De Incarnat." xiv. 'I) has
I proved, from other passages in his works,
Bernard's opinion to have been that the
, Bli ssed Yiiijin was not conceived im-
iiKieulate, but w as sanctifietl in the womb
like .Ten uiias and St. John the Baptist.
Benedict XIV., following Mabillon,
declines to accept the theory that St.
Bernard had the active, not the passive,
conception in his mind. At the same
time it must be remembered that the
saint refers the whole matter of his
dispute with the canons of Lyons to the
judgment of the Roman Church. The
quotations in Petavius from St. Peter
Damian, St. .'\ nselm, Peter Lombard, and
others, abundantly prove that St. Ber-
nard's opinion was the prevalent one
1 before and during his own age. In the
following century St. Thomas (iii. 27, 2)
held that Mary was only sanctified in
the womb after her body was already
informed by the soul {post ejus ani-
mationnn), and he argues that if the
Virgin "had not incurred the stain of
original guilt," she would have stood in
no need of being saved and redeemed by
Christ, whereas Christ, as the Apostle
declares, is the Saviour of all men.' But
the strongest evidence to the prevalence
of the belief that the Virgin was not
conceived withoutsinis supplied byScotus
(" In Lib. III. Sentent.," d. iii. qu. ] , n. 4).
He gives his own opinion in favour of
the immaculate conception with a
timidity which clearly betrays his con-
sciousness that the general opinion was
on the other side. After maintaining
that God might, had He so chosen, have
exempted the Blessed Virgin from original
sin, and might on the other hand liave
allowed her to remain under it for a
time, and then purified her, he adds that
" God knows "' which of these possible
ways was actually taken ; " but, if it is
not contrary to the authority of the
Church or of the saints, it seems com-
mendable {probahilc) to attribute that
which is more excellent to Mary."
Scotus, however, farther on in the
same work (d. 18, qu. 1, n. 4), expresses
a more decided view, and he inaugui-ated
a new state of opinion, though the change
' Cariiinal Lambiuschini, in a polemical
dissertation on the Immaculate Conception
(RomiE, 1842), declared that here, as in other
places, the MSS. of St. Thomas had been cor-
rupted. But this position does not admit of
serious defence.
IMMACULATE CO^-CEmON IMMACULATE C0>-CEPT10N m
did not come at once, and the story told
by Cavellus, an author of tlie seventeenth
century whom Benedict XIV. quotes, is
probably a mere legend. Accurding to
this story, vScotus deleuded the doctrine nf
the immaculate conception at Cologne
and Paris, and a disputation which ho
held in the latter place induced the Paris
University to adopr the doctrine, and won
for Scotus himself the title of the '• Subtle
Doctor." Scotus died in 1308, and events
which hapjiened in 1387 show how
rapidly the Scotist opinion had .-prcad
and how^ deeply it had struck root at
least in France. A Dominican doctor,
John Montesono, had publicly denied the
immaculate conception, whereupon he
was condemned by the University and
by the Bishop of Paris, and though
he ajipealed to the Pope (or anti-Pope)
Clement VII., he did not dare to ai>pear,
and was condemned for contumacy. The
Fathers of the Council of Basle begged
Cardinal Torquemada (Tnrrecremata) to
prepare a treatise on the question, and so
he did ; but circumstances prevented him
from laying it before the council, and his
treatise, which was adverse to the doc-
trine, was practically unknown till it was
published by the Master of the Sacred
Palace with the consent of Paul III., then
Pope. The decree of Basle, which de-
fined that the doctrine asserting Mary's
immunity from original sin was " to be
approved, held, and embraced by all
Catholics, as being pious and consonant
to the worship of the Church, to Catholic
faith, right reason, and Holy Scripture,"
was passed in 1439, when the council
had become schismatical, so that it in no
way bound the consciences of Catholics.
It serves, however, to mark the general
feeling of the time ; and other signs of the
hold the doctrine had obtained are not
wanting. It was asserted at a provincial
synod in Avignon in 1457. Forty years
later the University of Paris required an
oath to defend the doctrine from all who
proceeded to the doctor's degree, and the
tenet was embraced with ardour by the
Carmelites, tlie different branches of the
Franciscan order, and by men of the
highest distinction among the secular
clergy.
The matter gave rise to keen discus-
sion at Trent, and although most of the
bishops held the doctrine, the council
contented itself with a declaration that
in defining the truth that the whole
human race fell under original sin it did
not intend to include in the decree " the
blessed and immaculate Virgin Mary,"
"nut desired that the Constitutions of
Sixtus IV. >liould be observed. These
Constitutions liad bfcn issued inl47i''and
in 14S3. In the former the Pope uraiUed
iiululi^.'uces to tliose who said the Mass
and office wl.lcli he had a])pi-ovfd for the
fea,st of the < "onception. In the latter he
condemned th.,se who accused persons
who celebrated the feast of mortal sin. or
those who maintained that the doctrine
itself was heretical. Pius V., in 1570,
t'orl>ade all discussion of the doctrine in
sermons, permittini;-, however, the ques-
tion to be handled in asM'uiblies of the
learned. Paul V., in 1017, prohibited
attacks on the doctrine in public as-
seni lilies of any kind, while Gregory XV.,
in KiL'l', stricth- forb.ide anyone to main-
tain, e\ en in private discussions, that the
Iilessed Virgin was conceived in original
sin. He made an exception, however, in
favour of the Dominicans, to whom he
granted leave to maintain their own
opinion in discussions held within their
own order, and he was careful to add
that he in no way meant to decide the
theological question, but, on the contrary,
forbade anyone to accuse those who
denied the immaculate conception of
heresy or mortal sin. Benedict XIV.,
writing about the middle of the last cen-
tury, sums up the whole state of the
que'stiou in his day thus : " The Church
inclines to the opinion of the immaculate
conception; but the Apostolic See has
not yet defined it as an article of faith."
So matters stood, when on February 1,
1849, Pius IX. wrote from Gaeta' to
the bishops of the Catholic world. He
asked them for an account of their own
opinion and of the feeling entertained in the
churches subject to them on the expe-
diency of defining the doctrine that the
Blessed Virgin was immaculate in her
conception. The Italian, Spanish, and
Portuguese bishops, about 490 in niunber,
were nearly unanimous in their wish for
the definition. On the other hand, there
were bishops of great eminence in France,
Germany, and Switzerland who were of
a ditlerent mind. Some of these last
thought that the doctrine was not promi-
nent enough in Scripture or tradition to
be made an article of faith ; others depre-
cated a definition which would put fresh
difficulties in the way of Protestants or
timid Catholics; others, again, were
afraid to pronounce at all on so hard a
matter. Nearly six years later the ques-
tion was closed. On December 8, 1854.
47l' immaculate COA"CErTION
IMMACULATE CONCErTION
Pius IX., in tbe presence of more than
200 bishops, issued his solemn definition
that the inniiaculute conception of Mary
"was a truth contained in ihf orifjinal
teachiufr of the Apostlf s and an article of
•divine faith. The definition w as accepted
by Gallicansas well as by Ultramontanes,
for it was notorious that the entire epis-
copate gave full assent to the doctrines
of the Papal bull. Indeed, the opposi-
tion made within the Church to the new
definition was of the most insignificant
kind.
3. The Doctrine in its relations to
Scripture and Tradition. — A Catholic is
bound to hold that the doctrine recently
defined was contained in tlie faith once
dehvered to the saints by the Apostles.
On the other hand, he is under no obliga-
tion of believing it possible to produce
cogent historical proof (over and above
the Church's decision) that the doctrine
was so contained. It is enough to show
that no decisive argument can be brought
against the Apostolic origin of the Church's
present belief,and there are at least probable
traces of its existence in the Church from
the earliest times. Petavius — ^.justl y, as we
think — dismisses many passages from the
Fathers, which have been cited in support
of the doctrine. He points out that if the
Fathets s])eak of Mary as " stainless," "in-
corrupt," "immaculate" (axpcifros, ("i(j)6ap-
), it by no means follows that
they believed her to have been con-
ceived immaculate. Still tradition does
supply solid arguments for the belief in
question.
First, from the earliest times and in
every part of the Cliurch, Mary in her office
at the Incarnation was compared and
contrasted with Eve before the fall. We
find the parallel between the two drawn
by Justin Martyr (" Trypho," 100), by
Irenseus (iii. .'!4, v. 19), by Tertullian
("De Carne Chri.sti," 17), 7Jot to speak of
later Fathers; indeed, tlie doctrine that
Mary is in some sense the second Eve is
a commonplace of jirimitive theology.
This comparison enters into the very
substance of the tlieology of St. Irenaeus.
He urges the parallel between Mary and
Eve, just as he insists on the resemblance
between Adam and Christ, the second
Adam. As Eve was married and yet a
vii-gin, so Mary, "having an appointed
husband, was yet a virgin." Eve listened
to the words of an angel : so also Mary.
Eve's disobedience was the cause of our
death: Mary, "being obedient, became
botli to herself and all mankind the cause
of salvation." " The knot of Eves dis-
obedience was loosed by Mary's obedience."
The Virgin Mary became " the advocate
of the virgin Eve." It is true that
-nhereas Eve of course was made im-
maculate, yet this is just tlie point where
Irenaeus fails to draw the parallel between
Eve and Mary. It must be remembered,
however, that in Irenaeus, as in the Ante-
Nicene Fathers generally, there is no
explicit statement of tlie doctrine of
original sin, so that we cannot expect an
explicit statement that ^lary was exempt
from it. There is further a presumption
that if IreiiiBus could have had the
question, '' AVas Mary conceived in sin?"
pro])osed to him he would have answered
in the negative. His whole theory of the
Incarnation tui-ns on the proposition,
" 3Ian could not break the bonds of sin,
because he was already bound fast by
them." He in Adam had been already
A\ orsted by the devil. When, therefore,
he tells us that Mary untied the knot of
Eve's disobedience, we may infer that
she never had been bound by it in her
own ])erson.
The tradition that Mary was the
second Eve was familiar to gxeat Fathers
of the later Church. But one of these,
St. E])hrem (a.d. 379), gives much more
explicit evidence — the most explicit evi-
dence, so far as we know, to be found in
patristic writings — of belief in the im-
maculate conception. Not many years
ago the famous Syriac scholar r>ickell
edited, with a Latin version of the Syriac,
the " Carmina Nisibena " of the saint.
There is no doubt as to the authenticity
of these poems. In hymn 27, strophe 8,
St. Ephrem speaks thus : " Truly it is
Thou and Thy mother only, who are fair
altogether. For in Thee there is no
stain, and in thy Mother no spot. But
my sons [i.e. the members of the Church
of Edessa] are far from resembling this
twofold fairness." Elsewhere Ephrem
places first among fallen men infants who
die in baptismal innocence; so that it
must be freedom from original not actual
sin which he ascribes to Mary. So
(ii. 327 a.), "Two were made simple,
innocent, perfectly like each other, Mary
and Eve, but allerwards one became the
cause of our death, the other of our Hfe."
It is most important to appreciate this
testimony at its real value. It is not
only or chiefly that it proves the existence
of the behef which we are discussing, in
the fouith century. This no doubt it
does, and it enables us summarily to
IMMACUT.ATE CO^■CEPTION
IMMACULATE COXCEPTION 473
ilismiss the confident assumption of many |
Protestant scholars that the belief arose
for the first time in the middle apes. But
besides and above this, St. Ephrem supplies
■lu authentic commentary on the meanintr
of the tradition that Mary was the second
Eve. e may well believe, considei nio
how early and in what various q>iarter# it
appears, that this tradition was Apostolic.
And just at the time when the doctrine j
of original sin becomes prominent in
Christian theology, St. Ephrem assumes
without doubt or question that this tra-
dition implies Mary's entire exemption
from the cause, and supplies us with
reasonable grounds for believing that the
doctrine of the immaculate conception is
coeval with the foundation of the Chris-
tian Church.
A word or two must be said about
St. Augustine. Undoubtedly his theory
on the transmission of original sin by the
act of generation drove him to believe
that Mary, being conceived in the ordi-
nary way, must have been conceived in
sin. So Petavius understands him, and
the Saint's own language seems to be
clear and decisive on this point. Thus
(" De Nuptiis et Concep." i. 12), he
teaches that all flesh bom " de concubitu "
is " fle^h of sin," and (" In Genesim ad
lit." X. 118) he expressly affirms that on \
this ground Mary's flesh was, while
Christ's waa not, " caropeccati." Again,
in " Contr. Julian,'' v. 15, his language
is still more definite, for he says that
original sin passes to the child from the ,
" concupiscentia " of the parents, and that
therefore original sin could not infect
the flesh of Christ, since his Virgin
Mother conceived Him without concu-
piscence It may, we think, be affirmed
without irreverence to so great a doctor,
that this language about siu passing to
the flesh involves confusion of thought,
and probably very few nowadays would
maintain that " concupiscentia" in itself
natural and innocent, though caused as a
matter of fact by the fall, can possibly be
the cause of original sin. ITie fact that
St. Augustine is driven to the position
he takes with regard to >rary by the exi-
gencies of a theological theory, probably
mistaken, and cei tainly never approved
by the Church, diminishes, if it does not
altogether destroy, the force of his testi-
mony. On the other hand, great weight
belongs to the testimony which St.
Augustine bears to the immaculate con-
ception, because in giving it he speaks,
not as a theologian, but as a Christian.
He is impelled in this latter case by
Catholic instinct and tradition, not by
any theory of his own. His testimony is
as follows. He is arguing (" De Natura
et Gratia," cap. 36) against the Pelagian
theory that some of the saints had been
wholly exempt from actual sin. He
denies the truth of the statement alto-
gether. All have sinned, " excepting the
holy Virgin Mary, concerning whom for
the honour of the Lord I would liave no
question raised in treating of sin. For
how do we know what excess of grace to
conquer sin on every side was bestowed
on her whose lot it was {qu(e meruit) to
conceive and bring fnrth Him who cer-
tainly had no sin ? " "\Ve fully admit that
it is actual, not original, siu which St.
Augustine is thinking of directly. But
on his own principles he was bound to
hold that exemption from nctual implied
freedom from original .\\. Thus he
asserts categorically (''Contr. Julian."
V. 15) that if Christ had been conceived
in sin, He must needs have committed
actual sin (" peccatum major fecisset, si
parvulus habuisset"). Let the reader
observe that this theory, unlike that
referred to above on the transmission of
sin, is supported by the tradition and
subsequent decision of the Church. It is
of course conceivable that Mary might
have been conceived in sin and then
enabled by a special and extraordinary
grace to avoid all actual trespass. In
any case we may safely say that St.
Augustine might easily have accepted
the Church's present doctrine. It would
have satisfied most fully this inclination
to believe that Mary " for the honour of
the Lord " was enabled to " overcome sin
on every side." The freedom from actual
would have followed suitably upon her
preservation from original sin, and the
progress of her life would have been
consonant with its beginning.
Finally, the rapid acceptance of the
doctrine within the Church, when once
it came under discussion, might of itself
dispose individual Christians to believe it
and prepare the way for definition. The
one positive objection was that if Mary
was conceived immaculate Christ could
not have been her Saviour and Redeemer.
"When once the truth was apprehended
that Mary's exemption from original sin
was due to the merits of her Divine Son,
and magnified instead of detracting from
them, the belief in this exemption grew
and spread throughout the Catholic
world. We cannot expect Protestants
474 IMMACUI,ATE CONCEPTION
LMMUNITY
to appreciate this argument. But to a
Catholic, who believes that the Holy
Spirit directs the ruitids of the faithful,
and Sj)ecially tlmse of the saints, the very
fact of the doctrine's acceptance afl'ords a
stronof jirt'sumption of its truth. He
■n-ould naturallj' be loath to believe that
God allowed the Christian people to
cling- so zealously to a doctrine which had
no solid foundation, and which, if untrue,
would be an error of a very serious kind.
He would recognise in the belief of so
many saints a judgment superior to his
own, and a {n'eater quickness to discover
the " analogy of the faith." The solemn
definition of the Church would but
enable him to hold with greater security
what he already held as a certain and
pious opinion.
(The evidence for and against the
doctrine is given by Petavius, " De In-
carnat." xiv. 2. PeiTone published his
treatise " De Immaculate B. V. M. Con-
ceptu : an dogmatico decreto definiri
possit," at Rome in 1858. Still better
known is the work of Passaglia, also at
that time a Jesuit, " De Immaculato B. V.
Conceptu," Eomse, 1854. A collection of
ancient documents relating to the doctrine
was made by a third Jesuit, Ballerini.)
im:niAcvi.ATE cosrcEPTzou',
FEAST or. The Greek emperor
Manuel Comnenus (died 1180), in a
Novello quoted by Balsamon, mentions
the feast of the Blessed Virgin's Concep-
tion as one to be observed by the people
on December 9. In the AVest it is kept
on December 8. England, it is said, was
the first among the countries of Western
Europe to keep this feast, and a Council
of London held in 1328 attributes its
introduction to St. Anselm ; but an
Epistle of the Saint which begins with a
formal notice on the subject is probably
spurious.
From England the celebration seems
to have passed to Normandy, and then
south to Lyons. St. Bernard reproved
the canons of that city for introducing a
custom which had not the .sanction of
the Roman Church. St. Buonaventura
(died 1274) (" In Lib. III. Sentent.'; d.
iii. qu. 1) mentions the custom of keeping
the feast, and says he does not dare
either to approve or disapprove it. It is
certain, however, that the feast had es-
tabli.-<hed itself in the calendar of the
Roman Church before the middle of the
fourteenth century. Sixtus IV., towards
the close of the fifteenth century, sanc-
tioned an office and Mass proper to the
day ; for which, however, a new office was
substituted by Pius V. Clement VIII.
made the feast a greater do\ible, Cleinent
IX. added an octave ; Clement XI. made
it a holiday of obligation. Under Pius IX.
the office was again changed, and the
feast w-as entitled that of the " Immacu-
late Conception of the Blessed Virgin
Mary." The present Pope raised it to a
double of the first class. (Benedict XIV.
" De Testis.")
XIVTMORTAXiZTV OF SOTTIi. [See
Soul.]
XIWIM[OVEABX.S. [See Fe.vsts.]
zmtlMCVII'ITY. Ecclesiastical im-
munity is defined to be " the right by
which churches and other sacred places,
as well as ecclesiastical persons and their
property, are free and discharged from
secular functions and burdens, and from
acts repugnant to the sanctity and reve-
rence which are due to them." ' It is of
three kinds — local, real, and personal. On
local immtmit}', which is of ecclesiastical
institution, see Sanctuary and Asylum.
Real immunity is the right whereby it is
claimed that the property of the Church
and the clergy are exempted from secular
jurisdiction and from all fiscal and other
burdens imposed by secular authority.
Personal immunity is the right of the
clergy to be exempted from all lay juris-
diction [see Jurisdiction].
The real and personal immunity of the
clergy are generally held by canonists to
be of divine right. Several passages are
adduced from the Old Testament, among
which the most .striking is 1 Esdr. vii. 24,
where the emperor Art ax erxes, addressing
tlirough E.=:dras the " keepers of the public
chest" beyond the river, gives them to
understand that "concerning all the
priests, and the Levites, and the singers,
and the porters, and the Nathinites, and
ministers of the house of this God," they,
the keepers, "have no authority to im-
pose toll or tribute or custom upon them."
The words of Christ (Matt. xvii. 24, 25)
form an important text bearing on the sub-
ject. Earthly kings exempt from tribute
their own children and their servants;
Christ, therefore, as the Son of God, is
rightfully exempt from the payment ol
the didrachma, which was destined for
the support of the divine worship in the
Temple. Moreover, the words " that we
may not scandalise them " show that
Peter and the other Apostles, as Ohrisfs
servants, are included under the same
exemption. In Peter it is held that the
' Ferraris, " Immun. Eccles." i. 4.
liirEDIMEXTS OF MARRIAGE 475
•clergT of the Catholic Chiirch of every
age is included by representation. Christ
and His servants the clergy are therefore
by right exempt from tax or tribute;
nevertheless, sooner than cause scandal by
availing Himself of this exemption, Christ
bade Peter pav the sum demanded for
them both ; and the pastors of the Church
have generally acted similarly in later
times.
Political reasoning on general grounds
might be employed in support of the claim
of the clerg}- to an exemption from taxa-
tion. As kings do not tax their o^^n
children, so Governments, in a natural
state of things, do not tax their own
servants or officials. The officials of a Go-
vernment constitute the agency by which
it fulfils its duty of protecting and re-
gulating society ; and taxes are raised in
order that it may have the means of sup-
porting these officials while so engaged.
To make the officials themselves pay taxes
is, theoretically, an absurdity ; it is giving
them money with one band and takin;r it
away with "the other; though of course
there may be sound reasons of practical
convenience why this should be done. So
it is with the Catholic clergy : regarding
them as the moral police of society, a wise
State would recognise them as its children
and its sei-vants, and assume that, as a
general rule, they would spend their own
money in such a way as to promote peace,
order and well-being more eflectually
than would be the result if the State were
to tax them to the same amount, and
spend the money for them.
The early history of clerical immunity
is given in great detail by Thomassin.'
Constantine exempted from all tribute his
private property and "ecclesias Catho-
licas"; he also ordered that no public
functions of a lay cliaracter should be
imposed on the bishops.- Constantius at
the beginning of his reign passed edicts
highly favourable to this immunity, but
revoked them after the Council of Arim-
inum (359), except in the case of clerics
who were very poor, and whose temporal
business was of trifling value. By a law
passed shortly before his death he replaced
things nearly on their old footing. These
vacillations in the policy of the emperors
were of continual occurrence ; thus while
Julian the Apostate abolished all clerical
immtmities, Valentinian restored them.
The great bishops of the fourth century
■took patiently the imperial demands on
1 III. i. 33-45.
» Euseb.
their temporalities, and complied with
them ; but on the spiritual side they wei-e
inflexible. Writing of his refusal to gi'ant
one of the Milan churches to the Arians,
at the request of Valentinian II., St.
Ambrose said, " If he asks for tribute, we
do not refuse it "We pay to Ca>sar
the things which are Cajsar',-*, and to God
the things which are God's. A church
belongs to God, and ought not certainly to
be assigned to Cssar." Thomassin argues
that St. Ambrose was quite aware that
immunity was the Church's right, but that
he preferred to pay taxes rather than
cause otfence. " Ambrose knew that
from Christ — the Chmvh — the Clergy —
tribute was not due, but yet was paid;
and paid all the more nobly because it
was not owed.''
In the feudal ages, when fiefs and
manors were granted to the Church to be
held on feudal terms, the question of
ecclesiastical immunities became much
comphcated. As a bishop who held a
fief under some secular prince had to do
homage to him for it, kneeling before him,
placing his hands between the lord's
bauds, and swearing to become his ■• man "
— a spectacle which moved grief and in-
dignation in the breast of many a zealous
pontiff and saint — so, as to all other ser-
vices (rent, corvees, troops, &c.) which
the vassal was hound to render to his lord
by the condition of his tenure, he could
not, if a churchman, plead the ecclesias-
tical immunity, though it still subsisted
in full force as to lauds held in frank
ahnoujne.
The Council of Trent' entreated all
Catholic princes not to allow their ser-
vants and officials to violate, through
cupidity or carelessness, " the immunity
of the Church and of ecclesiastical persons
which had been estabhshed by the ordi-
nance of God and canonical sanctions."
At the present day, through the continual
i encroachments of the lay power, immunity
\ as regards taxation exists nowhere in
Europe ; and even that shred of privilege
j by which the burden of military service
was taken ofl' the necks of aspirants for
the priesthood has been swept away by
the so-called Liberals in France and Italy.
(Ferraris, Immunitas Eccleiiastica \ Tho-
massin,""\ etuset Nova Eccl.Disciplina.")
ZiaPESIMEM'TS OF MASKZ-
ACS. The contract of marriage be-
tween certain persons and in certain
cases is null and void bv the law of God,
natural and revealed, bo far Protestants
1 Sess. XXV. De Kefonn. c20.
476 IMPEDIMENTS OF MARRIAGE
IMPEDIMENTS OF MARRIAGE
are at one with us, for they would not
dream of holding that marriage hetween
father and daughter or brother and sister
was vaUd. But Catholics further main-
tain with the Council of Trent (Sess. xxiv.
De Matrimon. can. 4) that the Church
may institute impediments which nullifj^
the contract of marriage. The principle
ou wliieli this tenet rests is a very simple
one. Marriage between baptised persons,
according to the Catholic doctrine, is a
sacrament, and therefore this contract
falls under ecclesiastical authority. Just
as the State may pronounce certain
natural contracts which are lawful in
themselves null and void— just as, for
example, it ma}' for the general good
nullify certain engagements made by
minors or at play, so the Church may
interfere with the freedom of the marriage
contract. The State, on the contrary,
hiis no power to nullify marriage, because
the sacrament of marriage does not fall
under civil jurisdiction, although as the
formalities of marriage affect the public
order, tlie Slate may regulate them— e.y.
provide that [ici sons about to be married
should have tln'ir names registered, Sic.
Impediments are of two kinds. They
may render marriage unlawful merely, in
which case they are called " mere impedi-
entia ; " or they may nullify it, in which
case they are known as " dirimentia."
We shall treat of these impediments as
settled by the existing law, adding his-
torical notices.
1. Impedimenta mere Imped lentia : —
(a) 7 i/)ie. The solemnities of Mar-
riage must not take place between Advent
Sunday and Epiphany, or between Ash
Wednesday and Liiw Sunday. So the
Council of Trent, Sess. xxiv. De Reform.
Matr. cap. 10. Marriage, solemnly cele-
brated, is forljidden in these times because
they should be devoted to penance or else
to a joy purely spiritual. Marriages in
Lent were generally prohibited in ancient
times : marriages in Advent and Christ-
mas time only in certain places, though
Gratian inserts this latter prohibition in
his "Decretum." Some provincial coun-
cils forbade marriage on Sundays, from
three days before the Ascension to the
first Sunday after Pentecost, &c.'
0) Ecclesiastical Prohibition. — This
includes the marriage of a Catholic with
a baptised person not a Catholic, which
marriage is valid, but, unless a dispen-
sation has been obtained, unlawful. Such
> See Chardon, Hist, des Sacr. torn, vi
** Mariage," c 3.
marriages are forbidden by the Councils
of Elvira (anno 306), cap. 16, and of
Laodicea, can. 10 and 31. The Council
of Chalcedon, can. 14, foi-bids "readers
and singers " (diniyvuxTTat koI yf/oKTal) to
marry an heretical girl. The reason of
this prohibition has always been the
same, viz. the danger that the children
will not be brought up Catholics [see
Mixed Maeriages]. Hence in some of
the rules just quoted exception is made
in favour of marriage with heretics who
promise to become Catholic. Marriages
without previous proclamation of bauna
are also forbidden by the Church.
(y) Simple vow of chastity, such as
is made privately or in congregations like
the Sisters of Mercy, &c., which are not
religious orders in the canonical sense.
(6) Previous engagement to another
person, unless the engagement has been
lawfully annulled — e.ff. by mutual con-
sent. This impediment, like (y), depends
on the natural law.
2. Diriment Impediments : —
(a) Error and cnnditio affecting the
substance of the contract. Thus a man
who goes through the form of marriage
with one woman, mistaking her for an-
other, really marries neither. This im-
pediment comes from the natural law.
If a person marries a slave unawares, the
marriage is null. For the Roman and
early Church law on this subject see
Diillinger, "Hippolytus and Callistus,"
Engl. Transl. p. 147.
(f3) Vows of chastity, if solemn, and
holy orders. The reader will find under
the article Celibacy an account of the
gradual process by which holy order
came to be a diriment impediment. The
ancient Church did not expressly distin-
guish between simple and solemn vows,
but Chardon quotes a letter of Pope
Innocent I. to Victricius of Rouen m
which a very similar distinction is recog-
nised. The Pope divides nuns who have
made the vows of continence into two
classes — viz. those who have and those
who have not received the veil publicly
from the Church. The former, if they
marry, he treats as unfaithful to Christ
their Spouse, and excludes from commu-
nion tiU the person they marry is dead.
On the latter he merely imposes penance
for a time. Moreover, the Synod of
Elvira, can. 13, forbids virgins conse-
crated to God, in case they break their
vow, to communicate, even on their
deathbeds, unless they have done penance
and ceased to cohabit (" abstineant a
IMPEDT^rENTS OF MARRIAGE IMPEDT:\IEXTS OF >rARPJAGE 477
coitu ").' So atrain the First Council of [
Toledo (anno 400), canon 16, only admits
a nun (" devota ") to penance if sepa-
rated from the man she has unlawfully
married (" caste vivere cceperit, recesserir
et poenituerit "). So the Second Synod
of t)rleans, canon 17, with respect to
deaconesses ; and many Other ancient
authorities. The TruUan Synod, canon
44, treats the marriage of a monk as an
act of unchastity.
(■y) Vdmnmiuinity and affinity. [See
the articles so entitled.]
(8) Public decorum (" publica hone.s-
tas"). If A is or has been betrothed to
B, A cannot validly marry a third person
related in the first degree of kindred to '
B. He cannot, e.g., marry B's mother,
daughter, or sister. A similar rule, of
course, binds B. So the Council of
Trent, for in the older canon law the
impediment from betrothal extended to
the fourth degree. Again, if A has been
married to H, but has not consummated
the marriage, he cannot marry afterwards
anyone related to B in the tirst, second,
third, or fourth degTee. This impediment
was adopted from the Roman law, and is
not referred to by the Fathers.
(e) Cnme. (1) Adultery between [
two persons accompanied by a promise of '
marriage when they are free to contract
it. (2) Successful conspiracy to murder
a husband or wife in order that the con-
spirators may marry. (3) Adultery and j
murder with the intention of marriage 1
combined, even if there be no conspiracy !
or previous promise of marriage, are
diriment impediments. Also from the i
Roman law.
(() Difference of relir/ion (" disparitas
cultus ") makes the marriage of a baptised .
and unbaptised person nuli. In the early j
Church, such unions, though often pro-
hibited, were not regarded as invalid, and
nearly all theologians, according to Char-
don, are agreed that custom only has
made the impediment a diriment one. {
(7) Grace fear, if unjustly caused with
a view of bringing marriage about. Pro-
bably this cause nullifies marriage by the
natural law.
{6) Another marriage tie still existing
("ligamen"). If one of the parties has
been previously married, there must be a
moral certainty that his or her previous
jiartner is dead. In any case in which
the priest or the parties themselves doubt,
1 Even then only in case this fall has been
a single act of we.ikness atoned for by a life-
long penance.
recourse must be had to the bi.sliop, who
will judge whether the moral certainty
e.xists.
(t) Defect of age. Boys cannot marry
before completing their fourteenth, girls
bef ire conipli'ting their twelfth, year,
"nisi nialitia suppleat tetatem."
(x) ( imn/i-stiiiif i/. No one doubts
that from the earlie-t times marriages,
wherever it was possible, were contracted
in the face of the Chureh ; indeed Tertul-
lian (" De Pudic." e. 4) tells us that mar-
riages contracted otherwise were thouglit
extremely disreputable. Chardon quotes
adeclaration of Charlemagne, C- 'it idaries
of French kings, and decrees Eastern
emperors, which prove that marriage
without the ecclesiastical cert-m^inies was
treated as absolutely null, and such was
the discipline both in East and West till
the twelfth century, for Ivo of Chartres
quotes the False Decretals to this effect.
But, soon after, the discipline changed
in the West. The validity of clandestine
marriag-es was fully recognised by the
Church, and the common opinion of the
mediaeval doctors made the essence of
marriage consist in the free consent of
the contracting persons. The Council of
Trent introduced a new condition for the
validity of the contract, and therefore of
the sacrament. It declared all marriages
null unless contracted before the parish
priest, or another priest approved by him
for the purpose, and two or three wit-
nesses. Hence, e.g., two persons marry-
ing in France merely before the magis-
trate are really not married at all. But
in order to avoid the difficulties which
would otherwise have arisen, the decree
of Trent was not promulgated in Great
Britain, Scandinavia, Denmark, several
German States— indeed, in Protestant
countries generally ; so that the marri-
ages of Protestants or Catholics made
before the Protestant clergyman or
magistrate or without any functionary
in these countries are valid. In 1741
Benedict XIV. declared clandestine mar-
riages in the Low Countries valid unless
each of the parties was Catholic. Pius
VI. in 1785 made a similar declaration
with regard to Ireland.'
(X) Irapotentia {antecedens et per-
petua).
1 As to the question whether clandestine
marriapies of Protestants are valid where the
Council of Trent has lieen proclaimed and not
restricted by any Papal declaration such as
those just quoted, see Ballerini on Gary, D«
1 Matrim.
478 IMPEDIMENTS OF MARRIAGE
IMPOSITION OF HANDS
(fj) Raptus. If a man carries off a
woman from one place to anotlier with
the view of marrj^ing her, the Church
nullities any marriafre between them so
long as the woman is in the man's power.
The impediment still exists even if the
woman consents to the marriage. The
Church will accept no proof of freedom
on the woman's part short of her removal
from her suitors power. Severe laws
were made against tbe crime of rapUis by
the Roman emperors, beginning with
Constantine. Justinian absolutely pro-
hibited marriage between the raptor and
the woman he had carried off. So did
Charlemagne in his Capitularies; and tlie
Greek Church maintained a similar disci-
pline. "It is," says Chardon, speaking
of the Western Church — " it is specially
in the ancient councils of France that
raptus has been expres.sly declared a
diriment impediment." The councils he
quotes range from the sixth to the eighth
century, and they certainly prohibit
subsequent marriage between the raptor
and his victim, though it maybe doubted
whether they meant to pronounce it null.
However, in the anarchy towards the
end of the ninth and during the tenth
centuries these canons fell into disuse.
Pope Lucius III. decided that when a
girl was carried off, her marriage with
the man who had seized her was valid,
provided she consented to it freely. Inno-
cent III. followed the same principles.
The Council of Trent introduced the
present rule at the request of the French
king. The reader will observe that it is
less strict than the prohibitions of the old
French canons. The Council of Trent
permits marriage between the raptor and
the raptee, provided the latter is out of
the former's power when she gives her
consent.
?>. Visprnsaf.ions from Impediments. —
If the impediments arise from the natural
or divine law, no human power can dis-
pense from them. The Po])e may dis-
pense from such as niv of ecclesiastical
origin; while bisliops in virtue of their
ordinary power can only set aside the
" ini]itMliniriita mere inijuMl l^ntia." Bi-
shops, liowcver, may olini dl.spense from
certain diriment im iiiint s as Apostolic
delegates. The tacilitv wiili which dis-
pensations are given has incieas(Hl enor-
mously since the thirteentli century.
Gregory the Great grantivl marriage dis-
pensations in favour of the I'Inglish who
were just converted to the faith. So
Gregory II. in favour of the Germans.
But in numerous instances dispensations,
such as would easily be granted nowa-
days to ordinary Catholics, were refused
even to crowned heads. It was in vain
that the Council of Trent tried to restore
the ancient rigour. (See Chardon, " Hist,
des Sacr.," and Gibert, "Histoire ou
Tradition de I'Eglise sur le Sacrement du
Mariage."
xivxPoszTzonr of haio'DS even
in the old dispensation (Gen. xlviii. 14,
Deut. xxxiv. D) symbolised the conveyance
of grace and power. The rite has been
retained under the new law, and in two
instances (the imposition of hands in
ordination and confirmation) it has re-
ceived a sacramental efficacy. The follow-
ing are the most noteworthy instances in
which the Church employs or once em-
ployed the rite.
(1) As Christ blessed the children,
laying his hands on them (Matt. xix. 1.3),
so the bishop laid his hands on the cate-
chumens as they made the first step to-
wards reception into the kingdom of God.
Thus Eusebius (" Vit. Constant." iv. 61,
where see the note of Valesius) tells us
that Constanl nil', w1ien prejiaring shortly
before his deatli for baptism, tirsl received
the imposition of hands accompanied with
prayer (jwv dia )(eip()6e(Ttas €v\!av rj^iuvro),
'\ This ceremony was repeated durinji- the
catechumen's course of preparation, at
the renunciation of the devil (Tertull.
i " De Coron." 3) and at the exorcisms
' (Orig. "In .Jos." Horn. xxiv. 1). Prolvahly
it is this imposition of hands which is
intended in can. 39 of the Council of
Elvira and can. 6 of the Council of Aries
(see Hefele, " Concil." i. p. 172 -teq.), and
it is still retained in our baptismal rite.
(2) As Christ laid iiis hands on the
sick, so did the Church's ministers (" Con-
[ stit. Ap." ii. 41, Cvprian, "De Laps."' 16)
I on those who were spiritually sick — viz.
on penitents. It is no longer the custom
to lay on hands in the sacrament of
penance, but it seems to have lasted till
some time after the Reformation, and is
still practised, if we have been rightly
j informed, by priests of the unreformed
; Carmelite order.
[ Hands were also laid on heretics when
reconciled to the Church. " Let no
I change be made," such are the words ol'
i Pope Stephen (apud C^-priaT), Ep. 174)
, " beyond the traditional usage of laying
liands on them unto penance. "
Imposition of hands was also used in
blessing marriages (Clem. Al. " Pted.'" iii.
11, p. 291, ed. Potter), in miraculous heal-
IKCARXATION
INCENSE
479
ing of the sick (Ireuseus, apu.d Euseb.
" H. E." V. 7), ill consecrating virgins
and ordaining deaconesses. These last
customs do not exist in the modern
Church, except that in the ceremonies
■which precede extreme unction the priest
holds his hand over the sick man.
The impcisition of hands in confirma-
tion and order is treated of in the articles
on these sacraments, but it may be con-
venient to notice here a rite which occurs
in the Roman Mass, just before the
consecration, though it does not, strictly
speaking, form part of our present sub-
ject, since it is an extension and not an
;mposition of hands. It is, however, con-
nected with au imposition of hands in the
old law. Then he who offered sacrifice
put his hand on the head of the victim
(see Levit. i. 4, iii. 2, 8, 13, iv. 5, 15),
whether the sacrifice was a holocaust,
eucharistic, or expiatory. This rite irrdi-
cated the " personal and intimate relation
between the wor.-liipper and the victim "
(Kalisch on Levit. i. p. 176). It is with
the same intention that the priest holds
his hands extended at the prayer " Hanc
igitur " over the gifts of bread and wine
" which are soon to be chanfjed into the
victim of our peace." The rite does not
appear to be ancient, for the Ordo Roma-
nus down to the fifteenth centui-y simply
prescribed the extension of the hands at
this prayer, and Le Brun (" ExpHe. de la
Messe," part iv. a. 5) does not seem to
have found our present rubric in any
missal older than 1481.
ISTCARN'ATZOXI'. The Catholic
doctrine of the Incarnation has been al-
ready explained under the word Christ.
Here we confine ourselves to an account
of the word and its .synonyms.
The history of the word and its sy-
nonyms is given witii great fulness by
Petavius, " De Incarnat." ii. 1. In St.
John's gospel we are told that the Word
" was made flesh," where, as Maldonatus
remarks, " flesh " (like the Hebrew
: e.g. in Gen. vi. 12, "all flesh had
corrupted its way '') is only another word
for " man," though the word ia fitly
chosen to mark the extreme condescension
of God the Word. St. Justin, " Apol." i.
61, combines the two words '' became
flesh " into the single verb " flesh-made '
{a-apKOTToirjdeis ') ; while in the Latin
version of Irenaiu.s, v. 1, :i, we meet with
the technical term which has been so
familiar ever since, viz. Incarnation (in-
Cf. aapKuBivra in the Xicene Creed.
camatio). The Greek Fathers use a word
nearly equivalent, viz. aupKoxris. They
also employ evavOpanrrjo-is, " being made
man," for which !St. Ambrose has the
word hu7nanatio, in order to express the
truth that the Word took perfect human
nature, that He had a human intelligence
as well as a human body and animal .-oul,
and so to exclude the heresy of ApoUiuaris.
The Fathers also use other words which
are less plain and explicit. Most com-
monly they call the Incarnation the "eco-
nomy " {oiKovofila), meaning that Christ
took flesh in order to proiid'- for our
salvation. They often substitute for the
bare word " economy " fuller expressions,
such as " the economy according to the
rte^h," " according to man," and the like.
They also speak of the Iiu-arnation as the
" condescension " {avyKaTa,-ia(Tis), tiie
" taking," " assuming," " clothin": Him.^elf
in flesh," as the " minghng " (viz. of the
two natures), incorporation {incorporatio) ;
&c. &c.
IWCEirSE. It is certain from Ter-
tullian, " Apol." 42, and from many other
early writers down to St. Augustine, that
the religious use of incense was unknown
iir the primitive Church. Le Brun quotes
St. .\mbrose to prove that incense was
used in the churches of his day, but the
quotation can scarcely be said to prove
the point. On the other hand, Dionysius
the Areopagite — whose works were first
quoted in 532, but may have been written
a good deal earlier — distinctly mentions
("Ilierarch. Eccles." iii. § 2) the censing
of the altar by the chief priest. The use
of incense is also mentioned in the first
Ordo Romanus, which may belong to the
I seventh century, and in the liturgies which
go by the names of St. James, St. Basiil,
I and St. Chry.sostom. Possibly also the
fourth {al. third) canon of the Apo>tles,
which forbids anytliing to be placed on
i the altar at the oblation except " oil for
the lamp and incense," may refer to the
incense as liturgically used. If so, we
should be justified with Le Brun in sup-
posing that incense was introduced into
the Church services when the persecution
of the heathen ceased and the splendour
of churches and ritual began.
Some authors believe that incense was
at first introduced to sweeten the air, and
certainly a "Benediction of Incense" used
in the time of Charlemagne and given by
Martene points in this direction. But the
mystical significations of incense are ob-
vious. It symbolises the zeal with which
the faithful should be consumed; the good
480 rXCLUSI, IXCLUSyE
INDEX
odour of Christian virtue ; the ascent of
jira^er to God (Ps. cxl. 2). It is used
before the introit, at the gospel, offertory
and elevation in High Mass ; at the
MaLHiificat in vepper^ ; at funerals, &c.
ZM'CX.VSX, iNClATSm. Recluses,
men and women. A monk or nun might,
with the permission of the superior, be
shut up permanently in a cell, either near
to nr within the precincts of the monas-
tery, whence he or she could not come
forth but by licence of the bishop. Cas-
.•sian describes the inclusi of his day ; as a
class, they were not then held in great
esteem. The manner of life of a female
recluse in the twelfth century may be
cli-arly seen from the treatise " De Insti-
tutione Inclusarum," ' ascribed to St.
Ailred of llievauI.T. The writer addresses
hiii counsels to his own sister, who had
retired into a cell ; he earnestly warns
her to shun idlene.ss and frivolous con-
versation ; from the general tone of his
remarks it is plain that the life of a
female recluse was beset by gi-eat and
peculiar dangers and temptations. (Du-
cange, Inclusi.)
ZNDSX OF PROKZBZTED
BOOKS. Since the dawn of civilisation,
the perception of the influence for good
or evil exerted by books has induced the
authorities of every strongly constituted
State to control their circulation. Not
to search for other instances, the speech
which Livy^ puts in the mouth of the
consul Postumius (B.C. 186) shows the
sternness of Roman feeling on the subject.
Addressing the assembled people in the
t'orum, and about to denounce the foul
Racchic rites of which he had discovered
the trace, " How often," he says, " in the
time of our lathers and grandfathers, was
the duty imposed on the magistrates of
forbidfliiig the practice of foreign rites;
of driving away [foreign] priests and
prophets from every corner of the city; of
senrchinfj for and burning books of magic ;
of putting a stop to every system of
sacrificing that was not according to the
custom of Rome ! " In Christian times
the danger of bad b loks was recognised
from the fir.~.t. The coinert.s at Epliesus
(Acts xix. 19) voluntarily brought their
miigiral blinks to St. Paul and cii-t them
into the flames. One of the Aihi^Im],,-
Caiiniis (Ix.) ordei-s the deposition i.l' any
one in the ranks of the clergy who .'•Ininid
pn])lish in the Church as Imly "the falsely
inscribed books of the impious.'' Ihe
» Printed in Milne's Palnilocjia, vol. xxxii.
* Book x.xxix. c. IG.
practice of the primitive Church in con-
demning and suppressing heretical or
dangerous books was uniform. The
erroneous writings of Origen were brought
to the Roman Pontiff", Pontianus, to be
condemned by him ; Leo the Great by
letter suppressed and prohibited the books
of the Priscillianists.' Descending to the
middle a^res we find Leo IX. in a synod
at Vercelli (1050) condemning and order-
ing to be burnt the writings of Erigena
and Berengarius on the Eucharist.^ The
Council of Constance (1415) ordered all
the books of John Huss to be publicly
■ burnt at the council, and that all bishops
should make diligent search for copies and
burn them wherever found. Leo X. in
the bull E.isnrge, Domine (1520), con-
demned the earlier heretical writings of
Luther. The invention of printing, and
the extension of facilities of communica-
tion between State and State, made it
evident to the hierarchy that if the
I influence of books was to be kept under
control, new methods must be adopted.
j When copies of books were slowly mul-
! tiplied by the labour of scribes, it was
sufficient to await their publication before
examining them, and trust to being able,
if they were to be suppressed, to call in,
get bold of, and cancel the few copies in
circulation. But when the printing-press
could turn out a thousand copies of a work
in a few days, everything was changed.
It then became necessary that the books
should be examined before they were
printed ; censors were appointed, and a
I system of licensing came into force. " The
I first known instance of the regular ap-
pointment of a censor on books is in the
mandate of Bertliold, archbishop of Mentz,.
in 1486; " and a few yens later, in 1501,.
"a bull of Alexander VI., reciting that
many pernicious books had been printed
in various parts of the world, and espe-
cially in the provinces of Mentz, Cologne,
Treves, and Magdeburg, forbade all
printers in these provinces to publish any
book without the licence of the arch-
bishops or their officials."'
In the movement of what is called the
Reformation, a deluge of books containing
doctrine more or le.ss erroneous wa.s
' poun d over Kumjie, and it became evident
tlial if l)ook-e'lers were to know with
certalntv what they might sell, and the
Christian faithful what they might read,
it would not do to trust to an "im-
1 Floiirv, xxvii. 10.
» lhi<l. iix. G!>.
S Ilall.nn, IM. vf Europe, i. 254.
iXDEX
INDEX
481
priiuatur " on the title-page, -which might
be forged, or come from Protestant censors;
but that a list or catalogue of books con-
demued by the Church must be drawn up
and published. The matter was taken up
by the Council of Trent (sess. xviii.), which
appointed a commission of some of its
members to collect and examine the cen-
sures already issued, and consider and
report on the steps which it was advisable
to take about books generally. This
commission compiled an Index of Pro-
hibited Books accordingly, but the council
in its last session (I5G.3), finding that from
the multiplicity of details it was not de-
sirable to frame any couciliar decision, re-
mitted the whole matter to the Pope. In
conformity wii h this reference, St. Pius V.,
a few years later, erected the Sacred Con-
gregation of the Index, with a Dominican
friar for its secretary. Sixtus V. con-
tirmed and enlarged their powers.
" The Congregation of the Index of
Prohibited Books consists of a competent
number of Cardinals, accordingto the good
pleasure of the Pope, and has a secretary
taken from the Order of Preachers, and a
great number of theological and other
professors who are called Consultors, the
chief of whom is the Master of the Apo-
stolic Palace 'Ctria Eomaxa], the primary
and official Consultor of this Congrega-
tion.'" '
A Constitution of Benedict XIV.
(1753) gives minute instructions as to the
principles and methods to be observed by
the Congregation in its work of examining
and judging books. Some idea of these
principles may be gained from the follow-
ing paragraph. " Let tiiemknow thatthey
must juHge of the various opinions and
sentiments in any book that comes before
them, with minds absolutely free from
prejudice. Let them, therefore, dismiss
patriotic leanings, family affections, the
predilections of school, the espril de corps
of an institute ; let them put away the
zeal of party ; let thnm simply keep be-
fore their eyes the decisions of Holy
Church, and the common doctrine of
Catholics, which is contained in the de-
crees of Oeneral Councils, the Constitutions
of the Roman Pontiffs, and the consent of
oi tiiodox Fathers and Doctors ; bearing this
in mind, moreover, that there are not a
few opinions which appear to one school,
institute, or nation to be unquestionably
certain, yet nevertheless are rejected and
impugned, and their contradictories main-
• "(erraris, " Congre^'ationes."
tained, by other Catholics, without harm
to faith and religion — all this being with
the knowledge and permission of the
Apostolic See, which leaves every parti-
cular opinion of this kind in its own de-
gree of probability."
Numerous editions of the Index have
appeared from time to time. That issued
under Benedict XIV. (Rome, 17-44) con-
tains between nine and ten th ousand
entries of books and authors,alpl)al>'tically
arranged; of these about one-third are
cross-references. Prefixed to it are the
ten rules sanctioned by the Council of
Trent, of which the tenor is as follows.
The first rule orders that all books con-
demned by Popes or General Councils be-
fore 1515, which were not contained in
that Index, should be reputed to be con-
demned in such sort as they were formerly
condemned. The St^cond rule prohibits all
the works of heresiarchs, such as Luther
and Calvin, and those works by heretical
authors which treat of religion ; their
other works to be allowed after e.xamina-
tion. The third and fourth rules relate to
versions of the Scripture, and define the
classes of persons to whom the reading
of the Bible in the vulgar tongue may be
permitted. The tifth allows the circula-
tion, after expurgatioi), of lexicons and
other works of reference compiled by
heretics. The sixth relate.- to books of
controversy. Ttie seventli .triers ihat all
obscene books be absolutely pnihil.ited,
except ancient books written by lieatliens,
which were tolerated " propter sermouis
elegantiam et proprietatem," but were not
to be used in teaching boys. The eighth
rule is upon methods of expurgation.
The ninth prohibits books of magic and
judicial astrology; but "theories and
natural observations published for the sake
of furthering navigation, a;jfriciilture, or
the medical art are permitted." Tlie tenth
relates to printing, introducing, having,
and circula'ing books. Persons reading
prohilited books incur excommunication
forthwith {statim).
Luther, Calvin, Melanchthon,Cranmer,
Jewel, &c., are named as in the first class
— 1.^. as heresiarchs. Among books of more
or le.ss note are named the Hialogo of
(ralileo, the Satire Metiippde, the Anti-
Coton, and the Augiixtimix of Jansenius.
Among the English authors whose works
are prohibited occur the names of James
I., Barclay, Lusher ; bishops Sanderson,
Bull, and Pearson ; Cave and Hobbes ; but
not Hooker, nor Milton, nor Chillingworth,
nor Bunyan, nor Swift.
1 1
482
INDICTION
IKDULGENCE
ZSTDZCTION'. A fiscal term, mean-
ing the proclamiition of a tax, " quicquid
in prjestationem indicitur." After the
reorganisation of the empire under Dio-
cletian and Constantine, it was customary
to proclaim the taxes yearly, and the
name of the notice thus given, indictio,
was transferri'd to the year itself. Every
fifteen yeais there was a re-vuhiatiou of
property, which would lead to material
alterations in the terms of the tax-notices.
To one of the.se quindecennial periods the
name of " circle of indictions," and then
briefly " indiction " was given. This
came to be used as a means of denoting
the date of a transaction ; a thing was
said to happen " indictione V." or " X." —
that is, in the fifth or tenth year of the
circle of indictions then current. Of
course the denotation of time was in-
complete, for it included no statement of
the number of such circles which had
elapsed since the epoch from which the
computation started. This mode of
reckoning the years, which makes its
appearance about the middle of the
fourth century, continued to be used even
into the middle ages, after all notions
connecting it with taxation had dis-
appeared. The first indiction is sup-
posed to have commenced on September
24, 312, on which day Constantine gained
a great victory over Maxentius. The
rule for finding the indiction of any year
is as follows : to the given year a.d.,
reckoning it to commence on January 1,
add 3 ; divide the amount by 15 ; the
remainder is the number of the indiction ;
if there is no remainder, the indiction is
15. The number 3 must be added, in
order to make the portion of the date
A.D. which is anterior to the commence-
ment of the indictions (312 years)
divisible by 15 equally with the portion
subsequent to that date. Suppose we
wish to know the indiction of A.D. 595,
the year in which Pope Gregory des-
patched St. Augustine to Britain ;
= 39, with rem. 13: the in-
15 '
diction number for this year is therefore
l:^.. "Indict. XV." applies only to the
portion of the year from January 1 to
September 24 ; from the latter date to
the end of the year it is Indict. I.
XN'DUXiGEN'CE. Indulycntia is a
technical term in the Roman law, mean-
ing amnesty or pardon ; and in much the
same sense it occurs in the Latin of the
Vul'i-ate, where it is synonymous with
remiasio, as may be seen by comparing
Isa. Ixi. 1 with Luke iv. 18. In the
language of the Church it has acquired a
much more definite and restricted mean-
ing, and an indulgence in the theological
sense of the word is defined by Amort in
his classical work on the subject, as " a
remission of the punishment which is still
due to sin after sacramental absolution,
this remission being valid in the court of
conscience and before God, and being
made by an application of the treasure
of the Church on the part of a lawful
superior."
I. The Catholic Doctrine on Indul-
gences, as given in the preceding defini-
tion, implies several points of Catholic
belief which need elucidation.
(a) An indulgence does not remit
either the guilt or the eternal punishment
of sin, much less are the authorities of
the Church wicked and blasphemous
enough to give permission to commit sin
for the future. The guilt of sin is for-
given chiefly by the sacraments of bap-
tism and penance, and even these are of
no avail unless the sinner turns to God
, with sincere and supernatural sorrow and
with firm purpose of amendment. An
I indulgence cannot be obtained for unfor-
given sin. Before anyone can obtain for
himself the benefit of an indulgence tlie
guilt must have been washed away and
the eternal punishment, if his sin has
been mortal, must have been forgiven.
Thus, instead of being an encouragement
to sin, the desire to obtain an indulgence
is a powerful motive to repentance. If
I the phrase "remission of sin'' occurs in
the grant of an indulgence, the Church,
after the example of Scripture (e.g. 1 Pet.
ii. 2-1), uses the word to denote the re-
mission of punishment. Benedict XIV.
("De Syn. Dioec." xiii. 18, 7) holds that
indulgences granted "from puni.shment
and guilt "("apoenaet culpa") are spurious.
Others (seeFerraris," Prompt. Bibliothec."
art. Indulgentid) understand the form
as conveying to the confessor power to
absolve sacramentally from reserved cases.
(/3) Even when the guilt of sin and
the eternal punishment sometimes due to
it have been removed by repentance and
absolution, a temporal punishment may
still remain. Even after Nathan tol3
David his sin was forgiven, it was never-
theless punished by the death of his
child. Baptism, it is true, annuls both
the guilt and all the penalty due to sLn.
The absolution accorded in the sacrament
of penance is less efficacious (ConcQ. Trid.
sess. xiv. De Pcen. can. 15). St. Paul
rNTULGEXCE
IKDULGEXCE 483
made the incestuous Corinthian suffer
in this world that his soul might be saved.
The Church of all ages in giving sacra-
mental absolution has imposed penances
on the sinner. Usually speaking, the
sacnimental penance, at least in the pre-
sent mild discipline of the Church, leaves
a debt of temporal punishment, and this
debt is cleared by grant of an indulgence.
The grant of this indulgence is an act of
jurisdiction, not of order, and it is quite
distinct from sacramental absolution.
Of course, this indulgence cannot free
the repentant sinner from temporal
punishments involved in the very fact of
repentance — e.g. from restoring stolen
goods, retracting calumnies, taking the
necessary means, however painful, to
avoid future falls; or, again, from the
natural consequences of sin, such as
shame, sickness, and the like. Nor, again,
does the Church ever excuse a sinner
from all sacramental penance ; nay, more,
a person most enlightened on the real
value of indulgences, and most eager to
gain them, is of all others the most likely
to afflict himself with voluntary morti-
tications, recognising in them powerful
helps to overcome himself, to obtain that
perfect aversion even from the shghtest
sin which is required before a plenary
indulgence can be gained, and to avoid
future falls. Heaven helps those who
help themselves. We have seen that
indulgences are a powerful incentive to
repentance; now we see that they en-
courage strictness of life and, indeed, all
Christian virtue.
(•y) Indulgences are not merely a re-
mission of canonical penances (this error
is condemned by the Church, Thes.
Lutheri, prop. 19; Synod. Pistoi. prop.
40), but they also avail before the justice
of God. Otherw ise, as- St. Thomas argues
("Suppl." qu. XXV. a. 1), the indulgence
would be a loss and not a gain, and the
Church would excuse her chilciren from
canonical penances, and abandon them to
more grievous sufferings in Purgatory.
The error of Luther and the Jansenist
Synod of Pistoia on this part of the sul>-
ject really springs from misconceiving
the nature of canonical penance. This
will appear more fully when we discuss
the history of iiululgences. Here it is
enough to say that just as in imposing
canonical perance the Church acts in the
name of God and exercises a power of
binding given by Him for the profit of
souls, 80 in remitting it she exercises a
power of loosing by the same divine
authority. The power of the keys (Matt,
xvi. 19, xviii. 18; cf. John xx'. 22, 28)
enables her not only to forgive sins, but
to open the Idngdom of heaven. Thus
St. Paul (1 Cor. V. 4) imposed penance
" with the power of the Lord Jesus " and
relaxed it (2 Cor. ii. 10) " in the person
of Christ." Penalty so relaxed was no
longer due, either here or hereafter, so
tliat the doctrine of indulgences exhibits
at once the justice of God and His infinite
mercy.
(5) An indulgence does not only re-
mit, but also satisfies the justice of God
foi-, the temporal punishment of sm. The
Church has recourse to the infinite merits
of Christ, which suflice to satisfy for all
guilt and all penalty, and to tlic nit'rit>of
saints who lia\ .' I'-in' ] iMKmce m.ir.- than
sufficient to paythi- t.-nijioial juniMuiient
due to their own sins. Thi-y obtained an
abundant reward for their own good
deeds, but many of their actions had a
penitential character which availed for
others if not needed for themselves.
Theologians fxpn-ss this characteristic of
an indulgence when they say it is -^olutio
as well as rilninliifii,. l)oth payment and
remission; or, again, that it is "a juridi-
cal absolution," including a payment of
the del)t from the treasure of the merits
of Christ and the saints.
We may end this explanation by
quoting the words of the council, which
anathematises those who "assert that
they [indulgences] are useless, or deny
that the power to grant them exists in
the Church."
II. The History of Indulgmces con-
firms the teaching of the pre-ent Churcli,
because it shows that the difierence be-
tween ancient and modem practice is to
be explained by change of circumstances,
not of principle.
(a) In primitive times many years of
heavy penance were exacted for great
sins, but these penances were curtailed if
the penitent had displayed great contri-
tion (Cyprian, Epp. 15-17, and .3.3), and
this indulgence was usually granted wlien
persecution was impending or bogim
(Cyprian, Ep. 57, 7). We read of one
case (Euseb. "H. E.'* v. 32) in which the
canonical penance, which had, as a rule,
to be performed before absolution, was
wholly remitted. The way in which
this indulgence was most commonly
granted deserves particular notice. A
confessor in prison and expectinjr death
for Christ, sent a letter of peace ("libellus
pacis ") to the bishop in favour of some
1 i2
484 INDULGENCE
INDULGENCE
brother who was under penance — e.g. for
apostasy — and the bishop, if satisfied of
liis contrition, restored him to the peace
of the Church (see Cyprian, Epp. 15-17,
and 33). Here we have the modern
doctrine of indulgence in full operation
among the Christians of the third cen-
tury. We find the behef in the "treasure
of merits," for Tertullian (" De Pud." 22),
when he had become a Montanist, re-
proaches the Catliolic Church on this
very ground. " You give," he says,
"even your martyrs this power. Who
permits man to grant the things which
must be reserved for God ? Who pays
for another's deatli" {i.e. the death due
to sin) "save. only the Son of God?"
The indulgence was given by ecclesi-
astical authority, as has been already
shown. Lastly, it availed before God,
and was no mere remission of canonical
penance. For Cyprian (Ep. 18) speaks
of those " who have received letters from
the martyrs, and can be assisted by this
prerogative before God." " He [tlio
Lord] can mercifully pardon him who
repents, labours, prays ; He can set down
to his account whatever the martyrs have
asked, and the bishops (sacerdotes) have
done for such persons" ("De Laps." .3G).
No modern theologian could put the
Church's doctrine better.
(3) From the Seventh Century to the
Crusndes. — As public was gradually re-
placed by private penance (though ca-
nonical penance was still very severe),
indulgences were often gi-arited in the form
of commutation — i.e. a lesser work was
supplemented from the " treasure of
merits" and made equivalent to a greater
one. Alms to churches, monasteries, or
the poor, the pilgrimages — greatly in
vogue from the tenth century onwards —
to Jerusal(>iTi, Rome, and Compostella,
were substituted for so many days, years,
&c., of canonical penance. This commu-
tation is said to have begun in England
and then to have spread south ; and we
may notice here the origin of the termin-
ology still in use, when indulgences are
granted for forty days, seven years, &c.
After the eb'venth century j)l<'uary in-
dulgences, though rare, are met with.
Thus Urban II., in the famous assembly
at Clermont to promote the Crusades,
gave a plenary indulgence to the Cru-
saders ("iter illud pro omni pcenitentia
reputetur ") by the authority of St. Peter
and St. Paul. At the First General
Council of Lyons, Innocent IV. gave a
plenary indulgence to those who went on
the Crusade at their own cost, provided
they were contrite for their sins ; and an
indulgence proportioned to their zeal to
those who helped the Crusaders by money
or advice.
(•y) Later History of Indulgevces. —
The period of the Crusades marks a
turning-]TOint in the history of indul-
gences, for they were given more and
more freely from that time onwards. In
the first place it is to be noted that in-
dulgences were g^ven for wars analogous
to the Crusades. For example, at the
Council of Siena, in 1425, a plenary in-
dulgence was offered to those who took
arms against the Hussites; while wars
against the Waldenses, Albigenses,
Moors and Turks were stimulated by
the same means. From the eleventh
century indulgences were given at the
dedication of churches and on the anni-
versaries of such dedications. Innocent III.
in 1215, at the Fourth Lateran Council,
limited these spiritual favours to the
grant of a year's indulgence at the dedi-
cation and one of forty days at the anni-
versary. The great indulgence of the
jubilee wasglvenfirst in l."500. Urban IV.,
iMartin V., Eugenius IV., granted indul-
gences to those who assisted at the
divine office on Corpus Christi. The
canonisation of saints was accompanied
by grants of indulgence, the first known
instance being an indulgence given by
Ilonorius III. at the canonisation of
Lawrence, Archbishop of Dublin. Since
the Dominicans made the use of the
rosary, and the Franciscans that of the
crucifix, popular in the Church, it became
customary to attach indulgences to such
objects of devotion, and at last indul-
gences were so freely given that there is
now scarcely a devotion or good work of
any kind for which they may not be
obtained. This common use of indul-
gences led theologians to draw out more
fully the theory on ^^-hich the doctrine of
indulgences rests, and thus, just at the
beginning of the eleventh century, the
phrase " treasure of merits" occurs. The
attacks of Wiclif, Huss, Luther, and the
Jansenists served to develop the teaching
of the Church on this head still more
perfectly. The Council of Ti-ent, how^-
ever, energetically prohibited the "dis-
reputable gains" made from those who
desired to obtain indulgences ("pravos
quffistus pro his consequendis "), "from
which a most plentiful cause of abuses
had flowed into Christian nations (Sess.
XXV. Decret. de Indulg.).
INDTLGEXCE
IXDULGEXCE
485
III. Application of Indulgences to the ]
Dead. — In the ninth century Pascal I. and
John VIII. bestowed such indul<:ences on
the souls of tho.-e who had fallen figliting
for the Church, and it is evident from the
language of St. Thomas (" Suppl. 'qu.bcxi.
a. 10) that such indulgences were common
in his day. No doctrinal difficulty will
he felt on the matter if the real intention
of the Church l)e apprehended. Sixtus '
IV., in his Constitution of Nov. 27, 1477,
lays down the priuciple that indulgences
of this kind are only given " by way of
suffrage." His meaning is that the
Church has no direct power over the
souls of the departed. She can but
humbly entreat God to accept the merits
of Christ, and, ha\ing respect to them,
mercifully to remit the whole or a portion
of the pains due to the souls suffering in ;
Purgatory. The Church has reprobated
the error of those who maintained that
indultrences could not profit the dead
(Prop. Lutheri, Prop. 22 ; Synod. Pistoi.
Prop. 42).
IV. Indulgences may be given by the
Pope throughout the Church ; by primates,
metropolitaus, and bishops within the
limits of their jurisdiction. By bishop
must be understood a bishop actually
ruling a diocese ; bishops in partibus,
and even coadjutors with the right of
succession, have no such power; nor
again have vicars general or capitular,
abbots, generals of orders, &c., &c. The
power, however, may be delegated to any
cleric. Moreover, the Fourth Lateran
Council, can. 62, confined the bishop's
power in the matter to an indulgence of
a year at the dedication of a church, and
of forty days on other occasions. Nor
can a bishop add another forty days for
an indulgence already given for the same
good work by his predecessor (see the
decree of Clement IX., Nov. 20, ICRS).
Archbishops may give the same indul-
gences as bishops, not only in their own
dioceses, but also in those of their suf-
fragans, and tliis even if they are not en-
gaged in visitation (cap. '• Xostro ; De Poen.
€t Rem.," V. 38). Cardinals, even if not
bishops, may give an indulgence of 100
days in their titular churches ; the Great
Penitentiary exercises the same power ;
while legates and nuncios may give an
indulgence of 100 days and more (not,
however, of a year) within tlie terri-
tories committed to their care, and may
also graut an indulgence of seven years
and seven periods of forty days to those
who visit a particular church or chapel,
provided they worthily confe.«s and com-
municate and pray .according to the
intention of the Pope. .\11 persons who
grant indulgences are bound to do so only
for reasonable causes, and to take care
that there is some proportion between
the work done or at least between the
object in view and the grace accorded.
Thus the Council of Constance ordeis
persons suspected of heresy to be asked
" if they believe line Roman bishops can
grant indulgences for reasonable causes."
V. The conditions on which indul-
gences may be obtained are that the per-
son desirous of gaining them be a member
of the Church ; that he should perform
the good work exactly as prescribed ; and
that he should be, at least before con-
cluding the work prescribed, in a state of
grace. Whether this last condition is
necessary to obtain indulirenees for the
dead is uncertain; it can Imrdly be s.i in
the case of indulgences applicable only to
the dead — e.g. in thecaseof aRe(j^uieni Mass
at a privileged altar. In order to sain
the whole of a plenary indulgence it is
ftu'ther necessary to detest and have the
purpose of avoidintr so far as possible
even the least venial sin. If an iinlul-
gence is granted for a particular day, the
day is reckoned from midnight to mid-
night, unless the day be a feast with
a vigil, for then the time for gainini;- the
indulgence extends from first U> secjnd
vespers. For plenary indulgences, it is
usual to prescribe confession, communion,
and prayer for the Pope's intention.
Those who are accustomed to confess
every eight days may, without further
confession, gain all indulgences which
are offered during the week. Communion
may be made the day before the feast on
which the indulgence is given. Five
Paters and Aves for the Pope's intention
are considered sufficient. No indulgence
can be gained for a work already com-
manded.
VI. Divtsioti.i of Indulgences. — Plenary
remit all, partial a portion, of the tem-
poral punishment due to sin— e.^. an
indulgence of forty days, as much as
would have been atoned for by forty
daysof canonical penance. " Indulgenti;e
pleniores"' convey to the confessor fiiculties
to absolve from reserved cases : " plenissi-
mae" further faculties to commute vows.
Indulgences may be temporal — ».e. granted
only for a time ; or again perpetual or
indefinite, which last till revoked. V.ven
indulgences granted by delegated power
continue in force after the death of the
4S6
lyDULGEXCE
lyDULGEXCE
cleric who bestows them. If a feast on
which an indnlprence is g-iven is trans-
ferred, the iiidiilgence remains attached
to I lie orin-inal day, unless the celebration
in furo — i.e. the abstinence from servile
work, &c. — is transferred also. Personal
indulgences are those granted to par-
ticular person? — e.g. to an order, confra-
teriiitv. Local indulgences may be gained
only in a particular ]il;ice. Supposing a
church is pulled down to be re-erected
under the same title, or if it is replaced
under competent authority by a church
with the same title in another place, the
indulgences may be L'ained in the new
building. But a church which pos-
sessed indulgences as the church of a
religious order, forfeits them if it passes
into the hands of seculars; however,
French churches which belonged to
Franciscans before 1789 and are now
Franciscan no longer, still have the in-
dulgence of Portiuncula. Real indul-
gences are those attached to crucifixes,
medals, &c. It is only the original owner
of these objects {i.e. the first owner after
the indulgence was attached) who can
gain the indulgences, and the indulgence
is lost if the object is sold or given away.
A person, however, may get objects in-
dulgenced with a view of distributing
them to others. In that case the indul-
gences remain good, even if they pass
through the hands of any number of
persons, provided that they have not been
appropriated to use by the intermediate
per.sons. The owner must have the object
with him, though not necessarily in his
hands, unless this condition is expressed in
the grant. A rosary may be restrung and
some of the beads (not, however, the
greater number) may be replaced by
others without forfeit of the indulgences.
Among the most famous of plenary
indulgences are that of the jubilee al-
ready mentioned ; the indulgence given
by priests (who receive power from the
Pope to confer it) to the dying ; the in-
dulgence given with the Papal blessing
[see the article Blessing]. The most
celebrated local indulgences are gained by
visiting the seven chief churches and privi-
leged altars at Rome ; by pilgrimages to
the holy places in Palestine ; or visiting
the stations mentioned in the Missal. The
Popes (especially Clement XII., in 1731)
gave all the indulgences to be gained at
the holy places to those who make
devoutly the Way of the Cross at the
" Stations " erected by Franciscans.
Faculties similar to those of the Fran-
ciscans are now granted to others. Ad'
account of other indulgences, such as that
of the Portiuncula and the Sabbatine
indulgence, will be found under special
articl' s. Indulgences without number
have been given to confraternities, per-
[ sous who wear scapulars, medahs, &c.
I Pius IX. (April 14, 1854) bestowed on
those who wear the blue scapular of the
Immaculate Conception and say six
Paters, Aves, and Glorias in honour of
the Trinity and the Immaculate Virgin,
and for the exaltation of the Church, ex-
I tirpation of heresy, &c., all the indul-
I gences which could be obtained by
I visiting the seven Roman basilicas, the
I holy places of .Jerusalem, the Church
of Portiuncula at Assisi, and that of
Coiiipostella. Even confession and com-
munion are not required for these indul-
gences. Large and often plenary indul-
gences are attached to the recitation of
! short prayers (though usually confession
and communion are required, if the indul-
gence is plenary), and to the use of
blessed crosses, medals, &c. Sixtus V., at
the close of the sixteenth century, intro-
duced the custom of blessing objects, and
\ so attaching indulgences to them. A
I priest with the neces,-ary faculties has
only to make a sign of tlie cross over the
rosary, medal, &c. Other acts of piety —
e.g. examination of C(m.science, hearing
sermons, visiting tlie Blessed Sacrament
— are also largely indulgenced.
VII. Indulgpncfs which have been Ab-
■ rogated or declared Apocryphal. — (a) Ac-
I cording to a supposed decree of September
18, lGii9, and Benedict XIV. (" De Syn."
xiii., 18, 8), no partial indulgence of
1 1000 years or upwards is authentic. But
■ the decree cannot be found in the Archives
: of the Congregation of Indulgences, and
: its existence is disputed. (/3) The Coun-
cil of Trent (Scs.-. xx. cap. 9) lays down
the principle that indulgences, must be
given everywhere gratis, and the bull
" Etsi dominici" of I'ius V., issued in
1507, annuls the indulgences of the quaes-
tors and collectors of alms, (y) Clement
VIII. and other Popes have abrogated in-
dulgences said to be given in the form of
a jubilee, as also ((5) the indulgences given
to rosaries, images, &c., before the rescript
of Clement VIII. " De forma indulgentiae "
(anno 1597). (f) All indulgences given
before the Constitution of Clement VIII.
"Qunecunque" (March 7, 1004), " Roma-
nus Pontifex " (May 13, 1606), and before
the Constitution of Paul V. (November
23, 1610), to orders, confraternities, col-
IXDULT
INNOCENTS, HOLY 487
leges or chapters, are revoked unless these
indulgences have been renewed. (() The
indulgences said to have been given by
Alexander VI. to the Bi-idget rosary are
apocryphal ; so are those which Urban
VIII. is said to have given to the crosses
of St. Turibius, and Pias V.to thecro^^ses
of Caravaca in Spain. A long list of
apocryphal indulgences is given in the
decree of Innocent XI. " Delatae ssepius "
(March 7, 167f<).
(The chief authorities on the subject
are Hellarmine, "De indulg. et jubilaeo
libri duo;" Amort, "De orig., progressu,
valore ac fructu indulg.," Aug. Vind.
1735: Theodorus a Spir. S. "Tract,
dogmatico-moralis de indulg.," Romae,
1743; Benedict XIV. "De Syn. dio3C."
lib. xiii. cap. 18; Ferraris, "Prompt.
Biblloth." We have been chiefly in-
debted to Amort and to the excellent
article "Ablass" in the new edition of
Wetzer and Welte.)
ZM'SVIiT (indulfum, something
granted by favour). A licence or per-
mission gi-anted by the Pope, whether to
H coqwration or to an individual, author-
ising something to be done which the
common law of the Church does not
sanction A familiar instance is that of [
the Lenten iudults. by which the Pope
authorises the bishops, according to the
circumstances of different countries, to
dispense more or less with the rigour of
the canons as to the quadragesimal fast.
In former times indults chiefly related to
the patronage of church dignities and
benefices.
ZNFAi.x.iBZi.zT'Z'. [See Chueoh
OF Christ and Pope.]
iNFZDEZi. One who is not among
the Jideks, the faithful of Christ. Popu-
larly, the term is applied to all who
reject Christianity as a divine revelation.
In order to reject it, they must have
heard of it; those, therefore, who have
never heard of Christianity are not in
popular language called infidels, but
heathens, though they are included under
the theological term " infideles." Nor
are heretics, even Unitarians, to be called
infidels, for they do accept the religion
of Christ as divinely revealed, however
erroneous or fantastic their notions as to
the nature of the revelation may be.
zxTnTOCEirTs, hox.t, feast of,
is celebrated in the Latin Church on
December 28, in the Greek on December
29. Among the Greeks the feast is
known as that of the " 14,000 holy chil-
dren " ija>v ayiav iS' ;^iX(d£(i»' vifiruov).
From the earliest times the Church
has regarded the children whom Herod
slew in his dfsire to make sure of killing
Christ, us .Martyrs. Irenu'us (iii. 1(5, 4)
asserts this clearly, ••md so does St. .liigus-
tine (lib. iii. " De Synibolo ad Catech.").
But it is uncertain when this feast Ijt gan
to be kept. A homily attributed to
Origen in which this feast is mentioned
is certainly spurious, and although in
an ancient catalogue of St. Augusnne's
(liscoui'ses we find two "tractatus" " De
Octavis Infant ium," Thomassin ("Trait6
dcs Festes," p. 1'75) explains this as refer-
ring to Low Sunday, the octave of Easter
Sunday, on the vigil of which children
were in those times commonly baptised.
However, a separate festival of the Holy
Innocents is mentioned in the " Calendar
of Carthage," the date of which may be
approximately fixed from the fact that
the latest martjTS whose names it gives
died in 484. In the rule of Chrodcgang
(d. 7G0) the feast is placed among the
" chief solemnities." The .Mass is said in
pui-ple vestments, probably because the
Innocents did not enter heaven imme-
diately after their martyrdom. They had
to wait till Christ at His Ascension opened
it to " those who believe." On the octave,
Mass is celelnated in red, the usual
colour of martjTS.
St. Thomas (2" 2», qu. cx.xiv. a. 1)
mentions the opinion ofsome who tUought
that the use of reason was accelerated in
the case of the Innocents, so that they
were able consciously to embrace death
for Christ. But he himself dismisses the
opinion as without warrant in Scripture.
" The shedding of blood," he says, for
Christ takes the place of baptism.
"Whence, as in children, the merit of
Christ operatt-s through the grace of
baptism, and obtains glory for them, so
in those slain for Christ the martyrdom
of Christ operates and obtains for them
the palm of martyrdom."
In the middle ages it was usual for
children to keep a time of festivity in
honour of the Holy Innocents, which
lasted, according to Dui-andus, from St.
Stephen's Day to the Octave of the
Epiphany. Boys used to sit in the
canons' stalls ; one of them, who was
vested in episcopal robes, gave his blessing
pontifically. The Council of Basle (Sess.
xxii.) condemned the extravagances of
this celebration, which was accompanied
by the celebration of the Feast of Fools.
I But the feast of children is still inno-
cently observed in some monasteries and
488
INQUISITION
INQUISITION
convents, and Thomassin surely errs by
excess of rigour when he s])eaks of it as
impious.
iM'QU'XSZTZon'. In no age of
Christianity has the Church had any
doubt that in her hands, and only in
hers, was the deposit of the true faith
and religion placed by Jesus Christ, and
that, as it is her duty to teach this to all
nations, so she is hound by all ]iracticable
and lawful means to restrain the malice
or madness of those who would corrupt
the message or resist the teacher. Some
have maintained that no means of co-
ercion are lawful for lier to use but those
which are used in tlie internal forum
[FoRTJM Ecclbsiasticum] iirul derive their
sanction from anticipated suffering in the
next world. Tlie power of the Church,
according to Fleury,' is "purely spiri-
tual," and he held with Mnrsilius that the
Pope could employ no coactive punish-
ment of any kind iinless the enijieror —
i.e. the civil powei- — gave him leave.
From such a view it higicallv follows
that St. Paul ouglit to have asked tlie
permission of Sergius Paulus before
striking Elymas the sorcerer with lilind-
ness. The ovei-whehning majority of tlie
canonists take the opposite view — namely,
that the Church can and ought to visit
with fitting punishment the heretic and
the revolter; and since the publication of
the numerous encyclical letters and allo-
cutions of the late Pope treating of the
relations between Church and State, and
the inherent rights of the former, the
view of Fleury can no longer be held by
any Catholic.
For many ages after the conversion of
Constantino it was easier for the Church
to repress heresy by invoking the secular
arm than by organising tribunals of her
own for the ]iuipose. lieference to eccle-
siastical history and the codes of Jus-
tinian and Theodosius shows that the
emperors generally held as decided views
on the pestilent nature of heresy, and
the necessity of extirpating it in the
germ before it reached maturity, as the
Popes themselves. They were willing
to repress it ; they took from the Church
the definition of what it was; and they
had old-established tribunals armed with
all the terrors of the law. The bishops,
as a rule, had but to notify the a])])ear-
nnce of heretics to the lay power, and the
latter hastened to make inquiry, .-ind. if
necessary, to repress and punish. But
in the thirteenth century a new race of
' Floury, Dernier Dhconrs, cli. 14.
temporal rulers rose to power. The
emperor Frederic II. perhaps had no
Christian faith at all; John of England
meditated, sooner than yield to the Pope,
openly to apostatise to Islam ; and I'hilip
Augustus was refractory towards the
Church in various ways. Tlie (^'hurch
was as clear as ever upon the iieees^ity
of repressing heretics, but the weapon —
secular sovereignty — which she had
hitherto employed for the puiii.'se seemed
to be breaking in her liands. The time
was come when she was to for;.'e a wea])on
of her own; to establish a trilnuial the
incorruptness and fidelity of which she
could trust; which in the task of detect-
ing and punishing those who misled their
brethren should employ all the minor
forms of penal repression, while still re-
mitting to the secular arm the case of
obstinate and incorrigible offenders. Thus
arose the Inquisition. St. Dominic is said
by some to have first proposed the erec-
tion of such a tribunal to Innocent III.,
an<l to have been appointed by him the
first inquisitor.' Other writers trace the
origin of the tribunal to a synod held at
Toulouse by Gregory IX. in 1229, after
the Albigensian crusade, which ordered
that in every ]iarish a priest and several
res])ectal)le laymen should be apjiointed
to search out heieties and bring them
before the bishops.^ The task of dealing
with the culprits was difficult and invi-
dious, and the bishojis ere long made over
their responsibility in the matter to the
Dominican order. Gregory IX. appointed
none but Dominican inquisitors; Inno-
cent IV. nominated Franciscans also, and
Clement VII. sent as inquisitor into Por-
tugal a friar of the order of Minims. But
the majority of the inquisitors employed
have always been Dominicans, and the
commissary of the Holy Office at Rome
belongs er ojfirio to this order.
The Congregation of Cardinals of the
Holy Inquisition was first erected by
Paul III. (1542), and remodelled by
Sixtus V. about forty years later. " It
is composed of twelve cardinals: of a
commissary .... who discharges the
functions of a judge ordinary; of a i oun-
sellor or a.«sessor, who is one of the pre-
sidents of the Curia ; of consultors,
sel(>cted by the Pope himself from amonir
the most learned theologians and canon-
ists ; qualificators, who give their opinions
on questions submitted to them ; an advo-
cate charged with the defence of persona
1 Ferraris, " Inquisitionis S. Offieiuni.
- Mijliler. Kirrhengesrhichte, ii. 651.
INQUISITION
pccused, and other subordinate officials. 1
The principal sittings of the congregation '
are held under the immediate presidency
of the Pope." ' This supreme court of
inquisition proceeds against any who are
delated to it, and in former times used to
hear apjieals from the sentences of simibir
courts elsewhere, and to depute inquisi-
tors to proceed to any place where they
might appear to be needed. The duties
and powers of inquisitors are minutely
laid down in the canon law, it being
always a.<snmed that the civil power will
favour, or can be compelled to favour,
their proceedings. Thus it is laid down
that they " have power to constrain all
magistrates, even secular magistrates, to
cause the statutes against heretics to be
observed," and to require them to swear
to do so ; also that they can "compel all
magistrates and judges to execute their
sentences, and these must obey on pain of ,
excommunication ; " also that inquisitors
in causes of heresy " can use the secular
arm," and that " all temporal rulers are |
bound to obey inquisitors in causes of
faith." ^ No such state of things as that I
here assumed now exists in any part of
Europe; nowhere does the State assist
the ('hurch in putting down heresy ; it is
therefore superfluous to de.^cribe regula-
tions controlling a jurisdiction which has
lost the medium in which it could work
and live. '
The canon law also assumes that all i
bishops, being themselves inquisitors ex i
vi termini into the purity of the faith in i
their respective dioceses, will co-operate
with the official inquisitors. Each may
inquire ."separately, but the sentence ought |
to proceed from both ; if they disagree,
reference must be made to Rome. The
firoceedings taken against the Lollard
olio wers of Wychf by Archbisho]>s
Arundel and Chicheley between l.''>82 i
and 1428,^ illustrate both the points i
noticed above : 1, tl-.:it the civil power in
pre-Reformation times was wont to give i
vigorous aid to the bishops in extirpating i
heresy ; 2, that the bishops themselves
could and did e.xercise stringent inquisi- (
torial powers apart from the appointment \
of special inquisitors.
It does not appear that Papal inquisi-
tors were ever commissioned, eo mmine,
in England. In France the Inquisition
was established in pursuance of the
decrees of the synod of Toulouse (1229)
1 De Mov, in Wetzer and Welttb
» Ferraris, he. cit. §§ 33-37.
» Lewis' Life of Wyelif, p. 126.
INQUISITION, SPANISH 489
already referred to. Its tribunals were
converted into State courts by Philip the
Fair, who made use of them to condemn
and ruin the Templars. In this condition
they remained till the Reformation. In
15.38 the Grand Inquisitor, Uouis de
Rochette, was convicted of Calvinism
and burnt ; soon afterwards the powers
of these courts were transferred to the
parliaments, and finally to the bishops
(loGO). In Germany, Conrad of Mar-
burg, a man of a harsh and inflexible
temper, the confessor of St. Elizabeth,
attempted to establish an inquisition in
the thirteenth century ; he was assassi-
nated, and the tribunal never gained a
footing in the country. [On the Spanish
Inquisition, see the next article."]
XNqVXSZTXOIJ-, SPAN-ZSB, THE.
It was founded by Ferdinand and Isa-
bella at Seville in 1481, the tirst judges
of the tribuiuil being two Dominicans.
The clergy and many of the laity of the
Castilian kingdom had for some time
pressed the adoption of some such mea-
sure in order to check the profanations
and frauds which the sham conversion to
Christianity of a large number of Jews
and Moors had occasioned. Even the
episcopal thrones of Spain are said to
have been not always preserved from the
intrusion of these audacious h^-pocrites.
Torquemada, another Dominican, ap-
pointed in 14S.'5, was Grand Inquisitor for
fifteen years. Under him three new tri-
bunals of the Holy Office were erected, at
Cordova, Jaen, and Villa Real ; after-
wards a fifth was added at Toledo. These
tribunals were always popular with the
lower orders and the clergy in Spain, but
terrible in the eyes of the nobles and the
rich middle class, who believed that they
were often used by the government as
engines of political repression in order to
diminish their influence. Ranke calls
the Spanish Inquisition "a royal tribunal,
furnished with spiritual weapons." In
1492 an edict was issued for the banish-
ment of all Jews refusing to embrace
Christianity from Spain, chiefly on ac-
count of their alleged incorrigible obsti-
nacy in persisting in the attempt to con-
vert Christians to their own faith and
instruct them in their rites.' About a
hundred thousand went into banishment,
and an eiiual or greater number are sup-
posed to have remained in Spain, where
their merely nominal Christianity and se-
cret addiction to their ancestral doctrines
I Prescott's Reign of Ferdinand and liabeUa,
IL 122.
400 IXQriSITIOX, SPANISH
IKSPrHATinX OF SCRIPTURE
lUid a>:i_( > i:a\e employment to the In-
quisition lor centuries.
The history of the Spanish Inquisi-
tion was written by Lloreute, who was
secretarj- to the tribunal of Madrid from
1790 to 1792 Hence he has been sup-
posed to have possessed great opportuni-
ties for obtaining exact information ; and
his statement, that during its existence
of 330 years the Spanish Inquisition con-
demned 30,000 persons to death, has been
quoted with credulous horror in every
corner of the civilised world. Dr. Hefele,
bishop of Rottenburg, has examined
with great cave and ability ' the worth
of the above statement, and the question
of the credit due to Llorente. First,
thi're is the general fact of the greater
relative severity of penal justice in all
countries alike, till within quite recent
times. The Carolina, or penal code in
force under Charles V., condemned
coiners to the flames, and burglars to the
gallows. Burying alive and other bar-
barous punishments were sanctioned by
it, none of which were allowed by the
Inquisition. In England, in the sixteenth
century, persons refusing to plead could
be, and were, pressed to death. The last
witch burned in Europe was sentenced
in the canton Glarus by a Protestant tri-
bunal as late as 1785. Secondly, Llorente
omits to draw attention to the fact that
the Spanish kings obliged the Inquisition
to try and sentence persons charged with
many other crimes besides heresy— e.^.
with polygamy, seduction, unnatural
crime, smuggling, witchcraft, sorcery,
imposture, personation, &c. A large pro-
Sortion of criminals of this kind would,
own to the present century, have been
sentenced to death on conviction in any
secular tribunal in Europe. Thirdly,
Llorente does not pretend to base the
above statement as to the number exe-
cuted by the Inquisition on written
documents, but on calculations of his
own making, in some of which he can
be proved to be ine.xpert and inexact.
Fourthly, Hefele gives a list of palpable
misstatements and exaggerations which
he has detected in Llorente's volumes.
Fifthly, the man's career, when closely
examined, does not invite confidence.
At the end of the last century he was a
liberal ecclesiastic, imbued with French
ideas and on intimate terms with Free-
masons. In 1806, at the instigation of
Godoy, he wrote a book against the
* In his Lifeof Cardinal Ximenes, translated
by Canon Dalton, 1860-
fucrus, or ancient privileges, of the Basque-
provinces. He accepted employment
from the usurping government of Joseph
Bonaparte. Banished from Spain on
the fill of Joseph, he escaped to Paris,
and published his " History of the Inqui-
sition " in 1814. He next translated
the abominable novel, " Faublas," into
Spanish ; and, being exiled from France
in 1822, died at Madrid the next year.
"The celebrated Atitos-dn-Fi (i.e.
Acts of the confession of the faith),"
says Mohler," " were as a rule bloodless.
But few inquisitorial processes termi-
nated with the death of the accused."
The auto, speaking generally, was a form
of reconciling culprits to the Church.
Nevertheless, the severities practised by
the tribunals were such that Home fre-
quently interfered. The Spanish Inqui-
sition was abolished in 1813.
zirsPXRATZoir of scrzptxtrs.
The word " inspiration," like many other
theological terms, comes to us from the
Latin version of the Bible. Thus St.
Paul's words, 2 Tim. iii. 16, iraa-a yp(i<f)n
deoTTveva-Tos, " Every Scripture breathed
by God," is rendered "omnis Scriptura
divinitus inspirata," and again when St.
Peter, 2 Ep. i. 21, speaks of the prophets
as xiTTO TTvevfJiaTos ayiov ^(pojxivoi, " moved
by the Holy Ghost," the Latin has
" spiritu sancto inspirati." Just as God
is said in Genesis ii. 7, Wisdom xv. 11,
to have breathed man's soul into his
body ; just as in Job xxxii. 8, the " in-
spiration of the Almighty " (inspiratio
omnipotentis) is said to " give under-
standing," so the sacred writers are de-
scribed as inspired because God breathed
into them or, to drop the metaphor,
suggested the thoughts which they wrote
down. Inspiration, therefore, may be
defined as a supernatural impulse by
which God directed the authors of the
canonical books to write down certain
matter predetermined by Him. Inspi-
ration is a grace gratis data — i.e. it was
bestowed upon the writers for the edifi-
cation of others, and like all graces it is
specially attributed to God the Holy
Ghost.
To a certain extent the Old Testament
claims to be inspired. Thus the prophets
constantly represent their own words as
being in reality the oracles of God. Our
Lord and His Apostles confirm this claim.
Christ, for example, in Matt. xxii. 43,
declares that David spoke "in the Spirit,"
while St. Peter, Acts i. 16, and St. Paul,
1 Kirchengeschichte, ii. 655-
IKSPIRATIOX OF SCRIPTURE INSPIRATION OF SCRIPTURE 491
Acts xxviii. 25, use similar lang-uag-e.
Ecclesiastical writers, from the time when
the New Testament canon was first
recognised in the Church, speak in just
the same way of the books wliich went
to make it up. St. Irenssus regards
(" Adv. H;«r." iii. 14, 2) the influence of
the Holy Ghost as extending to the least
•word iii the gosjiels, for he maintains
that the divine Spirit directed St. Mat-
thew in i. 18 to write the " generation of
Christ " instead of the " generation of
Jesus." " The divine Scriptures," " the
divine oracles," " the Scriptures of God,"
•"the Scriptures of the Lord," are the
usual phrases by which the Fathers ex-
press their belief in inspiration. The
actual term apparently is of rare occur-
rence in the early ages. However, in the
Acts of the Martyr Speratus (Acta SS.
Jul. 17, p. 214) we'are told that when the
proconsul asked him what the books were
which Chri.^tians "read with adoration"
(quos adoratis legentes), the saint replied
that they were the four gospels, St.
Paul's epistles, '• and all the divinely
inspired teaching " (omnem divinitus
inspiratam dortritiam). In the " Symbol
of Faith " which was approved by Leo
IX., and which is still ustd in the con-
secration of bishops as a test of orthodox
belief, God is affirmed to be the "one
author" of the Old and New Testaments.
The same words {ti7nis nuctor) are repeated
in the definitions of Florence (Bull "Can-
tate Domino"), and of Trent (Sess. iv.
Decret. de Can. Scr.). On the other hand
the Vatican Council (cap 2) comes nearer
to the actual word "inspiration," for it
defines that the Bible was written "Spiritu
sancto inspirante."
Moreover, the s ime council to which
we referred last made the idea of in-
spiration more prici.<e and settled a
que.^tion once debuted among Catholics.
The great Jesuit theologian Lessius,* a
1 In a tre-ifise by F. Klputgen, appfnded to
Schneemann's work on the Congregations de
Au.Nihis, it is clearly shown from the oriyiu.-vl
documents in the archives ot the Roman
.Jrsaits that the doctrine of Lfssius was mis-
represented by his cm mies at Louvain. He
held that a "book misrhr be written by the
tmptdsi:, but without the special assistance of
the Holy Ghost, and then, if (lod testilied that
it was free from error, mi^lit have the au-
thority of Holy Scripture. He did not suppose
that "the case had actually occurred. F.
Kleut<;en considers that there is still no defini-
tion of the Church which expressly excludes
this view ; at the same time be considers it
erroneous, on the ground that God cannot
reasoniibly be called the Author of books if He
man who has many titles to respect, was
charged with maintaining that a book
migSt justly claim to be inspired, althoufrh
it had been written by mere human
industry, provided the Holy Ghost had
afterwards declared by the mouth of the
Church that the book in question was
free from error. His enemies said he
looked upon the second book of Mac'.ia-
bseus as a possible instance of surh abook,
and Bonfrere in his "Pragloquia" main-
tained that such a case was at least
possible. The view was condemned by
the chief theological faculties of the day,
and surely with good reason ; for how can
we call a book inspired if the Holy Ghost
had no special connection with its origin
and merely approved it when already
written ? This theory is now distinctly
proscribed. The Church, according to
the Vatican Council {he. cit.), does not
count books canonical because they were
written naturally and afterwards approved
by her, or because they contain revelation
without error, but because they were ui-
spired in the first instance and as such
were committed to the Church.
The common teaching of theologians
helps us to understand the detiiiitions
which have just been given. They dis-
tinguish first of all lift -Veen inspiration
and the mere " assisrentia " or a.ssistance
of the Holy Ghnst, the latter conveying
a merely negative, the former a positive
idea. General councils have the "assist-
entia" of the Holy Ghost because He
protects them from error in their decrees,
although the Pope in convuking the
council, and proposing to it the subjects,
may have been guided only by the ordi-
nary motives of faith and reason. In-
spiration implies over and above this
protection a special impulse of the Holy
Ghost to write, and to write on particular
subjects. Next, a clear line must be
drawn between revelation and inspiration.
God reveals to the soid truths which it
did not know before, without necessarily
prompting the recipient to commit the
revelation to writing; an inspired author
has received the impulse to write, and is
directed from above in his work, but it is
not necessary that any new truths should
be communicated to him. There is no
reason to suppose that the author of
the book, e.g., of Esther received any
revelation.
In an inspired book there are evidently
merely impelU d the writers to compose them,
and did not actually assist and direct them in
doing wx
492 INSPIRATTOX OF SCRIPTURE
INSTALLATION
two factors- the natural powers of the
writer on this side, and the impulse and
direction of the Holy Ghost on that.
The Church has not decided where the
one factor ceases and the other begins to
operate. In our own time Scheggj a
priest and commentator of high repute
among German Catholics, has maintained
the existence of trifling error in Scripture.
Thus, in his commentatory on the Gospels,
vol. iii. p. 552 seq., he discusses the famous
(lifliculty in St. Matt, xxiii. 35, " Zacha-
rias, the son of liarachias," and explains
it on the supposition that Jesus men-
tioned Zacharias merely, while the
Evangelist, in adding the father's name,
made a mistake from defect of memory.
Recently, Cardinal Newman has given
the great weight of his authority to a
similar opinion. He sees no "serious
difficult}' in admitting" the existence of
"obiter dicta" in Scripture, which obiter
dicta are not inspired (in the article,
" Inspiration of Scripture," " Nineteenth
Century," Feb. 1884). Others (and this
opinion, which seems to find some sup-
port in the Fathers, found wide acceptance
among the older Protestant theologians)
have believed in what is known as
" verbal inspiration ; " they have argued
as if the authors of the Biblir'al books
were no more than scribes who wrote
down the words which the Holy Ghost
had dictated. Put this view most cer-
tainly sins against the most p.atent facts.'
Evidently, the style and method of the
sacred writers are coloured throughout by
their own individuality, and the differ-
ences in tliought and language between
Isaias and Ezechiel are utterly inexplicable
if we regard them as passive agents under
a mechanical inspiration. St. Augustine
in well-known words formulises the pre-
vailing belief of the Church, without
falling into the exaggerations of the
theoiy that inspiration is mechanical.
" To those books," he says, " which are
already styled canonical, I have learned
' The Jesuit Kleutgen, in the treatise al-
ready referred to, cites some of the gre;ite.st
thcoio'iians of the Church against the thonrv
that the Holy Spirit dictated the material
words to the sacred author. Thus he quotes
Suarez, JJe Fide, disp. 5, § 3, n 3, 5, who
maintains it is enough to believe that the
Holy Spirit " specially assisted him (the author
of the inspired book, while writing) and Uei)t
him from all error and falsehood, and from all
words which were not expedient." To the
same effect Bellarmin's De Verbn Dei, lib. v.
15 ; Melchior Canus, De Loc. Theolng. lib. ii.
cc. 17 et 18.
to pay such reverence and honour as
most firmly to believe that none of their
authors has committed any error in
writing. If in that literature I meet
with anything which seems contrary to
truth, I will have no doubt that it is only
the manuscript which is faulty, or the
tianslator who has not hit the sense, or
my own failure to understand," Ep. 82.
(Almost entirely from Kaulen, "Einlei-
tung in die heilige Schrift." Part I. pp. 12
seq.).
zirsTAUATXOK (Low Lat. stal-
lum, a stall). The actual visible esta-
blishment {institutio corporalis) in the
pos.><ession of an ecclesiastical dignity or
l enciice. In early times money often
passed on such occasions ; in one of the
Novels Justinian forbids that any pay-
ment .should be made on installation to
the clergy of any church excepting only
the great church at Constantinople. In
another place he says that the custom,
though intrinsically a bad one, is too
firmly rooted to be destroyed ; he there-
fore decrees that twenty pounds of gold
may be paid on installation by the patri-
arch of any one of the five sees, Rome,
Constantinople, Alexandria, Anfioch, and
Jerusalem, if the custom is to that efi'ect,
but no more. The .sum to be paid by a
metropolitan or a bishop he limits to
100 shillings for enthronisation, and 300
shillings given to notaries and other
officials In spite of his apparent zeal
for purity of election, Ju.stinian was the
first emjieror who exacted payment for
confirming the election of the Roman
pontifl^s ; this abuse was not removed till
the time of Constantine Pogonatus.
It was afterwards settled by the canon
law that the fees paid on installation,
in any grade of orders, should never
exceed one year's profits of the benefice
conferred.
Installation, in the case of a bishop, is
called enthronisation ; it is the solemn
entry into possession of his cathedral and
episcopal residence on the part of the
newly consecrated bishop, who wears all
his pontifical insignia on the occasion.
When a bishop is consecrated in his own
church, the enthronisation becomes iden-
tified with the consecration; but when
the latter rite has been performed in
another diocese, then, " according to the
ancient tradition, the bishop, dressed in
the garb of a pilgrim, with his crozier in
his hand, and the pastoral hat on his
head, is received on arriving at the
boundary of his diocese by the chapter
INSTITUTE B. V. M.
INSTITUTE B. V. M. 493
»nd clergy of the cathedral city and I
ili.-trict i by them he is escorted to some '
neighb iuriro- church, where, after a short
prayer, he i.s presented with the episcopal
ornaments and insignia, and then con-
ducted in solemn procession to the sound
of bells into his cathedral, where he is
welcomed with the anthem Ecce sacerdns \
magniig and the Te 7>i<7n, while he talies
his seat on his throne, from the raised
dais of which he imparts to the assembled
throng his episcoj>al benediction. After
this he is escorted to his palace, the cross
being borne before him." '
The installation of a canon is his
solemn reception into a cathedral or i
collegiate chapter. In presence of the
dignitaries and canons seated in the [
chapter-house the new titular, after being
chorally vested, makes his profession of [
faith and takes the capitular oath. He
is then admitted to his seat in chapter, ;
and afterwards conducted into the church, ,
and installed in his proper stall in the |
choir.
In the case of a simple parish priest
the installation is usually effected by a
delegate from the bishop, who admits the
new incumbent both to the spiritual and
temporal rights of his benefice. In some \
countries a commissary attends on the
part of the civil government, and admits
him with certain formalities into the
possession of his temporals, Thomassin,
" Vetus et Nova," &c., iii. 1, 56.
ZirSTZTUTZ: of the BXiESSED
VIRGIN' nXARV. (Dames Anglaises, \
" English ladies," or " English Virgins.")
As this appears to be the only religious
order of purely English origin founded
since the Refoi-mation, we propose to
trace its history in some degree of detail,
aided by a series of papers which appeared
in the Catholic periodical the " Month."
These papers are entitled "Passages from
the Life of a Yorkshire Lady," and notify,
while they partly anticipate, the publica-
tion of a forthcoming wnrk on the saintly
foundress of the " English Ladies." *
Mary "Ward, the eldest daughter of
-Marmaduke AVard, of Givendale, near
Ripon, a gentleman of good estate and
ancient lineage, was bom in loSo. Her
]).irents were steadfast Catholics, and
dedicated the child to the Blessed Virgin
from her cradle. Tliose were days in
which the professors of the ancient faith
' Wetzer and Welte, art. " Provision Cano-
niquc."
2 Life of Mary Ward, by Mai-y C. E.
Chambers, ed. by Father Coleridge.
were continually harassed, and in danger
of death, imder the operation of the penal
laws; and it is not surprising to find the
fervent child, who, there is reason to
believe, never stained the grace of her
baptism by mortal sin, growing up in the
thouglit and with the buniiiig df">ire of
martyrdom. When she was about tifteen
or sixteen years old, she began to long for
the religious life. She was very beauti-
ful, and projects were farmed with a view
to her marriage; iim' \ M^*or■^ ,-niiglit her
favour; but she i' - ■ ! - iicitations,
and with the assi.-t;i!.. .1 1 atlier Iloltby,
of the Society of Jf;ii>, l"i't England and
her father's house in 1606, and passed
over to St. Onifr. We are told that
" the description of the devotion of those
of her sex abroad had drawn her to a
foreign land." At first she entered the
convent of Colettines at St. Omer, as a
lay sister, and many duties of a kind for
which she was little fitted were imposed
upon her. In May or June 1607, with
the advice of the novice-mistress, and
after having experienced, while in prayer
on St. Gregory's day, a strong inward
impulse, prompting her to found a con-
vent of the order for English women ex-
clusively, ^lary quitted the Colettine
convent. With the help of her confessor,
Father Txnger Lee, and the good bishop
Blaise, of St. Omer, she obtained access
to the Archduke Albert and his wife
Isabella, and obtained from them the
grant of a vacant ]iiece of ground at
Gravelines, and permission to build a
house of English Poor Clares upon it.
Many Englisli ladies (for the persecution
at home at that time caTised numbers
of Enuflishwomen to seek freedom and
security in Catholic countries) joined her,
and the new community was begun at
Christmas 1607, in a Lnge hired house at
St. Omer, pending tlie erection of a con-
vent at Gravelines. Mary procured from
the Duchess of Feria, a member of the
English family of Dormer, a copy of the
original rule of St. Clare. Against the
wish of the bishop, who desired that
]Mary, having passed what was equivalent
to a noviciate as a lay-sister among the
Colettines, sliould be professed at once,
the Superior of the new institute insisted
on her commencing as a novice in the
usual way. Mary readily compHed, and
conformed with joy to the strictest obser-
vances of the rule during the t^rm of
noviceship. However, on May 2, 1608,
she received, while sitting at work, mak-
ing "girdles of St. Francis," a sudden
494 INSTITUTE B. V. M.
i:\STlTUTE B. V. M.
£ommmi''-nion, as she believed it to be,
the purport of which was that she " was
not called to the order of St. Clare, but
to another vocation and employment."
Tier confessor, when she made known to
him what had h.ip])eued within her, re-
proved her with some severity. Being,
however, more and more convinced that
she was called to another way, she left
the Poor Clares in the spring of 1G09,
having first made a vow of pei-petual
chastity before her confessor, and also one
of obedience to his directions. Her con-
duct drew upon her ceusure from many
quarters, and she was for a long time in
great perplexitj^, but her confidence in
God never wavered. Gradually the con-
ception of a teaching order, recruited from
the ranks of her Catholic countrywomen,
not cloistered, nor under obedience to any
other order, but living under the rule of
the Society of Jesus, and bound by termin-
able, not perpetual, vows, took form within
her mind. She returned to England, and
bemg joined by many postulants whom
the force and purity of her character
attracted to her, she founded the first
community of the " English Virgins at
Spitalfield's in 1611. A year or two later
she returned to St. Omer, and there also
succeeded in establishing a commmiity.
Before his death in 1616 Father Lee had
come round to her views, and laboured
effectually to procure the confirmation of
her institute from liome. A letter ad-
dressed to her by nrder of the Aieliduke
in May 1613 sets forth the precise nature
of her work. He says he has heard with
pleasure that she and her companions are
established at St. Omer, "where you re-
ceive and teach a number of yotmg girls
of your nation, in order that, after they
have been well instructed in all that
belongs to our holy faith. Catholic, Apos-
tohc, and Roman, and carefully trained
to virtue, they may be sent back to their
parents, to be married and bring up their
children in the fear of God, unless they
prefer to stay in our countries and become
religious." In 161G a letter came from
Rome signed by Cardinal Lancellotti, the
president of the Sacred Cnngregation of
the Council, recommending the new com-
munity to the care of Bishop Blaise, and
speaking of the probability of a formal
confirmation at a future day. In the
years between 1613 and 1627 Mary paid
several visits to England, during one of
■which she wa.s arrested and imprisoned
by order of Archbishop Abbott, who said
that " she did more harm than six Jesuits."
Details are wanting; we are only told
that " sentence of death was passed upt)u
her for religion, but that there was no
execution, for fear of odium." Probably
the Spanish Ambassador, Gondemar, who
saved the lives of many English Cathohcs
in this reig-n by menacing the despicable
king with the anger of Ins master, inter-
fered on her behalf; something is said
also of a large bribe paid by her relations.
In 1617 she opened a second house at
Liege; and about the same time the
Bishop of St. Omer wrote to Maiy a
"public letter of approval of the Insti-
tute, by which he constituted its members
as religious." At Liege she was protected
by Ferdinand, the Prince Bishop, who
loved to hear the music in the church of
the English Ladies, and sometimes said
Mass for them. Pope Gregory XV.
(1621-3) gave her permission to found
houses of her Listitute at Rome and in
other Italian towns. In 1U2" shi- esta-
blished a house at Munich. Charges being
brought against the purity of her faith.
Urban VIII. ordered, in 1630, that she
should be examined, and that her houses
should be (provisionally") closed. Tlii-oush
the intercession of the good Ma.vmuhan,
elector of Bavaria, the nuns were still
allowed to continue the common Ul'e,
under certain restrictions. The result of
the examination was favourable to her,
and Mary succeeded in obtaining a decision
from Rome that the bull of 1(J30 closing
her liouses should be regarded as tacitly
al)olislied; but it was only m 1703, many
Years after her death (which happened in
liU.')), that the Institute was again for-
mally confirmed by Clement XI. Since
that time the succi^ssiou in her community
has never failed ; and at this day, accord-
ing to the " Mouth," her order is "a very
flourishing religious institute, largely in-
strumental in the education of girls of all
classes, in Bavaria, Hungary, Roumania,
Italy, and other parts of the Continent,"
and is " commonly known as the Institute
of the 'English Virgins.'"
The noble and valiant foimdress im-
printed the seal of perpetuity even on
the community which she abandoned. The
English Poor Clares, after she left them,
prospered greatly at Gravelines, and sent
forth several filiations. In the French
Revolution the nuns " had their full share
of suflTering, though they escaped the
guillotine." Banished from France, they
took refuge in England, and finally esta-
blished themselves at Clare Abbey, near
Darlington, "which now represents the
INTERCALARY YEAR
IXTF.RDICT
405
'Gravelines founclalioii and those of its
three daughter-houses."
xn-Tz:R.CAi.ARV VEAB. [See
Calexdak.]
xio-TERCEssxosr. [See Msdia-
tion/
XNTERBZCT. 1. The tnterdictiim of
a Roman priutorwas a decree pfouounced
between two litigants, ordering, or (more
commonly), forbidding something to be
done, a' banished man was also said to
be hiterdicted from the use of fire and
water in Italy {ngua et ujne ci iniei dictum
est). Something of each of these notions
— e.g. the prohibition of saying Mass, and
the interdiction of the guilty, and often
of the innocent also, from approach to
the sacraments — appears in the ecclesias-
tical interdict, whicli is defined to be
^'an ecclesiastical censure, by which
persons are debarred from the use of
certain sacraments, from all the divine
offices, and from Christian burial.'' *
Interdicts are divided into local,
personal, and mixed. In the first kind a
place is interdicted, so that no divine
office may be celebrated or heard in it,
-either by the inhabitants or by strangers.
By the second kind ])ersons arc inter-
dicted, so as to be del)arred from u>ing
the sacraments or exercising the fund ions
prohibited, in whatever place they may
be. By the mixed kind botli place and
persons are direedy interdicted — e.g. a
city and its inhabitants. Again, each of
the first two kinds may be either gi-ni i al
or particular. A particular local ini inlirt
strikes a single locality — e.rj. a church;
ageneral one comjin-liendsmany localities,
being pronounced ng.iiiist a kingdom, a
province, or a city. A particular personal
interdict strikes a single person ; a general
one of the same class is extended to a
number of persons — e.g. to all the peo])l(?
in a provinri', all the members of a uni-
versity, all the monks In a convent.
A general intc-rdict of the clergy in a
country does not touch the religious
orders in that country unless it be so
expressed, or unless the Intention to
include them can be clearly inferred from
the circumstances, and the same holds
good vice versa. Nor does a general
interdict of the clergy include bishops
unless it be so expressed.
When a citj- is laid under an interdict
its suburbs are understood to be included,
even though they belong to a different
diocese ; otherwise the interdict might be
* Ferraris, " luterdictum."
rendered nugatory through the citizens
being able to hear Mass, &c., in tlie
suburban churches. In the same *ise
the cathedral church no less than others
is interdicted, and also the churches of
regulars.
Interdicts are either imposed pfi-
modum poena, as a punishment for a ])ar-
ticular offence, in which case they last
for a prescribed period, and then cease —
or per modum censurcB, as a weapon to
beat down contumacious resistance to
the laws and discipline of the Church.
In this last case they ordinarily last till
the resistance ceases, and the offender
makes amends, and are then relaxed.
Literdlcts proceed either a jure, or
ab homine, that is, either by operation of
law or by the act of some one competent
to Impose them. Everyone who can ex-
communicate or suspend can also inter-
dict, except the suporlm-s of monasteries,
both because their jurisdiction is not
' local but personal, and also because, if
' they had the power of interdicting, the
effects of their action would extend to
and damnify lay ])ersons ^^ Im are not in
any sense their subjects [xuhditi).
The law declares persons or places
Interdicted In a great variety of cases.
I As instances may be given — hindrance of
a Papal legate or nuncio IVom discharging
his duty, in which case all tlu> dominions
of the prince or State so hindering are
interdicted; the burial of a heretic,
knowingly, in a church, in which ease
the church is interdicted; appeal (vom
the Pope by any university ch.-qiler or
college to a future general C(nHicil, the
result being the Interdict of the ofi'endlng
corporation ; and the Illegal alienation of
Church property by bishops or abbots.
In order that innocent persons might
sutler as little as possible from the effects
of an Interdict the canon l.iw uradually
Introduced mitigations. liiiptisni and
confirmation might be administered to
persons in danger of death ; the sacra-
ment of penance was open to all but
those guilty of having caused the inter-
dict (who could not ajiproach it before
having made satisfaction) ; marriage
might be celebrated, but without solem-
nities ; ordinations might be made if
there was a deficiency of priests ; eccle-
siastics who had observed the interdict
might be buried in the churchyard, but
1 in silence ; one Low Mass might be said
every week, and High Mass might be
sung on the five great festivals of Chrlst-
I mas, Easter, Whitsunday, Corpus Ohristi,
496 INTERDICT
INTROIT
and the Assumption, the persons guilty
of the interdict being carefully excluded.
General interdicts are rarely men-
tioned in ecclesiastical history before the
eleventh century, and for this three
causes are assigned: (1) the comparatively
stronger sense of religion in the Christian
society of the earlier times, restraining a
whdle people from themselves falling
into, or conniving at in their rulers, any
notorious tnnibgre.-siou ; (2) the salutary
dread of excommunication everywhere
prevailing, so that the form of censure
was sufficient of itself to restrain offen-
ders ; (3) the general readiness of tem-
poral princes in those times to aid the
Church in maintaining her discipline.
Non-Catholic writers are prone to
judge a Papal interdict according to tlie
measure of what they deem its success-.
If the contumacy of the prince whom it i
strikes is overcome, the firmness and j
policy of the Pope are ixsually com-
mended ; but if, as has sometimes hap-
pened, it be not overcome, the inference
drawn by such writers is that the in-
creasing intelligence and civilisation of
the age have deprived the " Papal
thunders " of their terrors, and that the
time has come for disowning and aban-
doning the use of tliem for evermore.
Such language shows an ignorance of
the deep foundations on which the inter-
dict, with other Church censures, rests.
Our Lord gave the power of binding, as
of loosing, to His Apostles, and He has
never withdrawn it. But Jesus Christ
did not tell them that whatever they
should " bind on earth " should also be
p>mished on earth, but that it should be
" bound also in heaven." Through tlie
dwindling of faith and the decay of
virtue a ])i'ople may sink so low as to
countenance its rulers in resisting the
Church ; the rulers themselves may be
atheists and disregard ecelesinstical cen-
sures ; and all this may pass with appa-
rent impunity. What then ? If the
interdict or other censure be just, there
is no real impunity ; the sin of the offen-
der is " retained " in heaven as the priest
has retained it on earth, and if he make
not amends in this life he will have to
make all the more amends in the next.
Nevertheless the Church has with good
reason suspended for a long time past
the proclamation of these general cen-
sures ; lest, if the contumacious were to
contemn them with impunity, and so
gain an apparent triumph, the faith of
the common people, already weak and
assailed from many quarters, might be
stiU more shaken and impaired.
2. In canon law the term " interdict "
is also used of a judicial order, in the sense
familiar to the civil law, from which the
threefold distinction into interdicts for
restoring, obtaining, and retaining, and
numerous other provisions, are also bor-
rowed. (Ferraris, Interdicta, Inter-
dirtum.)
ZNTSRSTXCES {interstitio). The
intervals which canon law requires be-
tween the reception of the various de-
grees of orders. The Council of Trent
recommends that even minor orders be
conferred at intervals, so that the candi-
date should have time to perfect himself
in the theory ar.d pr.ictice of each, liefore
proceeding to the next; this, however,
it leaves to the discretion of the bishops.
Alter taking the last grade of minor
orders, the Council requires the interval
of a year before the candidate proceeds
to the sub-dinconate, " unless necessity
or the good of the Church should in the
bislioji's judgment dictate a different
course." Willi the like salvo, it is pro-
vided that a I all year mast elapse between
the sul>-dinconate and the diaconate, and
the s.-nne jieriod between the diaconate
and the ]iriesHiMnd. This full year need
not be the snhir year of 305 "days, but
may be the ecclesiasticnl year, as from
one Lent to another, or from one Pente-
cost to another. A bisho-) cannot dis-
pense with the interstices in ordaining
candidates coming to him from another
diocese, unless in their dimissorial letters
[DiMissORiALs] this privilege is allowed
them. The members of religious orders
can be ordained in many cases by virtue
ofs])eciiil concessions obtained from the
Holy See. wilhout observing the inter-
stices; this is iiotalily the c:ise with
regard to the Society of .Jesus. The non-
observance of the intei-.-tices on the part
both of the ordinans and the ordinand, is
a sin; but no penaKv is atKxed to it in
the law. (Ferraris, info-^^fifirr.)
ZN-TROIT. Words said in the Mass
when the priest has finished theConfiteor
and has ascended the altar. Le Brun
and Benedict XIV. attribute the intro-
duction of introits to Gr(>gory the Great.
The name refers either to the fact that it
is said at the beginning or " entrance " of
the Mass, or else to the practice of having
the introit sung by the choir as the priest
" entered to " the altar.
The introit consists of an antiphon,.
Gloria Patri, and usually of a psalm»
INVESTITURE
mVESTITURE 497
which it was once the custom to sing
entire. But some introits, called by Du-
randus irregular, are taken from other
parts of Scripture. Such are the Puer
i.atus, on Christmas day, Spiritus Domini,
on Pentecost, Viri Galilaei, on the Ascen-
sion. Some few in our present Missal
give verses from uninspired writers. Such
are the Salve Sancta Parens, Gaudeamus
omnes in Domino, Benedicta sit Sancta
Trinitas. On Whit Sunday the verse of
the introit is taken from the fourth (apo-
cryphal) book of Esdras. The version of
Scripture used in the introits is usually
the Old Latin, not the Vulgate.
The word for introit in the Ambrosian
Mass is Ingressa ; in the Mozarabic, Car-
thusian, Dominican, CarmeUte Missals it
is called Officium.
nrvESTZTVRE (Low Lat. tnves-
tire, to put in possession). This, accord-
ing to Ducange, answered nearly to what
English lawyers call " livery of seisin."
It was the putting in possession of a
person entitled to property ; the delivery
of possession being symbolised by the
passing from hand to hand of some tan-
gible token, such as a rod, a staff, a fish,
or a bird. Ducange enumerates one hun-
dred and twenty-nine forms of investiture.
In the eleventh and twelfth centuries,
great temporal possessions having ac-
crued to the Church all over Europe, and
the patronage of the sees and abbeys
being largely in the hands of princes, a
tendency arose on the part of the latter
to usurp the whole affair of episcopal or
abbatial nomination and installation into
their own hands. Nor was this tendency
wholly blameable ; for when a bishop, as
often in Germany, was the ruler over ex-
tensive territories, or when an abbot pos-
sessed plenary jurisdiction and the power
of life and death within the broad con-
ventual domains, it was both the in-
terest and the duty of the sovereign to
take care that those administering such
weighty functions should be men of loy-
alty, capacity, and energy. It is true
that many stories are told of bishoprics
given by princes to unworthy kinsmen,
or sold to the highest bidder ; but these
were vicious excrescences on a sound prin-
ciple— that principle being that those
who are deeply concerned in obtaining
good government should have some con-
trol over the appointment of their gover-
nors. This control may be exercised di-
rectly— as by the acclamations of the
clergj' and faithful at elections in early
Christian times — or through the inter-
vention of princes and magistrates. A
joint control over ecclesiastical elections
on the part of Church and State seems to
be the happiest and the best compromise.
A temporal government, uncontrolled,
would never place a St. Charles lior-
romeo in the see of Mihm ; on thr other
hand, the ecelesiuftical authority, un-
checked by lay jiower, may fa>ily make
i such mistakes as the t'k'\ation of Pietro
Morrone to the supi\-uie poutilicate.
In the eleveutli century Hildebrand
(1075) published a decree absolutely pro-
I hibiting the lay investiture of bishoprics.
By this he could not have meant that
bishops should not be put in pos<es^io^ '
of the temporalities of their sees in due
legal form, nor tlmt they thoiilJ not be
responsible to princes for their manaiie-
ment of those temporalities. His pvolii-
bition had reference to an encroachment
and an abuse, tlien prevalent both in Ger-
many and in England, by which the
; sovereign pretended to give investiture to
' a newly-appointed bishop, " per annulum
et baculum," by ring and crosier. These
symbols were held to indicate spiritual and
ecclesiastical power, and the delivery of
them to be tantamount to the transmis-
sion of the whole episcopal authority. To
I stop this abuse, Gregory MI. chiinied the
I rights of canonical election by the
chapters, and free consecration. The
decorum with which the unchecked
control of the State over the Church of
England or the Russian Church is
I exercised, blinds us to the depth of
I degradation really involved. The bishops
are wealthy — have social influence — the
State it< undisturbed ; but at what cost ?
At the cost of exclusion from the Catholic
Church, and loss of communion with the
see of Peter. Tlie Gregories, Celestines,
and Innocents resisted this consumma-
tion; the noblest Christian men in
Germany and England aided them ; and
the fatal breach was postponed for four
centuries. St. An.selm fouuht the battle
I for England, and in 110(5 Henry I.
, resigned the claim to investiture by ring
I and crosier, while stipulating that, on being
admitted to their temporalities, bishops
and abbots should, in compliance with
the rules of the feudal system, swear
fealty and do homage to the sovereign.
A similar compromise was effected foe
the Empire by the Concordat of Worms,
concluded between Henry V. and Calix-
tus II. in 1122. It was in the form of a
double declaration ; the Pope granting
that the elect bishop or abbot should
£ Jl
498 INVITATORIUM
IRISH CHURCH
r.'ceive the regalia [Regalia] from the
Emperor by the sceptre, excepting what
belonged to the Roman Church, and
should discharge the duties thereof as he
was legally bound to do ; the Emperor
renouncing all investiture by ring and
crosier, and granting in all the churches
of his empire canonical elections and
free consecrations. In fact, Henry V.
had come to see that in battling for the
objectionable form of investitui-e he was
almost contending for a shadow. "Wlien
lie was in France, in 1121, he had con-
versed with French bishops, and had
learnt tVoni th.-m that investiture by ring
and Lr.i>irr liail never been the custom
in Francr, and yet the bishops had been
loval to tlie French kings, and the legi-
tiiimte iiiflaeuce of the latter in im-
portant appointments had not been nul-
lified.
Thus the particular contest about
investitures was settled; but of course
the general contention as to the respective
sliares whicli tlie Church and the State
should have in the appointment of bishops
still went on. In France the Concordat
of 151G between Leo X. and Francis I.
gave all the episcopal appointments to
the French crown ; whence the rise of
Galhcanism [Gallicanism]. In England,
for a long time before the Reformation,
an understanding prevailed between
Rome and the English kings, and they
filled up the vacant sees in concert.
ZJirvXTil.TOKXXri«. {Inmtatory
Psalm.) The invitatory psalm, i.e. Ps. 94,
"Come let us rejoice before the Lord,"
is said at the beginning of Matins on all
davs except the Epiphany and the last
three dav-s of llolv Week. The in vita-
tori uin iias all aiitiphou, the whole of
which is iv|ii'atcd six times, and the half
three times, in tiie recitation of the psalm.
The recital of the im itatory psalm at the
beginning of the divine uliiee is prescribed
in the rule of St. Bi nediet. Amalarius
(anno 822) tells us that in his time the
invitatory was used by the Romans in
the dominical but not in the ferial office,
80 that the present practice on the three
last days of Holy "\Yeek is a relic of the
ancient use. Ti. ■ invitatory psalm, with
its antiphon, is omitted on the Feast of
the Epiphany simply because Ps. 94
occurs in the third noctum. Mystical
reasons, e.g. detestation of Herod's calling
together the scribes, and again because
the Magi came to adore Christ without
invitation, are suggested by mediaeval
writers.
IRISH CHURCH. In the fifth cen-
tury Ireland was divided, as it was for
centuries afterwards, into several small
kuigdoms. Some unknown preachers musi
have found their way into the countiy
even before the mission of PaUadius, and
converted some of the natives to the
faith of Christ, for St. Prosper in his
chronicle (pubhshed about 434) writes
that Palladius was sent by Pope Celes-
tine in 431 " ad Scotos in Christum cre-
dentes," to the Scots believing in Christ.
No one now doubts that by Scots Prosper
meant the natives of Ireland. This mis-
sion of Palladius, who was deacon of the
Roman Church, did not last long, and
bore little fruit. So much we learn from
the Book of Armagh (written before 700),
with the additional fact that Palladius
died in Britain on his return from Ii-eland,
The general conversion of the Irish
nation was reserved for St. Patrick, who
was probably born at the place now called
Kilpatrick on the Clyde,' whence he was
carried as a slave into the north of Ireland
while still a youth. The degradation and
darkness of the inhabitants profoundly
impressed his pure and generous heart,
and from the time when he regained his
liberty, at the age of twenty-one, he de-
voted himself to the divine service, and
the task of spreading the doctrines of sal-
vation. After going through a course of
study at Marmoutier and Lerins, he
repaired to Rome. We next hear of him
as accompanying St. Germanus and St.
Lupus on their anti-Pelagian mission to
Britain. Being selected by St. Germanus
to preach the faith in Ireland, he went
first — if we may accept the testimony of
Probus- — to Rome to obtain the apo-
stolic blessing. Celestiue dying soon after,
Patrick left Rome and journeyed towards
Ireland. Hearing on his way of the death
of Palladius, he went to St. Amatorex,
who ordained him bishop. Landing in
Ireland in 432, he attended the assembly
of the Irish kings and chieftains held on
the hill of Tara in that year. Hi.s recep-
tion was not very encouraging ; however,
he converted several, and among others
the father of St. Benignus, his immediate
successor in the see of Armagh.
St. Patrick fixed his principal resi-
1 Card. Moran, Archbishop of Sydney, who
forniorly leant to the opinion that the place was
near Bnnlojrne in Fr im r, has Intoly written
convincinfrly in favour nf the Soettish site.
' Probus wrote a Life nf St. Patrick in
the tenth century; see OCurry's Materials
Ancient Irish llislori/.
IRTSn CHURCH
IRISH CHURCH 400
dence at Armagh, which became the pri-
niatial see of the island. In the course
of his long career, extending beyond sixty
years, he visited and converted the greater
part of Ireland, and established bishoprics
in all the provinces. Among his chief
companions and assistants -were Auxilius,
Isseminiis, and Secundinus. The Irish
people received the Gospel with extra-
ordinary readiness. St. Patrick left few
writings behind him ; his " Confession," a
kind of autobiography, is his chief work.
We have also his circular letter against
Coroticus, and the canons of a synod
which he held with Auxilius and Isser-
ninus, about 453, to regulate Church dis-
cipline. In his " Confession " he does not
mention the Pope or the Holy See, and
Reda, in his " Ecclesiastical History," is
silent about St. Patrick's mission. Hence
Protestant writers have inferred that he
had no mission from Rome, and preached
a Christianity of his own, distinct from
that of the Popes ; in short, that he was a
kind of Protestant. This hypothesis has
been exploded by Dr. Lanigan, Bishop
Moran, and others, who show that al-
though St. Patrick, having a special object
in view when he wrote the " Confession,"
says nothing in it about Rome, yet the
history of the early Irish Church is unin-
telligible unless we assume a close and
fihal relation to the Holy See to have j
existed from the first. Within a century
after St. Patrick, St. Columbanus, the !
great Irish missionary of the sixth cen- I
tury, said to the Pope, "The Catholic ]
faith is held unshaken by us, as it was
delivered to us by you, the successors of
the holy Apostles." ' Another theory was
put forward by tlu> learned Usher, the
Protestant Archbisliop of Armagh ; it
was that Ireland did not owe her Chris-
tianity to Rome, nor even to St. Patrick,
since she already possessed a hierarchy at
the time when the saint arrived. But
when the names of the bishops supposed
to have belonged to this hierarchy — Ailbe,
Declan, Tbar, Kieran, &c. — came to be
examined, Dr. Lanigan was able to prove
that thev were all posterior in date to
St. Patrick.*
With respect to Beda, although it is
true that he does not mention St. Patrick
in his "Ecclesiastical History," the circum-
stance— singular as it must be admitted
to be — may perhaps be explained on the
ground that he chose to confine himself
> Moran, £ssaui on iiie Early Irish Church,
1864.
' Ibid. p. 40.
strictly to the religious concerns of the
Angles and Saxons. It is impossible to
infer from it that Beda passed over the
conversion of Ireland in silence, because
he, a zealous adherent of Rome, disap-
proved of a work effected independently
of Rome. Had he so felt, he would have
studiously avoided speaking of St. Pat-
rick in his other writings, as well as in
his history. But the fact is that in both
his " Martyrologies " Beda does give the
name of St. Patrick. In the prose one,
under March 17, he says, "In Scotia, the
birthday of the holy Patricius, bishop
and confessor, who first in that country
preached the gospel of Christ." In his
metrical martyrology, under the same
day, he says, " Patricius, the servant of
the Lord, mounted to the heavenly court."
The death of the apostle of Ireland
occurred in 493. The present sketch of
the history of the Church in Ireland from
that time to our own day will be divided
into three periods: 1, that of sanctity,
learning, and missionary energy- (40;)-
800) ; 2, that of invasions and usui-pation
(800-1530) ; 3, that of persecution (15:^0-
1829). The period commencing at the
last-named date will be regarded by our
descendants, if present appearances may
be trusted, as an era of restoration.
I. The Irish saints are divided by the
national hagiographers into three classes.
In the first, which consists of those of the
earliest Christian age down to about 530,
the principal figures are those of St. Pat-
rick himself, St. Brigid of Kildare, St.
Ibar, St. Declan, and St. Kieran. The
second class, from 530 to 600, contains
St. Coemgen or Kevin, the two Brendans,
Jarlath of Tuam, and the great St. Co-
lumba or Columbkill. The third cla^^s,
whose period is from 600 to about 660,
contains St. Maidoc, the first Bishop of
Ferns ; St. Colman of Lindisfame, Ultan,
Fursey, See. The first class, in the words
of the ancient authority quoted by Dr.
Lanigan,* " blazes like the sun, the second
like the moon, the third like the stars
. . . the first most holy, the second very
holy, the third holy."
That learning, in all the branches then
known, was eagerly followed by Irish
students from the time of the conversion,
is a fact of which there is abundant evi-
dence. A copious literature sprang up,
consisting of monastic rules, tracts on
ritual and discipline, homilies, prayers,
hymns, genealogies, martyrologies in prose
and verse, and lives of saints. This
> History of the Church of Ireland, ii. 330.
£ K 2
500 IRISH CHURCH
IRISH CHURCH
lileratiire, as was to be expected,was partly
composed in the vernacular and partly
in Latin ; but the bulk of it was in the
GaeUc. The extant remains are still con-
siderable ; that they are not yet more
copious is explained by Professor O'Curry
in a remarkable passage, which will be
cited in a difl'erent connection further on.
The English Beda bears ungrudging
testimony to the high character of the
Irish missionaries who had laboured in
Korthumbria, and to the general belief in
the excellence of the Irish schools. " The
whole solicitude of those teachers," he
says, " was to serve God, not the world ;
their one thought was how to train the
heart, not how to satisfy the appetite." '
The spt'cial excellence of the Irish schools
w.is the interpretation of Scripture ; thus,
about 650, Agilbert, a French bishop,
resided a long time in Ireland " for the
sake of reading the Scriptures."^ Some
years later (OlU) it became a common
practice with the Northumbrian thanes
to visit Ireland, either with a view to
greater advance in the spiritual life, or
for the sake of biblicalknowledge, " divinae
lectionis." These last would go from
place to place, attending the cells of the
diflereut masters ; and so generous were
the natives, that they provided for them
all " their daily food free of cost, books
also to read, and gratuitous teaching." '
The missionary energy of the Irish
Church, commencing with a little island
off the coast of Mull, wliicli it made a
basis for further operations, ended by
embracing France, Switzerland, and Italy
within the scope of its charity. St. Co-
lumba, of whom Montalembert in his
" Monks of the West " has given to the
world a graphic portraiture, founded the
monastery of Ily or lona in 56-3, chiefly
with a view to the conversion of the Picts
dwelling in the north of Scotland. For
more than 'I'-M) years lona continued to
flourish, and was a centre of pure religion,
education, art, and literature to all the
6un-ounding countries. Here, as in a
"sacred storeliouse," ' rest the bones of
not a few Irish, Scottisli, and Nor-\\i'gian
kiiigs. It wasdeva-tiil.il liy llip Italics in
7')o, and the monks wcjv (lispr)-,-,(Ml a few
years later. From lona tin- monk Aidan,
at the invitation of kingOswald, came into
Northumbria, the Angles of which were
etiU mostly Pagans, and founded in 633
» Hist. Eccl. iii. 26.
» Ibid. iii. 7
« Ibid. iii. 27.
« Shaksp. Macbeth, Act. II. sc. 4.
a monastery on the isle of Lindisfarue, of
which he became the first bishop. To
him and his successors the conversion of
the northern Enghsh was chiefly due.
Lindisfarne in its turn became a gTcat
school of sacred learning and art, and its
bishopric ultimately grew into the palatine
see of Durham. In East Anglia the Iri.sh
St. Fursey assisted Felix the Burgundian
in the conversion of the natives ; in Wessex
the Iri.sh jMaidulf founded the great con-
vent of Malmesbury. In the sixth and
seventh centuries Irish missionaries were
active in France: Fridohn restored re-
ligion at Poictiers, and recovered the
relics of St. Hilary ; St. Fursey founded
a monastery at Lagny ; St. Fiacre settled
at Paris ; and Columbanus foimded in
Burgundy the historic monastery of
Luxeuil. In Switzerland the name of the
town and canton of St. Gall perpetuates
the memory of an Irish anchorite, -w lio in
613 planted a cross near a spring in the
heart of a dense forest, soutli of the lake
of Constance, and by di\spising tlie world
drew the world to him. Bobbio, in Italy,
was the last foundation and resting-place
of St. Columbanus. In Germany, the
Irish Fridolin, the hero of many a tender
Volhslic'd and wild legend, was probably
the first apostle of the Alemanni in Baden
and Suabia.'
The well-known controversy respect-
ing the right observation of Easter, which
raged in the seventh and eighth centuries
between those who had received a Rdnnn
and an Irish training res})ectivelY, turned
on tlie fact that the Irisli Churcli", from its
isolation in the far west, and the diffi-
culties of communication with the centre
of unity, had fallen somewhat behindliand
in ecclesiastical science, and not adopted
the improvedmethodsof calculation which
had come into force in Latin Christendom
generally.- After there had been time for
a full discussion and comparison of views,
the Irish gradually came round to the
better practice. At a synod held at Old
Leighlin, in 630, a letter having come
1 Art. " Fridolin," by Hefele, in VVetzer
and Welte.
2 The erroneous practice was not that of
tho Quartodpcimnns [Eastkk Cycle], f.-r the
Irish alway.s waited ter Sunday befiire eele-
br.itiiin the feast; it cen.si.si.ed in kee|>iiifi
Ea.ster from the foiiit.viiih to the twentieth
(i:'V of tlie llist niOTitli, instead of from the
liflVeiith f<. the twent\ -tiisl ; the C(inM'i|iieiice
beiii- th;it Miiel.'e. I-;! on tlie loiiii.enth,
E;isler lie-.in to l.e ke|,l ..n llie , veoiii- of the
tliirtei ntli ilitv, tliat is inj'orc the uccuirciice of
the Pa.sohal full n.oou.
TPJSIl CHURCH
IRISH CHURCH 501
from Honorius I., the Roman cycle and
niles for computing Easter were adopted
in all the south of Ireland.' At lona and
in the north of Ireland the necessary
change was deferred fi>r many years.
Adamnan, Abbot of Ily, laboured hard
between 701 and 704 to introduce the
Roman Easter, and met with considerable
success. But the decisive adoption of it
at Hy is said to have been due to the per-
suasions of St. Egbert, about 716.-
n. Period of luvasions. — The Danes
{called " Ostmeii " by the Irish) appeared
on the Irish coasts about the end of the
eighth centiu-y. AVherever they came
they desecrated churches, burnt monas-
teries, destroyed books, pictures and sculp-
tures; murdered priests, monks and poets.
To the ferocity of the wild beast they
joined the persevering energy of the
Teuton; their arms were better than those
of the Irish, and perhaps they had more
bMII in handling them. Confusion and
lamentation were soon in every part of
the island. Men, after a while, seeing the
continued success of these odious Pagans,
began to doubt of Providence, and to
grow slack in faith. Saiu-e qui peut be-
came the general feeling, and the gene-
rosity towards the Church of the converts
of the age of St. Patrick underwent a
selfish but not unnatural reaction in their
descendants. " ^^'hen foreign invasion
and war had cooled down the fervid de-
votion of the native chiefs, and had dis-
tracted and broken up the long-established
reciprocity of good offices between the
Church and the State, as weU as the
central executive controlling power of the
nation, the chief and the noble began to
feel that the lands which he himself or
his ancestors had ofl'ered to the Church,
might now, with little impropriety, be
taken back by him, to be aj)plied to his
own purposes, quieting his conscience by
the necessity of the case." ^ The beautiful
Glendalough, founded by St. Kevin about
549, being near the sea, was peculiarly ex-
posed to Danish assault ; but not one of
the principal monasteries — Armagh, Kil-
dare, Clonmacnoise, Slane, &c. — escaped
destruction at one time or other. Dublin —
of which the Irish name is"Ath-cliath" —
became a Danish city. From time to time
the invaders were heavily defeated — as in
the battle of Clontarf (1014), when the
victorious Brian Boru feU in the hour
of victory. Gradually they adopted
' Lanigan, ii. 389.
» Bed. Hist. Eccl. V. 22.
» O'Curry, Materials, &c. p. 343.
Christianity, lost their national language,
and were blended with the natives, never
having, as in England, succeeded in sub-
jecting the whole inland to their rule.
In the course of the twelfth century,
the power of the O'Neils of Ulster, who
had for a long period been over-lords of
the whole of Ireland, declined, and the
O'Connors of Connaught attempted to
take their place. But it was a weak and
wavering sovereignty, and the kings oi
the five petty kingdoms were continually
plotting, combining, and making war one
against another. A state of general in-
security and lawlessness was the natural
result ; and though the ftiith of the people
remained intact, moral disorder in every
form was rampant, and the discipline of
the Church was often set at nought. The
clergy, probably for the sake of greater
stability and safety, tended to clustei-
together under some monastic rule : and
the laity, abandoned to themselves, fell
a prey to gross superstitions and excesses.
The Popes, by sending legates, and writing
admonitory letters from time to time,
attempted to reform the state of society.
In the first half of the twelfth century a
powerful influence for good was exerted
by the admirable sanctity of St. Malachy,
who died at Clairvaux under the eves of
St. Bernard, in 114S, and who-e life was
written by his great I'liend. The >tate of
things at Armagh, \\hen Malaehy was
elected to the primacy in llio, is a good
illustration of the disorderwhich pervaded
the Iri.sh Church. A certain powerful
family had for more than two hundred
years claimed the primatial chair as a
hereditary possession ; for fifteen genera-
tions they had made good their claim ;
and of these fifteen occupants of the see
only six were in holy orders, the rest
being married laymen, who, though they
did not presume to exercise the episcopal
functions, enjoyed the title and emolu-
ments of the bishopric* Celsus, the last
of the series, being a good man, procured
the election of St. Malachy as his succes-
sor ; but the family resented this intrusion
on their " rights ' and presented to the
see one of themselves, Maurice by name,
upon the death of Celsus. For the sake
of peace, St. Malachy waited five years
before entering Armagh ; on the death of
Maurice, in 1133, he was peaceably in-
stalled. In 1138 the saint visited Rome,
where the Pope, Innocent II., received
him with the highest honour, and ap-
pointed him his legate in Ireland. His
I Lingard, Hist, of Eng. ii. 89.
502 TETRH OHrTRCH
TEISH CHURCH
zeal, but still more his saintly example,
eft'ected a salutary change in the northern
parts of Ireland, where, having obtained
leave to resign the primacy, he spent the
last ten years of his life as bishop of the
small see of Down.
At the beginning of his reign, Henry II.
is said to have obtained the approbation
of Pope Adrian IV., an Enghshman, for
his project of entering Ireland, ostensibly
with a view to extirpating vice and igno-
rance among the natives, and attaching
the island more closely to the see of
St. Peter. Of this bull Henry made no
use for many years, and the actual inva-
sion of Ireland by Strongbow and other
Norman knights was in a manner acci-
dental. For several generations things
went on much as before ; the English
power was confined to the " Pale," or
strip of country on the eastern coast ; in
the rest of Ireland the native princes,
though they often recognised an ill-defined
over-lordship in the English kings, reigned
practically after their own fashion. Out-
side the I'ale, Brehon, not feudal law
prevailed. One benefit, at least, resulted :
the Normans were great builders ; and
noble churches of stone soon covered the
land. It is true that in this reform they
were preceded by St. Malachy, who had
built a church of stone at Bangor, near
Carrickfergus, to the great amazement of
the natives, who had, till then, seen only
their own ingeniously constructed edifices
of timber and wiclterwork.
Three great Irish synods were held in
the twelfth century. At the first, that of
Kells (1152), at which a Roman cardinal
presided, the metropolitan dignity of the
three sees of Cashel,' Dublin, and Tuam
was solemnly recognised ; but the primacy
over the whole island was still reserved
to Armii gh . At the second, that of Ca shel
(117:^), held immediately after the inva-
sion. Church property was declared to be
exempt from the exactions of the chief-
tains, the regular payment of tithes was
enjoined, and it was ordered that all
matters of ritual should be arranged in
future "agreeably to the observance of
the Church of England " — in other words,
according to Roman usage. The third
synod, that of Dublin (118G), passed
several canons of ritual; it is chiefly
1 Cashel was already regarded as a metro-
politan see as early as 1111, and its bishops
exerted corresponding powers to some extent ;
in 114U it was formally recognised as such by
Innocent II. at the request of St. Malachy
(Lanigan, iv. 20).
noted for a sermon, preached before it by-
Gerald de Barri, or Cambrensis, in which,
while praising the orthodoxy and the
continency of the Irish clergy, he lamented
that too many of them were addicted to-
intemperance.
Many of the English and Normans
who settled in Ireland after the invasion
adopted by degrees the dress, customs,
and laws of the natives, and became no-
less intractable than they in their attitude
towards the Enghsh government. An
eftbrt was made to stop this process bv
the Statute of Kilkenny (1367), which
made it treasonable for those of Enghsh
descent to marry, or enter into the rela-
tion of fosterage, or contract spiritual
affinity with the natives; and forbade to
I the same class, on pain of forfeiture of
property, the adoption of an Irish name,
or the use of the Irish language, dress,
or customs. But this statute was to a
great extent inoperative, and from the
I date of its enactment to the time of
Henry VIII. there were two parties in
continual opposition to the government,
the " English rebels," and the " Irish
enemies." The demarcation between
English and Irish which the civil govern-
ment thus did its utmost to maintain,
was partially introduced, and with the
most unhappy results, into the adminis-
tration of Church affairs. In the counties
of the Pale it was scarcely possible for
an ecclesiastic of Irish race to otitain
preferment. The invasion by the Scots
under Edward Bruce in 1315, though
ultimately defeated, caused great confu-
sion, and called forth during its continu-
ance many tokens of sympathy from the
Irish clergy. This, says Mr. Malone,
was made a pretext for " throwing off
the mask," ' and under colour of disloyalty
Irishmen were excluded from all the
higher dignities and benefices. Yet it
would appear that this exclusion could
not have extended much beyond the Pale ;
for if we examine the lists of bishops oc-
cupying the Irish sees in 1350, we find
that out of thirty-three names, eighteen
are certainly Irish, thirteen English, while
two may be doubtful. All through this
time of confusion and disunion a strong
religious feeling was abroad, animating
the men of both races alike, and directing
them to common objects. In the thir-
teenth century we hear of 170 monasteries
being founded ; about 55 in the four-
teenth; and about 60 in the fifteenth.
> Church History of Ireland, ch. ix.
IRISH CHURCH
IRISH CHURCH
Two unsaccessfiil attempts were made to
found universities: one at Dublin (IJISO)
bv Archbishop Bicknor; the other at
Progheda, by the Parliament which sat
there in 14(i5.
HI. Period of Persecution. — By the
aid of Brown, the Archbishop of Dublin,
an Englishman, who had embraced the
Lutheran opinions, Henry VIII. had
some success in imposing his doctrine of
the royal supremacy on the Irish clergy.
Under Mary all progress in this direction
was reversed. Soon after the accession
of Elizabeth, in 15H0, a packed Parlia-
ment was convened at Dublin which
passed an Act of Uniformity, declaring
■'.he royal supremacy over the Church,
and imposing the Protestant Prayer-
book. By many Protestant writers ' it
has been maintained that the bishops,
with the exception of two, either approved
of, or acquiesced in tlie new order of
things, and that the people for many
years frequented the churches where the
English service was performed. The
falsehood of all such statements has
been exposed bv the Bishop of Ossory
[now Cardinal' Moran (18U2)].^ The
real state of the case appears to have
been this. The Archbishop of Dublin,
Curwin, conformed to Protestantism, and
O'Fihel, Bishop of Leighlin, did the same.
The conduct of four bishops (Ossory,
Ferns, Cork, and Clonfert) is more or
less suspicious. The remainder of the
Irish hierarchy, viz. the Archbishops of
Cashel and Tuam (the see of Armagh
was vacant), two bishops holding sees
in the Pale (who were deprived by the
government), and sixteen other bishops
of suffragan sees, remained faithful to
their canonical obligations. As these
bishops died, or as, in the course of the
Elizabethan wars, the government was
able to consolidate its power in the re-
moter parts of Ireland, the cathedrals,
Church lands, and other Church property
were made over to Protestant bishops
and ministers appointed under the Act
of Uniformity. The Catholic Bishop of
Kilmore, Richard Brady, was expelled
from the see so late as 1585. The Holy
See did all that it could to support the
oppressed Church of Ireland, and animate
the clergy to meet their sufferings with
an unbending fortitude. A nuncio was
sent to reside at Limerick, money and
' lUshop Mant, Dean Murray, &(;.
Episcopal Succession in Ireland. See also
an article in the Contemporary Review, for May
1880, on " Dr. LittleU ile, ' &c.
arms were liberally provided, the intcr-
vinitioii of Spain solicited, and Irisli
rccloi.isi ICS visiting Rome welcomed and
;is>i>ii !l. Except in the case of Dublin,
the .^ent of the Anglo-Irish government,
where the see was left vacant for many
years from the absolute impossibility of
any prelate residing there in safety, the
successions of bishops in all the Irish
sees appear to have been regularly main-
tained through all the period of persecu-
tion.
The cause of learning, to which the
Irisli Church had been ever devoted,
could not but suffer in this prolonged
conflict. Before the change of religion in
England there had been some encouraging
signs of progress in the reconciliation of
the races through the influence of a com-
mon interest in intellectual pursuits.
Among the distinguished Oxford students
of the first thirty years of the sixteenth
century, a considerable proportion were
Irislinien,' and it is impossible to doubt
that had peace and religious unity been
preserved, this resort to the English uni-
versities would have gone on increasing
until it bore its natural fruit in the
establishment of a great university on
IrisJi soil. The change of religion in
England cut off the supply of Irish
students; Catholicism became a perse-
cuted creed; and the effect on learning
■ — its professors, seats, implements, and
productions — may be imderstood from
the following vigorous passage. " From
about the year 1530, in the reign of the
English king Henry VIII., to the year
ll'-M, the priests of Ireland were ever
subject to persecution, suppression, dis-
persion, and expatriation, according to
the English law ; their churches, monas-
teries, convents, and private habitations
were pillaged and wrested from them ;
and a Vandal warfare was kept up against
all that was venerable and sacred of the
remains of ancient literature and art
which they possessed. When, therefore,
we make search for the once extensive
monuments of learning which the ecclesi-
astical libraries contained of old, we
must i-emember that this shocking system
continued for near -300 years; and that
during all that long period the clergy —
the natural repositories of all the docu-
ments which belonged to the history of
the Church — were kept in a continual
state of insecurity and transition, often
compelled to resort to the continent for
1 See the list in Wood's Athense Oxon.
Wood does not go farther back thau 1.500.
604 IRISH CHUECH
lEISII CHURCH
education, often forced to quit tlieir homes
and churches at a moment's notice, and
&y for their lives, in the first instance to
the thorny depths of the nearest forest or
the damp shelter of some dreary cavern,
until such time, if ever it should come,
as they could steal away to the hospitable
shores of some Christian land on the
continent of Europe." '
Under James I. and Charles I., the
Catholic clergy having been now stripped
of all their property, and the laity of a
considerable portion of theirs, some tole-
ration was extended by the government
to Catholic worship. The terrible rising
of 1641 was the commencement of a war
of eleven years, ending with the surrender
of Galway in 1652. Innocent X. sent
the Archbishop of Fermo (Rinuccini) as
his nuncio to Ireland in the autumn of
1645, with considerable supplies of arms
and money. Unfortunately dissension
arose in the national ranks ; a moderate
section of the clergy, with most of the
Catholic gentry and laity, were for aiding
the King against the Parliament, and
not exacting from him very stringent
conditions ; but the bulk of the popula-
tion, supported hy the nuncio and the
inferior clergy, were for turning the war
into a struggle for complete religious
fi-eedom and national independence.
Cromwell transported his victorious army
to Ireland in 1649, and by several suc-
cessful sieges, followed by bloody military
executions, broke the strength of the
resistance. The conquest of the island
was completed by his lieutenants. Tlie
suilerings of the Irish clergy during, and
still more after, tlie war were indescrib-
able. Bishop O'Brien of Emly was exe-
cuted by Ireton's order (16.51) after the
fall of Limerick. Bishop Egan of Ross
was murdered by Ludlow's soldiers in
1650. In the same year Bishop McMahon
of Clogber, being in command of a body
of Irish troo])s, I'l'll into the hands of the
Puritans, and, tliough quarter had been
promised, was hanged. A letter of Dr.
Burgatt, afterwards Archbishop of Cashel,
written in 1667, says tbat in the perse-
cution begun by Cromwell " more than
300 [clergy] w ere put to death by the
sword or on the scaffold . . . ; more
than inOO were sent into exile, and
among these all the sur\ iving bishops,"
except the Binhop of Kilmore, who was
too old to move.'' The Puritan soldiers
1 O'Curry's Materials, S^c. p. 365.
2 Monin, Hist. Sketch of the Persecutions
Milder Cromwell (18G2), p. 82.
put every priest to death whom they fell
in with ; and yet so close a tie of affec-
tion bound the clergy to their native land
and their people, that even in 1658,
about the worst time of all, there were
upwards of 150 priests in each province.'
The regular clergy were no better oti';
the Acts of the General Chapter of the
Dominican Order held at Rome in 1656
mention that out of 600 friars who were
in the island in 1646 not a fourth part
were left, and of forty-three convents of
the order, not one remained stauding.'-
All these horrors the Puritans j)retended
to justify, as done in retaliation for the
massacre of Protestants in 1641. Tbat
a great number of persons were cruelly
put to death at the time of that rising is
undeniable ; but, as Lingard points out,*
the main object pursued was not the
murder of Protestants, but the recovery
of the confiscated lands. He signifi-
cantly adds, "That they [the Irish]
suliered as much as they inflicted cannot
be doubted.''
The exiles, both priests and laity,
were cast on the French coast in a state
of such utter destitution that, but for
prompt and ample relief, many must
have perished. Happily, a saint was at
hand to help them. St. Vincent of Paul,
tilled with compassion for these victims
of war and fanaticism, collected money
and clothing for them, and provided
them all with homes and shelter ; he
even sent considerable supplies to Ire-
land.'' The Bishop of Ossory also gives
detailed proof of the imwearied solici-
tude of the Holy See, for many years
after the Cromwellian invasion, in pro-
curing succours of every kind for
the Irish Catholics, and itself aiding
them with money to the utmost of its
power.*
The Act of Settlement (1660) lega-
lised a great part of the Cromwellian
spoliations; but the Catholic worship
was tolerated all through the reign of
Charles II. At the Revolution, the
1 Moran, Hist. S/ietch of the Persecutions
under Cromwell (1862), p. 98.
^ Moran, op. cit. p. 74.
* Hist, of Engl. vii. npp. note nnu.
* Moran, op. cit. )>. ri2.
5 About 1688, 72,(1011 francs a 3'ear were
supplied by Koine for the support of the Irish
secuhir clergy and laity. In 1699 the Pope
sent to .Tames II., at' St. Germain's, 58,000
francs for the Irish ecclesia>tics exiled that
year. From .ihout 1760 to 1800 the Popes
sent the Irish bishops a hundred Roman crowns
a year in aid of Catholic poor schools.
IRISH CHURCH
IRISH COLLEGE 605
Irisb espoused the cause of their king,
■who, whatever quarrel the English might
have with him, had done Ireland no
■wrong. Neither the letter nor the spirit
of the constitution enjoined that the
Irish Pari lament and people should change
their king whenever it might suit the
English people to change theirs. But,
in the absence of effectual aid from
abroad, the superior resources of the
stronger nation crushed the resistance of
the weaker ; and a period commenced for
the Irish Church and people sadder than
any that had preceded it. The -writings
of Burke, and — among recent publica-
tions— Mr. Lecky's " History of the
Eighteenth Century," paint in detail the
picture of Ireland ruined and outraged
by the penal laws. ^Tiatever iniquitous
law and crafty administration could de-
vise to destroy the faith of the people
was tried during the gloomy century
which began at the Revolution, but all
to no effect. The ill-success of the
American war compelled the English
government to propose the first relaxation
of the penal laws in 1778. From that
time the Irish Church has been step by
step regaining portions and fragments of
the rights of which she was deprived in
the sixteenth century. The Protestant
Church was disestablished in 1869. The
last thirty years have seen the island
covered with beautiful religious edifices
— cathedrals, parish th arches, convents,
colleges, &c. Of such a people it may
be justly said, " In much experience of
tribulation they have had abimdance of
joy, and their very deep poverty hath
abounded unto the riches of their simpli-
city." *
The foUo-wing is a list of the Irish
sees, of which four are metropolitan and
twenty-four suffragan : —
Province of Armagh.
Armagh M.ath
Derry Cloirher
Dromore Raphoe
Down and Connor Ardsijh
Kilmore
Province <\f Dublin,
Dublin Ossoty
Kildare and Leighlin Ferns
Province, of CasheL
Cashel and Emly Waterford and Lismore
Cork Clovne
KiUaloe Ro^s
Limerick Kerry
» 2 Cor. viii. 2.
Province of Tuam.
Tunm Elphin
Achonrv Galw.ay
Kilmacdungh and Kil- Clonfert
fenora Killala
Mitred Abbot : The Most Rev. the Abbot of
Mount Melleray, Cappoquin.
(Lanigan, " Ecclesiastical History of
Ireland," 1829; Plowden, "Historical
Review of the Sta-fe of Ireland." 1803;
Malone, " Church History of Ireland,"
Srd edition, 1880; Moran [now (1802) Car-
dinal Archbishop of Sydney], " Spicile-
gium Ossoriense:" "Essays on the Origin,
Doctrine, and Discipline of the earlv
Irish Church," 1864 ; " Historical Sketch
of the Persecutions suffered by the Catho-
lics of Ireland under Cromwell and the
Puritans" [1862].)
XRZSR COI.X.ECZ:. The munificent
Pontiff to whom the English College
owed its foundation — Gregory XIII. —
contemplated a similar institution for
Ireland; but on mature consideration he
judgfd that whatever portion of the
Papal revenues could be spared to aid
that injured people would be better spent
in sending them money and arms, at a
time when they were engaged in a deadly
struggle with "their heretical oppressors,
than in any other way. His original
desire was, however, carried out by his
nephew the Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisio,
who in 1628 founded a college near the
Piazza Barberini for the instruction of
Irish theological students, who were
afterwards to rv -urn to their own land,
and do their bi * .o keep alive the flame
of religion amoi f^- their persecuted coun-
trymen. The celebrated Irish Franciscan
Ft. Luke Wadding, the historian of his
order, was the first rer jir of the college,
wj^h opened with six students, and a
dc^.tion of fifty scudi per month. Car-
dinfvl Ludovisio by his -will bequeathed
to it a large vineyard at Castel Gandolfo,
and a thousand scudi of annual rent ; he
further directed that its management
should be transferred to the hands of the
Society of Jesus. A permanent site for
the college was found near the convent
of the Dominican nuns of the Anuuu-
ziata. The students attended lectures at
the CoUegio Romano [Romak College!
The college remained under Jesuit
management till 1773, when the order
was suppressed; from that time to the
date of the French invasion — when it
shared in the general ruin which fell or
all the Roman colleges — it was governed
by an Irish rector assisted by three oi
506 IRREGULARITY
IRREGULARITY
four secular priests of that nation. In
1H26 it was restored by Leo XII., who
placed it in a suitable building near the
church of S. Lucia de' Ginnasi, with
Mgr. Blake for its first rector. Soon
afterwards it was arranged that the
Cardinal Prefect of Propaganda pro tern.
should always be the protector of the
college. Card. Cappellari, afterwards
Gregory XVI., who thus became their
protector, conceived a sing-ular affection
for tliis Irish community and loaded it
witli I'aYours. In 18-3f) he paid a formal
visit to the college, while Paul Cullen,
afterwards Cardinal Archbishop of Dub-
lin, was rector ; and in the same year he
made over to it the monastery and church
of S. Agata alia Suburra. As another
proof of his r(^g,'ird, he granted to the
students the privilege of carrying in the
annual procession of Corpus Christi the
staves of the baldacchino under which
the Pope carries the Blessed Sacrament,
from the end of the colonnade in the
piazza of St. Peter's to the great gate of
the Accoramboni palace.
XRREGUXiARZTY is defined as &
"canonical impediment, which prevents
a person from entering the ranks of
the clergy, from rising to a higher
order, or from exercising the order
which he has received " (Gury). The
term "irregular," according to the emi-
nent canonist Phillips, first occurs in the
decretals of Innocent III. An " irregu-
laris" is one who does not fulfil the
"rules" imposed upon, or the require-
ments which the Church makes of those
who seek to be tonsured or ordained.
The same Pope distinguishes between the
" nota defectus " and the " nota delicti,"
and this is the basis of the division of
inegularities which still prevails among
canonists and theologians, viz. into such
as proceed from defect (ex defectu), and
from crime (ex delicto). This arrange-
ment is a convenient one, but it is not
strictly scientific. In reality irregularity
is always "ex defectu." It is not a
penalty, and so is quite distinct from cen-
sure, deposition, or degradation. It may
arise, no doubt, from crime, but only in-
directly— so far, that is to say, as crime
constitutes a defect in the reputation
which is desirable in a clergyman. Hence
repentance, sacramental absolution, and
amendment do not in themselves remove
the irregularity " ex delicto." We ob-
.serve before going further that, though
the term "irregular" is of mediaeval
origin, the idea is ancient. From early
times "bigamy" (in a sense to be explaiued
presently), bodily defects, ignorance,
recent reception of baptism, military
service, servile condition or entangle-
ment in worldly business, and crimes
which subjected a man to public penance,
have been regarded as impediments to
ordination.
I. Irregularities ex Defectu.
(1) Ex Defectu Animi. — Lunatics,
&c., are irregular, so are persons without
sufficient knowledge. Ignorance is men-
tioned as a bar to ordination by Popes
Hilary (Ep. 2, Mansi, torn. vii. 928) and
Gregory the Great (Ep. lib. ii. 37). The
Council of Ti'ent (Sess. xxiii. De Ref.)
requires for the tonsure ability to read
and write, with elementary religious
knowledge; for minor orders acquaintance
with Latin ; further instruction in letters
and ability to fulfil their respective duties
is exacted from those who desire to be
subdeacons and deacons, while a priest
must have proved himself on examination
fit to instruct the people, administer the
sacraments, &c. Provincial synods are to
provide a careful form of examination
I and inquiry into the knowledge and other
qualities of one who is to be consecrated
bishop (Sess. xxiv. De Ref c. 1). Neo-
phytes are excluded from ordination. This
defect, called "defectus fidei confirmatse,"
is recognised by Pope Siricius (Mansi, iii.
069), and has its justification in 1 Tim.
iii. 6.
(2) Fx Defectu Corporis. — Which
may arise either from some horrible muti-
lation or the like, which might cause
horror in the people, or else from the want
of some sense, member, &c., necessary
for the performance of clerical duty.
Thus one who has lost his left eye, called
the " eye of the canon," because chiefly
used in reading the canon of the Mass,
cannot receive the priesthood. Bodily
mutilation is mentioned in this connection
by Popes Hilary and Gregory (Ep. 2,
Mansi, vii. 928, "in qualibet corporis parte
vitiatum," Ep. lib. ii. 37). The prescrip-
tions of the old law seem to have weighed
here.
(3) Ex Defectu Natalium. — Which
excludes children born out of wedlock,
unless their parents have subsequently mar-
ried, or unless the illegitimate person has
made his profession in a religious order.
Otherwise the bishop may dispense for
minor orders, the dispensation for Holy
Orders being reserved to the Pope, and a
fresh dispensation being needed in case of
promotion to the episcopate. This impedi-
IRREGULARITY
IRREGULARITY 5U7
ment, Phillips says, was not distiuctly '
recognised till the eleventh century. It
arose partly because in the German
nations illegitimate children were with-
out civil rights, partly because the pre-
Talence of clerical concubinage and the
frequent promotion of priests' sons to
their fathers' otBce threatened to bring the i
spirit of caste ijito the clerical ranks. As
early, however, as a.d. 845, we find a |
Council of Meiiux (Can. 64, Mansi, xiv.
•834) prohibiting the ordination of children
born before marriage to "raptores vir-
ginum aut viduarum."
(4) Ex Ihfectu Piatt's.— The older
rule admitted very young people to the
minor orders, of which then the sub-
diaconate was one, but the diacoiiate was
reserved for the thirtieth, the priesthood
for the thirty-tifth, and the episcopate for
the completion of the i'ortieth year. The
decretals prescribe for the tonsure the
seventh year complete, for the subdia-
conate the eighteenth year, for the dia-
■conate the twentieth, for the priesthood
the twenty-fifth year begun, for the
episcopate tlie thirtieth year complete.
The Council of Trent (Sess. xxiii. De
Ref ) has partially altered these rides,
requiring for the subdiaconate the twenty-
second, for the diaconate the twenty-third
begun.
( 5) Ex Defectu Libe>-tatis.~Fope Leo
I. (Ep. 4) excludes slaves, and generally
those under tlie power of others, and
Innocent 1. (Ep. 2, Mansi, iii. 1035) —
^•curiales vel quibuslibet functionibus pu-
blicis occupatos." These rules still sub-
sist, and married persons are also excluded
at least from Holy Oixlers, unless they
obtain their wife's consent, and she, if
young, enters religion (Gury).
(6) El- Dcfrctu Sacra7nenti. — This
irregularity aliects tliose who have been
married twice, or, having married once,
were wedded to one who was not a virgin.
The former part of the rule is found, as
many think, in 1 Tim. iii. 2; Tit. i. 6,
and certainly obtained in the Church at
a very early date (see, e.g., TertuU. " De
Monog." 12). The second part of the
rule was in force from the fourth cen-
tury (see Ep. Siric. Mansi, iii. G70; Inno-
cent I Ep. 2, Mansi, iii. lt).!4; Hilarv,
Ep. 2, Mansi, iii. 928 ; Gregoiy, Ep. lib.
ii. 37). The canon law extends the pro-
hibition to one who has continued to live
with an adulterous wife, or has gone
through the Ibrm of marriage after reli-
gious profession or the subdiaconate.
AJl such unions fail iu the " sacramen-
tum" or mystical resemblance to Christ's
perfect union with His Church.
(7) E.v D.ferfu Lnittatk.— The early
Church (see, e.g., .Siric. Mansi, iii. (UiS)
would not allow soldiers to be ordained,
and the canons forbid the ordination of
any who, althougli justly, have concurred
" willingly, actively, efficaciously, and
proximately " to the death or mutilation
of another by an action tending in its
own nature to that end.
(8) Ex Defectu Famee. — This applies
to persons notoriously guilty of some
enormous crime, to those «ho are w-ell
known to have committed a crime stig-
matised as infamous by the law, to those
who have been sentenced iji a public
court, even if they are innocent. Infamy
which simply comes of notorious crime,
without any judicial sentence, may cea.se
of itself without the need of any disjien-
sation. When a couit has pa>sed sen-
tence, the sentence may be reversed, and
the consequent irregidarity disappear.
II. Ex Delicto. — It was a constant
principle of the ancient Church not to
admit persons who had l)een under or had
become liable to public penance to orders
(see, e.g., August. Ep. \6o, § 4.5 : the
ancient collection known as " Concil.
Carthag. IV." Mansi, iii. 1046; Greg.
Magn. Ep. lib. ii. 37 ; Isidor. " Eccl.
Oilic." ii. 0). The modern law, after the
disuse of the penitential system, limited
irregularity ex delicto to the following
cases : (1) The reception of baptism with-
out necessity by an adult from a de-
clared heretic: reiteration of baptism
with solemn rite ; receiving baptism in
such circumstances ; assistance thereat by
a cleric. (2) Pretending solemnly to
exercise a holy order never received ; re-
ceiving orders in various unlawful ways
— e.g. by stealth, from the bishop of
another diocese without dimissorials, from
a suspended, schismatical, simoniacal. or
heretical bishop ; receiving more than
one holy order on the same day. ij't)
.Solemnly exercising an order whUe bound
b\ a censure. (4) Crime — i.e. the special
crimes of public heresy and aj)osiasy from
the faith. The sons of heretics are also
irregular, (5) Murder and mutilation.
III. Dispensation. — Certain irregular-
ities—total blindness, hopeless lunacy,
kc. — cannot be removed. Others — such
as the defect of age and infamy (see
above) — may cease of themselves. For
the rest, tlie" rule is that all irregularities
which How from any secret crime except
murder may be removed by the bishop or
ITAI.A YETUS
JACOBITE CHRISTIANS
liy the prelates in a religious order. The
I'lrpe only and his delegates can remove
those ex dcfectu or ex homicidio. The ex-
ceptions to these rules have heen noted
above.
XTAKA VETUS. [See Vulgate I.]
ITE nxxssil. EST. The meaning
of the word Missa is discussed under
Mass. Here it may suffice to say, that
after the Gospel the catechumens were
dismissed by the deacon with the words,
" Ite Missa est ;" Go, you are dismissed —
literally "a dismissal is made;" and that
the same formula was repeated at the end
of the whole Mass. In the liturgies of St.
James, St. Basil, and St. Chrysostom, we
find the form " Let us go in the peace of
Christ," the people answering " In the
name of the Lord." " Benedicamus
Domino" is substituted in Masses of
ferias and Sundays in the penitential
seasons, "Requlescant in pace" in Masses
of the dead, because those Masses were
followed by penitential prayers, and by
the absolution at the tomb, for which the
people waited. (Benedict XIV., " De
Miss." Hffele, " Beitrage.")
ZTZN'SRA.RY {Itinerarium). A
form of prayer consisting of the canticle
Benedictus, with an antiplion, "preces,"
and two collects, intended for the use of
clerics when setting out on a journey,
and placed for their convenience at the
end of the Breviary. The collects are
found in the Gregorian Sacramentary.
The itinerary is not inserted in the older
Breviaries. But Gavantus refers to an
ancient Pontifical which contains an
itinerary for prelates rather longer than
ours, but very similar. (Gavant. torn. 11,
§ 69, cap. 6.)
TACOBZirs. The Dominicans had
before the Revolution three convents in
Paris, of which tll^> chief was that of
St. James (Lat. Jacobus), in the Rue St.
Jacques. This was considered the prin-
cipal house of their order in France, and
from it French preaching friars were
called Jacobins. The second of their
houses at Paris was in the Rue St. HoiiortS,
between the church of St. Roch and the
Place Vendome; before the Revolution
it had a noviciate and a library of thirty-
two thousand volumes. The Club Breton,
containing the ablest and most dangerous
men in the National Assembly, began to
hold its sittings in the library of the
convent in the Rue St. Honor^ in 1789 ;
hence their name was soon changed to
Club Jacobin. Later on, the church was
used as a place of meeting, and many of
the worst infamies and atrocities of the
Revolution were there debated and de-
cided on.
JACOBITE CHRXSTZAia-S. A
name given to the Monophysites in
Mesopotamia, Syria, Kurdistan, and East
India, who are subject to the heretical
Patriarch of Antioch. In 1850 they
were said to number about 80,000.
They call themselves Surigani, or
Syrian Christians; the name Jacobite, by
which they are commonly known, is de-
rived from Jacob or James, a monk of
Phasilta near Nisibis, and a disciple of
the Monophysite Severus of Antioch.
This monk, who was zealous in resisting
the authority of the Fourth General Coun-
cil held at Chalcedon, and in denying
the two natures in Christ, was ordained
Metropolitan of Edessa by heretical
bisliops, and with the consent of Severus.
When Severus died, Ln 539, James con-
secrated his successor, and so the line of
Monophysite Patriarchs of Antioch has
been continued to this day. In 736 the
Jacobites entered into communion with
the Armenians, who also deny that there
are two natures in Christ, but the peace
between the two sects did not last long.
On the other hand, the Jacobites, al-
though a distinct and independent body,
are in communion with the Monophysite
Copts of Egypt.
The Jacobite clergy are divided into
singers, readers, subdeacons, deacons,
archdeacons, priests, chorepiscopi, perio-
deutai, bishops, metropolitans, and patri-
arch ; but of these the archdeacon, chor-
episcopus, and periodeutes are merely
nominated by the bishop without special
ordination.
The Patriarch is chosen in the follow-
ing manner. Three names are selected by
the assembled bishops and placed in an
urn beneath the altar. After Mass has
been said, he whose name is first drawn
JACOBITK CIIKISTIANS
JANSENISM
is chosen Patriarcli. He holds office for
life, but may be deposed by the bishops
if he falls away from the tenets of tlie
Jacobite Church. He is enthroned with
the title "Patriarch of the Pity of Anti-
och, and of the whole doniinimi of the
Apostolic chair." He has the right to
name and consecrate the other bishops
and metropolitans, and the blessiusr of
the chrism is reserved to him ; but before
he can exercise jurisdiction, his appoint-
ment must be confirmed by a tinuaii of
the Sultan. The ancient rule, observed
down to 1222, forbade anyone already
a bishop to be chosen Patriarch. Now,
generally speaking, it is a bishop who is
chosen, so that no further consecration is
needed. Since 878 it has been the custom
foi the Patriarch to take a new name on
election, and since 120;! that of Ignatius,
the martyred Bishop of Antioch, has
always been adopted. At first the Patri-
arch had no fixed residence; in 116(i
Amida, the modern Diarbekir, became the
patriarchal residence, and at the close of
the fifteenth century it was tnuislerred to
the monastery of Z.ipliaran or St. Ananias,
near Mardin. The Patriarch is supported
partly by the monaster}-, partly by a con-
tribution of grain from all the Jacobite
congregations.
Next comes the Maphrian, a dignity
which arose in the seventh centurj-, when
the Jacobites gave the title of Katholikos
or Primate of the East, held since Jus-
tinian's time by the Metrdpolitiui of Se-
leucia and Ctesiphoii, to one of tlieir own
bishops. The fir.-t M:qihi'ian, Maruthos,
appointed in ()29, had twelve bishops in
Arabia and Persia subject to him, and
over them he had quasi-patriarchal power,
though he himself was nommated by the
Patriarch. At present the dignity is
merely titular.
Tlie metropolitans are distinct in
name only from the other bishops. The
bishi>ps, who are usually taken from the
monks, are very ignorant, rarely preach,
and though they read, scarcely under-
stand the Syriac of their ritual. The
archdeacon, as syncellos, is the chief re-
presentative of the bishop in settling dis-
putes between the clergy, &c. Formerly
there were twenty metropolitans and lO'-i
bishops. The number has fallen since to
eight metropohtans and three bishops,
the Metropolitan of Jerusalem being
Maplirian.
Tlie secular priests have to recite the
prayers of their Beth-gaza or Breviary
daily, and to administer the sacraments.
I tut they support themselves in part by
' agriculture, trade, &c. They may be
married men. but cannot contract a
second marriage. The Jacobite monas-
teries, once exceedingly numerous, are
now comparatively tVw. The rablian or
abl.iit is chosen by t he mouks of his house,
but the election must be confirmed by the
bishop. The religion- observe perpetual
abstinence from meat, and, except in sick-
ness, from wine. They keep four fasts
besides Lent: viz. fifty days m honour of
St. Peter and St. Paul, fourteen days in
honour of the Blessed Virgin's Assump-
tion, twenty-five in honour of Christ's
birth, and the Nini\ iticnni, or i'asr of
' three days, at the beginning of the third
week beiore Lent. In other respects their
mode of life is most severe.
j In a quarter of their own at Mardin,
a curious comnumity of about 100 fami-
lies are loosely attached to the Jacobite
Chureh. They are descendants of the
Slieinsii'l, or worshipjiers of the sim, and
in 17t)2 the pasha inquired about their
religion, and told tliem no toleration was
gi-anted except to those who possessed
] divine books — i.e. to Mohammedans,
Jews, or Christians. Thereupon some
embraced the faith of Islam, the rest
were about to be executed, when the
Jacobite bishop interceded for them, and
afterwards induced them to join his
church. They are baptised Christians
and conform to the Jacobite rites, but
they only intermarry among themselves,
andliavt' customs and ceremonies of their
I own. (^AsM.nunii, ■• I'.ililiotheca Orient.,"
' tom.il.; "Di.s.deMonophvs.-' No. I. in.
VI.; Le Quien, -Orl. ns Cln i-' ianus,"
i tom. ii. p. 1-'14-1 ,<rfy. ; Sillirrna^!. '■ Kirchen
des Orients," Landsluit, 18fi5. pji. I'o:; -t'//.)
1 JANSEN-ISIVI. It is very (lillinilt to
define Jansenism, or e\ en to (li'-ci :lir it in
general terms, and tlu-ri'liiie still nion*
dirticult to give a t'onipi ini ions lii-tory of
the movement. I*r"pri ly .-peaking, it was
a heresy which consisted in denying the
freedom of the will and the pn-.-ilii!ity of
resisting diviiu> prace. But from the very
beginning, Jansrnins ami his followers
.id many objects in view. {j\ute distinct
from their opinions on the efficacy of
grace. Perhaps the best description of
Jansenism is that it was a professed at-
tempt to restore the ancient doctrine and
discipline of the Church. The I!ei<niners
prof"«sed to restore a]io>to!ie diH-irine and
di.sci])liue by nuikin:: new rlinrelies ; the
Jansenists wislu'd to n'lnain in the Catho-
lic Pomau Church, and to reform it from
510
JANSENISM
JANSENISM
within. The Ixeioimers appealed to
Scripture and made light of tradition.
To the Jansenists the Fathers were all in
all, though, practically, St. Augustine,
and Western Fathers under his iutiuence,
were taken as the sole representatives of
the Church's doctrinal tradition, and
Jansenist contempt was reserved for the
mediaeval Schoolmen. This position of
the Jansenists within the Church occa-
sions fresh difficulty in treating of their
history. They called themselves Catholics,
and treated the existence of a Jansenist
sect as a mere phantom, invented to trouble
consciences and calumniate pious Catho-
hcs. Nobody admitted he was a Jansen-
ist, and the Jansenist tendency displayed
itself in so many ways, in attempts to
correct doctrines, devotions, discijiliiie,
more or less established, that it is often
no easy matter to decide where the
reproach of Jansenism was deserved.
Undoubtedly, some Cathohcs were far
too ready to narrow the limits of oi-tho-
doxy, and to charge their opponents with
Jansenism. Thus the " Bibliotbeque
Jans6niste," which appeared in 1722 and '
1735, was placed on the Index in 1744,
and, ten years later, the new edition,
entitled " Dictiomiaire des livres jiln-
s6nistes," met with the same fate. This
book, ascribed to the Jesuit Colonna,
stigmatises even the great Augustinian
theologians, Noris and Berti, and others,
as Jansenists. In this article we propose I
to trace the different m.'niifestntious of j
Jansenism in chronological order ; paying j
special attention to the authoritative '
condemnations of the Church.
1. Jansfiiius ami his Book. — Cornelius
Jansen was born in 1585, at Accoy, in
the Dutch province of Ijoerdam, studied
at Utrecht, Louvain, and Paris, became
connected with several disciples of Baius
{e.g. James Baius and .Tames Jansen),
and, from 16U4, Avas the intimate friend
of .John du Verger de llauratiiie, born in
1581, and better known as the Al)b6 de
St. Cyran. Jansenius, who tauglit for
some time at Bayonne, till, in 1617, he
became professor at Louvain, devoted ;
himself to the study of St. Augustine, j
while his friend Ilaurainie, now Abb6 of
St. Cyran, near Poitiers, took on himself
the task of depicting the ancient consti-
tution of the Church. Jansen made
several journeys to tin- Sjianisli f^ourt, as
representative of tln' Lomain T'iii\ cr,-,!! y,
was promoted to I lie see of \\>yi'n in
Ki35, and died May 6, 4\\ () years
after his death, Fromiuond published
Jansen's posthumoLif. work, " Augustinus
S. : Doctrina S. Aug. de Hum. Natune
Sanitate, .iEgritudine, Medicina, adversiis
Pelagianos et Massilienses," Lovanii,
1040, torn. 4. Jansen had studied St.
Augustine for twenty years. He sub-
mitted the book to the Pope's judgmeut,
though he could not believe that it con-
tained doctrinal error, but this declaration
was suppressed by the editor. The work
falls into three great divisions, treatiiig
(1^ of the history of the Pelagian heresy ;
(2) of reason and authority in theological
matters, the grace of Adam and the
angels, of fallen nature, of mere nature
{nafura pura) ; (3) of redeeming grace,
and the errors of the Semipelagians and
some moderns. The following is a sketch
of the doctrinal system maintained in the
book.
Since the fall, man's will is entirely
dominated by a double attraction, viz.
the heavenly attraction, or pleasure (delec-
tatio), which leads to good, the earthly
attraction which induces to evil, and the
will necessarily follows the attraction
which is stronger at the moment. Jan-
•■-enius did not deny the freedom of the
will in express terms, but he utterly re-
jected the Catholic notion of freedom, viz.
the power to choose at the time good or
evil [libertas contradict ionis), and asserted
merely the existence of freedom from
external constraint {libertas a coacHom).
lie also destroyed all belief in grace
merely sufficient, as Catholic theolo^uians
understand it: i.e. there was, according
to him, no grace which enabled a man to
perform a good action, and which iailcd,
or could fail, to produce its ell'ect Irom
defect in correspundenee on the ])art of
the agent. The grace which a man did
not follow might have Ijei-n Miliicieiit in
other circunibtances, viz. if the impulse to
evil had not been so strong; but it was
insufficient relatively to the force on the
other side. If gi-ace, or the impulse to
good, be represented by 0, the teniptatiou,
or impulse to evil, by Gi, the agent must
needs sin; if the i)n)portions were re-
versed, he necessarily did the good pro-
posed to him. Hence even the just are
not always able to fullil God's command-
ments (see Prop, i., below); interior grace
is irresistible (Prop, ii.) ; there is no free-
I dom from interior necessity, but only
i from exierior conqinlsloii (Pro]), iii.).
Further, he held that the ennr of the
, Semi]ielagians lay in making f:!raee resist-
I ible (Pro]), iv.), and maintaining that
I Christ died for all.
JAiNSENISM
JAXSEXISM
oil
2. The History of Jansenism doini to
the Constitution of Innocent X. in 1653. —
The book excited great attention in the
Low Countries and in France when a
second edition was issued in 1641. In
the same \-ear it was condemned by the
Eoman Inqui.-^ition, and, in the year fol-
lowing, by Urban VIII., in general terms,
as renewing the errors of Baius. The
authenticity of Urban's bull was disputed;
Flemish bishops, headed by Boonen, arch-
bishop of Malines, and the University of
Louvain, resisted its publication for a con-
siderable time ; and, although the French
king and the Sorbonne ranged themselves
on the side of authority, " the disciples of
St. Augustine " — as the Jansenists styled
themselves — were numerous and power-
ful. The learned Aiitoine Arnauld, born
in 1612,aiid after Richelieu's death Doctor
of the Sorbonne, was especially active.
He signalled himself in the early stage
of the controversy by attacking Isaac
Habert, a Sorbonuiste, and champion of
the Cathohc doctrine on grace.
In KUO Nicolas Comet submitted
Five Propositions from the " Augustinus"
to the S nbonue, and a commission was
nominated to examine them. Friends of
the Jansenist doctrine, among whom Dr.
Louis de St. Amour was most prominent,
appealed to the Parliament, of which
body also many favoured Jansenism. The
Parliament prohibited the Sorbonne from
taking any further step, and committed
the inquiry to the assembly of the clergy.
On April 12, 1651, eighty-five bishops
wrote to Innocent X,, begging him to
pronounce judgment on the Five Propo-
sitions, although eleven bishops protested
against this immediate appeal to Rome,
as subversive of the Gallican liberties.
The Pope appointed five cardinals and
thirteen theologians to decide the ques-
tion, and after two years had been occu-
pied in this task, during which the Jan-
senists were heard at length in their own
defence, a bull appeared (May 19, 1653),
in which a definite sentence was given.
Proposition I. — " Some commandments
of God are impossible to just men, wish-
ing and striving (to observe them) accord-
ing to the strength which they have at
the time ; moreover they lack grace,
■which would make them (the command-
ments) possible.'' Proposition II. — " No
resistance in the state of fallen nature is
€ver made to interior grace." Proposition
111. — •" For merit and demerit in the
Btate of fallen nature, man does not need
freedom from necessity, but only freedom
from compulsion." Proposition IV. —
"The Semipelagians admitted the need
of interior prevenient grace for each act,
even for the beginning uf faith ; and they
were heretical on this account, viz. lie-
cause they held that grace to be such
that the human will could resist or corre-
spond to it " — were condemned as here-
tical. Proposition V. — " It is Semipela-
gian to say that Christ died, or shed His
blood for all men together," as felse, rash,
&c., and, if meant in the sense that
Christ died only for the elect, as heretical.
Shortly after it was issued, an edict of
the French king commanded the recep-
tion of this bull ; the French bishops,
assembled at Paris, thanked the Pope for
it, and it was registered by the Sorbonne
and the Louvain University. The famous
Franciscan Wadding, formerly an advo-
cate of the Five Propositions, submitted
to the judgTuent of the Church.
Meanwhile the Jansenist spirit had
been active in other directinns. St. Cyran
("Lettres Chi-dtiennes et Spiritnelles,"
Paris, 1645), recurring, as he said, to the
primitive practice, held it inadvisable to
confess venial sius, or the number and
circumstances altering the species of
mortal sins, while he required the utmost
perfection and purity of conscience for
communion, or even for assisting at Mass.
Under his direction, some of the nuns
belonging to the Convent of Port Royal,
near Paris, actually died without the
sacraments. St. Cyrau also published a
"Brief Explanation of the Mysteries of
Faith," and an edition of " St. Augustine
on Virginity," with notes inimical to
j vows. He was imprisoned on suspicion
i of false teaching by Richelieu, was libe-
I rated on that statesman's death, and
died, revered as a martyr by his followers,
, in 1643. A large number had come
under his influence — Singlin, his succes-
sor in the direction of Port Royal, An-
toine Arnauld, his no less gifted sister,
Angelique, &c. Of these, Antoine Ar-
nauld published his famous book, " De la
frequente Communion" (Paris, 1643), in
i the year that St. Cyran died. Tlie object
I of the book was to mend the relaxed
j discipline of the Church. It urged the
I duty of imposing public penance for
mortal sins, even if secret, and of prepar-
' ing sinners for absolution and communion
by a long course of rigorous discipline.
It was approved by sixteen bishops and
twenty doctors of the Sorbonne, who,
I however, had not read the preface with
j which it appeared, and which gave spL>cial
512
JANSENISM
JAXSENIS.M
offonce. Some ecclesiastics, eg. Dii I
Hamel, in the diocese of Sens, ventured
to reduce the Jansenist theolntrv to prac-
tice, and restored public penance.
.'>. Javsenhm from the Bull of Inno-
cent X. in 1653 to the Death of Aryimtld
in 1694. — The condemnation of the Fire
Propositions by the Pope necessitated a
chang-e in Jansenist tactics, for the Jan-
senists resolved to remain in external
communion with the Church. Some ap-
pealed to a general council, but Amauld
was now the real leader of the party, and
he hit upon a device which became the
main point of contention for many j-ears.
He was willing to reject the Five Pro-
positions, but he denied that they were
to be fonnd in .Tansenius, or, if so found,
that they bore the sense imputed to them
in the ]'a]ial Constitution. Bishops imd
theologians disproved Arnauld's ass(^rtinn, '
and the Pope reprobated it September
1654. This only led Arnauld to develop
his views more thoroughly. The Duke of
Liancourt was refused absolution in the
parish of St. Sulpice, because of his con-
nection with the Jansenists, and Amauld
addressed two letters to the peer. In his
second letter (" Seconde Lettre de M.
Amauld, docteur de Sorbonne, h, un Due
et Pair de France, pour servir de r^ponse
k plusieurs (5crits qui ont 6t6 publics
contre la premiere lettre sur ce qui est
arriv6 k un seigneur de la cour dans une
])aroissc de Paris." A Paris, 1655) he
distinguished between the " question of
law " {question de droit) and that of fact
(question de fait) ; in other words, between
the question whether the Five Propositions
as condemned by the Church were errone-
ous, and the question whether the book
of Jansenius contained them in the sense
condemned. On the former question he
admitted the Church's infallibility and
the duty of entire submission ; the latter,
he said, was a question of historical fact
on which the Church midit err, and it
was enough if the faithful received her
decision upon it with "respectful silence."
AVe may remark in passing that nobody
claims infallibility for the Church in
facts merely liisf oiienl. but here was a
question intimately, nay, imlissolulily,
connected with doctrine. Ol' what avail
would the Church's infallibillly l>e if she
was liable to error in intei jn-et lug the
natural sense of books and jirnposlt imis
submitted to her, and so of mistaliing
truth for error, error for truth? "\\'e
say the natural sense, for again it must
rot be supposed that the Church professes
to read the heart of an author. He may
have used words in an unnatural sense^
he may have suffered from some mental
confusion or aberration, and on all that
the judgment belongs to God alone, to
God who searches the heart. But the
Church can judge of the natural and
obvious sense which words bear in a
book, nor could she execute her divine
commission to feed the flock of Christ if
she had no power to distinguish between
wholesome and poisonous pasture.
Generally speaking, the Jansenists
accepted the means of escape which
Arnauld had suggested. The nuns of
Port Royal, however, did so with difli-
culty, and only when over-persuaded by
the .\bliess Augelique Arnauld. Among
tlie (listiuijuished men of the ])arty who
tonli up their al)ode in the Convent of Port
Koyal des Champs after th.' nuns had
moved to Port Royal de Paris, Pascal
utterly refused to accept the compromise.
This did not hinder him, however, from
aecomjilishiug a mighty work in the
.lanseuist interest. In his "Provincial
Letters" (Paris, 1656), published under
thepseudoiiyin Louis Moutalt, he attacked
the Jesuits for relaxed morals, and de-
fended the Jansenist doctrine of grace
with a refinement of style and delicacy of
wit which have never been sur])assed in
any literature. There were many members
of the party more learned than Pascal,
but he had no equal in genius. Nothing
can be more amazing tlian the interest
with which he invest s the dry controversies
on grace, and although no doubt he was
often unfair to the casuists whom he held
up to scorn and detestation, and altliough
many of his charges were rebutted — e.ff.
by tiie Jesuit Father Daniel — the charm
of his l)ook led his readers captive, and
the answers were read l)y lew. No one
who has read the " Provincial Ijctters " is
likely to lose the impression which they
make: it may be said without exaggt>ra-
tion that they touch every chord of the
human heart, and the sudden transitions
from logic and wit to sublime and
pathetic eloquence produce an effect
which can neither be resisted or efl'aced.
Pascal's "Peusees, fragments, et lettres"
are a lasting monument of deej) and
! subtle thouglit, and have doiu' good work
j for religion, tliough even these are marred
liere and there l>v Jaii.-euist teiuleucies.
Pascal die<l vouu-. in Ki'-.L'. Hi- friend-
Nicole, also one of solitaries of Port
i Royal, wi'ote chiefly on moral subjects in
j French which is still esteemed as a model
JANSENISM
of correct writing. It must be remem-
bered that the work of the Janseuist
writers was ver\- far from being wholly
evil. Arniiukl and his friends defended
many Catholic doctrines against the
Calvinists, and the elaborate work,
" Perpetuity de la Foi," by Amauld and
Nicole, is perhaps the very best, as it
certainly is the most learned and ex-
haustive, defence of the Catholic doctrine
on the Eucharist. Every one knows what
important contributions the Port Royal
Jansenists made to the sciences of logic,
grammar, and philosophy, nor is it the
least among their many titles to enduring
fame that the great historian Tillemont
was their pupil.
The Jansenists were not left long in
peace. Amauld's thesis on the distinc-
tion between the " question de droit " and
the "question de fait" was condemned
by the Sorbonne, and he with sixty other
doctors was expelled from that society.
" To-day," he writes to his beloved sister
-■^g^lique. " they are erasing my name
from the list of doctors, but I hope our I
Lord will not erase it from the number
of His servants." In a Constitution of
October 16, 1656, Alexander VII. de-
clared that the Five Propositions were
condemned " in the sense of the author,"
and in 1665 imposed on all ecclesiastical
persons the subscription of a "formulary"
consisting of a solemn profession so to j
accept the Papal condemnation. Four
bishops — those of Alet, .^gers, Beauvais,
and Pamiers, refused to sign except with
the evasive distinction between " droit "
and "fait." After nearly two years of
strife and much intrigue, Clement IX.,
early in 1669, restored the bishops to his
favour, and this step, known as "the
peace of Clement," was hailed by the
Jansenists as a triumph for themselves
and a revocation of past censures. In
reality the Pope was led to believe that
the bishops had made an unqualified sub-
mission. The Jansenists were jubilant
again when Innocent XI. in 1679 censured
a large number of propositions extracted
from the la.x casuists. Nobody certainly
who reads them will wonder at the
scandal and the reaction which lax theo-
logy created. "What, e.g., is to be said
of a writer professedly Christian who
held that " frequent confession and com-
munion, even in those who live like i
heathen, is a mark of predestination "
(Prop. .06)?
But the peace of which the Jansenists
dreamed did not last. The Flemish bishops
JANSENISM 513
in their zeal against error had required the
"formulary " to be signed with additions of
their own. These additions, as well as
vague accusations of Jansenism, the Pope
forbade in a brief of 1694, but at the
same time he did strictly require subscrip-
tion to the original " formulary," and the
condemnation of the Five Propositions
"in the obvious sense which they bear."
A few months later " the great Arnauld,"
as his disciples loved to call him, died in
the Low Countries, and his friend Nicole
followed him the year after. Arnaiilds
sister Angelique was gone more than
thirty years before ; the Society of Port
Royal des Champs had been scattered,
while the nuns had been forbidden to take
novices and ordered to dismiss their
pupils. It was during our next period,
in 1709, that the nuns were all expelled ;
the convent itself was utterly destroved
in 1710.
4. Jansenism under Quesnel, down to
the publication of the Bull Unigenitu-i in
1713. — Pasquier Quesnel was bom at
Paris in 1634, and ordained priest in 1659.
At an early age he had entered the Oratory
founded by Cardinal BeruUe, in which
Jansenist principles had become dominant,
and devoted himself to learned pursuits.
In 1671 he published "Moral Reflexions
on the Gospels," and in 1675 a learned
edition of St. Leo, which was censured
by Clement X. On account of his refusal
to sign the formulary he was first banished
to Orleans, then in 1684 expelled from
the Orator}', and finally fled to Brussels,
whither Arnauld had gone in 1679. Here
he extended his Moral Reflexions on the
Gospels to Reflexions on the whole of the
New Testament. This enlarged work
appeared in two editions more and more
Jansenist than those of 1687 and 1692.
It was in Quesnel's arms that Arnauld
died, and to him he entrusted the care of
the party. Gerberon, a Benedictine of
the Congregation of St. Maur, was Ques-
nel's companion in prison and exile, and
laboured long and zealously in the same
cause.
Clement XI. (Pope from 1700 to 1721)
issued two bulls against Jansenism, each
of which marks an epoch in the contro-
versy. The former of these, the " Vineam
Domini," was occasioned by the " Cas de
Conscience." In 1701 a Jansenist con-
sulted the Sorbonne on the lawfulness of
absolving a dying ecclesiastic who was
not convinced that the Five Propositions
as condemned by the Church were to be
found in the book of Jansenius. Forty
LL
514
JANSENISM
JANSENISM
doctors, among whom were Dupin and
Natalis Alexander, signed a document
atlirming that absolution should be given.
Bossuet's influence led nearly all these
doclnrs (not, however, Dupin) to retract
their opinion, and NoaiUes, archbishop
of I'aris, raiii^cd liini.self, after some
wavering, on Jio>,-iii t',s side. Dupin was
banished; Qutsiit'l, \\ lio had addressed a
violent letter to Xoailles, was imprisoned
by the An hljishop of Malines, but escaped
to Anist.T.lain. Li 1705 the Pope, at
the iii^laiici- of the French Court, gave a
fresli decision on the matter. In the
^' Vineam Domuii " he renewed the Con-
stitutions of Innocent X. and Alexander
VII. and the Briefs of Clement IX. and
Innocent XII., and again hisisted that
Catholics were bound to give full and uu-
doubting assent to the Church's decision on
the matter of fact, a " respectful silence"
being by no means sufficient. In 1711,
after difficulties and delays occasioned
cliiefly by Colbert, archbishop of Rouen,
the Pope was satisfied that the French
episcopate had accepted the decree.
Vorse troubles were in store. Ques-
nel's '-floral Kellexions" had been pro-
scribed by the I*ope in 1708, but the
Parliament of Paris objected to any pro-
hibition of French books except by their
own authority, and Noailles, the weak-
minded Arclibisho]) of Paris, was swayed
bv tlie Jaii>eiiist Ueiiaudot (now remem-
bered chietly for his admirable translation
and edition of the Oriental Liturgies, still
the classical work on the subject), De la
Tour, general of the Oratory, Le Noir,
Boileau, and Duguet. The kin-', how-
ever, and many French bisli(i|is were
^^aiting anxiously for the Pope to speali
out more fully. I'enelon informed him of
tile \\ av .Jansenism spread in France and
in neighbouring States. In 1713 the ex-
pected answer came from liome. The
bull "Unigenilus" condemned 101 pro-
positions from the later editions of Ques-
iiel's book, and furnished a more complete
exhibition of the Church's mind on the
controversy than any wlrich had hitherto
appeared. Forty-three of the condemned
propositions concern grace and ])redesti-
nation ; twenty-eight treat of the theologi-
cal virtues ; thirty deal with t lie Church,
with discipline, and with the sacraments.
The errors of the first class need not detain
u^ here. As regards those of the si'coiul,
Quesnel was condemned loi- lln|,llll^ iImi
all love except the supeniat ui 1 lii\e ui
God was evil, that without this love there
could be no true hope, observance ot the
law or religion, that every prayer made
by a sinner was sinful. The errors of thti
third class consisted in Quesnel's assertioii
that the Church was made up of the elect
alone, and that the chief pastors must not
excommunicate except with the consent
of the whole body ; that all without ex-
ception should read the Bible ; that the
j faithful at Mass should join their voice
to that of the priest ; ^ that sinners should
1 not hear Mass at all; that absolution
j should be deferred till penance had been
1 done. No note was affixed to the par-
ticular propositions, some of which plainly
are not positively heretical, while others,
apart from their context and the spirit b}
which they are animated, are capable of
a good sense. But they are condemned
in mass {in globu), as respectively false,
captious, ill-sounding, scandalous, impious,
&c., and even as heretical.
5. The last Struggles of the Jansenists.
— Quesnel was a very old mau when the
" Unigenitus " appeared, and he died but
a few years later, in 1719. With him the
significance of Jansenism as a great theo-
logical and literary movement came to an
end, for no intellectual leader arose to re-
place the great men who had passed awaj-.
Partly, no doubt, Jansenism lost its youth-
ful vigour by the same law of decay which
seems to affect all rehgious and political
parties. Enthusiasm dies out, and with
it, to a certain extent, self-sacrifice : men
of genius leave no successors. But, be-
sides, it had become very hard for a mau
of sense to join the Jansenist ranks. It
had grown clearer and clearer that the
whole teaching authority of the Church
had uttered itself against tlie Jansenist
doctrine. Those who had already com-
mitted themselves might be content with
the evasions to which the later Jansenists
had recoiu-se ; they might agree that
Papal decisions were worthless because a
few bishops had not assented to them, or
because the vast majority of the e])isco-
pate which had assented were deficient
in learning, were corrupted by their' belief
in Papal infallibihty, had forgotten to
consult the clergy of the second order, &c.,
&c. They might require an absolute
unanimity on the part of the episcopate,
or make the Church's infallibility depend
on an asseut of the laity which could not
possibly be ascertained. Scarcely any-
one, wi' sav, could accept these evasions
e.\i-. ]il iiM'ler stress of circumstances, and
niore li.uiial minds were sure to reason
more boldly and consistently, and to re-
I 1 This .setnis to be tliu sense of Prop. 86.
JAXSEXISM
JANSEXTSTS OF HOLLAND 51 5.
ject the Church's authority altogether. I Jansenist Church in Holland, and of the
Jansenism in its sincere form ended in council of Pistoia. Unhappily, the spirit
fanatical superstition. Miracles were sup- ! of opposition to the Church which .Ian-
posed to be worked at the tomb of a senism had aroused was powerful for evil
.lansenist deacon, Francois de Paris, who ' long after Jansenism itself had ceased to
•lied in 1727, and was buried in the ceme- be danpernus. From 1731 down to about
tery of St. M^dard. Accounts of his life 17o7, the Parliaments inflicted a long
and miracles were printed at Utrecht, series of persecutions on the clergy who,
Brussels, Paris, and Cologne. Crowds faithful to their duty, refused the sacra-
made pilgrimages to his gnive, and many j ments to the Appellants. De Beaumont,
fell into ridiculous ecstasies and horrible j archbishop of Paris, was bani.-^hed from
convulsions which gained for the Jan- ' his see because he would not abandon
senists the name of " Convulsionnaires." Catholic principles on this point. And
Louis XV. closed the cemetery in 1732. even at the beginning of the Revolution
A melancholy end surely for the party of ' which swept the ancient Church and
Pascal and Arnauld. i Monarchy of France away, the Jansenist
But we have been anticipating. Louis Camus undertook the thankless task of
XIV.; always a determined foe of Jan- I justifying the notorious " Civil Constitu-
senism, died in 1715; his great-grandson, tion of the Clergy" on theological prin-
Louis XV., was a child of five, and under ciples.
the Regency freer rein was given to the (The facts in this article are taken
opponents of the Roman decisions. In from Cardinal Hergenrother's "Church
1717 the Bishops of Mirepoix, Mont- History," vol. ii. Vol. iii. contains a very
pellier, Boulogne, and S^ez notified to j full account of the enormous literature
the Sorbonne their appeal against the on the Jansenist controversies.)
" Unigenitus " to a future council. The TASrSEM'ZST CHURCH OP
" Appellants," as they were called, were HOXtliATTB. The revolt of the Dutch
supported by the Universities of Rheims Provinces from Spanish rule led to some
and Nantes, by the Sorbonne, although it measures of repression ag.iinst the Dutch
had previously accepted the Papal bull, Catholics. The Church property was
by the Bishops of Verdun and Pamiers, confiscated and the hierarchy overthrown,
by Noailles, archbishop of Paris, and The first and last Archbishop of Utrecht
practically by the Regent. In 1721 the ! died in 1.580, just before even the public
Bishops of St$ez, BoulogTie, Montpellier, I worship of the Catliolic rehgion was
Pamiers, Macon, Auxerre, Tournay, ad- | forbidden by William of Orange ; two
dressed a letter to the new Pope, Inno- | successors nominated by Spain could not
cent XIII., which he condemned in the I reach their see, and except at Utrecht
following year as schismatical and full of ■ and Haarlem, the members of the ancient
the heretical spirit. In 1723 the assembly chapters were nearly all dead. Accord-
of the French clergy besought the king ingly, in 1583, Gregory XIII. appointed a
to declare the two bulls, " Vineam Do- Vicar Apostolic for the Dutch mission,
mini " and " Unigenitus," binding laws of and in 1697 this dignitary, who of course
Church and State; and in 1727, Soanen, ! possessedonlyadelegated authority, which
bishop of S6ez, was suspended with the | could be withdrawn at the mere will of
Pope's sanction by the ])rovincial council I the Pope, was subjected to the supervision
of Embrxm and banished. But confusion | of the nuncio at Brussels. A step which
and strife still prevailed in the French I afterwards led to important results was
Church. Twelve bishops, headed by I taken by Philip Roven van Ardensal,
Noailles, protested against the sentence | Vicar Apostolic of Holland and Arch-
of Embrun. However, the beginning of j bishop of Philippi in partibus. In 1<>31
the end was now near, so far as episcopal j he formed tiieremainingcanons of Utrecht,
opposition to the bull went. Noailles along with certain parish priests and
recanted in 1728, shortly before his death, other ecclesiastics, into a collegiate body,
and the next year the Sorbonne again We shall speak of this body for the snke
accepted the "Unigenitus." These steps of brevity as the Utreclit Chapter, but it
were followed in 1730 by a vigorous de- must be remembered it had no just claim
claration on the part of the king against to the rights and privileges of a cathedral
the Jansenists. j chapter. Later on in the same century,
Here we may close the history of French Jansenists fled to Holland, and im-
Jansenism as a theological system, for an bued many of the Dutch Catholics with
account is given in separate articles of the | their principles. Even a Vicar Apostolic^
L L 2
5] 6 JAXSENISTS OF HOLLAND
JANSENISTS OF HOLLAND
Peter Kodde, consecrated at Brussels
in 1689, supported tbe Jansenist cause,
and was suspended by Clement XI. in
1702. Jansenist intri^es led to the
banishment of Van Kock, whom the
Pope had named Pro- Vicar, from Hol-
land.
Kodde organised a schism, and, when
Rome deposed him altogether, declared
that he had been elected Archbishop of
Utrecht by the chapter of that see. He
refused to sign the formulary of Alex-
ander VH., and died without recantation
in 1710. Fifty -two missions and eighty
priests fell from Catholic communion,
while Quesnol, Gerberon, Petitpied, and
otlier French Jansenists were allowed to
labour in the interests of their party by
the Protestant government. The Chap-
ter of Utrecht refused obedience to suc-
cessive Vicars Apostolic, and joined the
French Appellants in their resistance to
the " Unigenitus." They were able to
teop u]) a supply of schismatical priests
by sending their candidates with dimis-
fiorials to French Appellant bisliops.
In 1723 the Chapter of Utrecht chose
Stenhoven, formerly Vicar General, Arch-
bishop of Utrecht, and he was consecrated
by Varlet, suspended Bishop of Babylon
in pai-tihus. Two years later the Pope
excommunicated all who took part in this
act, and the great canonist Van Espen,
who defended its legality, had to leave
Louvain in consequence. Altcigetlier,
Vailet consecrated no less than four
Arelibishops of Utrecht, all of them
excommunicated by Rome, and when he
himself died, Meindarts, the last arch-
bishop whom he coiisocrated, estabUshed
the schismatical bishopric of Haarlem in
1742, and that of Deventer in 1752. In
1763 Meindarts held a synod at Utrecht
and sent the acts to Rome, where of course
they were re jected. Meindart's successor
was consecrated by the schismatical
Bishop of Haarlem, and so the succession
of bisliops and priests has been main-
tained down to our own day. But they
have been constantly diminishing, and
the Bishop of Deventer is obliged to
officiate as a parish priest, not having
any Jansenists in his diocese. The Dutch
Jansenists novr number less than 5,000
Bouls. They protested against the defi-
nition of the Immaculate Conception in
1854, and the Papal Infallibility m 1870,
and they attracted some notice when
Loos, so-called Archbishop of Utrecht,
consecrated Dr. Reiiikens bishop for the
German "Old Catholics." They are
completely overshadowed by the great
and flourishing Catholic Church of Hol-
land. Since lfe51, when Pius IX. restored
the Dutch hierarchy, there has been a
real Archbishop of Utrecht, with Bisliops
of Haarlem, Hertogenbosch, Breda, and
Roermond.
The Dutch Jansenists are in many
ways an interesting body. Unlike most
other sects, they remain just where they
were on their separation from Rome.
They have retained valid orders, the
celibacy of the clergy, the Mass and other
services in Latin. They are known in
Holland as old-Roman (oud-Roomsch),
for they profess to be not only CathoUcs
but Roman Catholics, and they acknow-
ledge the Pope as the visible head of the
Church, out of which there is no salva-
tion, and one of their synods condemned
the doctrine that the schismatic Greeks
are part of the Church of Christ. The
Blessed Sacrament is reserved in their
churches. The writer of this article has
carefully read recent editions of their
prayer-book corresponding to our " Gar-
den of the Soul," their popular catechism
and their hymn-book, procured for him
by the kindness of a friend, and has
found them to be exactly, or almost
exactly, like English Catholic books of the
same sort, or, to speak more accurately,
like what our English Catholic books
were some fifty years ago, before many
modern devotions were introduced. Thus
in a short summary of belief appended to
a sort of layman's Missal, pubhshed at
Utrecht in 1879, the unity of the Church
under the Pope, the seven Sacraments,
the duty of prayer for the souls in Pur-
gatory, the Invocation of Saints, and
especially of the Blessed Virgin, Mother
of God and of all Christians, are taught
just in the language familiar to us. The
" Hail Mary " occurs in the morning and
evening devotion, and two hymns are
addressed to the Blessed Virgin in the
hymn-book. The ordinary of the Mass
is given in Dutch, though of course the
priest recites it in Latin. We have been
unable to discover any trace of heresy in
these books. The Jansenists, we believe,
as a rule, practise their rehgion by hear-
ing Mass, going to confession, &c., and
are under strict discipline, absolution
being sometimes deferred for a very long
time. The friend ab-eady referred to
was told by the Cathohc Archbishop of
Utrecht, that conversions of Jansenists
to Catholicism are very rare. He him-
self had only known of one instance at
JANUARIUS, ST.
JEROXYMITES 517
Utrecht during a ministry of nearly fifty
years in that city.
TAM-VARIVS, ST., TCXRACXiE
or. Januarius, Bishop of Bcuevento,
•p-as h4;headed for the faith near Puteoli
•n the persecution of Diocletian, and his
relics after a time were removed to
Naples. In the great church there are
preserved his head and some of hishlood,
■which, as his Acts relate, was gathered
up from the ground by a poor woman at
the time of the martyrdom, and enclosed
in two small glass phials {ampuUee) of
peculiar construction. On several occa-
sions it is recorded that his rehcs were
carried in procession during eruptions of
Vesuvius, and that danger was averted
from the city. The celebrated standing
miracle of the liquefaction of the blood
of St. Januarius consists in this: that
when the dried up, congealed blood in
the phials, which is ordinarily hard and
solid and in several pieces, is brought
near to the head (the phials, or one of
them, being placed on the altar, and
prayer being made to God), the blood,
after a longer or shorter interval, is
usually seen to become liquid and flow,
and bubbles to arise on its surface.
Among many other eye-witnesses, the
learned and gifted Picus of Mirandola
says : " I saw that blood with my own
eyes . . . when the head was brought
near to it, grow red, melt, and bubble up
as if it had been newly shed from the
veins." (See the " Commentarius Prae-
vius " in the Acta SS., vol. vi. of Sep-
tember, where the whole question is fully
discussed.)
JEROXTTniXTES. The example of
St. Jerome, who spent four years in the
Syrian desert, wrestling with the powers
of evil and his own irregular thoughts,
was followed by great numbers of holy
men in the middle ages, who passed
under the general name of Hermits of St.
Jerome or Jeronymites. H61yot, the
historian of the ^lonastic Orders, dis-
tinguishes four Congregations of Jerony-
mites, of which the iirst was incomparably
more important than the others. These
are —
1. The Hermits of Spain. Disciples
of the Blessed Thomas of Sienna, a
brother of the third order of St. Francis,
passing into Spain about the middle of
the fomlaentli ceiiturv, lived at first like
hermits, but afterwaiils deciding for the
coenobitic life, were api)iiived in 1374 by
Gregory XI., who gave them the ride of
St. Austin. Ferdinand de Guadalajara
I was their first prior ; his convent, at St.
Bartholomew de Lupiana in Castile, was
always regarded as the principal house
of the order. Another division of these
hermits from Italy settled in Valencia,
adopted the life in common about the
same time as their brethren in Castile,
and in the course of time founded several
convents, the fame of which spread
through Europe. These were, (1) Our
Lady of Guadaloupe in Estremadura (of
which we shall speak presently) ; (2) that
commonly called St. Just, but more
accurately the convent of St. Jerome at
Yuste near Placencia, to which Charles
V. retired after his abdication; (3) St.
Lawrence of the Escurial near Madrid,
built and adorned on a majestic plan by
Philip n. ; and (4) Belem near Lisbon,
the burial-place of the royal family of
Portugal. Of the magnificent convent
of Our Lady of Guadaloupe, famous for
its wonder-worlting image, H^lyot, writ-
ing early in the eighteenth century, says •
"The house is so large and spacious
that when Philip 11. passed by it in 1 5H0
on his way to the war of Granada with
the Archduke Rodolph, afterwards Em-
peror .... these princes resided there
for twenty days with all their court,
without causing the least inconvenience
to the monks, who are a himdred and
twenty in number. . . The alms re-
ceived are very considerable, and serve
for some portion of the maintenance of
the large number of religious, of a semi-
nary of forty clerical students, who are
here taught the humanities and the exer-
cises of a clerical Ufe, of two hospitals for
men and women adjoining the monastery,
and of a great number of servants and
workmen in all kinds of trades. The
hospital for men is served by more than
forty attendants, and that for women by
an equal number of Oblates ; and without
counting the pilgrims, of whom as many
as two thousand sometimes arrive in a
day, and who are entertained during
three days in the convent, the establish-
ment feeds more than seven hmidred
persons daily."
In 1415, when the first chapter general
was held, there were twenty-five houses
of Jeronymites in Spain and Portugal.
2. Tiie Hermits of the Obsen-aiice, or
of Lombardy. This branch of the Jerony-
mites was founded by the prior Lope de
Olmedo, who, not being able to persuade
his monks at Guadalajara to give up
certain relaxations, went to Rome (1424),
and being cordially received by Martin V.,
518 JERUSALEM
JERUSALEM
ultimately established in Lombardy and
other parts of Italy a flourishing congre-
gation of Jeronymites, whose chief house
was at Ospitaletto near Lodi. In H^lyot's
time this Congregation had seventeen
houses in Italy.
3. The Hermits of the Blessed Peter
of Pisa. Pietro Gambacorti, horn in
1355 of a noble Pisan family, quitted the
world about 1377, and lived as a liciinit
at Montebello in Umbria. Many joined
him ; he made his followers practise a
very austere rule, and formed them into
a congregation under the patronage of
St. Jerome. When H^lyot wote, there
were forty houses of this order in Italy,
besides a few in Tyrol and Bavaria.
4. The Hermits of Fiesole. The
founder of this branch, Carlo di Monte-
graneli, was bom about 1340. They
were suppressed by Clement IX. in 1668,
along with the Jesuats. So far as we
can discover, no Jeronymite convents
exist at the present day. (H6lyot, " Hist,
des Ordres Monastiques.")
7x:rvsa.i.x:ivi,pa.trzarcha.te
OP. The first bishop of Jerusalem was
James the Less, who was appointed by
the Apostles (Euseb. "H. E." ii. 23).
After his death the Apostles and disciples
of Christ chose Simeon, son of Clopas, a
relation of our Lord, to fill the vacant
see (Euseb. " H. E." iii. 11). It is a
natural inference from the words of
Hegesippus (Euseb. " H. E." iii. 32), that
Jerusalem at that time had a prominence
over all the churches in Palestine, which
were, like the church of Jerusalem itself,
mostly composed of Jewish Christians.
Things were entirely altered when
Hadrian punished the Jewish revolt by
the destruction of the holy city, and re-
placed it (a.d. 130) by ^lia CapitoUna.
The old Judaao-Christian community was
scattered ; Hadrian made it an oflence for
a Jew to enter the new city built on the
site, or rather part of the site, of Jeru-
salem, so that there was no hope of fresh
converts from Judaism, and a series of
freiitile bishops began of whom Mark was
the first (Euseb. " H. E." v. 12). The
church of ^lia Capitolina was subjected
to that of Caesarea, ])nrtly because of the
civil prominence which belonged to the
latter, partly because it could claim a
connection with the Apostles (there St.
Peter had baptised Cornelius) and an
antiquity to which the new church of
.Elia Capitolina could not pretend. The
very name of Jerusalem fell out of use
till after the Nicene Council.
Still it was impossible to ignore en-
tirely the associations connected with
Jerusalem. Towards the end of the
second century Eusebius (" H. E." v. 23)
tells us that the bishop of ^lia presided
along with (and no doubt as second in
rank to) the bishop of Caesarea at Pales-
tinian synods, and we can see how near
tlie two sees stood in rank from the fact
tliat I'^usebius in giving a list of bishops
mentions the bishop of ^Elia once before
(" H. E." V. 25), and once after {ib. 22),
the bishop of Cresarea. The letter of the
Synod of Antioch in 269 is subscribed
first by Helenus of Tarsus, next by
Hymenseus of Jerusalem, while the name
of Theotecnus of Caesarea holds only the
fourth place. (Euseb. " H. E." vii. 30 ;
cf. 22.)
The interpretation of the seventh
Nicene canon, which treats of the eccle-
siastical rank of Jerusalem, has given rise
to much discussion, and it is impossible
to be certain about its meaning. These
are its words : " Since a custom has pre-
vailed and an ancient tradition that the
bishop in ^Ua should be honoured, let
him have the next place of honour {ttjv
aKoKdvdiav Trjs rt/a/jr), its proper dignity
being secured to the metropolitan church
{rfl /XfJTpOTToXfl)."
There can, we think, he no reasonable
doubt, though a question has been raised
on the point, that the metropolitan church
is that of Caesarea. But what are we to
understand by the words e'xf'raj rfiv
uKokovdiav r^s Ti/i^s ? The " next place,"
De Marca replies, after the three great
sees of Rome, Alexandria and Antioch,
mentioned in the previous canon, the
precedence, however, being one of honour
mei'ely, and the bishop of ^lia remain-
ing subject in actual jurisdiction to the
metropolitan of Caesarea. Beveridge, on
the other hand, will not hear of an
honorary patriarch subject to a metro-
politan, and supposes tlie meaning to be
that the bishop of ^lia is to rank next
the metropoHtan of Caesarea. He is to
be the first of his suft'ragan bishops, just
as in the AngHcan Church the bishop
of London holds the first rank as dean
of the province after his metropolitan of
Canterbury.
Beveridge is probably right, and his
theory is confirmed by the fact that for
some time afterwards the two bishops
struggled for pre-eminence with alternate
success. Soon after the Nicene Council
Maximus of Jerusalem held a Palestinian
synod in favour of Athanasius, without
JERUSALEM
JESUITESSES .510
reference to the authority of Caesarea, I
though he ■n as blamed for this assumption
of power (Socnit. ii. iM). At the Second I
General Cnuiu il Cvril nf Jerusalem signs
before Thala^>l us olC.csaroa. On the other
hand, Eulogius of C'lesarea presided in
415 at the Synod of Diosiiolis, although
John of Jerusalem was present. More-
over, although Juvenal of Jerusalem took
a very promiupiit ]):n t at Ephesus in 431,
and signed immediatply after the bishop j
of Alexandria (the bisliop of Caesarea
was absent), stiU Cyril resisted Juvenal's
attempt to obtain conciliar recognition of
his authority over Palestine, and begged
the Pope to interfere (Leo, Ep. 62). At
the seventh session of Chalcedon (October
26, 451) Maximus of Antioch declared
that after long strife with Juvenal he had
at last consented to cede the three Pales-
tinian provinces to Jerusalem — an ar-
rangement which was approved by the
council and the Papal legates.
The patriarchate of Jerusalem was
severed like the other Eastern patriarch-
ates from the unity of the Church by
the Greek schism. The city was rescued
from the Mohammedans by the Crusaders
in 1099 ; a Latin ecclesiastic — Dagobert,
archbishop of Pisa — was appointed patri-
arch, and the hierarchy was reorganised.
After the Christian defeat at Gaza in
1244, and tlie consequent capture of
Jerusalem by tlie Sultan of Egypt, the
Latin palriarcliato became little more
than a nominal dignity, and Nicolas de
Anapis, a Dominican and Roman peni-
tentiai-y, appointed by Pope Nicolas IV.
in 1288, was the last Latin patriarch
down to our day who resided in Palestine
(Fleury, livr. Ixxxviii. c. 49). In the
Decree of Union (Florence, 14.39), the
Greek patriarchate of Jerusalem was
again united to the Church and recognised
as holding the fifth place after Rome, but
the luiion only lasted a fewyears. PiusIX.
gave Jerusalem a resident Latin patriarch,
Joseph Valerga (1847-1872). Hewas suc-
ceeded by Vincent Pracco (Hergenrother,
" K. Geschichte," ii. p. 1008). There is no
Greek Catholic patriarch of Jerusalem.
The United Greeks or Melchite Catholics
of this patriarchate are subject to the
patriarch of Antioch. He is represented
by a vicar who is a bishop in partihiis and
resides at Jafia.' (Le Quien, "Oriens
Christianus," tom. 3. Hefele, " Concil."
vol. i., on the 7th canon of Nicsea, and
vol. ii., on Chalcedon.)
' Silbernagi, Kirchen des Orients.
I JESVATS. A congregation founded
by St. John Colombini, and confirmed by
I Urban V. in 1367. Colombini was a
native of Sienna, and had held the highest
offices in that republic; but being con-
verted entirelj- to God by accidentally
reading the Life of St. Mary of Egypt,
he, with his wife's consent, embraced a
life of continence, turned his house into
a hospital, preached frequently, and de-
lighted to humble himself to the condi-
tion of the poorest and most miserable.
He soon had a ring of fervent disciples
around him. Proceedingtomeet Urban V.,
who was coming from Avignon to Rome,
in 1367, the new society is said to have
been caUed the " Gesuati " by children,
who noticed how, as they walked, they
continually repeated " Viva Gesn ! "
Alexander VI. obliged them to add to
the name Jesuats, "of St. Jerome."
Urban V. confirmed them, in 1.367, and
gave them a white habit and hood, with
a large brown mantle, and wooden shoes.
For more than two centuries, it was a
strictly lay order, but Paul V. (1606)
permitted them to receive holy orders.
In many of their houses they practised
pharmacy and distillation, and sold the
alcoholic liquor which they manufac-
tured ; hence they came to be known
as the " Aquavita Fathers." For this
and other reasons Clement IX., in 1668,
deemed it advisable to suppress the order.
(Ilelyot.)
TESVZTESSES. Isabel Rosella, a
pious lady of Barcelona, assisted St. Igna-
tius greatly with her alms when he was
studying at that city in preparation for a
university career. She, with two com-
panions, came to Rome, where the saint
then was, in 1545, and entreated him to
take the direction of them, and allow them
to live by the Jesuit rule. St. Ignatius
thought himself bound, in gratitude for
her former kindness, not to refuse her
request; but he soon found that the
direction of these tliree women took up
an unduly large proportion of his time,
and he obtained from Paul III., in 1547,
an order that the Company should not
undertake the direction of nuns. " When
certain women in Flanders and Piedmont
afterwards assembled in houses under
vows ' and this rule, and called them-
selves Jesuitesses, their institute was
abolished by Urban VIII., in 16.3:$, the
end and exercises of this society not suit-
ing that sex." (Albau Rutler, July 31.).
* Vows self-imposed, according' to H^lyot.
620
JESUITS
JESUITS
TSSVZTS. The annals of this great
order, and the Life of its founder, have been
so frequently written, that the general
outlines of both are familiar to most per-
sons. St. Ignatius Loyola, born in 1491,
of a noble family in ]5iscay, and trained
to the military profession, received a severe
wound in the le<i' while defending Pampe-
luna against tile French in 1521. During
his slow recovery he called for books to
amuse him ; romances were Ijrought, and
also a volume of " Lives of the Saints."
Reading this last, at tirst carelessly, but
afterwards with ever-increasinti interest,
Ignatius recognised the heroism of the
true servants of God, and saw how much
their glory, being founded on the abase-
ment of the Cross, tran.scended what till
then he had been accustomed to call so.
When he had sufficiently recovered, he
broke with -his former life, embraced
poverty and mendicancy, confessed him-
self to a Benedictine of Montserrat, and
passed a noviciate of sublime but ten-ible
trial in the cave of Manresa. Gradually
the thought of founding an order, which
should support the Chair of Peter, me-
naced by the German heretics, sustain, by
example, preaching, and education, the
cause of the Gospel and Catholic truth,
and carry the light of Christ to the hea-
then, rose into clearness in his mind.
But to carry out all this, he must become
a priest ; the soldier must turn himself
into a clerk. "With unfailing patience he
laboured to obtain the nece.ssary know-
ledge. After being driven from two
Spanish universities, liecause his efforts
to influence the students caused him to
be esteemed a mischievous fanatic, he
went to the University of Paris, and
there completed his studies. Here it
was that he made the acquaintance of a
number of remarkable men, chiefly Spa-
niards, with whom being made one in
lieart and s]>irit, he understood that it
was now possible to carry out the project
which he had long cherished. He con-
ducted them first throu>ih tlie " Spiritual
Exercise.s," which he had composed at
Manresa. On the feast of the Assump-
tion, in 153-t, in the church of IMont-
martre at Paris, Igiuitius and his compa-
nions,' after they had all received com-
munion from Peter Faber, who was then
the only priest among them, pronounced
the vow which constituted the order.
' 'I lii ii- n.niies were ; Fram-is Xavicr. .lames
LaviK-z, AlplioiiMis Salnienii). Niclidliis lioba-
ililia— Siiaiiiaids ; Simon KiHlrii;uez, a Portu-
.gue.se; anil Peler Fabcr, a Savoyard.
Its tenor was, " to renounce the world,
to go to preach the gospel in Palestine,
or, if they could not go thither within a
year after they had finished their studies,
to offer themselves to his Hohness to be
employed in the service of God in what
manner he should j udge best." ' Ignatius
then passed into Spain, partly on medical
advice, to recruit his wasted health by
breathing the air of his native hills,
partly to transact some necessary busi-
ness for those of his companions who
were Spaniards. It was agreed that they
should all meet at Venice, in January
1.537. Before that time three others hail
joined the society — Claude le Jay of
Savoy, Codure of Dauphin^, and Pasquier
Brouet of Picardy. His followers tra-
velled on foot from Paris, in the winter
of 1536, and through much danger and
hardship made their way to Venice at the
appointed time ; Ignatius had come from
Barcelona by sea, While at Venice, they
occupied themselves in i)reaching and
serving in the hospitals. In the summer,
after sending the others to preach and
laboiu- in various towns of North Italy,
Ignatius, taking with him Faber and
Laynez, set out for Rome. At La Storta,
not far from the Eternal City, while
praying in a wayside chapel, he fell into
an ecstacy; he seemed to see the Al-
mighty Father, who commended him to
His Son ; Christ at the same time said to
him, " I will be favourable to you at
Rome."^ Before the parting, he had
told his followers that if asked to what
congregation they belonged, they should
say tliat they were of the Company of
Jesus. The Pope (Paul III.) gave Igna-
tius a cordial reception, and commissioned
Faber and Laynez to lecture ou divinity
at the Sapieuza, the Roman University.
The Holy Father doubtless felt the full
significance of the adhesion of such a band
at such a crisis. The huge fabric of the
German empire was in wild confusion ;
the king of England, saluted by his pre-
decessor, not twenty years before, as
"defensor fidei," had just destroyed six
hundred monasteries, and stopped all
intercourse between his kingdom and
Rome : France was unquiet ; Sweden
lost. At this moment a company of
I devout combatants, disciplined alike in
[ mind and will, serving under a leader
j every lineament of whose face bespoke
I furce and majesty, but all under the
I strictest control, offered themselves to the
I 1 Albau Uiitler, July 31.
' " F,go vobis Romse propitius ero."
JESUITS
JESUITS
521
Pnpe, to do service of whatever kind and
against whatever adversaiy he might ap-
point. The encouragement which he re-
ceived led Ipfuatius to set earnestly to
work at framing the constitutions of tlie
new order. As mipht be e.xpecied from
the man and the times, a military and
monarchical spirit pervailed them. He
resolved to establish in his order "a
genend whom all, by their vow, should
be bound to obey, who should be perpe-
tual, and his authority absolute, subject
entirely to the Pope, but not liable to be
restrained by chapters." ^ He also deter-
mined to prescribe a fourth vow — that of
going, without question or delay, wher-
ever the Pope might think fit to send
them for the salvation of souls. As to
property, he resolved that the professed
fathers of the society should possess no
real estates or revenues, either indivi-
dually or in common, but tliat colleges
might enjoy revenues and rents, for the
maintenance of students of the order and
the advancement of learning. He sum-
moned all his followers to Rome, and at
last, in 1540, was able to lay the pro-
gramme and constitutions of the new
order before the Pope, who, after the
opposition raised by some of the cardinals
had been overcome, solemnlv confirmed
them by the bull (dated Sept. 27, 1540)
"Regimini militantis ecclesia3." The
bull recites and approves the " form of
life " which had been devised by the
founder for those who should join his
institute. Preaching, spiritual exercises,
works of charity, teaching the catechism,
and hearing conlessions, were to be their
employments. The general or prelate to
be chosen was to decide on the work to
be done by each individual member, and
to frame any new constitutions that
might be needed, with the consent ot his
assiiciates. Befure admission, all were to
undergo a long probation.
The Society being thus confirmed, the
members met i'nv the election of a gene-
ral, and Ignatius was unanimously nomi-
nated. He refused at lirst, but afterwards
yielded, and entered upon the office in
April 1541. The constitutions, which
were wholly composed by the saint, and
in liis native tongue, were translated into
Latin by Polanco, his secretary, and first
publislied in 1558. In them his aims
and ideas, and the chief methods by
which he hoped to realise them, are
clearly set forth. He desired to " stand
ou the ancient ways," to teach men that
' Albaii Butler, July 31.
they could not safely do othem ise, and
thus prevent new defections. Novelty,
curiosity, ambition, and self-indulpence,
were aU on the side of Protestantism; if
they were to be resisted etl'ectually, it
could only be by using the same weapons
of which the temper had been tried
against the CfEsarism of the Romans,
and the idolatry of the barbarians. This
weapon was the personal sanctification of
the defenders of Catholic truth. The
hohness of St. Antony and the hermits
won the battle for Christ in the third
century. When St. Aidan began to con-
vert the Angles of Northumbria, he esta-
blished himself and his monks in a remote
island, so that monastic piety might not
be interrupted in its daily duties and
sanctifying discipline never relax its hold
on those who were preacliing Christ to
the heathen. Similarly St. Ignatius, in-
stead of writing a great book, settles a
round of spiritual exercises which he and
his lollowers are to go through before
attempting anything serious. His aim is
to sanctify the soldiers, that by them he
may sanctify the world. The rules which
he prescribes are partly drawn from the
contemplative life (e.ff. mental prayer,
examination of conscience, pious reading,
frequentation of the sacraments, retreats),
partly suited to form men of action.
He gives no particular habit to his fol-
lowers, because he designs them to live
in the world and to be continually mix-
ing with it, that they may overcome its
evil, while remaining interiorly separate
from it. None are to be received who
have worn the habit of another order.
The postulant must renounce his own
will, his family, and all that men hold
most dear on earth. The vows could
not be taken before the age of thirty-
three. A Jesuit must canvass for no
office, and take no ecclesiastical dignity
unless constrained by the Pope on pain
of mortal sin. Six grades of membership
are described : (1) novices, (2) formed
temporal coadjutors, (?>) approved scho-
lastics, (4) formed spiritual coadjutors,
(5) the professed of the three vows, (6)
the professed of the four vows. Tliese
distinctions are observed to this day, but
the professed of the four vows form only
a small class; the professed of both
grades and the spiritual coadjutors form
not quite one half of those whom the
world calls " Jesuits."
It should be observed that the name
by which they are commonly known was
given to them by their enemies, or by the
522
JESUITS
JESUITS
people, not assumed by themselves. Till
1600 they never called themselves any-
thing else but the " Company of Jesus."
Among the generals there have been
Spaniards, Italians, Germans, Poles, and
Belgians, but never a Frenchman.
Ah eady in 1563 the usefulness of the
new society must have been signally
manifest, for the Council of Trent in
that year, while laying down general
rules about novices, declares that it
intends not to make any change which
should prevent " the religion of tbe clerks
of the Society of Jesus from being able
to serve the Lord and His Church accord-
ing to their pious institute approved by
the holy Apostolic See." '
St. Ignatius, after having founded the
German College at Rome, and assisted in
founding the great " Collegio Romano,"
having lived to see the fruit of his la-
bours— his order being solidly established
in many countries of Europe, and engaged
in successful missions among the heathen
in Asia, Africa, and America — passed to
his reward in 1556. The following brief
sketch of the subsequent history of the
Society arranges events under the names
of the generals down to the death of
Aquaviva; and, from that point to the
suppression of the Society, under the
principal countries and missions in which
its influence was exerted. Some of the
more prominent successes and reverses
which it has experienced since 1814 are
all that our limits will allow us to give
of its history subsequent to the re-esta-
blishment.
I. Father James Laynez, who had as-
sisted as a theologian at the deliberations
of the Tridentine Council, succeeded St.
Ignatius in 1558. The chief event of his
rule was his visit to Paris in 1561, on
which occasion he confronted the repre-
sentatives of the Huguenots at the
Conference of Poissy, and did much to
overcome the opposition which the Paris
parliament had hitherto made to the
admission of the Society. The parlia-
ment did in fact ratify in 1562 the royal
edicts of Henry II. and Francis II.,
granting permission to the Company to
erect a college in Paris. During this and
the two following generalates, the pro-
gress of heresy in Germany was stopped,
and much lost ground recovered, by the
labours of the Jesuits, among whom the
Blessed Peter Canisius was pre-eminent.
This great man won the alfection of the
powerful archbishop of Augs))nrg, Otto
1 Sess. XXV. c. 16, De Reg. et Mon.
Truchsess, who made over to the Society
the University of Dillingen. They had
already, in 1556, obtained a firm footing
in the Bavarian university of Ingolstadt,
whence they extended their efforts to
other parts of Germany. The favourite
calumny of the German Protestants, that
the Catholic Church was hostile to learn-
ing, received an effectual practical refuta-
tion through the Jesuit colleges, in which
all subjects — humanities, philosophy, the
sciences, &C. — were taught according to
the newest methods, and more skilfully
and energetically than elsewhere.
Meantime missions to the heathen
were carried on with much success. The
first Jesuit mission in India had been
founded by St. Francis Xavier, who
landed at Goa in 1642, and by his preach-
ing and miracles converted great num-
bers of the inhabitants of Travancore,
the Fishery Coast, and Madura. After-
wards he carried the Gospel to Celebes
and the Spice Islands, and (1549) esta-
blished a flourishing church in Japan.
The saint died on the island of Sancian
near Macao in 1552, while endeavouring
to penetrate into China. The field of the
missions was tilled by many different
orders, among which the Company cer-
tainly was not the least zealous. Father
de Nobrega had been sent to Brazil by
St. Ignatius himself, and had made a
good commencement ; we shall presently
see by what a strong and holy hand the
work was continued. By 1560 the So-
ciety had extended its activity in every
direction ; Melanchthon, as he lay on his
deathbed in that year, is reported to have
said, "Alas! What is this? I see the
whole world being filled with Jesuits."'
Laynez died in 1565.
Under the rule of St. Francis Borgia,
tlie third general, a relation of the em-
peror Charles V. (1565-1573), the ad-
vance of the Society was uninterrupted.
St. Pius V. was dissatisfied with the
exemption from the obligation of sayuig
the office in choir which the order pos-
sessed under tbe constitutions, and was
inclined to insist on a change. But the
fathers presented a memorial in which it
was shown that the existing regulation
was the result of profound meditation on
the end and means of his institute on the
part of the founder ; St. Francis himself
with a respectful firmness supported this
view ; and the Pope gave way. Affairs
prospered in Germany ; Austria and Ba-
varia, where heresy had nearly got the
upper hand, remained on the whole true
JESriTS
JESnXS 523
to the ancient faith. Canisius founded I
colleges at Wiirzburg, Olmiitz, and
"VN'ilna. The Duke of Bararia in the
decree foundin<r a Jesuit college at Lands-
hut declared that "certainly it was to j
this Society that Bavaria owed the re-
establishment of the faith of her ancestors, '
that had been shaken by the calamities of
the times.'' The present church of the
Gesn at Eome was bes'nn in 1567. St. i
Charles Borronieo warmly befriended the
Society in his archdiocese of Milan,
founding (1572) a novitiate for them at
Arena at his own ex])ense. How danijjer-
ous tho order was felt to be to the pro-
gress of Protestantism was shown by a
terrible event in 1570. A Portuguese
ship bound for Brazil, in which wer.' F.
Azevedo, of the Society, and thirty-nine
companions, mostly novices, was attacked
by a French privateer commanded by the
Calvinist Jacques Sourie, of Dieppe. After
a brave resistance the Portuguese vessel
was overpowered, the sailors who were
left alive were spared ; but the Calvinists
put all but one of the Jesuits to death.
A somewhat similar incident happened
the next year, and resulted in the murder
of twelve Jesuits, of whom the chief was
F. Francis de Castro, by the Huguenot
captain, Oapdeville, and his crew. j
Under the fourth general, F. Mer-
curian, a Belsrinn (lo7;Vlo80), the genius
of the great Bellarmin began to show
itself; he was engaged for several years
before 1577 in combating the errors of
Baius, a doctor of Louvain. The members
of the Society, who in 1505 had numbered
3,500, distributed among 130 houses, in
eighteen provinces, amounted in 1580 to
upwards of 5,000, divided among twenty-
one provinces. ]
Under the prudent but energetic rule
of Aquaviva (1581-1615) the prosperity
and reputation of the Society were at
their height. Enterjjrises formerly begun
developed themselves now with great
rapidity and brilliancy, and new under-
takings, the fame of which still resounds {
through the world, were commenced.
The Roman College, which in 1555 had
but 200 students, in 1584 had grown into
a flourishing uuiversitj', with more than
2,000 students, in which all the faculties •
but tho^e of law and medicine were
worthily represented. The ideas of St.
Ignatius on the methods of instruction
•were worked out by .\quaviva into a
systematic ratio stiidiorum, of which the
chief feature was the thorough mastery '
which it aimed at giving to all their |
scholars over the Latin language. In the
mission field, we find that extraordinary
progress was made in Japan, where the
Christians, who numbered but 200,000 in
1588, were 750,000 in 1612, most of these
being Jesuit converts. In Brazil the work
of F. de Xobrega was carried (in for forty-
four years by the ^"e^. Joseph Anchieta
of the Society, who instituted native
settlements much resembling the later and
more celebrated Paraguayan "reductions."
and has been called the Apostle of Brazil.
The Jesuit inis>ions in India, which had
languished or been retarded for a time,
passed into a new phase on the arrival of
F. Kobert de' Xobili, in 1605. Nohili
thought [Missions to the Heathex] that
ideas of caste, being grounded in the very
structure of Hindoo society, should be
temporarily complied with, so far as was
lawful, by the ambassadors of Christ.
Accordingly he assumed the dress and
manners of a Brahmin, and kept aloof
from the inferior castes, making after a
time many conversions. He died many
years later (1656). and his tomb, near
Madura, is still an object of popular vene-
ration. A breach was made about this
time in the heathenism of China by the
success of F. Kicci and his followers.
Ricci was a sonnd mathematician, and
skilled in mechanics: and when, after
twenty years' resi<]eiire in China, he suc-
ceeded (16U1) in making himselt known
to the emperor at Pekin, he soun obtained
his cuntidence. and made the favour ex-
tended to him on account of his scientific
acquirements contribute more or less to
the spread and protection of Christianity.
Kicci died in I6l0, but was .succeeded by
missioners not less able and zealous —
Schall. V'erbiest, Gerbillon, and Bouvet.
Of the dill'erences which arose between
the Jesuit and iJoujinican missionaries in
China, something will be said in the next
section. F. Yaldivia carried the gospel
to the Indians of Chili in 150a ; a harbour,
a city, and a peak of the Andes immor-
talise the name of the intrepid missionary.
The first Paraguayan "reduction" was
made in l(jlO. but of this great civilising
enterprise a connected view must be re-
served for the article on Missions to the
Heathen.
In Europe generally the progress of
the order was maintained in peace; but
compUcations arose at three principal
points. The Venetian oligarchy, enraged
against the fathers because they observed
the interdict laid by Pope Paul Y. upon
the republic in 1606, banished them from
524
JKSnTS
JESUITS
Venice; and, although the rupture with
the Holy See was rep:iired soon after-
wards, would not readmit the order for
lifty years. In France, where the Par-
liament of Paris was always hostile to the
Society, the members of the latter, being
charged with eomplicity in the attempt
of Chatel to assassinate the Ifing, Henry
lY., were expelled from Paris in 1595.
Henry, however, recalled them in 1601,
and on that occasion administered a telling
reproof to the officials of the Parliament,
who had, under the influence of the
jealousy whicii has too commonly actu-
ated French lawyers in regard to eccle-
siastics, laid before him a paper full of
ridiculous calumnies against the Com-
pany. In England, where Jesuits first
arrived in 1580, their pastoral work was
attended by greater danger than even in
Japan. I he Protestant government put
to death, under Elizabeth, Fathers Cam-
pion, Briant, Southwell, Walpole, &c. ;
and, under James, Father Oldcome, the
two Garnets, and F. Page. These mar-
tyrdoms, though unable to produce their
full natural eflfeci on account of the
terrorism practised by the Government,
undoubtedly led to numerous conver-
sions, sustained the wavering faith of
many, and powerftilly contributed to
keep alive the flame of Catholicism in
the breasts of a down-trodden but uncon-
querable minority.
The Company numbered in its i-anks
at this time some of the finest and
strongest minds in Europe: such were
Cardinal Bellarmin, Emanuel Sa, Mal-
donatus, Suarez, Clavius, and Canisius.
The saintly life of St. Aloysius Gonzaga,
who died in 1597 at the age of twenty-
three, reflects a yet purer lustre on their
annals. The .series of " Lettres Edifiantes
et Curieuses," sent by the Jesuit mi.ssioners
to Europe, commences from this period.
II. 1615-1773. In this section— after
a brief survey of the Jesuit missions — the
history of the order in Europe, the cir-
cumstances which led to its expulsion
from various kingdoms and its suppres-
sion by Clement XIV. will be related.
In India, De' Nobili, whose method of
extending the gospel was approved by a
bull of Gregory XV. in 16i*."5, was suc-
ceeded by Fathers Fernandez, De An-
drada. Blessed John de Britto, Beschi,
Bouchet, &c. De Britto was beheaded
by the king of Marava in 1693. The
question of the Malabar Rites, which
arose about the beginning of the eighte^nt h
century, caused an agitation unfavourable
to the progress of the missions. Still, if
Southern India and Ceylon are to a great
extent Christian countries, it i>i to these
unwearied labours of the Society that the
result is chiefly due. The last provincial,
Father Anthony Douarte, after the sup-
pression of the order, did not desert his
converts, but, dying at a great age in
1788, bequeathed to them a box of papers
relating to the mission, which he charged
them to give to the future Provincial of
the Jesuits in India.
In China, the establishment of the
Tartar dynasty at Pekin in 1644 threat-
ened to injure the missions, but the new
rulers were at first not unfriendly. The
Dominicans had come to China in 1633 ;
they found that the Jesuits tolerated in
their converts the continued adherence to
certain customs and ceremonies which
appeared to savour of idolatry; a pro-
tracted controversy arose which spread
from China to Europe. [For an account
of these ceremonies see Chinese Rites.]
Clement XI. sent out De Tournon, the
patriarch of Antioch, in 1703, to India
and China as his legate. Soon after hia
landing at Goa, De Tournon issued a
pastoral, in which he unconditionally con-
demned the Malabar rites. The Jesuits,
fearing the effect of the prohibition on
the native mind, resolved on appealing to
the Holy See, and De Tournon gave his
verbal consent to their doing so. From
India the legate passed to China, and in
1706 condemned the ceremonies as unfit
for Christians to use. The emperor Kang
Hi, who had always maintained that they
had only a civil meaning, was extremely
angry, and gave up De Tournon into the
hands of the Portuguese at Macao, by
whom he was imprisoned and iU-treated.
dving in consequence in 1710. A brief
of Clement XL in 1710, followed by the
bull "Ex ilia die" in 1715, confirmed the
legate's condemnation, first of some, then
of all the obnoxious ceremonies. The
indignation of Kang Hi was extreme, and
the new legate, Cardinal Mezza Barba,
perceiving the great difficulty of the case,
authorised the Jesuit lathers to make a
fresh application to Rome, and in the
meantime to suspend their obedience to
the briefs. The application wa.s vain;
Clement XII. contirmed the bull " Ex
ilia die," and Benedict XIV. by his bull
in 1742 (before which the Jesuits are
said to have submitted unreservedly)
confirmed the decisions of his predeces-
sors, and finally settled the question.
Kang Hi, after a reign of sixty years.
JESUITS
JESUITS
525
died in 1722, and was succeeded by Yun»
TcLiu, who inunediately ordered a perse-
cution of the Christians. His son, Khian-
loanff, was a man of singuhir character ;
political and personal motives prevented
him from embracing Christianity, bnt he
respected and loved the Jesuit fathers,
whom he drew to his Court at Pekin.
and was especially gratified by the skill
with which they ministered to his scien-
tific and artistic tastes. Father Heiioist
constructed a fountain to plea.se him ;
other Jesuits made wonderful clocks and
automata, or prepared charts, or painted
the halls of his palace. Yet he was afraid
of allowing Chris^tianity to become power-
ful in the empire, lest it should open the
door to an ascendency on the part ol some
European nation, similar to what was
taking place before his eyes in India.
AVhile, therefore, the Jesuits at Pekin
were safe and honoured, the Christian
communities in many provinces were
cruelly persecuted. Eight Jesuits were
strangled at Naukin in 1748. The decree
of suspension became known at Pekin in
1774. The fathers Amiot, Cibot, Dollieres,
and others, though wounded to the heart
by the ruin of their beloved Society,
remained at their posts, and there died,
Amiot not till 1794. The benevolent dis-
positions of the emperor towards them
were never changed.
lu Japan, where the prospectsof Chris-
tianity had been so bright, all was sud-
denly overclouded. Taicosaraa, who seized
the supreme power in 1 oS3, commenced a
persecution of the Christians, but with no
great malignity or fixity of purpose.
Hence at his death in 1598 the native
church was more flourishing than ever.
Daifusama, who succeeded him as regent,
reigned till 1615. In 1612 an English
merchant captain, named Adams, is said
to have made the regent believe that the
real designs of the Jesuits were political,
and that his only safety lay in extermin-
ating them. A terrible persecution was
then beguu, which Xogun, the son of
Daifusama, carried on with demoniacal
cruelty and persistency. Before 1640,
after scores of thousands of Japanese
Christians had suffered martyrdom, and
great inimbers had apostatised, all public
proffs-sion of Christianity was stopped,
and the Jesuit mission — the nii.ssioners
having been killed or banished — came to
an end. From that time Europeans could
only land their goods at onf> port in Japan,
and then after trampling ou the cross.
The missions of the Society in North
America have been described by an
American Protestant.' in a tone generally
fair and almost syniiiathetic. Samuel de
Champlain, a French naval officer, 'ounded
Quebec in 1608; in 1625 Jesuit mission-
aries arrived there, and after providing for
the spiritual wants of the colonists, began
to preach to the Ked Indians. The Huron
nation proved to be the most tractable :
most of them became Christians, and
showed considerable ajititudefor agricul-
ture and other civilising employment
under the guidance of the fathers. The
Iroquois fri^m the south, instigated by the
settlers in the British colonies, made war
on the Hurons and nearly annihilated
! them. Fathers Lallemand, Daniel, and
I Brebeuf were put to death with every
species of torture in 1649. The Abenakis,
a tribe living on the Kennebec river be-
tween Canada and New England, asked
for and received baptism in a body. The
remnant of the Hurons was trathered round
Montreal and Quebec. The treaty which
in 1760 transferred the French possession.'*
[ in North America to Great Britain pro-
vided for the maintenance of the Catholic
j religion in the ceded provinces : hence it
is that the Indian and lialf-caste population
ofBritish America, among whose ancestors
the Jesuits laboured and suffered, are to
this day mainly Catholic. In the early
part of the eighteenth century, th" Abe-
nakis were in the care of Father Rasles;
a body of armed cr>lonists from New Eng-
land (1724') attacked their settlem -nts on
the Kenueliec, dispei st d the Indians, and
butchered the unresi-ting missionary.*
In 1673 the Jesuit Father .Marquette,
making his way to the south-west from
Lake Michigan, discovered the Mississippi,
which Frenchmen soon de.scended, and
founded the colony of Louisiana at its
mouth. The French nation, which first
opened the valleys of the St. Lawrence
and the Mississippi, long ago wrested from
them by their rivals, realised to the full
— history can show no more striking in-
stance— the bitter truth of the adage. Sic
vos non vohis.
Jesuits assisted Sir George Calvert in
founding the Catholic colonv of Maryland
in 1633.
St. Peter Claver (t 1654), a Spanish
Jesuit, called the Apostle of the Ne-
groes, spent more than forty years in
New Granada, assisting corporally and
' The Jesuits in North America, Samuel
Parkiiiaii.
- Hcnrion, Hist. Gen. des .Vissions, iii. ch.
526
JESUITS
JESUITS
epiritually the poor Africans whom the
Spaniards were bringing over in great
numbers at that time to work on the
pliuitutions.
Of the Jesuit mission in Paraguay —
the most reinai-l;al)!c examj)!.' of a wliole
people transronii' il and exaltoil tlirough
Chri*tianity that lias been known since
the middle ages — an account will be found
under Missions to the Heathen. The
first "Reduction," or colony, was founded
in 1610; in 1717 the Christian Indians in
all the Reductions numbered 120,000. A
transaction between Spain and PortUfjalin
17o8 caused the transfer of the territory
on which the Reductions stood to the
latter power; Pombal dispersed the Jesuit
teachers ; the white settlers, with their
selfish greed and indift'erence to native
rights, had everything their own way, and
the fair experiment was ruined.
Returning now to Europe, we find
that the history of the Society in Italy and
Spain in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries was marked by few striking
events. In Germany the fathers devoted
themselves with great ardour to the miti-
gation of the miseries caused by the Thii t y
Years' War. The emperor Ferdinand III.,
and also bis general, Count Tilly, had re-
ceived their education in .Jesuit colleges;
both of them loved and valued the Society.
In Poland an e.\-Jesuit ascended the
throne in 1648 in the person of John
Casiniir. In Belgium arose in the seven-
teenth century the great modern school of
hagioui-a]ihti-s ISoi.LANKisTsI, BoUaudus
publi-hing the tirst volmue of the "Acta
Sanctorum" at Antwerp in 1G43. He
and all his coadjutors, Ilenschen, Paj.c-
broch, Stilting, &c., were Jesuits, and the
resumed work is still in the hands of the
Society.
In England the penal laws forbade any
freedom of action to Jesuits even more
tlian to secuhuN ; yet in 1684 two hundred
and fifty memliers td'the Company are >aid
to have been in the kingiioui. Father
AiTOWSmith sulfered in Lancashire in
1628 ; under Charles 1 1 . five .lesuits were
executed during the |):mic at Ihe time of
the Popish Plot. Tlie la\,iiir of James II. }
inspired them with fal-e \i,>-\if, and led to
an extension of 0]>erat inn> : ( (dieses liegan
to rise, but these buds wi-v ni|i|ied ihe
"killing I'rost" of the l!e\ ohilion. Yet,
the laws being now nnn-e niihlly execut 'd,
the fathers in Fngliind in 17'1() numbered
].">1 ; and this Dumber jindidilN did not
vary much down to the suppression.
In Ireland, the barbarou.s tyranny of
j the government under Elizabeth and
I James I. was replaced in the next reign
by a somewhat easier state of things.
The Jesuits on the mission, who had
before 1620 been attached to the houses
of the CathoUc nobihty, after that date
were able to live in a more regular way,
I and in a short time they had eight col-
: leges and residences. But, as the Vandal
i heretics extinguished civilisation iuRoman
j Africa, so the renascent well-being and
I culture of Ireland were uprooted by the
j Puritan invaders under Cromwell. Amidst
j an infinite number of other calamities
which then fell on the country, the Jesuit
colleges were destroyed, and the mission
broken up. In 1713 there were but
eleven Jesuits in all Ireland, with Father
Knowles as their superior ; and these
could only exercise their ministry in
secret. A few continued to labour there
till 1773.
The fortunes of the order in France,
Spain, and Portugal have still to be
noticed. In France the success of the
fathers in education was remarkable.
The College de Clermont, founded in
1562, changed its name to "College de
Louis le Grand," and towards the end of
j the seventeenth century numbered 2,500
scholar.-. In the confessional, the fathers
were charged with letting olf too easily
.such of their penitents as desired to con-
cihate the claims of the world and the
flesh with those of the Gospel. They
were said to be lax casuists ; and on this
ground Pascal attacked them (1656) in
his celebrated " Lettres Provinciales."
On the struggle betwi'en them and the
.lansenists, and on the Quesnel contro-
^el■sy, see the article Jaxsiixism. With
the declaration of tlie French clergy in
1682 [Gallicaxtsk] the Freucli .]e>uits
bad nothing to do; but tbey incurred the
displeasure of Innocent XL by refusing
or neglecting to publish the bidl against
1^0 uis XIV. on the question of the Regalia,
and the Pope forbade them to receive
novices. The irreat preacher Hourdaloue
(t 1704), and F. de la Colombiere, the
director of St. INIargaret Mary Alacoque.
flourished at this time. In the middle of
the eighteenth century, a league of many
]iarties and jiersons was formed for the
destruction of the order. The Marquise
de Pompadour hated them because they
^\ Duld not countenance in any shape the
immoral relation subsisting between her
and the king, Louis XV. Voltaire, him-
self one of their pupils, and not averse t <
doing them ju.stice on occasion, as many
JESUITS
JESUITS
527
passages in his works prove, desired their
extinction as the defenders of revealed
religion and the upholders of the purity of
private morals. The whole party of the
Encyclopsedists and freetliinkers were
Jiaturally their enemies; the remains of
the Jansenist party L)nged to be revenged
on them; the Parliament and university
were hostile to them, as they had ever
been. Lastly, the Minister, the Due de
■Choiseul — wlio by his blundering had just
lost Canada for France — leing in sym-
pathy with the freethinkers, was disposed
to yield to the clamour which the many
ill-wishers of the Company raised, and to
induce the king also to yield. In .\pril
and August 1762 edicts of the Parliament
'if Paris closed the Jesuit colleges and
declared their order to be inadmissible in
any civili.sed State. The archbishop of
Paris, Chiistopher de Beaumont, put
himself courageously on their side, and
the secular clergy generally took the same
line. Nevertheless, Louis XV. confirmed
(November 1764) the edict of the Parlia-
ment, and about four thousand Jesuits,
their colleges having been closed and their
property plundered, were compelled to
depart from France.
The fall of the order in Spain was a
mysterious event. It was the work of
the irresponsible despotism which ruled
the country, and which, as it had been
swift and stern for iiges in repressing
whatever was against the Church, so
now, being itself perverted, dealt sudden
blows that none could parrv on the great
Company — the creation of Spanish genius
— -which existed only for the Church's
defence and glory. I)'.\j-anda, the Minis-
ter of Charles III., is snid to have induced
him to believe that the Jesuit general,
Ricci, had boasted of possessing docu-
ment^ showing that the king was an
illegitimate child. The wrathful Charles
immediately ca\ised a despatch to be
written to all the government authorities
in Spain and the colonies, requiring that
all the Jesuit fathers should be forthwith
conducted to the nearest port, and com-
pelled to take ship for some foreign
country. Six thousand Spanish Jesuits
were ruined and exiled at a blow, by
•what can only be regarded as the act of
a lunatic.
Previously to this, the order had been
despoiled and banished from Portugal by
the famous Car\ alho, Count de Pombal.
Pombal was a man of iron determination,
and unscrupulous in the choice of means.
In 1750 he had been made .Secretary of
State to Joseph I., and set himself
actively and ably to work to revive the
languishing trade and industry of Portu-
gal. He had been Portuguese minister in
England for several years from 17-''9. A
mind so observant must have been struck
by the docility of the Anglican cleigy,
and the ease with which, being isolated
from the rest of Christendom, they were
managed by the Government of tlie day,
and it was probably this experience which
led him to form plans for a similar
national church in Portugal, separated
from the Holy See and the hierarchy.
The Jesuits, the sworn defenders of Papal
rights, stood in his way ; they must
therefore be sup})ressed. Into the intri-
cate history of the plot to assassinate the
king, and the manner in which Pombal
used it against the Jesuits, besides attack-
ing them in other ways, it is impossible
here to enter. In the end, their property
was sequestrated, the University of Coim-
bra taken out of their hands, and the
fathers themselves (1750 ) to the number
of two hundred and tifty-five, bani.shed
from Portugal. Clement XHI. vainly
pleaded that they might be treated with
ordinary justice. On the death of Jo-
seph I. in 1777 Pombal was di-sgraced,
declared a criminal, and forbidden to live
within twenty leagues of Lisbon. A new
inquiry being ordered into the alleged
conspiracy of 1758, those who by Pom-
bal's management had been condemned
to death or imprisonment were exone-
rated from all criminality. From some
of these had been extorted by torture
the statement that the .Jesuits were con-
cerned in the plot; this statement, of
course, if the revising tribunal may be
trusted, falls to the ground.
The order had been expelled from
France, Spain, Portugal, and Naples, but
it was still proteete l in Austria liv Maria
Theresa. Her son, al'terwards J.i^.j.li II.,
used all his influence against tln.'ni ; he
was said to covet their estates. Diplo-
matic pressure was used by all the Courts
which had expelled the order to induce
Clement XIII. to decree their suppression,
but the aged Pope stood firm. On his
death in 1700, the Bourbon sovereigns
used every efl'ort to secure the election
of a Pontilf wlio would comply with their
views. Cardinal (langanelli was (dected
and took the name of Clement XIV. He
hesitated long before taking the decisive
step to which he was urged. At length
(1773) he .signed the constitution " Domi-
nus ac Redemptor noster," by which, on
628
JESUITS
JESUS
the ground of the numerous complaints
and accusations of -n hich the Society was
the object, without declaring; them to be
either guilty nr innocent, he suppressed
the order in e^'ery part of the world, and
directed that those of its members who
were priests should fall into the ranks of
the secular clergy.
In 1626 the Society had possessed
15,000 members. At the time of the
suppression the total number was about
20,000.
Lalande, the astronomer, said of the
suppression, " Carvalho and Choiseul
ha\e irretrievably destroyed the finest
work of man, unrivalled by any human
institution. . . . The human race has
lost that wonderful and invaluable as-
sembly of 20,000 men, disint.-iv.tcdly
and unceasingly occupied w ith luiictions
mo.st important and most useful to man."
III. Frederic the Great, King of
Prussia, refused to have anything to do
with the suppression; he retained the
Jesuits in his dominions, and desired
them to exercise their teaching and other
functions, so far as was possible, as if
nothing had happened. Catherine II.,
Empress of Russia, supported them with
so much zeal that the Pope ultimately
exempted Russia from the operation of
the bull of suppression ; novices were
received in that country without inter-
ruption during the interregnum. Other
attempts were made to keep the order
alive (see Baccanarists). In 1814 Pius
VII., by the constitution "Solicitude om-
nium Ecclesiarum," derogated from the
brief of suppression, and appointed Francis
Karen, who was then provincial in
Russia, general of the whole order. Since
the restoration the fortunes of the Society
have varied with the varying strength of
the infidel and revolutionary forces which
from time to time have been opposed to
it. In France, where their colleges had
been brilliantly successful, an envious
agitation was set on foot against them by
the University, to which the government
of Charles X. weakly yielded and closed
their colleges (1828)" Under the Second
Em])ire they enjoyed frei'dom ; the Re-
publican Government has again (1880)
closed their colleges, and denied them the
right of corporate and regular existence.
In Switzerland they had a noble uni-
versity at Fribourg, and their influence
WHS great in the Forest Cantons and the
Valais. The anarchic and infidel ele-
ments in Swiss society, combining with
the Protestants and encouraged by Lord
Palmerston, raised in 1846 the war of
the Sonderbund; the Catholic cantons
were crushed by superior niunbers, and the
Jesuits banished from the Confederacy.
At tlie present day the total nimiber
of memliers of the Society is beheved to
bo about ten thousand.
(Cr6tineau Joly, "Ilistoire de la Com-
pagnie de Jc^sus,"" 1846; "The Jesuits,
their Foundation and History," by B. N.
(a useful compilation) ; Ferraris, Jesu
Societas ; H^lyot ; Henrion, " Histoire
G(5n6rale des Missions; " Bouchot, "His-
toire du Portugal.")
JESUS (^\r)o-ovs, ylC'.''.). Name and
Feast of the Name. — The name means,
not, as is often said, " Saviour" or "God
the Saviour," but "the Lord [t.e. Jehova]
is help or salvation." It is simply a
shortened form of Josue (yEJ'in*), which
in the LXX appears as "Jesus," and, ac-
cording to Delitzsch (" History of Redemp-
tion," p. 182), was a common name in
post-exilic times. In our Lord's case, it
liiid, however, a pre-eminent fitness, be-
cause in Him, through the perfect example
of His lite and through His death, the
salvation of God came to the children of
men. This name was announced to the
Blessed Virgin by the angel, and actually
imposed on our Lord at His circumcision.
It was His personal, whereas "Christ"
was His official, name.
In all ages of course Christians have
spoken with devotion of this holy name,
and St. Pauls words in the epistle to the
Philippians will occur to everyone. The
devotion received a new impulse and took
a tangible form in the fifteenth century.
The Fi-anciscan friar St. Beniardine of
Sienna (d. 1440) used to exhibit before
the people to whom he preached a board
with the holy name painted on it in the
midst of rays, and he persuaded a poor
man who used to paint cards and had
been ruined by the saint's sermons against
gambling to make a hving in another
way — viz. by painting the holy name.
The new devotion was examined before
Miirtin v., prohibited for a time, defended
by St. John Capistran, and finally ap-
proved by the Holy See. A third Fran-
ciscan, Beniardine de Bustis, composed
an office of the Holy Name, which he
offered for approval to Sixtus IV. and
Innocent VIII., but without success.
At last Clement VII. approved the office
for use in the PVanciscan order ; permis-
sion to use it was extended by subsequent
Popes to other churches, and at last Inuo-
JEWS, CIIITX'H LAWS
JEWS, CHURCH LAWS 529
rent XIII., yielding to the prayers of the
Emperor Charles VI., ou Psovember 29,
1721, ordered the feast to be celebrated
throughout the Church on the second
Sunday after Epiphany.
JEWS, CHVRCH X.AWS RE-
SPECTING. When Christianity be-
came supreme, we find Constantine pub-
lishing restrictive edicts agiiinst the Jew.s,
in which it was declared penal for them
to insult or injure cfmverts to Christianity,
and the adoption f)f Judaism by those not
born to it was forliiddoii. Tlic Tlicodnsian
Code brands the desertion of Christianity
for Judaism as apostasy, and the blending
together the rites and doctiunes of the
two as heresy. In Spain, where Jews
were numerous, a long series of canons
regulating the relations between them
and Christians may be quoted from the
Acts of the early councils. These were
severe in their tenor, for, indeed, the
Talmudic Jew, with his intense pride of
race, and scorn and hatred of other
nations, was a difficult person to deal
with. The Fourth Council of Toledo
(633), over which St. Isidore of Seville
presided, ordered that Jews should be no
longer coerced to become Christians, but
that those who had been so coerced in
the reign of king Sisebut should not,
since they had received Christian sacra-
ments, be allowed to return to Judaism.
This council also ordered that the children
of Jews should be separiitod from them
and placed in monasteries, or in pious
Christian families, to be instructed in
Christianity. This sweeping measure can
onlv have been partiallv carried out ; for
at the Eighth Council of Toledo (6.53) we
find the king undertaking to protect the
Catholic faith against Jews and heretics,
and it is ordered that the decrees of the
fourth council respecting Jews should be
observed. Again, a canon of the ninth
council (655) directs that baptised Jews
be obliged to repair to the cities on the
principal festivals, in order that the bishops
might be able to judge of the sincerity of
their conversion. The Jews in Spain,
being through Talmudic influences more
in sympathy with Islam than the religion
of Christ, assisted the Moors in the eighth
century to master the country and destroy
the kingdom of the Visigoths.
The Third Council of Orleans (-538)
made some important canons. It allowed
that Christians .should be in servitude to
Jewish masters; if, however, a Christian
slave took sanctuary because his master
was tampering with his religion, he was
not to be returned to bondage but re-
deemed at a fair valuation. Jews were not
to appear in the streets nor to hold inter-
course with Christians on the three last
days of Holy Week and Easter Sunday.
In the later legislation, a constitution
of Clement XL (" Propagandffi ]ier uni-
versum "), another of l?enedlct XIV.
(" Postrerao nieiise "), and an ejiistle of
the last-named Pmitlfl', are priniiineiitly
cited. By the fir~t it 1.- ]>rnvided that if
a Jew become a Christian, the portion of
his father's goods falling to him shall not
be withheld by the family on account of
his conversion. But he is not allowed to
disinherit his otlier brothers, as in the
case of that infamous law of the Irish
Parhament, according to which, if the
younger son of a Catholic landowner be-
came a Protestant, he could take the
whole estate, and reduce the rest of the
family to poverty.
Tiie following were some of the pre-
scriptions of the ancient law. The Jews
in Rome were bound to observe Church
holidays so far as their public occupations
were concerned. They were required to
live together in a particular quarter (the
Ghetto). Some distinction of dress,
sufficient to show that they were not
Christians, was required from both sexes.
The word of God was to be preached to
them once a week by a master in tlieol.igy
— if possible, one a\1io was versed in
Hebrew. The trilmnals (if the Imjiiisition
were allowed to proceed against .Jews
only in case of their having made them-
selves amenable to their jurisdiction by
certain definite overt acts. It was lawful
for Cliristian princes to tolerate Jews,
their rites and synagogues, within their
dominions; and having been once so re-
ceived and assured of protection, they
could not, except for some just and
weighty cause, be expelled..
The' children of Jews, not having the
use of free-will, ought not to be baptised
against the will of their parents. A
Jewish boy who asks to be baptised, not
having attained to the use of reason, is
to be given back to his parents ; but not
othei-wise. Infant children of Jews, bap-
tised validly, though illicitly, by a nurse
or some other person, must be educated
by Christians, and when they have come
to the use of reason must be compelled to
perseverance in the Cathohc faith. Under
the operation of this rule arose the cele-
brated Mortara case, about twenty-six years
ago [18!)2]. Copies of the Talmud are to
be searched for and burnt. In justification
r,.30 JEWS, CTIURCn LAWS
JOSEPH, ST.
of this and other severities the canonists
are wont to make copious extracts from
that extraordinary eompihition, which,
■with much that is grave and noble, con-
tains also so many puerilities, immoral
precepts, and anti-social maxims, that
Christian courts may well have deemed
it right to resort to stringent measures to
prevent Christians from being seduced
into adhesion to a system so preposterous.
For illustrations — not to speak of those
given by Ferraris,' which may not be en-
tirely trustworthy — the reader is referred
to the Abb6 Chiarini's translation,^ and
to a recent work by Oort.' It must not
be supposed that the modern Jews are
free to reject any part of the Talmud that
may displease them. If the Old Testa-
ment is the written, the Talmud contains
the oral, law of Jehovah ; a consistent
Jew believes that God speaks to liini
tlirougli the Rabbins as much as through
tlie projjhets.'' Even the legendary part,
the " Haggadah," according to the Jewish
editor of " Selections from the Talmud"
publislied in the " Chandos Classics," does
not >tai;L;er them. "The majority of the
[Jewisli] people," he says, "clung to it,
and regarded the Talmud as a complete
whole worthy of their reverence."
"The Talmud," says the Abb6
1 Art " llel.rnn.s.'-
2 Le T,d,n„d. l.cipzi- 1831.
3 Evancielia en Tahnud, Leiden 1881.—
Oort lias heeii tm-woivd hv the Dutch Rabbi
Till, lu-ii blik ill Talniiieil en Evnni^^elie."
Tlie l.'.irne.l w.i ks nf Martini Pu-io Ki.lei "),
Am-ter(l:iiii.]MSL. IbeCiUholic wi.rUof Kt.lilins,
Der TaliiuiiliiHlc " ( 1n7/ )^ is severely liaiidled
by DeliizM-li, •■ Kohliun's Tnlmuduule
beli-Mchiel " { l.ssl). A really scieiititie acrount
of .le\vi-li tli<-nl;.i;y will be found ill Weber's
pxeelleu! work, " S\-steni der Altsvnaf^offalen
Paliisliiiisi-ben Tbeob^ie" (LeipziK, 18H(l).
Waneiiseil ("Tela imiea Salaiue," U'lSl), ICi.-eu-
nieii-ei- ('• EiitdeeUles .1 udeiit Iluiii,"' 1777). are
'"'^'^ Tl'ie post-Talmudb- treatise Su,,horiL.i eom-
pare- tlie l'.il>le to water, tlie -MislLna to wine,
tlietifuiara to sjiii'ed wine. But it would be
quite wruiLt; to juilfie the more educated Jews
by the TaliLiud. A reform was inaugurated by
Moses Mendelssohn (d. nHG). A reformed
synat^ojrue was founded at Uerlin in 1814, in
London about 1840, at New York in 1843.
The Reformed Jews who reject the divine
authority of the Talmud, though they ditler
much aiiiong themselves, many of them being
mere Deists, are very numerous in Gernianv
and AiLieiiea. Moreover, the ReforiLL bas had
Sreat inllu-.irr nn ediLe,-,!,-.! ,|,.ws wlio b.ive
n..to|».nlv:il.:.,i.|..ii...l >l rll.."l...xMmi.v.u:ii-..
ior a liistorv of the lleloi m, sjl; Tin: Jtu-s, Ihcr
Custiimx and Cercinouic.s, \>\ tbe ALuerieau
Rabbi Myers (New York, 1877).
Chiarini,' " explains the written law by
the oral in the name of the Eternal," and
the Jews, he declares, have ever valued
it highly as " a wall raised between .Tews
and non-Jews always and everywhere."
TOHN- OF COD, ST., ORDER OF.
St. John of God established his Order of
Charity for serving the sick at Granada
in 1540. It spread so rapidly that at the
close of the last century, before the
Jacobins had shut the doors of its hos-
pitals in France, and the " Liberals " in
Spain, the two generalates of Spain and
Italy, into which the order was divided,
numbered 2,914 religious, with 281 hos-
pitals under their care, in which there
were more than 10,000 beds, and an
average of 85,000 patients were received
and attended to yearly. The brothers of
this order are said to have been the first
to establish the rule in hospitals that
every patient should have a bed to him-
self. From a minute statement of their
system of hospital management, printed
by the continuator of Helyot, it would
appear that they practised all the regu-
lations which the regime of the best
modern hospitals prescribes for the com-
fort and medical treatment of their
patients, and in addition were tenderly
solicitous for their souls, urging those to
confession who had long discontinued or
were disinclined to it, and facilitating
the return to God of all the sufferers who
passed tlirough their hands. There is a
house of the order at Scorton, near Dar-
lington. (H(51yot, continuation [Migne],
iv 612.)
JOHN', ST., OF ;ervsai.ek,
ORDER OP. [See IIOSPITALLEES.]
JOSEPH, ST. St. Joseph occupies
a place of his own in the devotion of
modern Catholics, such as is given to no
other saint. This, and the fact that the
history of the devotion is peculiarly
instructive on the one hand, and specially
liable to misunderstanding on the other,
are the reasons for inserting this article
in a work which does not profess to give
Lives of the Saints. The devotion to
St. Joseph is a striking instance of
Catholic usage, modern in itself and yet
based on most ancient and Scriptural
principles.
The facts of the gospel history con-
cerning St. Joseph need not be repeated
I'xeept so far as they exhibit his dignity.
Uewas the true hu.sband of Mary, and
as such her head. Moreover, Chri.st
Himself (Luke ii. 51) was "subject" to
> Op. cit. p. 59.
JOSEPH, ST.
JOSEPH, ST., ORDERS OF 531:
him. In consequence of his authority
and his provident care, he is honoured
with the title of the "Father" of Christ
(Luke ii. 48), although of com-se Christ
had no man for His father in the proper
sense of the word. To have been choson
by God Himself as the husband of the
Vii-gin Mother and the foster-father of
our Lord — these surely are solid grounds
for a singular devotion to St. Joseph.
We may notice here that, as he is never
mentioned after our Lord's public Hfe be-
gan, he is supposed to have died before our
Blessed Lord, and is therefore reckoned
among Old Testament saints.
At the same time, it was long before
there was any general manifestation of
this devotion. The Monophysite Chris-
tians of Egypt ai-e said first to have
assigned a festival to St. Joseph, viz. on
July 20, which is thus inscribed in a
Cojitic almanac : " The rest of the holy
old man, the just Joseph, the carpenter,
husband of the Virgin Mary, Mother of
God, who merited to be called the Father
of Christ" (quoted in Smith's "Bible
Dictionary " sub voc). In Western mar-
tyrologies of the ninth century the name
of Joseph is found, and from the same
time tlie Greeks commemorated him along
with the other saints of the Old Testa-
ment on the Sunday before Christmas,
and along with Mary, David, and James
the Less, on the Sunday in the octave of
Christmas (BoUand. 10 Martii, in "Com-
ment, prsev. ad S. Joseph." § 2). In the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries several
orders in the West celebrated the feast
of St. Joseph on March li). Still "the
feast of St. Joseph," Thomassin says
("Traits des Festes," p. 439), was still
unknown {i.e. as a feast of the whole
Chvurch) in the time of Gerson, who wrote
different letters to cause it to be cele-
brated— one to the Duke of Berry in
1413, another to the cantor of the church
of Chartres, another to all the churches.
Gemecius, who has written the Life of
Cardinal Ximenes, testifies that that
cardinal " instituted in his church the
feast of St. Joseph." St. Teresa and St.
Francis of Sales in modern times were
zealous in prop;i gating the devotion, and
Gregoiy XV., in 1621, as well as Urban
VIII., in 1642, made St. Joseph's day
(i.e. March 19) a holiday of obligation.
Benedict XIII., in 1720, ordered his
name to be inserted in the Litany of the
Saints and in the Litany used in the
" Commendation of the Soul," after that
of St. John the Baptist (Gavant. torn. ii.
i p. 310). In 1871 Pius IX., confirming a
decree of the Congregation of Rites, put
I the whole Church under tlie patronage
j of St. Joseph, chose him as the Church's
protector, and made his feast a double of
the first class. It was fitting that Chris-
tians should apj)eal to him who once
protected the human hfe of our Saviour,
and ask his intercession in behalf of
Christ's mystical body. The same Pope
had in September 1847 extended the feast
and office of St. Joseph's Patronage to
the whole Church. The Pojie required
it to be celebrated on the tli - 1 Sunday
after Easter as a double of the second
class ("Manuale Decret. S. Rit. Cong."
jSo. 2168). In other ways the Church
has marked her apjiroval of tho crowing
devotion to St. .los.pli. The ('riMii is
now said in the .Ma.-^ of both his iVasts;
his name is inserted after that of the
Blessed Virgin in the prayer " Acuuctis ; "
he is commemorated after her in the
Sufl'rages of the Saints ; and his name
comes before that of any other patron
e.xcept the Angels and St. John Baptist.
(" Manuale," 3709.)
JOSSPH, ST., ORDERS OF.
1. Josephites. Two communities bear, or
have borne, this name. The first was
founded by Jacques Cretenet at Lyons
about 1(340, with the designation of
"Priests of the Mission of St. Joseph ; "
it was governed by a director-general;
its members did not take vows ; and it
devoted itself chiefly to the foreign mis-
sions. At the Revolution it was sup-
pressed. The second is a teaching insti-
tute, founded in 1817 at Grammont in
Belgium by the Canon Van Crombrugghe,
for giving a good education to the sons of
persons in the commercial and industrial
classes. Several houses of the institute,
which is understood to be in a flourishing
condition, have since been founded at
various places in Belgium. In England
there is a flourishing college at Wey-
bridge.
2. Lay Hospitallers, Daughters of St.
Joseph. This society, the chief employ-
ment of which was the education of
orphan girls, was founded at Bordeaux in
1038 under the auspices of the arclihishop
Henri de Sourdis, by Marie D-lprch, who
afterwards establislied a grenl house of
her order at Paris, called i »e la. Provi-
dence." These (lau^ihti'rs of St. Joseph
were introduced into many large towns
in France, but H61yot's continuator does
not mention whether they survived the
Revolution.
M M 2
532 JOSEPH, ST., ORDERS OF
JUBILEE
3. Xtins Hospitallers of St. Joseph.
Founded in 1643 at La Floclie in Anjou
by Miulmnoiselle de la Ferre. Besides
the tliree vows of religion, these nuns
took a fourth vow, to serve the poor.
Before the Revolution they had five or
six houses, one of which was at Montreal
in Canada.
4. Nuns of St. Joseph of the Good
Shepherd. This congreg-ation was founded
by the bishop of Puy, Henri de Maupas,
at the suggestion of the Jesuit Father
M6daille, in 1650. Though dispersed at
the Revolution, the religious retained the
sjjirit and the love of their institute, and
in 1811 they were reorganised under an
imporial decree, the mother house being
settled at Clermont in Auvergne. They
are noted for their Magdalen asylums,
orphanages, and schools. In 1859 the
number of their houses was seventy ; all
these, " besides carrying on works of
charity and the gratuitous instruction of
poor children, receive in their vast build-
ings thousands of young persons to whom
an education suitable to their social
position is given." '
5. Sisters of Charity of St. Joseph.
This community, which devotes itself
principally to teaching, was founded at
Mount St. Mary in the State of Maryland
(N. America) in 1807, and had the well-
Icnnwn Mother Seton, a convert, for its
first su])i'i'ior.
tl Sisters of St. Joseph of Cluny.
The first efforts of this community,
founded by Anne Marie Javouhey, may be
traced back to 1807, but it was first for-
mally authorised in 1819, being then
established at Autun. The reverend
mother Javouhey was superior till her
death in 1851. She visited all the French
colonies in Asia, Africa, and America,
besides several of those belonging to Eng-
land, and resided for a considerable time
in some of them. A burning desire to
labour in the conversion and civilisation
of the negro and other aboriginal races
took possession of her in con.sequence of
these visits. She established her sisters
in nearly all the French colonies ; they
never spared themselves when teaching,
or nursing, or any other good work was
required of them, and they have happily
paved the way for the eventual reception
of Christianity by many an African nation
and American tribe. The congregation
was confirmed by the Holy See in 1854.
In 1859 it had 135 houses with 1,323
members, including lay sisters. The
' H%ot, Contin. iv. 670
\ establishments abroad (at tbe Senegal,
French Guiana, Madagascar, Tahiti, &c.)
employed 439 sisters, all natives of France,
with the exception of a few who came
from Reunion, Martinique, and Trinidad.
7. Sisters of St. Joseph of Bourg.
This institute, founded in 1828 by Mgr.
Devie, bishop of Belley, in concert with
the reverend mother Saint Benoit at
Bourg in the department of Ain, and
devoting itself to teaching and works of
charity, has spread itself in many parts
of France, Switzerland, and America. In
1859 an average of two hundred candi-
dates yearly presented themselves for the
noviciate.
8. Sisters of St. Joseph of the Appar-
ition. Of this congregation, founded in
the south of France by Madame de Yialard
in 1833, there -v^-ere thirty houses in 1859,
chiefly in Algeria and Australia. The
mother house is at Marseilles; teaching
and nursing the sick are their chief
employments.
9. Sisters or Daiujhters of St. Joseph.
This offshoot of the nuns of the Good
Shepherd (No. 4) was established by
Bishop Charbonnel at Toronto (Upper
Canada), in 1850. They have since pro-
spered and multiplied in the colony, and
have ceased to have any connection with
the mother house in France.
JITBII.EE. The year of jubilee
(^311 n niC?') was an institution of the
Levitical Law (Levit. xxv. 8 ad fin.).
The Jews were to number seven sabbaths
of years — i.e. forty-nine years, and the
fiftieth (not the forty-ninth, as Petavius
and many others have maintained against
I the plain words of the text ver. 10, and
j Jewish tradition attested by Philo,
I Josephus, and the Talmud) was the year
of jubilee. The blast of the trumpet
proclaimed the jubilee throughout the
land on the tenth day of the seventh
j month — i.e. on the day of atonement.
The land was to rest, as in sabbatical
I years ; land and hou.ses in the open coun-
' try or in villages, without walls, reverted
to their original owners or their heirs :
all Hebrew slaves were to go free. The
law as a whole has no parallel in any
other code, and it had a distinctly theo-
cratic character. The Hebrews were
the servants of God and could not, there-
fore, be the servants of men ; the land
beh>nged to God, and was only lent to the
Hebrew tribes and families, who could
not, therefore, be driven out by any human
arrangement. The original position of
affairs was to be restored after the sacred
JUBILEE
JUDGMENT, GENERAL 533
sabbatical period of years and on the day
■of atonement, when Israel's sins were
purged and his communion with God re-
newed. Various explanations are given of
the word "jubilee," which is the English
form of ^31V Some {e.t/. Gesenius and
Knobel) suppose that the word means
^'joyful sound (from ^3') ; others make
it refer to the lengtliened blast of the
trumpet or the streaming crowds of
people (from ^2), to flow. See Hitzig
on Jer. xxxiv. 8). Probably it is an old
word for a horn or trumpet (^Ewald,
"Alterthiim." pp.417 seq. ; Dillmann on
Levit., p. 009 ; of. Exod. xix. 13, Jos. vi.
4-13). Most likely the " year of setting
free," Ezek. xlvi. 16-18, is the year of
jubilee. (So Dillmann, against Kuenen,
"Godsd." 1.9(3: Wellhauseu, "Geschichte ;
des Volkes Israel," i. pp. 122 seq. ; Smend
on Ezek. pp. 382 seq., who take it to mean
the sabbatical year.)
The Church of Christ has adopted the
term " jubilee " from the Jewish Church,
and proclaims from time to time a "year of
remission'' — from the penal consequences j
of sin : she oli'ers to her children, if they
repent and make their peace with God
and perform certain pious works, a plenary
indulgence, and during this year she
empowers even ordinaiy confessors to
absolve from many reserved cases and
censures, from vows, &c., &c. An ordi- j
nary jubilee occurs at Rome every twenty-
fifth year, lasts from Christmas to Christ-
mas, and is extended in the following [
year to the rest of the Church. An ex- '
traordinai-y jubilee is granted at any
time, either to the whole Church or to j
particular countries or cities, and not i
nece.ssarily, or even usually, for a whole
year. If the jubilee, whetlier ordinary ,
or extraoi-dinary, be granted to the faith- j
ful generally, the conditions for gaining
it usually are to fast for three days — viz.
on a A\'eduesday, Friday, an 1 Saturday; '
to visit certain churches, and pray accord- i
ing to the intention of the Pope, to give
alms, to confess and communicate. |
It was in 1300 that the first jubilee
WHS given. An impression prevailed at
that time that a gi-eat indulgence was
granted in Rome at the beginning of each
century, and with this belief many pil-
grims docked to the city. No document
in the Papal archives was found to con-
firm the tradition, but Boniface VIII.
granted on February 22, " and for each
hundredth year to come, not only a full
and more ample, but rather a most full
pardon of all sins " to those who repented
and confessed, and visited the churchp.<
ot St. Peter and St. Paul thirty times if
Romans, fifteen times if strangers. The
contemporary historian Giovanni Villani
reckons the number of pilgrims to Rome
that year at 200,000. Clement VI. in a
bull of 1343 made the jubilee recur every
fiftieth year, adding to the previous con-
ditions a visit to the Lateran churcli.
This year the number of pilgrims is snid
to have reached a million. Url)an VI.,
in 1380, reduced the cvcle of the jubilee
to thirty-three; Paul II., in 1470, to
twenty-five years. (The chief works on
the subject are"Istoriadeg]i Anni Santi,"
scritta da Alfani, Napoli, 1725; "Trac-
tatus histoiico-theologicus de Jubihw,
auctore Fr. Tbeodoro a .^p. S.," Rmna?,
1750 ; the Bull of Benedict XIV., "Inter
prasteritos," Dec. 3, 1749.)
JUDGIUEM'T, CEKERAI.. The
fact tliat Christ wQl judge all men and
angels together at the last day is taught
with such clearness and iteration in the
New Testament and in all the Creeds
that we need not set about proving it
here. It will be more to the purpose if
we attempt to give a summary of the
common theological teachin'j- and popular
belief on the matter, en<li'av'niiiiiir to
distinguish what is doubt lul from tliat
which is certain. We may remark by
way of preface that tlir p'lieral judgment
is intended to manifest btd'ore all intelli-
gent creatures the juslice of God, to ex-
hibit Christ in his majesty before their
eyes, to glorify the just, and to put the
wicked to upeu shame.
1. T/te C ircumd a iices of the Judgment .
" As to the way in which that judgment
will take place, and in which men are to
be assembled, much cannot be known for
certain." So St. Thomas writes (" Suppl."
Ixxxviii. 4), and no sober-minded person
will hesitate to agree with him. But he
goes on to say that there is a probability in
the inference from Scripture that as Christ
ascended from Mount Olivet to heaven, so
He will descend upon it to judge tlie
world. This probability will not be rated
high by those who beheve that our Lord
did not ascend from the summit of the
mountain, but from Bethany, on its east-
ern slopes.' It was most natural that He
• See Luke xxiv. 50. The Empros Helena
built, in memory of the Ascension, a chuivh nn
the top of Moun"' Olivet, close to a o«ve in ivhich
our Lord was said to have tnunht (Kiisob. l'!t.
Constant, iii. 43). The position of the church
prohahly occasioned the belief, of wliic h no
traces appear till a much laier date, that Christ
534 JUDGMENT, GENERAL
JUDGMENT, GENERAL
ehould bid his disciples farewell in a re-
tired place, endeared by many sacred
memories, but such a spot offers no strik-
ing fitness for his re-appparaiice to judge
the world. At the " sound of a t.rurapet "
— i.e. according to St. Thomas (" Suppl."
Ixxvi. 2), either the voice or the mere ap-
parition of Christ — the dead will wake.
" The sign of the Son of Man will appear
in heaven " (Matt. .xxiv. .".O). There is no-
thing in the context to indicat" the precise
nature of thi.-- .sign, hut as the previous
verse speaks of the darkening of the hea-
venly bodies, tlie "sign"' seems to con-
sist in some luminous appearance follow-
ing the darkness and ushering in the
Messianic glory. The common opinion
of the Fathers since Cyril of Jerusalem
("Cat." 15), and of the schoolmen, is that
the " sign " is the sign of the cross, con-
spicuous in the sky, and this opinion de-
veloped in the minds of some into the
notion that the fragments of the wooden
cross on which Christ died would be
united miraculously and exhibited in the
sky. Scripture tells us that Christ will
a]»pear in his majesty "in the clouds"
(Matt. xxvi. 64), " with the angels of
his might, in a flame of fire" (1 Cor. iii.
13, 2 Thess. i. 7) — fire which, according
to Suarez (" In III. P." disp. 57, quoted
by Jungmann), "^vill precede the judge
on his way to judgment, in order to strike
the damned with instant terror and to bt!
the beginning of their torment. Christ
will take his seat on his throne, and the
just will be placed on the right, the
wicked on the left, of Christ (Matt. xxv.
•"31-33). It is impossible to say how far
these expressions are to be taken strictly,
and great Catholic authorities have leant,
some to a literal, some to a metaphorical
explanation (see e.g. the authors quoted
by Maldonatus on the passage in Matthew).
Lastly, it has been a popular behef among
Christians, as well as among Jews and
Moslems, that the judgment will take
place in the valley of Josaphat, which
has been Identified with the narrow ravine
of the Kidron on the eastern side of Jeru-
salem. This belief arose from the words
of Joel (iv. 1 ; cf. v. 12), "For behold in
those days, and in that time, when I will
turn again the captivity of Judah and
Jerusalem, I will gather together all the
nations and bring them down to the
valley of Jehoshaphat, and will contend
with them there because of my people
and my inheritance Israel." It is very
ascended from the summit. Compare, however,
«rt. Holy Places.
doubtful whether the valley of Josaphat
was a real place at all; in verse 14 it is-
called the " valley of decision," and the
name Jehoshaphat means " the Lord has
judged." If the prophet had a real place
in view he may possibly have had the
valley in the wilderness of Tekoa (2 Para-
lip. XX.), where Josaphat won a signal
victory over three heathen nations.
Anyhow, no valley of Josa])hat near
Jerusalem is mentioned in the Scriptures
or in Josephus, or In any document older
than the " Onomastlcon " of Euseblus.
^ Remigius, on the strength of Joel's words,
I asserted, in the middle of the ninth cen-
tury, that the wicked would be placed for
I trial in the valley of Josaphat, while the
I just were caught up in the air to meet
' their Judge. This, says Merx, in his re-
[ cent commentary on Joel (p. 109), is the
I earliest place in a Christian commentary
on Joel " where the final judgment is
fixed geograjihically and topographically
at Jerusalem in the valley of Jehosaphat."
In the commentary to which we have
just referred an elaborate account of
Christian and Jewish opinion on the
I matter will be found.
I 2. "The man Christ is the judge, but
1 [He exercises this office] with a power and
authority which is not human but divine "
(Petav. "De Incarnat." xli. 16). The
saints (1 Cor. vi. 2) act with Him in his
judicial functions: though probably this
only means that they ajiprove the justice
ot the sentence. It seems plain from
jMatt. xlx. 28 that the Apostles are to
judge the world in a stricter sense, though
it is hard to imagine what this sense can
be. St. Thomas conjectures ("Suppl."
Ixxxix. 1) that the Apostles and "per-
, feet" men will notify the sentence to
others. It is certain that all men will be
judged (see the Athanasian Creed), and it
is commonly held that the word " all " is
to be taken quite literally so as to include
unbaptlsed infants, while it is at least the
more approved opinion among theologians
that angels also will then be tried. The
books will be opened (Apoc. xx. 12) —
the books, perhaps, of conscience and of
God's remembrance. The examination
made will consist in this, that God will
enlighten the mind of each concerning his
own thoughts, words, and deeds, and
those of all others. Nearly all theologians
1 hold (though the Master of the Sentences
was of a dift'erent mind) that the sins
even of the just will be openly declared,
in order that the judgment may be com-
^ plete, and that God's justice and mercy
JUDGMENT, PARTICULAR
JUDGMENT, PARTICULAR o35
may shine forth. In each individual
cufu sentence will he pronounced. St.
Thomas (" Suppl." Ixxxviii. 2) deems it
more likely that no oral words will be
u?ed in the sentence. Many, however,
who are at one with him in thinking that
no oral words will be used to individuals,
still believe that the words in Matt, xxv.,
" Come, ye blessed of my Father," &c.,
" Depart, ye cursed," &c., will be orally
addressed to the multitude of the saved
and of the lost.
JUDCMSN-T, PA.RTZCUX.A.R.
The doctrine of the Church on this point
is clearly e.xplained in the following
words of the Roman Catechism (P. I. a. 7
of the Creed). There are " two occasions
on which each and every man must ap-
pear before God, and render an account
of every thought, action and word, under-
going finally the immediate sentence of
the Judge. Of these occasions the first
happens when a man departs this life;
for straightway he is set before the
judgment-seat of God, and there a most
just inquiry is made into all that he has
ever done, said, or thought, this being
called the private " (or, as we usually
say in English, the particular) "judg-
ment." The essence of the doctrine lies
in the belief that the eternal lot of the
soul is determined by the judgment of
God immediately after its separation from
the body, and so much as this must be
considered an article of faith, although
there has been no formal and explicit
definition on the point. The doctrine,
however, is clearly implied in the state-
ment of the Coimcil of Florence, that
souls which quit their bodies in a state
of grace, but in need of pmification, are
cleansed in purgatory, whereas souls
which are perfectly pure " are at once
(wio.r) received into heaven," and those
which depart "in actual mortal, or merely
with original, sin," " at once descend into
hell ' ' (" Decretum Uniouis"). The
Fathers of Florence follow in this part
of their decree the Constitution " Bene-
dictus Deus," issued by Benedict XII. in
the year ly36.
It cannot be said that many testimonies
can be produced from Scripture to prove
the doctrine as it has just been propounded.
Nor need we wonder at this. The hooks
of the Hebrew Bible for the most part
speak obscurely of the life beyond the
grave, while those of the New Testament
are chiefly occupied with the great truths
1 " liifernum." Hell must be taken here in
k large sense to include the Limbo of infants.
that Christ had risen and that He would
come again to judge the world. Still at
least one passage from the gospel of St.
Luke, xvi. 2'J M17., justifies the belief of
the Church and excludes reasonable doubt
on the matter. Our Lord represents
Lazarus and Dives as reccivinn' their re-
spective rewards immediately after death.
The former goes to the " bosom of Abra-
ham;" the latter lifts up "his eyes in
Hades, being in torments." He must of
course have been sentenced before the
j^eiuMal judgment, because the rich mans
brethren are spoken of as still alive. It is
true that we cannot draw dogmatic infer-
ences from all the details of this or any
other parable, and it is often hard to de-
termine how much belongs to the clothing
of the narrative, how much is meant to
teach a moral or doctrinal lesson. Still
we may confidently regard the truth,
that judgment follows hard on death, as
part of the main teaching which the story
conveys, and so, as we shall jireMiitly see,
St. Augustine understood the pa^su-e.
Several other places of Scripture are
quoted in proof, but some, as we cannot
help thinking, are iirelevant, none cogent.
Eccli. xi. 27 seq. may refer to the judg-
ment which God brings on the wicked
by the very act of cutting them oS in the
midst of their prosperity. Eccles. xi. 9,
xii. 1, is far too vague to serve the pur-
pose for which it is alleged. Our English
Catechism urges the verse in the Epistle
to the Ilebrew.s (ix. 27), " It is appointed
unto all men once to die, and after that
thejudgment." The whole passage scarcely
encourages us to understand thejudgment
as the particular oue. " As it is appointed
unto all men once to die, and after this
the judgment, so also Christ, being once
ofi'ered to bear away the sins of many,
will be manifested a second time without
sin to those who wait for him unto salva-
tion." The natural meaning seems to be
that as men have to die /once only and
afterwards to be judged, so Christ had to
die once only and afterwards will come,
no longer laden with the sins of the
world, to judge mankind. At all events,
St. Thomas and Plstius both think that
the writer of the Epistle had the general,
not the particular, judgment in his mind.'
The tradition of the Church on the
particular judgment was for a long time
' Protestant commentators are also divided
on the meaninj; of the word "judgment." .See
LUnem.'iiiu, ad loc. LUneiiiann himself cun-
siders that the /iera rovro leaves the time at
wliicli thejudgment is to follow quite indetinite.
536 JUD'iMENT, PARTICULAH
JUDICIUM DEI
obscured by the Millenuarian errors which
were held in early times even by many
Catholics, otherwise nrtliodox, and by the
uncertainty which lowj ]>ii'\ aileil <<u the
state ofso'ids in the jx.'i iod l.rlwe.-ii death
and the general ri'siiiTcctiiin. St. Augus-
tine, however, ^] oralis clearly and em-
phatically, and that, not fur himself only,
but for the Church of his time. He is
speaking of books on the soul written by
A'incentius Victor, and he insists that
there is nothing in them except what is
•vain or erroneous or else mere common-
place familiar to all Catholics. As an
instance of the last, he gives "N'ictor's
teaching on the meaning of the parable
from St. Luke about which we have
already spoken. " For with resjiect to
that," says St. Augustine (" De Anima et
ejus Origine," lib. ii. n. 8), "which he
[Victor] most rightly and very soundly
))elieves, viz. that souls are judged when
they quit the body, before they come to
that judgment which must be passed upon
them when reunited to the body, and arr
tormented or glorified in that very flesh
which they inhabited here— was this,
then, a matter of m hicli you were actually
unaware? Wlio is tlu'ie with a mind
.so encrusted with obstinacy against the
Gospel as not to hear, or hearing not to
believe, these things, in the story of the
poor man, taken after his death to Abra-
ham's hnsoni, and of tlie I'ich man, whose
torment in liell is set before us ? "
Theologians adduce various arguments
to show the reasonableness of beUef in
the particular judgment. "The time,"
says Suarez, " for n)erit and demerit ends
with death; that, therefore, is the most
suitable time forjudging each man's acts,
no reason existing for further delay"
(Suarez, "In III. P." disp. 52, § 2,
quoted by Jungmann, "De Noviss." cap.
i. art. 2). St. Thomas meets the obvious
objection that there is no need of two
judgments, by pointing out that it befits
each to be judged both as an individual
and as a nunilier of the whole human
race; that God's justice must be publicly
as well as privately manifested ; and that
the sentence passed in the particular
judgment caimot be completely executed
till the bodv is reunited to the soul
("Suppl." Ixxxviii. 1).
The coninion n]iinion is that souls are
judt.'(d at the monii'iit and in the place of
deatli. God manifests to the soul by
.sfuiii'interior illumination its state and its
future lot, whereupon the soul, to borrow
the illustration of St. Thomas (" Suppl." |
Ixix. 2), finds the place which belongs to
it in heaven, or purgatory, or hell, just as
bodies find their place according to the
law of gravity. Popular representations
which describe the soul as borne by
angels before the tribunal of God, there
to be accused by devils and defended by
the guardian angels, are innocmt in
themselves, and are, indeed, sanctioned
by Scripture. Still they are popular
representations, after all, not intended as*
accurate statements of the literal truth.
JVSZCA PSA.X.M. Ps. xlii. is said
— preceded and followed by the versicle
" Introibo " (" 1 will enter to the altar of
God," Sec.) — at the beginning of all Masses
excei)t those for the dead and those said
during the time of the Passion. On these
occasions the psalm is omitted because of
its joyful character. St. Ambrose tells
us the verse of the psalm already referi'ed
to. " I will enter to the altar of God : of
God who maketh glad my youth," was
recited l>y the neophytes as they walked
al'trr ))a])tism and confirmation from the
font to the altar in order to receive com-
■ munion. Since the ninth century, at
! least, this psalm has been said at the
I beginning of the Mass, and this use was
ccnumon to the churches of Spain, France,
Germany, and England from about the
same time. Le Brun, i. p. Ill, gives
minute details on the history of the psalm
as used at Mass.
JVBZCATvnx. [See Three Chap-
ters.]
JUDZCES SYia-OI>AX.SS. The
judges to whom the Roman Cui'ia com-
mits the trial of causes in diilerent coun-
tries are so called. They must hold some
dignity in a. cathedral church, and must
be nominated by the bishop in the diocesan
synod. There should be not less than four
for each diocese. If a. judex si/iiodalis die
in the interval between two synods, the
bishop nominates some one to take his
place until the next synod meets. All
nominations, whether in or out of synod,
must be reported to the Pontifical Secre-
tary of Petitions {nupplicum libdlonim),
(Ferraris, Judex, § 06.)
JVQZCZVni SEZ (ordeal, jugement
de Uieu). The proof of facts by testi-
mony being attended with many diffi-
culties in an unsettled state of society, it
has been commonly believed in many
countries that for the protection of inno-
cence and the detection of guilt, the case
being doubtful, if the divine justice were
solemnly appealed to, the necessary proof
would be supplied by a direct exhibition
J UHISDICTION
JURISDICTION
63:
of divine power.' All the early barharian
codes, the Salic, Ripuariiin, Burgundian
la-w, See, allow the appeal to the " judg-
Tnent of God." The modes were various :
among them were walking over red-hot
ploughshares or live coals, handling red-
hot iron, eating hlessed bread [Etri-OGiiE],
the trial by hot water, and the trial by
cold water. It was beheved that a per-
jurer could not swallow blessed bread.
In the trial by hot water the person
whose innocence was in question had to
plunge his arm into a caldron of boiling
water. In that by cold water, he was
bound hand and foot and thrown into a
pond, a cord being fastened to him ; if
he floated, it was held that the water
rejected him and that he was guilty ; if
he sank, that he was imioeent. Lastly,
there was the trial by combat ; it being
devoutly believed that the man whose
cause was just would not be permitted by
heaven to be vanquished by his adversary.
To give a few instances — the Empress
Cunegnnde (about A.D. 1010) is said to
liave walked unhurt over red-hot plough-
shares, when she appealed to the judg-
ment of God in disproof of her alleged
unchastity ; the champion of the Empress
Theutburga (860) passed victoriously
through the trial of hot water; a monk,
Petrus Igneus, in the eleventh century,
to establish the truth of his testimony
against the Bishop of Florence, walked
between two great fires placed close to-
gether, and was not scorched. See the
curious article by Kobt-r in Wetzer and
Welte, in which the view is taken that
the Church permitted these ordeals, the
issue of paganism, but without approving
of them, and gradually, through the
decisions of Popes and the treatises of
doctors, assisted to put them down.
Most of the ordeals were abandoned in
the course of the twellth century. The
trial by combat was abolished by St.
Louis (about 12o0) within his own domi-
nions ; in England it was nominally legal
down to a much later period.
JirRissxCTZOir. {Jiis dicere, to
administer justice, was one of the "tria
verba " which denoted the functions of a
Roman prfetor.) Jurisdiction is defined
as " the power of anyone who has public
autliority and pre-eminence over others
for their rule and government.'"
Jurisdiction is first divided into eccle-
siastical and civil. The former is that
which is concerned with causes relating
to the worship of God and the spiritual
» Cp. Soph. Ant. 264, Virg. ^71. xi. 787.
salvation of souls ; it is exercised either
in the fointm e.rfernum or in the forum
internum. Civil or political jurisdiction
is conversant with secular causes, and
lias in view the temporal government of
the commonwealth. It is exercised only
in the forum externum.
Jurisdiction is again divided into vol-
untary and contentious. The first is
exercised over persons who voluntarily
submit themselves to its operation, as in
the case of manumissions and adoptions
in the civil order, and ordinations, bene-
dictions, absolutions, &c., in the eccle-
siastical order. It must not be supposed
that the validity of such acts depends
upon the willingness of the parties inte-
rested to submit to them : as when a club
emjjowers a president w hom it has elected
to frame bylaws for them, the validity of
which depends upon the voluntary acces-
sion of the members. The acts are valid,
firstly and cbielly, because done by a
power which had the right to do them —
i.e. which had jurisdiction. Contentious
jurisdiction is that which is exercised
over persons even against their will; it
implies a dispute, contending parties, and
a tribunal.
Thirdly, jurisdiction may be either
ordinary or delegated. Ordinary jurisdic-
tion is that which belongs to anyone
of his own right, or by reason of his
office, in virtue of some law, canon, or
custom. Delegated jurisdiction is that
which a man has, not of his own riglit,
but by the commission of another, in
whose place he officiati s. [Delegation.]
Ordinary jurisdiction maybe acquired
in three wavs: (1) by commission from
the supreme ruler, conceded either to the
dignity or to the individual ; (2) by law
or canon ; (3) by custom or prescription.
Thus, by the Supreme Pontiff are con-
stituted as ordinary judges, legates,
patriarchs, primates, archbishops, bishops,
the ofiicials of the Curia, &c. By the
supreme lay power are constituted, in the
civil order, viceroys, governors, prefects,
magistrates, &c., who all enjoy ordinary
jurisdiction. By law or canon those are
constituted ordinary judges who are
elected to office by public bodies accord-
ing to the statutes of their foundation,
and by public functionaries according to
law. This is the case with the rectors of
xmiversities, the superiors of convents,
the provosts of chapters, and the vicars-
general of bishops. The third way is l)y
custom ; a jurisdiction which has b^-en
exercised without challenge for forty years
d38
JUS sroLii
JUS SPOLII
is held to be validated by prescription,
and is con.--ideied ordinary.
All the Apostles received their juris-
diction, which (except in the case of St.
Peter) was personal and extraordinary,
immediately from Christ. This juiisdic-
tion they did not transmit; the bishops
and their successors receive their juris-
dL tion from Christ, but through Peter,
^uch at least is the view now generally
held ; but even if the bishops be deemed
to derive their jurisdiction immediately
from Christ, all Catholics agree that it is
in such manner subject to the supreme
pastorate of the Pope, that "it can be
restrained by his authority and sove-
reignty, and, for a lawful cause, alto-
gether taken away." '
Confessors belonging to the regular
orders have jurisdiction from the Pope
over the faithful generally in the tribunal
of penance, but must obtain the appro-
bation of the bishop.
Every confessor must have jurisdic-
tion in foro interno, otherwise he cannot
validly absolve. An absolution given
by a priest without jurisdiction is void.
Nevertheless, if the penitent be in articido
mortis, or sincerely believed to be so, he
may be validly absolved, not only from
sins, venial and mortal, which have been
before confessed, but irom all ecclesiastical
censures, even in reserved cases, by any
simple priest, even though he be degraded,
or an apostate, or irregular [lEREGtr-
laeixy], or a heretic.
The jurisdiction of the priest is of
ecclesiastical right, so far as its bestowal,
enlargement, and restriction are con-
cemed, for it is the Church which confers
it, and in such a manner as she deems to
be expedient in the Lord; but it is of
divine right, inasmuch as the faculty of
remitting sin, for the sake of which it
exists, is " conferred on the priest in ordi-
nation through the power of the Holy
Ghost.'"' (Ferraris, Jurisdictio.)
JUS SFOX.ZZ (lit. " right of spoil ").
By " spolium ' is meant the property be-
longing to a beneficed ecclesiastic at the
time of his death which he could not
legally dispose of by will. According to
the canons a bishop or other ecclesiastic
has only a right to such a portion of the
diocesan revenues as is sufficient to main-
tain him and enable him to discharge his
functions efficiently. Whatever exceeds
this is the property of the Church. If
therefore an ecclesiastic at his death be
« Benedict XIV., quoted by Ferraris, § 23.
* Cone. Trid. Sess. xiv. 7.
found to be possessed of property, the
result of savings from his share of Church
emoluments, that property ought to re-
turn to the Church; his natural heirs
have no right to it. It is recorded of a
great number of saints that, penetrated
by this feeling, they took care to dispose
of their ecclesiastical revenues to the last
farthing in almsdeeds and other good
works, so that, when death came, they
might depart naked out of this world as
they had come naked into it. St. Thomas
of Villanova on his deathbed, "having
commanded all the money then in his pos-
session (which amounted to four thousand
ducats) to be distributed among the poor
in all the parishes of the city, then ordered
all his goods to be given to the rector of
his college, except the bed on which he
lay. Being desirous to go naked out of
the world, he gave this bed also to the
jailer for the use of prisoners, but bor-
rowed it of him till such time as he should
ex])ire."' Warham, the last Catholic
archbishop of Canterbury, rejoiced to
hear as he was dying that only thirty
pounds were left in his coflers. St.
Francis stripped himself of the very
clothes that he wore and gave them back
to his father, that neither he nor the
world might henceforth have any claim
upon one another. Such examples might
be indefinitely multiplied. A dim feeling
in the popular mind, that such was the
more perfect way for the ministers of
Christ, may have had something to do
with the rise of this singular jm spoilt
(or, as it was also called, rapite capite,
" seize and take "), in virtue of which, in
the rude ages following the fall of the
Western Empire, anyone who was present
when a beneficed ecclesiastic expired
thought himself at liberty to seize and
carry off whatever property belonging to
the deceased he could lay his hands on.
Naturally the bulk of this spoil fell to
laymen, who were more rapacious and less
scrupulous than clerks. The scandalous
abuses to which the custom led may be
conceived ; for ages councils denounced
them and legislated against them, but in
vain. If, however, we consider the ex-
treme opposite to the jus spolii — what we
may call thejMS hcereditatis et legationis —
the right claimed by beneficiaries in non-
Catholic communions to transmit and
bequeath the savings of their ecclesiastical
revenues to their children, we must admit
that, while preserving the outward sem-
blance of decorum, this practice is intrin-
> Alban Butler, Stjit. 18.
JU-TICE
JUSTIFICATION 5:50
eically far more scandalous than its op-
posite.
As the power of sovereigns increased
in Kiiro])o, they began to restrain the
indiscriminate plunder just described, and
in tlie case of bishops, to draw the jus
spolii to themselves. Innocent III. com-
?lained (1207) tliat the servants of Philip
I. had stripped the house and lands of a
deceased bishop of Auxerre of property of
every description, leaving only the bare
■walls. The inferior feudal lords claimed
the same right over the property of
deceased ecclesiastics on their domains.
The incessant efforts of councils gradually
obtained the renunciation of the right on
the part of sovereigns and lay lords. In
the thirteenth century it began to be
claimed, in a modified form, by the
Church herself; and many Constitutions
of later Popes confirmed and defined the
claim. Thus it came to be a principle
of law that the " spoils " of beneficiaries
dying without the faculty of devising, or
in a foreign country, or which were ac-
quired by illicit trading, belonged of
right to the Camera Apostolica or Papal
treasury. This right, admitted in Italy
Jor all orders of clergy, and in Castile in
the case of bishops, was not allowed in
France, Gerniany, Belgium, or Portun-al.
It need hardly be said that this jus
spolii does not extend to the ])atrimonial
property of ecclesiastics, nor to personal
gifts and other acquisitions lawfully
derived to them during life from non-
ecclesiastical sources. The law lays down
various rules for distinguishing as equit-
ably as possible between the two classes
of property, if an ecclesiastic has died
possessed of both. From the end of the
sixteenth century the right of spoil was
compromised in the kingdom of Naples
for an annual payment to the Camera.
(Ferraris, Sprdium; art. by Kober in
Wetzer and "\^■elte.)
XirsTZCB, in the widest sense, the
sense which concerns us here, is not a special
virtue, because it includes all the super-
natural virtues According to St. Thomas
(1* 2", qu. cxiii. a. 1), it " implies a certain
rectitude of order, even in the interior
disposition of a man, inasmuch, namely,
as the highest part of man is subjected to
God and the inferior powers of the soul
are subjected to that which is supreme,
viz. to reason.'" Justice in this sense
involves subjection to God and therefore
the absence of mortal sin. which is rebel-
lion airain.st Him; while perfect justice
ie identical with the perfection of everj"
virtue. Scripture constantly uses justice
(PIV rii^nV) ^iKotoaivTi) in this large
acceptation — e.g. "Abraham believed God,
and he reckoned it to him as justice"
(Gen. XV. 6; cf. Galat. iii. (i, James ii.
2'{, and innumerable other ])as>M<;.'s). The
"authorised ver^ion" renders the Greek
and Hebrew words in these cases
" righteousness," and this has become the
familiar name anKmg English Protestants.
The change of word does not seem to
mark any dillerence of principle, though,
of course, the older Protestants held that
the justice of Christ is imputed to us — i.e.
reckoned to our account — whereas the
Catholic doctrine is that justice or
righteousness does indeed come from the
grace of God, but that it inheres in the
soul and consists in a real change of the
moral character. " He who doeth justice
is just" (John, 1 Ep. iii. 7).
It is this general sense of the word
"justice " which is important in theology,
and the plan of this IJictionary does not
require that we should treat at lenarli of
justice as a particular virtue. As such, it
is commonly defined in words adopted by
theologians from Ulpian as the " firm
and abiding resolve {voluntm) to give
each his own right." It is subdivided
into legal justice — which orders a man's
actions to the common good, in which, of
course, he himself shares — and particular
justice, which orders the duties of man to
man. This latter again is subdivided into
distributive justice — which inclines su-
periors to a just distribution of burdens
and advantages among their subjects —
and commutative justice, which consists
in giving to each his strict rights — e.g.
paying debts, taxes, &c. Commutative,
uidike legal, justice lies solely in the per-
formance of duties to others, whereas the
agent's own good is part of the common
good; unlike distributive justice, it deals
only with strict rights and is for these
reasons justice in the most proper sense
of the word.
TTTSTZFZCATZOM'. The diflference
of belief on the way by which sinners are
justified before God, formed the main
subject of contention between Catholics
and Protestants at the time of the Refor-
mation. " If this doctrine" {i.e. the doc-
trine of justification by faith alone) "falls,"
says Luther in his "Table Talk," "it is
all over with us." On this account the
Council of Trent was at pains to define
most clearly and explicitly the Catholic
tradition on the matter, placing it in
sharp opposition to the contrary tenets
640 JUSTIFICATION
JUSTIFICATION
of the Reformers. We confine ourselves
here to the process by which adults are
elevated from a state of death and sin to
the favour and friendship of God ; for
with regard to infants the Church of
course teaches that they are justified in
baptism without any act of their own.
Justification, tlien, according to the
council (Sess. vi. 5, 6), begins with the
gi-ace of God which touches a sinner's
heart and calls him to repentance. Tins
grace cannot lie merited; it proceeds
siiK'ly rnnn tlie love and mercy of God.
It if, h(i\ve\er, in man's power to reject
or to receive the inspiration from above ;
it is in his power to turn to God and to
virtue or to persevere in siu. And grace
does not constrain but assist the free-will
of the creature. So assisted, the sinner
is disposed or prepared and adapted for
jusiificalion; he believes in the revelation
and promises of God, especially in the
truth " that a sinner is justified by God's
grace, through the redemption which is
in Christ Jesus;" he fears the justice,
hopes in the mercy, of God, trusts that
( iod will be merciful to him for Christ's
sake, begins " to love God as the fountain
of all justice, hates and detests his sins."
"This disposition or preparation is followed
by justification itself, which justification
consists, not in the mere remission of sins,
but in the sanctification and renewal of
the inner man by the voluntary reception
of 1 God's] grace and gilts, whence a man
becomes just instead of unjust, a friend
instead of a foe, and so an heir according
to hope of eternal life." . . . "By the
merit of the most holy Passion through
the Holy Spirit the charity of God is
shed abroad in the hearts of those who
are justified," Sec.
"We may turn to the views of Luther-
ans and Cai vinists, as they are to be found
in their authoritative Confessions. They
are at one with Catholics in attributing
the beginning of justification to the mei-e
grace of God, and in excluding all merit
or title on the part of the sinner. But
Lutherans maintained that man " could
contribute absolutely nothiiig to his own
conversion," that " faith in Christ,
regeneration, renewal," are to be ascribed
" sdlel V to the working of God and to the
Holy Spirit" ("Solid. Declar. de Lib.
Arbitr." § 20, p. 035, quoted in Mohler's
" Symbol." p. 108). Here the Lutherans
follow their master, who compared man
under the action of grace to " a trunk or
a stone "("In Gen." xix. ; Miihler, p. 107).
The Calvinists, on the other hand, did
admit that man was active as well a»
passive under the influence of grace
(" Confess. Helvet." cap. ix. p. 21 ;
Mohler, p. 118); but as they held grace
to be irresistible they could not, of course,
allow the Trident ine doctrine that man is
free to accept or reject the invitation of
God. Both the Lutheran and Calvinist
errors with regard to human co-operation
are excluded and condemned (Sess. vi. De
Justif. can. 4, 5, 6). Secondly, whereas
Catholics understand by justification the
renewal of man's moral nature by divine
grace, the reformers took it to mean " the
I remission of sins and the imputation of
the justice of Christ" (Calvin. "Instit."
cap. xi. § 2; Mohler, p. 136; and so
" Solid. Declar." iii.De Fid. Justif. § 11 ;
j Mohler, p. 1-35), faith being the condi-
I tion on which these benefits are given.
Here is the hinge on which the whole
controversy turns. Catholics regard
[ justification as an act by which a man is
reall)- made just ; Protestants, as one in
which he is merely declared and reputed
just, the merits of another — viz. Christ
— being made over to his account. AVith
Catholics justification is effected by grace
inherent in the soul ; with Protestants it
is something external to the soul alto-
gether— a sentence which is pronoimced
by the divine judge. True (and we are
bound in fairness to lay great stress on
this), Protestants hold that real and in-
terior sanctification follows upon justi-
fication, so that change in heart and life
is the sure and only test that a man really
has been justified by faith, or, in other
words, that the merits of Christ have
been imputed to him. Still a very im-
portant difference between the Catholic
and Protestant views remains. To the
Catholic, sanctification and justification
are the same thing, or at most two
aspects of the same thing — viz. of the act
by which God makes a soul just and holy
in his sight. To the Lutheran or Cal-
vinist, they are distinct, both in themselves
and in the order of time at which they
take place. For it was the contention of
Protestant theologians that a soul is first
justified — i.e. accepted as just for the
merits of Christ apprehended throughfalth,
and then, as a necessary consequence,
sanctified — i.e. really made holy. Lastly,
as Protestants believed that concupiscence
— i.e. the mere interior temptation to sin,
unaccompanied by wilful consent — con-
stituted sin in the strict sense, and since
all are liable to such temptations, they
held very inadequate notions of sanctifi-
JUSTIFICATION
Entioj. "God," Calvin writes, "begins
this work of interior renewal in his elect,
and proceeds with it throughout the
whole course of their lives, and that
sometimes slowly, so that they always
remain subject to the sentence of death
before his tribunal'' ("Instit." iii. 11;
Mohler, p. 144). Very ditlerent is tlie
Catholic belief, according to which justi-
fication excUules all mortal sin from the
soul and makes the love of God and man
sovereign within it, so that the just man
is in no way liable to the sentence of
death at God's judgment seat Sin, no
doubt, remains, more in some, less in
others, but it is venial sin, which does
not incur the sentence of eternal woe or
forfeit God's friendsbip.
The Protestant doctrine has only an
apparent foundation in Scripture. Un-
doubtedly, the Hebrew word pnvn, the
Greek dtKmoon in the Sept. and N.T.,
often mean, not to make, but to pro-
nounce just by a legal sentence. The
judge may in this sense "justify " a man
because his cause is good, or from corrupt
motives although his cause is bad. Thus
in Deut. xxv. 1 , the judges are directed to
justify (^-ip'^Vni, LXX Sikcioxtoxti) the
just (t.e. to pronounce him just) and to
make the wicked wicked — i.e. to pro-
nounce him to be so. Here the Vulgate
has "justitiifi palmam dabunt" — but in
Prov. xvii. 15, " he who justifies the
wicked and condemns " (lit. " makes
wicked," or as we might say " makes out
to be wicked ") " the just — an abomina-
tion to the Lord are both the one and the
other," it represents pnvn by "justifico."
We do not tlierefore, for a moment,
dream of bringing any philological objec-
tion to the Protestant view, nor do we
deny that the Scriptural idea of justifica-
tion does imply legal acquittal. But why
KINGS AND QUEENS 541
does God pronounce the siwaer just ? Not
because he comes to trial with clean
hands, for by the hypothesis he comes
laden with guilt. Not because, being
actually unjust, he is pronounced just on
the ground of a legal fiction by which the
merits of another »re made over to his
accfiunt, for such a procedure would be
luiworthy of a human, much more of
divine, justice. The true answer surely
is that God puritie-i the soul by turning
it from love of self to divine love, and
that thus He at the same moment renders
and pronounces the sinner just.
Scripture abundantly confirms the rea-
sonableness of the inference. It describes
God as "destroying" and taking away
iniquity ; it speaks of the blood of Christ,
which " cleanses us from all sin." If in
Ps. xxxi. (Ileb. xxxii.) we read that the
man is blessed " whose iniquity is taken
away, whose sin is covered, to whom the
Lord doth not reckon or impute sin,"
this blessedness does not consist in mere
forgiveness, for the verse ends, " in whose
spirit there is no guile." Two pa.ssages in
St. Paul show that he knew nothing of
the spurious distinction between justifica-
tion and sanctification. After telling the
Corinthians that great sinners, thieves,
profligates, slanderers, &c., will not inherit
the "kingdom of God," he continues "And
such were ^ome of you, but you washed
yourselves "' ( Vulg., " you were washed "),
" but you were sanctified, but you were
justified, in the name of the Lord Jesus,'"
&c. (1 Cor. vi. 11). Here sanctification
is put before justification, and Lf the Pro-
testant theory were correct, the whole
matter would have been thrown into
obscurity and confusion. Again in Ephes.
iv. 24, " Put on the new man, who has
been created according to God injustice
and hoUnesa of truth."
K
Kzurcs AND QUEENS, Eiw- the Emperor, but to our God and his."
PERORS, ETC., PRAYERS FOR. I So Athanasius prayed publicly for the
St. Paul (1 Tim. ii. 1) commands prayers heretical Emperor Constantine, as we
to be made for kings and all in authority, , know from his own words. ("Apol. ad
and there is abundance of proof that the ] Constant." c 11) : "I did but say, ' Let
early Christians faithfully observed this us pray for the most pious Enijieror
duty, even if their rulers were heathen or : (Avyovn-rov) Constantius,' and straight-
heretical. Two instances out of many : way all the people shouted with one
will suffice. "We sacrifice," says Ter- ! voice, 'Christ, help Constantius!' and
tullian (" Ad Scap." 2), " for the health of ' kept on praying thus." At a later date,
5i2
KISS
KISS
liowever, the names of empei oi s who for-
mally separated themselves from the
Church were left out in the diptychs.
When the diptych^ It'll out of use the
name of the king or emperor was put in
the Canon of the .Mass, iind it is wautinfj
in very few meiliu'val missals, i^ot only
did our ancient Enyiish liturgies put the
names of our sovereigns in the Canon,
hut many editions of the Sarum Missal
have a votive Mass " pro Rege '' ( jMaskell, '
" Ancient Liturgy of the Church of
England,'" p. 276). The name of the
sovereign, however, is left out in the
modern Roman Missal, and Gavantus
("Thesaur." P. II. tit. viii.) says that it j
cannot be added except in virtue of an
Apostolic privilege such as that granted
to Philip II. of Spain by Pius V.' Merati [
in his note modifies the statement so far j
as to allow that the name of the sove-
reign may be inserted by " old and lawful
custom," such as prevailed in France and
"Venice, when the names of the king and
the diige were inserted. At present, in
English Catholic churches, it is usual to
sing a jirayer after .-olemn Mass for our [
Queen anil the Royal Family. (Le Brun, ]
timi. ii. ; Hefele, " Beitniije," vol. ii. pp.
21)0 srq.)
KISS. (A) Kiss of Peace.— Among
Jews (Gen. xxxiii. 4, 2 Kings xiv. 3.3,
Job xxi. 27) and heathen the ki.ss was
used much more frequently than among
ourselves as a mere >ign oi' good will and
charity. Among (he Romans, indeed,
the use of the osciil/nn was regulated by
custom and law. The custom was natu-
rally adopted and raised to a higher
signilicance among Christians. Thus St.
Paul tells those to whom he wrote that
they are to salute ea<di other in "a holy
kiss" (e'l' (/«Xi'y/i(iri riyiM, Rom. xvi. 16,
1 Cor. xvi. 20, 1 Thews ' V. 26), while St.
Peter (1 Fp. v. 14) s])eaks of a "kiss of
charity" (eV (^tX/y^ari dyarrr]i). ^!\r]fj.a
ayiov, <f>l\rifia (iyi'n7rji, haTracrfJios, (j)'i\ijfici
fjLva-TiKov — and in lituigical language
(lf)f]vrf — are the Gjeek" words nm.sl used
by Christian writers lor the holy kiss;
the Latins employ oaodum sanctum,
osculum pads, jiacem dare, offerre, &c.
TertulUan (" De Orat." 18) si^'aks of the
"kiss of peacf! which is lie' seal of
praver," and ("lenient of .Mexandria
("P:edagog." iii. 1 1 , p. .'iOl, ed. Potter)
says the kiss " sh mid lie mystical," and
enlarges (m the piinly of intention with
which it should he given.
(a) At Mass. — The kiss of peace was
' This has been disputed by Binterim.
given at Mass from the earliest times, as
appears from Justin, " Apol." i. 65. To
avoid the dangers of abuse to which
Athenagoras (Legat. 32, quoting appa-
rently an earlier writer) refers, the " Apo-
stolic Constitutions" (viii. 11) order a
rigid separation of the sexes.
In two striking ways the Roman
practice with regard to the kiss of peace
at Mass differs from that of other
Churches. In all the Eastern, as well as
in the Mozarabic and Ambrosian liturgies,
the kiss is given before the offertory and
consecration. This is the order recog-
nised by Justin {loc. cit^, and probably
arises partly from a desire to begin the
sacred action in peace, partly because the
exhortation of the Apostle, at the close
of some of his ejustles, led Christians to
salute each other at the end of the
lections, which came in the Mass of the
Catechumens (i.e. in the earUer part of
the service). In the Roman Mass, on
the other hand, the kiss of peace follows
the consecration, and is closely connected
with the communion ; an order which
Innocent I. defends in his celebrated
letter to Decent ius, on the ground that
the kiss of peace is set as a " seal " on
the whole of the sacred action. Again,
among the Orientals (see Concil. Laodic.
can. 1!)) the priests gave the kiss of peace
to the bishop, then the laity to each
other ; and so, e.g., in the liturgy of St.
James, and in that of St. Chrysostom as
used at this day in the ;^reek Church, the
celebrant simply wishes " peace to all,"
whereupon the deacon says, " Let us kiss
each other {dyairr^acofiev dXXi;\ous)that we
may agree in oneness of mind." In the
Roman Mass the kiss of peace, as it were,
down from the bishop to the priests.
It is plain from the deci-ees of the
Councils of Frankfort (704, can. 50) and
Mayeuce (813, can. 44) that the kiss of
peace long continued to he gi\ en in the
West. It was only at the end of the
thirteenth century that it gave way to
the use of the " osculatorium " — called
also " instrumentum " or " tahella pacis,"
'■pax," "pacificale," "freda" (from
Frirdc), &c. — a plate with a figure of
Christ on the cross stamjied upon it.
kissed first by the priest, then by the
clerics and congregation. It was intro-
duced into England by Archbishop
Walter of Yoi'k, in 1250. Usually now
the Pax is not given at all in low Masses,
and in high Mass an embrace is substi-
tuted for the old kiss and given only to
those in the sanctuary. The Pax is not
KISS
KISS
54S
^ven on the three last days of Holy
Week. (Cr. Tertull. « De Orat." 14.)
(3) At other Sacraments. — The kiss of
peace was also given at baptism (Cyprian,
Ep. 64, § 4, " Ad Fidum '), of which
custom the " Pax tecum ' in our ritual is
a relic; and at absolution of penitents
(see Euseb. " H. E." iii. 23, and Martene,
" Ord." 13). The kiss given by the other
bishops present to a bishop just conse-
crated is mentioned "Coustit. Apost."
viii. 5. This custom is still prescribed in
the Roman Pontifical. So, too, is an-
other ancient rite, according to which the
bishop gives the kiss of peace to a priest
at his ordination. In the Greek Ordinal
(Goar, " Euchol." p. 298) it is the new-
priest who kisses the bishop and other |
priests. |
(y) The kiss at betrothal, in the
Roman law, gave the betrothed woman
certain rights of inheritance and mu le
her a quasi-uxor. This rite is mentioned
by Tertulliaii (" De Yeland. Virg."6 and
11) and bv Greek canonists.
(5) The habit of giving communion j
and the kiss of peace to the dead was for- '
hidden by the Council of Auxene (anno
585, alias 578), canon 12, but the Greeks
still give the kiss to the dead. j
{B) The Kiss as a Mark of Homur. — I
The " woman who was a sinner " kissed !
{KaTf(})lXft) Christ's feet (Luke vii. 38), i
and the same mark of affectionate reve- j
rence is in common use anmng Catholics.
(a) In early times the Christians used
to lass the altar as a mark of reverence
to the place on which the luicharist is
offered. The priest still dues so repeatedly
in the Roman Mass, out of reverence for
the altar and for the reUcs of saints
enclosed there. So the celebrant at
Mass signifies his love for the teaching
of Christ by kissing the Gospel. This
practice is also ancient, being mentioned
in the first of the Roman Ordines. Jonas, ,
bishop of Orleans, in the ninth century ,
recognises the antiquity of the custom.
(Le Brun, i. p. 231 ; and see under j
Gospel.) i
(^J) The Pope's feet are kissed as a
mark of homage immediately after he
has accepted olKce ; by cardinals newly
created ; by those to whom audiences are
granted ; &c., &c. The kiss is given on
the golden cross of tlie >andal which the
Pope wears on his ri;;hl foot.
It must be remembered that this
mark of honour was not originally re-
served to the Pope. It was given, as
Oriental customs spread throughout the
empire, to the emperors, as well as to
patriarchs and bishops. " In the Liturgy,"
says Kraus (art. Fusskuss, in the " Kn-
cyclopsedia of Archaeology "), " the ritual
ascribed to Gelasius directs the deacon
before reading the Gospel to kiss the
Pope's feet. The same mark of honour
was given occasionally to the Popes even
by the highest personages on earth — e.y.
by the emperors Justin and Justinian,
by the kings Luitprand, Pepin, by Char-
lemagne, &c. ; but it is also to be ob-
served that the Popes, on the other side,
also gave the act of adoration to the
emperors. Only late in the middle ages
the adoration by kissing the feet of sove-
reigns and bishops fell more and more
into disuse, and was confined to the
Vicar of Christ, and then a cross was
worked on the slipper to show that this
honour was done not to the mortal, but
to the Son of God." Charles V. is said
to have been the last royal personage
who did obeisance in this way, for al-
though Benedict XIV. received it from
the King of Naples, this is explained by
the peculiar relations of the Neapolitan
crown to the Pope.
According to present custom, the
Pope immediately after his election is
divested of his cardinals dress, puts on
the house-dress of the Pope and is led to
the altar, whereupon the cardinals kiss
his foot and right hand, receiving the
kiss of peace in return. Nest, when the
Pope's name has been proclaimed to the
people, his foot is kissed by the Governa-
tore of Rome and by all the " Concla-
vists " who have accompanied the cardi-
nals. Both of these " adorations " take
place in the conclave itself. The third
"adoration" is made by the cardinals in
the Sixtine chapel, on the altar of which
the Pope is placed in Pontifical vestments.
The Pope is then carried on a litter to
St. Peter's, placed on the high altar, and
again receives solemn " adoration." .V
newly-created cardinal kisses the Pope's
foot and then his hand. Patriarchs,
archbishops, and bishops kiss the Pope's
foot and then his knee. Other ecclesiastics
and laymen (except sovereigns) merely
kiss the foot.
(A full accoimt of the literature on
the "kiss of peace" will be found in
Kraus, art. Friedou-^kuss There is a
modern book on the >ubji ct by Kahle,
"De Osculo Sancto," Regimont. 1867.
On the kissing of the Pope's foot there
are treatises by Valentini, " De Oscula-
tione Pedum Romani Pontificis," Romse.
544 KTETE ri.ETSON
LACTICTNIA
loSS : liv P 'ugard, " Del Bacio de' Piedi
de' Sonimi Poutetici," Roma, 1807.)
ZCYRIE EXiEZSOM-, CHRZSTE
SXiEZSOir, etc. Greek words, meaning
" Lord, have mercy on us," " Christ, have
mercy on us," &c., retained by the Latin
Church, and used in the breviary offices,
the jirayers of the Pvituale, the Litany of
the Saints, &c., and in the Mass. Imme-
diately after the introit, the celebrating
priest and the server say alternately
" Kyrie Eleison " three times, " Christe
Eleison" three time.«, and then once
more " Kyrie Eleison " three time.-;. Mar-
tene ("T)e Antiq. Eccles. Rlt.") and
IMaljillon (in " Ord. Rom.'') show that
the number of Kyries to be sung by the
choir used to be left to the discretion of
the celebrant, and also that the Kyrie
was left out altogether in Masses which
were to be followed by the Litanies.
St. Thomas (lU. q. 83, a. 4) supposes
that the first triplet (Kyrie Eleison, &c.)
is addressc I to the Father; the second
(Christe Eleison, &c.) to the Son: the
third (Kyrie Eleison, &c.) to the Holy
Ghost.
The use of the words at Mass is un-
doubtedly very ancient. Kvpie i\er)aov
occurs in the Clementine liturgy as pan of
the prayer for the Catechumens ("Oon-
stit. Apost." viii. 6), and also as a part of
the Mass of Catechumens in the ancient
liturgy of St. .James. It is certain also
that these Greek words have been kept
from ancient times in the Latin liturgy.
The Second Council of Vaison, in the
province of Aries, wliich met in 529,
ordered the Kyrie Eleison to be said at
Mass and other service^, appiniling to the
custom of the " Apostolic See, and of aU
the Italian and Ea.<tern provinces." (Le
Bruu, " Isxplication de la Messe," torn, ii.;,
i Benedict XIV. " De Missa.")
XABARTTM (derivation uncertain), i
The banner of the cross, used by Con-
stantino in his campaigns. Eusebius, a
contemporary writer, in his "Life of
Constantine," gives the following account
of it : " He [Constantine] kept invoking
God in his prayers, beseeching and im-
ploring that He would declare Himself to
liim, who He was, and stretch forth his
right hand over events. While the king
was thus praying and perseveringly en-
treating, a most extraordinai-y sign from
Heaven appears to him, which perhaps it
were not easy to receive on the report of
anyone else, but since the victorious king
himself, a long time afterwards, when we
were lionoured with hi-; acquaintance and
friendly intercourse, repeated the story to
us who are compiling the record, and con-
firmed it with an oath, who would hesitate
to believe the recital? especially as the
ensuing period furnished unerring testi-
mony to the tale. About midday, when
the "day was now on the turn, he said
that he saw with his own eyes in the
sky, above the sun, the trophy-like figure
of a cross {a-ravpov rpoTTaiov) composed of
light, and that a writing was attached to
it, wliifh said, 'By this conquer.' That
astonishment at the sight seized upon
both himself and all the troops whom he
was then leading on some expedition, and
who became spectators of the portent."
That same night, Constantine went on to
say, " the Christ of God " appeared to him
in a dream with tlie same sign which he
had seen in the sky, and bade him have
an imitation of it made, and use it in war.
Constantine sent for goldworkers and
jewellers, and had a costly banner made
[see Bannek], surmounted by a crown,
on which was the monogram formed of
the first two letters of the name of Christ.
With this borne at the head of his army,
he crossed into Italy, defeated Maxentius
in several battles, and became master of
Rome. Fifty men of his guards were
selected to have charge of the Labarum,
and victory was the unfaiUng attendant
of its display.*
IiACTXCXM'ZA. A late Latin word
meaning milk, or food made of milk. St.
Thomas (2* 2^, cxlvii. a. 8) distingui-shes
lacticinia from flesh and from eggs. The
Greek Church (Council in Trullo, can. 56)
forbade the use of eggs and lacticinia on
all fast days, even at the one permitted
meal. The Latin Cluirch forbade their
use on the fasting days of Lent; and
Alexander VII. condemned the proposi-
tion that the obligation of abstaining
from eggs and lacticinia in Lent waa
doubtful. With regard to other fasts,
> EusebiiLS, Vit. Const, i. -IS-Sl, ii. 7-9.
LADY -DAY
LANCE
St. Thomas {he. cit.) says the obligation of |
abstaining from eggs and lacticinia varies |
in different places, and that individuals
are bound to confoim to the custom of the*
country. St. Liguori ("Theol. Moral.''
iv. 1009) lays down the same principle.
Even in Lent the use of eggs anA lacticima ,
has been allowed, especially in Northern
countries, by Papal dispensation, or else
by custom, which the Popes have tole-
rated till in course of time it became a
perpetual privilege. Moreover, the bishops
in their quinquennial faculties receive
power to dispense on this point. In
England, as in other countries, the extent
to which lacticinia may be used in Lent ^
is determined by the iudnlt published in
each year. A recent Papal dispensation
made it lawful to take lacticinia on most
fasting days, even at collation.
x.A.s-r.BAT. The feast of the Ax-
XO-CIATIOX (q. v.).
x.m-TA.'a.-E STTWDA-r. The fourth
Sunday in Lent, so called from the first
word in the antiphon of the introit, " Re-
joice, 0 Jerusalem, and gather together,
all ye who love her," &c. This day is
also known as Mid-Lent or Refreshment
Sunday. On that one Sunday in Lent
the altar is decked with flowers, the organ
is played, and at the principal Mass rose-
coloured vestments are worn instead of
violet ones.
i.AiaMia.s - DAT. [See Feteb'b
Ch.uxs."
KAIHCPS have been from very early
times used in Christian churches, and
have had a sacred character attributed to
them. Thus the fourth Apostolic Canon
forbids anything to be offered at the altar
except " oil for the lamp, and incense at
the time of the holy oblation.'" The con-
troversy of Jerome with Vigilantius, who
objected to the practice, shows that lamps
were not only used to give light, but
were burned before the tombs of the
martyrs in their honour. Again, Cyril of
Jerusalem (referred to in Wetzer and
Welte, Art. Lampe) notices the practice,
which still continues among us, of re-
lighting the lamps on Holy Saturday in
token of joy. The Cffirimoniale Episco-
porum favours [suadet) the practice of
burning a lamp before each altar, several
before the high altar. (Gavant. Par. I.,
tit. XX.)
L'niversal custom requires that a lamp
should be kept burning before the Blessed
Sacrament, wherever it is reserved. The
oil in tlie lamp must be made of olives, or
if it cannot be had, the bishop may per-
mit the use of other oils, not, however,
of mineral oils, except in case of abso-
lute necessity (Decret. S. R. C. 9 Julii,
1SG4). Authors speak of the practice of
burning a perpetual light before the
tabernacle as very ancient, but do not, so
far as we can find, furnish early evidence
of it.
XiAnrci:, the hox.t. In 1003,
when the Chri^tian army, after having
taken Antioch and driven the Turks into
the citadel, were besieged in the city by
a great host of infidels under Kerb jga, a
Provencal clerk (named by some writers
Peter Bartholomew, by others Peter
Abraham) came to Raymond Count of
Toulouse, his liege lord, and to the Bishop
of Puy, the Papal legate, and declared
that St. Andrew had revealed to him in
a vision the existence in the Church of
St. Peter, in Antioch, near the altar, of
the head of the spear with which our
Saviour's side was pierced during the
Passion. Search was made, and the earth
excavated to a great depth without result ;
Peter then went down himself, and found,
or professed to find, the head of a lance.
The Christians, who had been reduced to
great straits, now took courage to attack
the Moslems, and defeated them, the
holy lance being carried before them in
the battle. But Bohemoud and others
threw doubt upon Peter's good faith, and
it was arranged that he should undergo
the ordeal of walking through a fire;
he did so, but died shortly afterwards,
apparently from the injuries that he
received. The lance was taken by Count
Raymond to Constantinople, and remained
there till Bajazet IL (14!)2) made a pre-
sent of it to Innocent VIII. ; it is now in
the Vatican basilica.
XiANCi: {ay'ui \6yxr)). A Small knife
used in the Prothesis or early part of
the present Greek liturgy to divide the
Host from the holy loaf The action
commemorates the piercing of our Lord's
side. The priest makes four cuts in the
loaf and stabs it more than once, accom-
panying each action with texts of Scrip-
ture— "He was led as a lamb to the
slausrhter," &c.
The rite is probably not a very ancient
one. It is wanting, not only in theOriental
liturgies of other famihes, but also in
that of St. James, and is not mentioned
by St. Germanus. It is observed, how-
ever, in the monastery of Mount Sinni,
where all the new rites of the present
Greek Church have not been admitted.
Martigny gives a drawing of a "Cultei
54G LANGUAGE OF THE CHURCH LANGUAGE OF THE CHITECH
Eucharisticus," said to have belonged to
St. Thomas of Canterbury, and to have
been used for a similar purpose. (See
Gear, who gives a drawing of the litur-
gical lance; and Le Brun, Tom, lU.
vi. 4.)
X.A.TTCU.a.CS OF THE CHTTRCH.
This title is used for want of a better
to denote the Church's practice of cele-
brating' Mass, administering the sacra-
ments, and generally of performing her
more solemn services in dead languages.
For the C!hin-ch cannot be said to use, or
even to prefer, any one language. She
requires some of ber clergy to use Greek,
Syriue, Coptic, Armenian, Slavonic, in
M ass, just as st rictly as she requires others
to employ Latin. Latin no doubt is far
more widely used than other ancient
languages in the offices of the Church,
but this has arisen chiefly from the fact
that those who would naturally use Greek,
&c., in their ofiices have fallen away from
Catholic communion. We will begin
with an historical account of the disci-
pline observed, and then give the principal
reasons addueed to justifv it.
Benedict XIV. (" De Missa," lib. ii.
cap. 2) mentions the opinion of those
who held that the Apostles said Mass in
Hebrew, or that originally Mass was said
only in llehrew, Greek, and Latin, the
three knuuag(!S on the title of the cross ;
and he continues, " Those \\ ho are skilled
in ecclesiastical history have shown
sufficiently tliat the Apostles and their
successors <lld, not only preach, but also
celebrate tin; divine oliices in the vulgar
tongue of the people in whose land they
preached the Gospel." He quotes Bona,
Le Brun, and Martene in support of his
own statement, which surely does not
need su])port. Mass, then, and the other
offices, were said originally in the ver-
nacular, because it was the vernacular,
but the Church, so far as we know, has
never once allowed a change in the lan-
guage of the liturgy when the language
in which it had been originally written
had become unintelligible to the people.
Nor at present is Mass ever said in a
tongue still generally spoken and under-
stood. Latin, Coptic, and yEthiopic, are,
and have long been, dead languages,
while the ancient Greek, Syriac, Arme-
nian, and Slavonic, used in the liturgies,
are quite distinct from the modern lan-
guages which bear the same names.
Even schisraatical and heretical bodies
which have jireserved the i rue priesthood,
and therefore the true Mass, have not
ventured to substitute translations Into
the vulgar tongue for the ancient lan-
guage of their liturgies. Indeed, Mass
said in such a language as Coptic is
much less understood than Mass in Latin,
not only because Coptic has no affinity
with the Arabic spoken by the people,
but also because many of the Coptic
priests can hardly read the Coptic words
of their church books, and do not under-
stand the meaning of a single sentence.
One exception may here be mentioned,
the only one with which we are ac-
quainted, to the general rule, that all
seliismatical and heretical bodies preserve
the ancient language of their liturgies,
and clearly it is an exception wliich
jiroves the rule. Le Brun (Tom. IH.
diss. vi. a. 6) notices that the Melchites
— i.e. schismatic Greeks in the Patri-
archates of Ale.\;andria, Antioch, and
Jerusalem, who are in communion with
the "orthodox" Greek Church of Con-
stantinople— sometimes say Mass in
Arabic, because it is often hard to find
deacons and other assistants who can
even read Greek. A friend versed in
liturgical science and in the Oriental
languages informs us that this excep-
tional usage still occurs, e.ff. at Jeru-
salem.
On the other hand, the Church has
not pursued the same uniform policy in
dealing with nations newly converted to
the Christian religion, and therefore
destitute of a liturgy. In the middle of
the ninth century the Oriental monks
St. Cyril and St. Methodius introduced,
not a Latin or Greek, but a Slavonic or
vernacular liturgy among their Moravian
converts. This measure of theirs was
approved by Pope Hadrian II., and
tolerated by John VIII. on condition
that the translation was faithful, and
the Gospel read first in Latin, then in
Slavonic. But in 1061 the legate of
Alexander II. in a council of C'roatian
and Dalmatian bishops prohibited the
use of the Slavonic liturgy — which must
not be confounded with the Slavonic
versions of the Greek liturgies stiU used
— and the prohibition was repeated by
Gregory VII. in a letter of the year 1080
to Ladislaus, King of Bohemia. How-
ever, even as late as 1248 Innocent IV.
allowed a Slav bishop to use it by special
dispensation. In 1615 Paul V. gave the
Jesuit missionaries leave to celebrate
Mass and the divine offices in Chinese,
))ut the b ■ ef never reached those to
whom it was addi-essed. The Jesuits
LANGUAGE OF TIIE CHURCH
renewed their petition, and a CLinese
rersion of the Missal was presented to
innocent XI.,' but nothing came of the
negotiation. In the " Propylseum " of
the BoUandist Lives for May a summary
is given of the reasons urged for a
vernacular Chinese liturgy by Father
Couplet, Procurator-Genera! of the Jesuit
mis.^ions.
Such, then, is the rule of the Church.
She never allows an ancient liturgy to
be altered because the language in which
it is written has been altered or displaced
by a modern one, and she is unwilling,
though s-he does not always absolutely
refuse, to allow the use of vernacular
liturgies among nations newly converted.
The Council of Trent declares (Sess. xxii.
cap. 8, De Sacrific. Missae) that the
Fathers of the council thought it inex-
pedient to have Mass " celebrated every-
where in the vulgar tongue,"' and con-
demns those who alBrm " that Mass
ought only to be celebrated in the vulgar
tongue " {lb. can. 9). We must beware,
however, of pressing these statements
too far. Benedict XIV. defends Colbert,
bishop of Rouen, who taught in a pas-
toral that the ancient mode of celebrating
Mass in the language of the people was
the fittest means to prepare the minds of
the congregation for participation in the
sacrifice ; or at least argues that this con-
viction is not condemned by the Council
of Trent. The Church may have bad
good and weighty grounds for foregoing
a usage which in itself would tend to the
greatest spiritual edification.
These reasons seem to consist, first of
all, in the jealousy with which the Church
guards her ancient rites, and her un-
willingness to face the danger of constant
change in them to meet the changes in
modern language^. Such changes might
seriously endanger the purity of doctrine,
or at least the reverence of the faithful
for the rites of the Churcb. Let the
reader only consider how much of the
reverence which Protestants feel for the
Book of Common Prayer is due to the
fact that its pure and noble language has
been preserved unchanged for centuries.
A new edition in modern English would
certainly be better understood, but how
much of its power to soothe the heart
and to inspire a sober and rational de-
votion would be lost in the process?
' So Benedict XIV. in the edition before
us; but he >a_vs this was done in 1631, long
before Innocenr XI. befran to rei<cn. Possibly
1631 is a misprint for 16»1.
LANGUAGE OF THE CHURCH 547
Again, the preservation of the ancient
forms enables priests to celebrate and the
faithful to follow Mass in all lands, and
thus impresses upon us, in a way wliich
no one who has experienced it can forget,
the unity of the Church. Lastly, the
words of the Missal, admirably fitted as
they are for the use of the priest, are by
no means fitted for the use of uneducated
persons, and this difficulty would not be
met by a translation.
Protestant objections arise to some
extent from mi-understanding the nature
of Catholic worship. The Mass is a great
action in which Christ's sacrifice is con-
tinued and applied. Those who are
present bow their heads at the conse-
cration, and unite themselves in spirit, if
they do not actually communicate, with
the communion of the priest. Christ
crucified is set forth in their midst, and
they know that they, on their part, must
offer their souls and bodies in constant
sacrifice to God by a life of purity, labour,
and self-denial. It is the expressed wish
of the Tridentine Fathers that the mean-
ing of the Mass and its rites should be
constantly explained to the people by
their pastors; and surely the most igno-
rant pea,>ant who follows Mass in the
way just described, and accompanies the
priests action with prayers which come
from his own ht-art, offers to God a
reasonable service. A life of self-sacrifice
and devotion — that is the great lesson
taught by the sacrifice of the Mass, aud
it is a lesson independent of the language
in which Mass is Siiid.
The texts quoted from I Cor. xiv.
against the Catholic usage are not to the
point. " I would rather," says St. Paul,
" speak five words in the church through
my intelligence, that I may instruct
others, than ten thousand words in a
tongue." We believe St. Paul is referring
to ecstatic utterances — sighs, exclama-
tions, broken sentences which were uu-
intelligible to others, and in which the
tongue of the speaker was not controlled
even by his own intelligence. Be this as
it may, no parallel can be drawn between
" speiikiug in tongues " and the use ot
Latin in the Mass. Strangers would not
think a priest " mad " (v. 23) if they heard
I him reading the Latin Missal. The priest
prays with "his understanding" (v. 14),
I for he knows Latin : others are " edified "
I (v. 17); and no extraordinary gift of
interpretation (v. 13) is needed, for our
English prayer-books give translations
of the Mass. Moreover, St. Paul was
K X 2
548 LAPSED (LAPSI)
LAST DAY
familiar with a custom closely analogous
to ours, and with this neither he nor any
other Apostle finds fault. The services
of the temple and the synagogue, like
those of the synagogue at this day, were
in a dead language, with the difference
only that moie pains are taken to diffuse
the knowledge of Hebrew among poor
Jews than of Latin among poor Catholics.
XiAPSED (liAPSl). A name given
to those who fell away from the faith
under heathen persecution. The name
comes into special prominence in the per-
secution of Decius (249-251), which ex-
ceeded all previous ones in method and
severity. Some Christians fell away by
actually offering sacrifice to the false gods
(thurijicati, sacrificati) ; others bought a
certificate that they had sacrificed {libel-
latici) ; others allowed their names to be
enrolled on the official lists as having
obeyed the imperial edict {acta facientes).
Dr. Benson (in Smith and Cheetham)
ai-gues that the " libellus," or certificate,
was of two kinds — either a document
coming from the Christian himself to the
effect that he had recanted his religion,
or from the magistrate, who certified that
the Christian had recanted, the Christian
himself remaining passive and merely
acceptiiig this means of escape.
The " Lapsi " were subjected to long
■ — sometimes life-long — penance, varying
according to the degree of their guilt,
and, if priests, were reduced to lay com-
munion. But great weight was given to
the "libelli pacis" — i.e. documents from
confessors or martyrs in prison, begging
the restoration, of those who had fallen
and repented, to the peace of the Church.
(See under Indulgences. Cyprian's
"Letters "and his treatise "De Lapsis"
are the chief authorities on the subject.)
XiAST DAY. We have already had
to speak of tlie Last Day, under the articles
ANTicHtnsT and Judgmjjnt, General
AND P.\EiicuLAR. In this place we pro-
ceed to note certain points in ordinary
Catholic belief not included under these
previous articles.
Scripture teUs us of certain signs
which will precede the Last Day. The
fiospel will first be preached all over the
world (Matt. xxiv. 14), which, as St.
Augustine warns us (Ep. 99), does not
mean that all men will be converted, but
that the Church will exist in all nations.
When the fulness of tlie Gentiles has
come in, then — ibr the words need not
imply more than this (see Estius, ad loc.)
— the great mass of the JewB will em-
brace the Christian belief (Rom. xi. 25).
Enoch and Elias, according to the common
belief, will appear to preach penance.
This idea has an interesting history, which
deserves more special mention, but we
will begin by introducing the current be-
lief itself in the words of St. Augustine :
" Enoch and Elias," he says (Serm. 299),
" live ; they have been translated ; wher-
ever they are, they live. And if a certain
conjecture of faith made from the Scrip-
ture of God is not wrong, they will die.
For the Apocalypse relates that at a
future time two wonderful prophets will
both die and rise again, in the sight of
men, and go up to tlie Lord; and they
are understood to be Enoch and Elias,
although in that passage their names are
not given." Let us trace the origin of
that behef. Genesis and the Book of
Kings tell us that Enoch and Elias were
removed from the earth in an extraordi-
nary way. From Malachias iv. 5, and
from Matt. xvii. 11 — though the inference
is precarious — it was inferred that Elias,
not only in spirit and power, but in his
proper person, would reappear before the
end of the world. From the words of
Ecclus. xliv. 16, " Enoch pleased God,
and was translated into Paradise, that he
may give penance to the nations," the
same conclusion was drawn with regard
to Enoch, though in the Greek the \\ ords
simply are, " Enoch pleased God, and was
translated, [being] an example of rej ent-
ance to the nations." This behef in the
reappearance of Enoch and Elias was con-
nected with, and, as it was thought, sup-
ported by, that remarkable section of the
Apocalypse, xi. l-LS. The holy city —
i.e. Jerusalem (see v. 8) — with the excep-
tion of the moy, or temple in the strict
sense of the word, is to be trodden under
foot by the heathen. Two witnesses of
Christ, who are compared with the lamps
and olive-trees in Zacharins, are to pro-
phesy for about three years and a half,
and to show miraculous power, but at last
they are to be killed by *' the beast."
However, after three days and a half, they
are to live again and go up " to heaven
in the cloud." The fate of Jerusalem here
depicted was taken as an allegory of the
fortunes of the Christian Church, and it
was commonly supposed that Enoch and
Elias were the two witnesses. This be-
lief is expressed clearly by Tertulli:m
("De An." 50), and was undouljledly the
prevalent and, indeed, all but universal
opinion of the ancients. Thilo, on the
"Evangelitun Nicodeuii,"c. has treated
LAST DAY
LATERAN CIimCH 549
the whole question elaborately. Bede.'
however, is said (by Diisterdieck, on the
Apocalypse, ad loc.) to have rejected this
intei-pretation ; and we are able to quote
Maldonatus (on Matt. xvii. 11) for what
is, as we venture to think, a far more
likely interpretation — viz. that St. John
refers to Moses and Elias, who represented
the law and the prophets, and had already
•witnessed to Christ in his transfiguration.
Another sign of the nearness of the
last dav is " the Apostasv "' of 2 Thess.
ii. 3, which St. Thomas and Estius,
against many other intei-preters, take to
mean " a defection from the Catholic
faith, and that a universal one, by which
not only persons, however many (a thing
that has often hajipened in former ages),
but also the kingdoms and all, or all but
all, provinces will withdraw from the
Catholic Church." Signs, too, are the
natural portents, famine, pestilence,
earthquakes, darkening of the sun, &c.,
mentioned in Matt. xxiv. and Luke xxi.
But, after all, " concerning that day or
hour no man knoweth, not even the
angels in heaven, nor the Son, but the
Father" (Mark xiii. 32). The mistakes
which even able and pious men have
made on this point are well known.
■" Even some of the Fathers," Jungmaun
-writes (" De Noviss." p. 208), " as
St. Cyprian, St. Ambrose, St. Basil, St.
Gregory, St. Bernard, and distinguished
preachers of the divine word, like St.
Korbert and St. Vincent Ferrer, have
sometimes expressed the opinion that the
•day of the Lord was at hand, because of
the signs which seemed to them to be
present." The persons who have been
led away after this fashion in our own
time have been of very dillerent intel-
lectual and spiritual calibre, and their
■warnings have occasioned some amuse-
ment but very little panic.
The order of events on the last day
is quite uncertain. St. Augustine con-
jectures ("De Civit. Dei," xx. 30), but
merely conjectures, that the appearance of
Elia.s will come first, then the conversion
of the Jews, the persecution of Antichrist,
Christ's advent, the resurrection, the
separation of the good and the wicked,
the conflagration and finally the renova-
tion of the world. On the other hand,
St. Thomas (" In Sentent. lY." dist. xlvii.
qu. 2. a. ;3), whose oj)inion is most com-
monly followed, argui^s that the action
of fire will begin before the judgment.
It wiU, he thinks, kill and destroy the
bodies of all upon the earth, torturing
I the evil, .serving as purgatorial torment
I to the imperfect, and inflicting God's
[ vengeance on the wicked. Further, it
will cleanse and renew the earth, not
after the judgment, as St. .Vugustine
thought, but before it. This St. Thomas
gathers from Rom. viii. 21. which, as he
considers, makes the renovation of the
■world synchronous with the resurrection
of the just.
XiAST THZNGS. The four last
things are generally said to be Death,
Judgment, Heaven, Hell. These are not
all, but the most important, things which
happen to meu as they leave and after
they leave this world. The Germans
speak of Eschatology (6 tcov eaxaTosv
\6yos) as a special department of theology,
and the name has been adopted by some
English w^riters. It includes the con-
sideration of purgatory, the resurrection,
the eternal reign of Christ, the destruc-
tion and renovation of the world. A
very useful treatise "De Xovissimis" has
been published by Jungmann (Ratisbonse,
1874). Most of the subjects which fall
under this head are discussed in separate
articles.
^tATERAXr CHURCH ANS
COVN-CXI.S. The family of the Plautii
Laterani had a magnificent house on the
Coelian hill — " egn-giiB Lateranorum
sedes," as Juvenal calls it. This house,
or a house on the same site, was known
as the Lateran palace, and belonged to
the Empress Fausta ^Fleurv, " H. E." x.
11). Her husband, Constantine, built
close to it the Church of " the Saviour,"
Imown as the Basilica Constantiniana,
and also — because the Emperor built a
Baptistery there, and Baptisteries are
associated with St. John Baptist — as the
Church of St. .John Lateran. It is the
chief or Cathedral Church of Rome, and
there the "Stations" are held on many
solemn days (ib. xi. 36).' Bulls of
Gregory XI., in l.'?72, and of Pius Y., in
luGSt, have confirmed its pre-eminence
over all other churches, even St. I'eter's,
and justified the proud inscription which
meets the eye at the entrance, '■ Omnium
urbis et orbis ecclesiarum mater et caput,"
In this cluu-ch, besides an important
council in 049 against the Monothelites,
five general councils have been held.
(1) Under Calixtus II., in 1123.
More than 300 bishops and 600 abbots
were present. This was the Ninth Gene-
' '• Oil est m.nrqu^e la station des jours lea
I plus solennels." But this is not borne out, at
I least by the. present Missal.
550
LATERAN CHURCH
L ATRIA
ral Council, and the first ever held in the
"West. The chief object was to end the
strife on Investiture between the Emperor
Henry V. and the Holy See. The ar-
rangement made at the Concordat of
Worms was confirmed. Henry agreed
to leave the choice and consecration of
prelates free, to resign all claims to invest
with ring and staff, and to restore Church
goods, while the Pope allowed the elections
to take place in the Emperor's presence,
gave him the riglit to decide in contested
elections after taking counsel from the
metropolitans and provincial bishops, and
to confer the regalia with the sceptre.
(2) The Second Lateran Council
(Tenth General Council), held in 1139
under Innocent II., and attended by about
1,000 prelates, excommunicated Roger of
Sicily (cliampion of Anacletus II., the
Antipope), suspended clerics promoted by
Anacletus, and imposed silence on Arnold
of Brescia, the great ecclesiastical dema-
gogue of the day. Thirty canons were
passed on simony, incontinence, clerical
dress, breaking the " Peace of God," and
contests dangerous to life.
(3) The Third Lateran and Eleventh
General Council was convoked in 1179,
by Alexander III., was attended by more
than 300 bishops, and numbered about a
thousand members in all. It ordered
that future Popes should be elected by a
majority of two thirds, and passed sen-
tence of excommunication on anyone who
accepted the Papacy on other conditions,
as well as upon those who supported him.
Disciplinary enactments were also made
against simony, clerical incontinence, in-
tercourse with Saracens and Jews.
(4) Innocent III. opened the Fourth
Lateran and Twelfth General Synod, the
most imposing probably of all councils
ever held, in 1215, for the recovery of the
Holy Land and the reform of the Church.
The representatives of Frederic II., of
Henry, Emperor of Constantinople, of
the Kings of England, France, Aragon,
Hungary, Cyprus, Jerusalem, and of
other princes, 412 bishops, 800 abbots,
many representatives of absent bishops
and chapters, were present. The seventy
decrees of the council concern most im-
portant points of discipline and doctrine.
The Bishop of Constantinople was made
the first of the Eastern patriarchs; the
Greek rites, the jurisdiction of the other
patriarch^, were fully acknowledged;
wliile at llie same time the Greek prac-
tice of rel)a]itising children already bap-
tised by Latins, and of washing altars to
mark their defilement if they had been
used by Latin priests, was reprobated,
and the supremacy of Rome insisted on.
Regulations were made and indulgences
oll'ered for the coming crusade. The
duty of annual confession "proprio sacer-
doti" was enforced. Definitions were
issued on the absolute unity of God.
Abbot Joachim had maintained that the
three divine Persons were one God only
in the same sense as many human persons
are all men or Christians one with eaeh
other and with Christ. In otlier wdids
he substituted a specific or moral for that
numerical unity in which, with the real
distinction of the three I'ersons, the mys-
tery of the Trinity consists. The council,
on the contrary, defined that each of the
tliree Persons is identical with the one
divine substance. It also defined the
Catholic doctrine on the sacraments, .'^•c,
against the Albigenses, and in particular
that the bread and wine in the Mass are
"transubstantiated" into Christ's body
and blood.
(5) The Fifth Lateran Council (Eigh-
teenth General) was opened by Julius II.,.
in 1512, and closed by Leo X., in 1517.
The Church was distracted at the time
by the schismatic Council of Pisa. The
Fifth Lateran was attended by 15 cardi-
nals and 79 (afterwards 120) bishops,
mostly Italian. The decrees of Pisa
were declared null, the " Pragmatic Sanc-
tion " condemned, and the French Con-
cordat was approved, canons passed on
preaching, exemption of regulars, monts
de piit6, &c., Sec. Two decrees of the
council are of wider interest. It defined
(Bull "Pastor ajtenins") the Pope's
" authority over all councils," and (BuU
" Apostolici regiminis ") condemned those
who held that the intellectual soul is
mortal, or only one in all men, or that
those propositions were true at least
philosophically. For the French objec-
tions to the oecumenical character of the
council, see Hefele, "Concil." i. p. 68,
and the article CotrNOlLS.
XATZir. [See Language of the
Church.]
IiATRXA (XaTptla) in itself simply
means "service," whether rendered to
God or man ; but the usage of the Church
has made it a technical term for that
sujjreme worship which can lawfully be
offered to God alone. The word is so
used by the Greek Fathers and the
Seventh General Council ; and St. Augus-
tine (" Contr. Faust." xx. 21) adopts it
on the ground that no one Latin word
LATIIOCINIUM
LAW
551
■will do instead. It was probably St.
Augustine's influence ■wLioh made it a
familiar term in Latin tliodlogy. The
sacritice of the jMass is the principal act
of latria, hence it is called in patristic
literature Xarpeiar^s oiKovofxias (Petavius,
"De Incarnat." xv. 2).
KATROCZNIUAI (avvoSosXT/a-TpiKri:
"Council of Bandits"). A name given
by Pope Leo (and current ever since) to
the heretical council which met at Lphe-
sus in 449. Dioscorus, Patriarch of
Alexandria, had come forward in defence
of the doctrine that there is but one
nature of the Licarnate Word, and being
discontented with the decision of the
bishops who met at Constantinople and
affirmed that Christ was one Person in
two natures, he used his influence with
the Euipress Eudocia to have a general
council convoked at Lphesus. Pope Leo
did not oppose the meeting of the coun-
cil, although he had clearly laid down
the doctrine of the two natures in his
letter to Flavian, bishop of Constanti-
nople. Dioscorus presided at the council,
the Papal legates, Juvenal of Jerusalem,
Domnus of Antioch, and Flavian of Oon-
etantinople, being present. Dioscorus
tore their papers from all notaries except
his own, and is accused of having falsified
the Acts ; he called in soldiers and fana-
tical monks, armed with cudgels, Flavian
was trodden under foot and imprisoned,
and the other bishops, with few excep-
tions, were forced by violence and star-
vation to sign a blank paper on which
Dioscorus afterwards set the condemna-
tion of Flavian. The Papal legates,
however, protested at once. Flavian died
shortly afterwards on his way to exile.
Tlieodosius confirmed the decrees of this
synod, but it was rejected by the
churches of Syria, Asia Minor, Pontus,
and the West. Pope Leo of course
absolutely refused to acknowledge it.
[See Chalcedoij, Council of.]
Z.AUSA, SZON. [See Hymns.]
X.AT7DS. [See Beeviaey.]
KAXTRA. (Gr. \avpa, properly, an
alley or lane.) An aggregation of sepa-
rate cells, tenanted by monks, " under
the not very strongly defined control of
a superior." ' Usually each monk had a
cell to himself, but in the laura of
Pachomius one cell was assigned to
three monks. For five days in tiie week
the tenants ol the laura remained in their
cells, living on bread and water, and
working at basket-making, or some simi-
1 Dictionary of Christian Antiq.
lar employment; on the Saturday and
Sunday they took their meals together
in the common refectory, and worshipped
God in the common church. The disci-
pline of the laura was a kind of inter-
mediate stage between the eremitical life
ol St. Antony and the monasticism
founded by St. Basil and St. Benedict.
It flourished in the fourth and fifth
centuries in the desert country near the
Jordan ; St. Euthymius, St. Sabljas, and
the abbot Gerasimus were its chief types
and promoters. St. Euthymius lived )
be ninety-six years old; just before he
died he told the person whom the monks
had designated as his successor, that it
was the will of God that the laura
should be turned into a monastery, as it
foreseeing that this was the discipline of
the future for the more perfect souls.
(Fleury, litr. xxviii., xxix., xxx. ; Smith
and Oheetham.)
J.A.VS TXBZ, CHRXSTS. [See
Gospel.]
itAVASO. The first word of Ps.
XXV., which the priest recites while the
acolytes pour water on his hands shortly
before he begins the Canon of the Mass.
The rite indicates the perfect purity of
heart with which the priest should cele-
brate those holy mysteries. This wash-
ing of the hands (by the deacon, how-
ever) is mentioned by St. Cyril of
Jerusalem. The psalm is also recited
during the washing of the hands in the
liturgies of St. Chrysostom and St. Basil.
It is not said in the Ambrosian Mass, in
which the priest purifies his hands
silently just before the consecration.
There is great variety on this point in
our old English rites. In that of York
the washing is accompanied by a verse
of Ps. XXV., the " Veni, Creator," and a
prayer; in that of Hereford, by the
" Veni, Creator," and a prayer ; in those
of Sarum and Bangor (?), simply by a
prayer. (Le Brun, Benedict XIV.,
Maskell.)
JiAXir. The word is used in two
widely diflerent senses. When we speak
of the "law of gravitation," we mean an
observed invariable uniformity of co-
existence and succession connecting cer-
tain efl'ects with certain conditions or
causes, so that when the conditions are
present the eflfect invariably follows.
The necessity which links the cause tO'
the effect we do not understand, nor can
account for: we only know by an unfail-
ing experience that it exists: and as it
forms an element in the phenomenal
5-52
LAW
LAY COMMUNION
system of motions and changes in the
midst of which we live, we call it a
physical necessitj-, and tlie resulting uni-
formity we term a laiv of nature. But
when we speak of the law of the Twelve
Tables, or of the laws of Lycurgus, or
the Mosaic, or the Gospel law, we mean
a uuiformity which ought to be imposed
(assuming the law to be just) on the
actions of those subject to it, but which
is not always imposed in fact, because
the subjects of the law are free agents
and can refuse to obey it. The necessity
\vhich should, but does not always, make
the conduct conformal)le to the precept,
we call a moral necessity, or oUigation ;
and the precepts which, being addressed
to free agents, enjoin but do not compel
their own fulfilment, we term moral
laws, and divide into civil, criminal,
natural, positive, &c. Of laws in this
second sense, the first is the natural law,
which we must carefully distinguish from
" laws of nature " orphysical laws. This
natural law is implanted by God in the
mind of every one of his reasonable
creatures, distinguishing for them good
from evil, and bidding them follow the
one and shun the other. But since the
will of man has been weakened by the
fall, he is not able to obey the dictates of
this natural law without some kind of
assistance or reinforcement. This assis-
tance is given, partly by human ordi-
nances, directing, forbidding, rewarding,
and punishing, partly by the revealed law
of God ; through the operation of which
it appears to have been his will, first, to
educate a single people to a more perfect
knowledge and obedience; next, gradually
to leaven and transform all the tribes of
mankind, as they become one by one in-
corporated in the Catholic Church. Ac-
cordingly the revealed law is divided,
historicallj', into the law of the Old and
that of the New covenant. The law of
the Old covenant, given on Mount Sinai,
prepared the way for the kingdom of
Christ, and — except as to that portion of
it which was a restoration of the natural
Jaw and is perjjetually binding — lost its
divine authority on the establishment of
the Church. The law of the New cove-
nant is that which Christ the king pro-
poses through tlie Church [see CnuKCH
OF Christ, Gkack, Sacraments] to the
human race. Thus every man, besides
being subject to the internal or natural
law seated in the conscience, is under two
external laws. lie is first — if not actually
and de facto, yet potentially and de jure
— under the divine law as interpreted
and administered by the Catholic Church.
Secondly, he is under the lex loci, the
system of human law belonging to the
country of his birth or domicile. If a
conflict arise between the two external
laws — as when the law of the land en-
joins idolatry, or forbids the frequentatinn
of the sacraments — it is manifest that the
lower law ought to yield to the hiirlier,
and that individual Christians are bound,
whatever may be the consequences, to
" hear the Church,'' and disobey any con-
trary injunction, (^^'etzer and Weltf',
art. by Aberle.)
liAX. [See MoEAL Theology."!
I.AY BROTHERS Airs SXSTBRS.
Persous who take the habit and vows of
religion, but are employed mostly in
manual labour, and are exempt therefore
from the duties of choir, when they exist,
or from the studies, kc, incumljent on
the other members of religious orders,
where there is no choir.
The first instance of a distinction be-
tween lay brothers (fratres co^iversi, frcT&s
convei-s) occurred in the monastery of Val-
lombrosa, founded in the earlier part of
the eleventh century by St. John Gual-
bert. Afterwards we find lay brothers
among the monks of Hirsau, and the
Abbot William is said in his Life to have
instituted this kind of reUgious. The
Carthusians adopted the new practice,
and now lay brotliers and sisters are to
be found in most religious orders, even
among the Benedictines, who knew no-
thing of such a distinction at first.
Two causes, according to Fleury, con-
tributed to the change. The greater part
of the monks (contrary to the old usage)
in the eleventh century were ecclesiastics,
and it was necessary to provide for thosp
who had the religious but no ecclesiastical
vocation. Next, in the eleventh century,
Latin was no longer a vulgar tongue, and
hence many of the religious, ignorant of
Latin and often unable to read, were
unfit for the duties of the choir. (Fleury,
"H. E." Ixi. 4, Ixiii. 68; Discours viii.
a. 5.)
XiAY coninxvirzoia' is a phrase
scarcely used at present among Catholics.
But in the language of the early Church
it often occurs to describe the state to
which a cleric was reduced by forfeiting
the right to exercise his functions with-
out being excommunicated and losing the
ordinary privileges of a Christian. Thus
the Council of Agde (anno 506), canon
50, orders that bishops, priests, and
LAYMAN
LAZARISTS
553
<V.icons, guilty of certain great crimes, [
sliould for the rest of their lives only [
receive lay communion {communionem i
laicam).
A cleric may be reduced to lay commu-
nion in three ways, (n) A cleric in minor
orders may lawfully marry, but in this
case the canon law deprives him of office,
benefice, and the privileges of his state.
The Council of Trent, however (Sess.
xxiii. c. 17, De Reform.), aUows the pro-
motion of men already married to minor
orders, provided they are not "bigami"
and there is a lack of other candidates.
They have the privileges canonis et fori if
they wear tonsure and cassock. (3) A
cleric in holy orders may be dispensed
Irom his obligations — e.g., of wearing the
clerical dress, reciting his breviary, of
celibacy, &c. — by the Pope. In that case
the cleric in question is usually prohibited
from exercising the functions of his office,
(y) The old law of the Church reduced
to lay communion clerics who were de-
posed" or removed from their office. But,
according to the more modern canon law,
the loss of clerical privileges is only en-
tailed by degradation.
x.A.TMAM'. One of the people (Xaos-),
as distinguished from the clergy. The
Septuagint (Exodus xix. 24, Isai. xxiv. 2)
used the word Xaoy in contradistinction
to the priests. The other Greek versions
have the words Xnocoy, "laic, " and \ai.Kovv
" to profane;" and so the Vulgate (1 Reg.
xxi. -1) has the expression " laicos panes.''
Clem. Rom., Ep. i. 40, uses laic or layman
(XaiKor) for the tii-st time in Christian
literature, but he means by it a Jewish
and not a Christian layman. But in the
Clementine Homilies, Epist. CL § 5; in
Clem. Al. "Strom." iii. 12, p. 552, ed.
Potter; in TertuUian, "Praescr." 41, we
find the modern use of Xaocor and laicus
for Christian lavman.
XiAZ.a.BXSTS. This is the popular
name for the "Congregation of the Priests
of the Mission," founded by St. Vincent
of Paul in 1624, and established a few
years later in the College of St. Lazare at
i'aris. St. Vincent, being engaged as a
tutor in the family of the Countess de
Joigny, was summoned one day to the
sick-bed of one of her vassals, a well-to-
do peasant held in general e.steem, who
desired to make bis confession to him.
Pressing the inquiry firmly into the state
of the man's soul, St. Vincent discovered
with consternation that he bad the burden
of several unconfes^ed mortal sins on his
con.science, in spite of which he had been
going on for many years making sacri-
legious confessions and communicating.
Being brought by the saint to a proper
sense of the enormity of his conduct the
man was very grateful, and declared with-
out scruple his conviction that he owed
more than his hfe to St. Vincent. The
countess, hearing what had happened,
entreated the holy man to preach in the
church of ToUeville (near Amiens), where
most of the congregation were her vassals,
on the sin and danger incurred by making
bad confessions. The consciences of the
hearers werearo used, and numbers crowded
to the confessional who had hitherto made
no use, or a bad use, of it. The countess
now conceived the idea of founding and
endowing an institute for the purpose of
preaching missions in country districts.
She desired Vincent to obtain if possible
the services of Jesuits or French Ora-
torians ; but neither society was able to
undertalie the work at the time. Finally
it was arranged that Vincent, aided by
several pious secular priests, who had for
some years been associated with him in his
various works of mercy and instruction,
should commence the missions ; that the
institute should be established in the
College des Bons Enfans, ottered for the
purpose by the Archbishop of Paris : that
the countess should endow it with forty
thousand livres ; but that Vincent should
not leave her house while she lived. Thus
was the institute founded in the March of
1624; the countess died the same year.
The congreffation (which was coufii-med
by a bull of Urban VIII. in 1632) had a
threefold end — the sanctification of its
own members, the work of the missions,
and the training of an exemplary clergy.
As a rule, eight months in the year were
devoted to missions, which were conducted
nearly on the same plan on which Re-
demptorist and Pas.>ionist missions are
conducted at the present day. St. Vin-
cent, having lived to see twenty-five
houses of the new institute established—
in France, Italy, and Poland — died in
1660, being eighty-five years old. It has
been already stated that the congregation
removed to the College of St. Lazare
(which had belonged to the regular
canons of St. Victor) in 1632. It was a
spacious site, and the third superior-
general, Edmond Joly, erected on it the
vast range of buildings still seen there.
St. Vincent of Paul was beatified in 1729.
and canonised in 1737. In the time of
H61yot — that is, early in the last cent ury —
there were eighty-four Louses of the in-
554 LEAGUE OF THE CROSS
LECTION OR LESSON
stitute in nine provinces, whereof six were
in France, two in Italy, and one in Poland.
Some of the fathers showed an inclination
towards Jim.senism and refused to accept
the bull " Unigeuitus ; " but the firm and
prudent government of the general of
that day, M. Bonnet, checked in time the
evil tendency. At the Revolution St.
Lazare was twice plundered by the mob ;
several of the fathers were massacred in
September 1792; and those who would
not take the condemned oath were driven
out of France, their property being con-
iiscated. The maison St. Lazare was
turned into, and still remains, a prison for
women. Under the first Napoleon the con-
gregation was allowed to re-enter France,
and under the Restoration the grant was
made to it of a house in the Rue de
Sevres in lieu of St. Lazare. The mis-
sions left vacant in China and the Levant
on the suppression of the Jesuits in 1773
were transferred to the Lazarists. Twenty
or thirty years ago the congregation num-
bered about 700 members ; at the present
day it is probably much more numerous.
There are seven houses in the British
isles — one in England, one in Scotland,
and five in Ireland.
IiEACVZ: OF THS CROSS. The
Catholic Total Abstinence League of the
Cross was founded in 1873, for the pur-
pose of uniting Catholics, both clergy and
laity, in a holy warfare against intemper-
ance, and of thereby raising the religious,
social, and domestic state of our Catholic
people, especially of the working classes.
"Total abstinence from intoxicating drinks
is for all persons the surest safeguard, and
for vast numbers the only safeguard, from
intemperance. Those, therefore, who ab-
stain i'rom intoxicating drinks for the
sake of Christian prudence towards them-
selves, or of Christian charity towards
others, by so doing please Almighty God."
The fundamental rules of the League
are : —
1. The pledge is of total abstinence,
and is taken without limit as to time.
2. Only Catholics can become mem-
bers of the League.
3. All members, after they have joined
the League, must live as good, practical
Catholics.
4. No one who is not a practical
Catholic can, as long as he fails to prac-
tise his religion, hold any office in the
League.
The form of the pledge is: "I promise
to you. Rev. Father, and to the League
of the Holy Cross, by the help of God's
grace, to abstain from all intoxicating-
drinks." To this is usually added : " And
I also promise to be faithful in the prac-
tices 01 my holy religion." The pledge is
not an oath or a vow, and is not of itself
binding under sin. But it would be a ,sin
for those to break the pledge who know-
that they would thereby expose them-
selves to the danger of intemperance.
Many indulgences have been granted to
members by the Holy See. (From the
abstract of the Constitution and Rules of
the League of the Cross.) [See also the
art. Temperance.]
IiECTBRN-, ZiSCTUBXr, OR
liETTERN. The reading-desk, called
also pulpitum or amho (q. v.), but most
frequently lectorum. It is made of
wood, stone, or metal, often in the shape
of an eagle, whose outspread wings
formed the stand for the volume to rest
upon.
IiSCTZOir OR XiESSON {Lectio,
avayvwdis). Some details on this subject
have been given under Epistle, Gos-
pel, Beeviaky. But something remains
to be said now on the history of lections
in general, and on the variety of practice
which separates the ancient from the
modern, and again the Eastern from the
Western Church.
There was a far more extensive and
continuous use of Scripture in the public
services of the early Church than there
is among us. Usually speaking, our
people only hear the Gospel and Epistle
read in the Mass, with the psalms and
the little chapter (scarcely more than a
verse or two), usually from the Epistle,
at vespers and compline on Sundays or
great leasts. In the primitive Chui-ch it
was very different. Thus St. Augustine
("Praef. Exposit. in 1 Joann.") says that
he " was accustomed to handle (tractare)
the Gospel according to John in the
order of the lessons ; " and that, although
this order had been necessarily interrupted
by lessons for special solemnities, the con-
tinuous reading had only been " inter-
mitted, not omitted." In this way
Genesis was read in Lent, Job in Holy
Week, Acts between Easter and Pente-
cost, &c., &c. Our Breviary lessons for
the first nocturn are no doubt a relic of
this custom. But they are only a relic,
partly because they are very incomplete,
partly because the multiplication of festi-
vals causes many even of the portions
given in the office to be left out altogether;
above all because the laity, as a rule,
cannot assist at those Breviary offices..
LECTIONARY
LECTOR
555
Chrysostom, says Mr. Scrivener, referring
to " Horn. X. in Joann.," exhorts his
hearers to peruse and mark the passages
{rreptKOTrai) of the Gospels which were to
he publicly read to them the ensuing
Saturday and Sunday. (See his "Intro-
duction to the Criticism of the New Testa-
ment," 2nd ed. p. 60seq.) These sections,
still preserved with little alteration in
the modern Greelv Church, are very dif-
ferent from our Gospels and Epistles.
They contain the whole text of the
Gospels, and at least nearly the whole
text of the Acts and St. Paul's Epistles.
On the other hand, while the Greeks read
the Gospel on Sunday mornings in the
office as well as in the liturgy, their daily
offices contain no lessons from Scripture.
It is certain, however, that the cus-
tom of introducing lections in the Breviary
office, still maintained in the West, was
at one time fiimiliar to the Eastern
churches. The Council of Laodicea, canon
17, requires a lesson to be read alter each
psalm, and Ca>sian (" Ccenob. Inst." ii. 4)
mentions that the Egyptian monks read
two lections, one from the New, one from
the Old, Testament, after each series of
twelve psalms. This practice was already
very ancient even in his time. At the end
of the sixth century Ht late,'<t, as appears
from Gregory tlie Great (Epist. xii. 24)
and from the rule of St. Benedict, not
only Scripture but also homilies upon it
by Fathers and Doctors of the Church
were read in the office. Charlemagne, in
a "Constitutio de Emendatione Librorum
et Officiorum," of 788, caused these lec-
tions from the Fathers to be revised and
altered by Paul the Deacon. We have
earlier evidence for tlie custom of reading
the Acts of the Martyrs, which had begun
before St. Augustine's time (Serm. cccxv.
c. 1).
XiECXXOXTARV. The oldest Latin
Lectiouary was known as tbe "Comes"
(i.e. the cleric's "companion") — the
" Comes Major" if it contained theEpistles
and Gospels for the year in full, the
"Comes Minor" if it merely noted the
beginning and end of the portions read.
The authorship was attributed to St.
Jerome, and although there is no sufficient
evidence for this belief, the Comes must
have been compiled about St. Jerome's
time, for it is mentioned by name in a
document dated 471 (Mahillon, " De Re
Diplomat." 1. vi. 4S2 scq., edit. .3 Neapoli).
It has, however, undergone serious alter-
ations. A Gallicau Lectionary contain-
ing sections from the Prophets, Epistles,
and Gospels, was discovered by Mahillon,
and edited by him ("De Liturg. GaU."
torn. ii.). It is written in Merovingian
characters, recognises among the few
feasts which it names tliat of St. Gene-
vieve, and usually assigns three lections
to each Mass, after the manner of the
ancient Galilean Liturgy.
In the Greek church the Lectionaries
consist of lessons from the Gospels
{(vayyeXiaTupui) ; from the Acts and Epi.s-
tles (7rpa|u7roo-roXoi) ; while a few books
known as aTroo-ToXofuay-ytXia have les.^ons
taken both from the Gospels and Apo-
stolic writings. Traces of Church lessons
occur in MSS. of the fifth and sixth cen-
turies— viz. in the Alexandrine MS and
in the Codex Rezse. Of Greek Lection-
aries in separate volumes, none perhaps
are older than the eighth century. The
general name for tables of lessons, corre-
sponding to the " Comes Minor " in Latin,
is (Tvva^dpiov ; for tables of week-day
lessons e'fcXoydSia (rcoi' 8' eunyyeXurTuiv or
Tov cnroa-ToXov) while tables of lessons for
Saints' days are called pTjvoXoyia. The
oldest known Synaxarion is prefixed to the
Codex Cyprius (K),of the eighth or ninth
century; another is found in the Codex
Campensis (M), which is perhaps a little
later. An elaborate account of the Greek
lessons will be found in Scrivener
(" Plain Introduction to the Criticism of
the N.T."), from whom the latter part of
this article has been taken.
XiECTOR (di/ayi/oJOTijs). A cleric,
in minor orders, whose duty originally
consisted in reading the Church lessons.
The great antiquity of the order — the
second of the minor orders among the
Latins, the first among the Greeks — is
proved by the facts that it is mentioned
by Cornelias, Bishop of Rome, in the
middle of the third century (apud Euseb.
"H.E." vi. 4.'3), and that it is common to
sects who differ from each other, and
who separated from the Catholic Church
in the fifth century — viz. Copts, Syrian
Jacobites and Nestorians, not to speak of
the schismatic Greeks. The Ethiopians,
indeed, ignore this order, but it is men-
tioned in their ancient canons and coun-
cils. (Deuzinger, " Ritus Orientalium,"
torn. i. p. 118.)
The very form of ordination, as it
still exists with very slight alteration
among us at the present day, is given in
canon 8 of the so-called Fourth Council of
Carthage, at the close of the fourth cen-
tury. The bishop is to give the book
(codicem) from which the Lector is to
636
LEGATE
LEGEND, THE GOLDEN
read, with the words " Take it, and be a
reader of the word of God, to have, if
thou fulfil thy office faithfullj- and use-
fully, part with those who have ministered
the'word of God."
The Greeks, according to Chardon
(" Histoire des Sacraments," torn. iv. ch.
2), have from ancient times ordained
their Readers by imposition of hands,
the handing of the book after ordination
being among them comparatively modern.
As to the other Oriental rites, the Jacob-
ites, Copts and Syrians do not, the
Xestorians do, confer this order by laying
on of hands : all of them hand the book
at the end of the ordination rite, but
without any form of words. (Denzinger,
torn. i. p. 134.)
Besides reading in church, the Lec-
tors were also employed as secretaries to
bishops and priests. They were often
younger than the Ostiarii or Porters, for
the Lectorate was the first order con-
erred on young clerics (Chardon, loc. cit.)
The Roman Pontifical also assigns to
them the office of blessing bread and the
new fruits, a duty first mentioned in
Pontificals of the years 600 and 700.
(Art. Lector in Wetzer and Welte.) At
present this order is regarded chiefly as a
step to the priesthood, and it is only in
the office of Good Friday that the Missal
recognises their functions.
Altogether distinct from the Lectors
just described are the " Lector MensEe,"
or reader at table in religious houses ; the
" Lector dignitarius," who regulated the
reading of the lessons in some cathedral
churches ; and theLectores — i.e. lecturers
or professors — in monasteries and uni-
versities.
LEGATE. Among the Romans
legati were either ambassadors, or officers
of high rank appointed with the sanction
of the senate to assist a dictator, consul,
or proconsul in the performance of his
duties, military or civil. In modern
acceptation the term is confined to ec-
clesiastics representing the Holy See and
armed with its authority. Legates are
of three kinds — legates a latere, emis-
saries or nuncios {legati missi, nuntii, in-
ternuntii), and legates by virtue of their
office {legati nati). Tlie dignity of a
legate a latere is, and has long been, con-
fined to cardinals, though in former times
it was not so : e.g. Pandulf, the legate
sent by Innocent III. to receive the sub-
mission of King John, was OJily a sub-
deacon. Legates a Int.ere are either
ordinary or extraordinary : the first govern
provinces belonging to the Ecclesiastical
State — such as were (before 1860) the
Romagna and the March of Ancona — in
the Pope's name ; the second class are
deputed to visit foreign Courts on extra-
ordinary occasions, such as a negotiation
for a peace, or arrangements for a general
council, &c. Legati missi correspond to
the ambassadors and ministers maintained
by secular States at foreign capitals.
Formerly they were called apocrisiarii
[Apoceisiaeitjs] : now, nuncios or in-
ternuncios— the latter being of inferior
rank. Legati nati are, or were, arch-
bishops to whose sees by an ancient Papal
concession the legatine authority was per-
manently attached : as was the case with
Canterbury in England, and Salzburg and
Prague in Germany.
All three classes of legates above
mentioned formerly enjoyed an ample,
and even an immediate, jurisdiction, as
representing the Holy See, in the pro-
vinces where they resided. Hence fre-
quent collisions with episcopal authority
arose. To put an end to these conflicts,
the Council of Trent ^ decreed that legates,
even those de latere, nuncios, ecclesiasti-
cal governors, or others, v\ ere not to pre-
sume, on the strength of any faculties
whatsoever, to impede the bishops in
matrimonial causes or in those of ciimi-
nous clerks, nor in any way to curtail or
disturb their jurisdiction ; nor, on the
other hand, were they to take proceedings
against clerks or other ecclesiastical per-
sons, unless after recourse had been had
to the bishop and he had neglected to act.
The jurisdiction of legates is now, there-
fore, chiefly appellate. (Ferraris, Legatus ;
article by Phillips in Wetzer and Welte.)
X.ECEII'D, THE GOXiOEXr. By
this name is known the earliest collection
made in the West cf the Lives of Saints,
as the work of Metaphrastes was the
earliest Greek collection of the same kind.
The compiler was Jacobus de Voragine
(so named from his birthplace, Varaggia,
near Genoa), archbishop of Genoa in the
thirteenth century. The " Legenda "
contains 177 chapters, each of which
treats of a saint or a festival, according
to the order of the ecclesiastical calendar.
There is an entire absence of critical dis-
crimination in the use of materials. The
work became very popular, was trans-
lated into several languages, and is said
to have passed through more than a
hundred editions. Capgrave's " Legenda
Anglise," a work of the fifteenth century,
1 Sess. xxiv. cap. 20, De Ret.
LEGITIMATION
LEGITIMATION 557
printed by Caxton, was doubtless modelled j
upon the " Golden Legend," the success of
which must have encouraged Lipomani
and Surius in their labours, and prepared
the ground for the great compilation of
the IBollandists.
X.SCXTZnXA.TZOK' BT SITBSS-
QVEXTT MARRIAGE. The Civil Law ,
and the Law of the Church agree in
ascribing so great efficacy to the marriage
tie that it is held to spread itself over,
reach back to, and legitimate the birth of
children to the same parties before the
marria^'e. The Civil Law recognised this
principle somewhat less unreservedly than
the Canon, inasmuch as it ascribed a cer- j
tain measure of relative lawfulness to the
relation of concubinage. Against this the ,
Church set its face, refusing to allow that ,
there could be any lawful union between
persons of opposite sex except by the way i
of marriage, and treating the child of a !
concubine as in no superior position,
legally, to the child of a courtesan.
However long a time may have passed,
even though the father may have had a
lawful wife and children in the interval,
nevertheless, the first wife being dead,
marriage with the mother of his natm-al ,
children, even although he may be no
longer capable of being a father, or be on
the bed of death, legitimates the children ^
of the illicit union, and makes them as
capable of inheriting as if they had been
born in wedlock. The reason is that the
Church, like Christ, wliom she represents
in the world, yearns over her erring
children, and desires to leave open for :
them a locus poenitmtia : and this all the
more because the temporal interests and
natural feelings of the innocent children
are promoted and consulted by such ,
lenity. |
All that has been said, however, pro- |
ceeds upon the assumption that at the [
time when the natural children were con-
ceived or born the parties were free to
marry. It is only in that case that the
efficacy of the subsequent marriage can
be held to reach back to the illicit union.
If either the father or the mother was
married at the time of the birth of the
child, it is the otispring of adultery, and
no subsequent man-iage can legitimate it.
It has been strenuously maintained by
many canonists that if one of the parties
was not free to marry at the time of the
conception of the cliiid, even though such
freedom existed at the date of birth, the
child is adulterine, and cannot be legiti-
mated by subsequent marriage. The |
tendency of opinion, however, has for a
long time past been towards the doctrine
that the question should be decided simply
by the date of birth ; and that if at that
time either party were so circumstanced
that he or she could not possibly, even
with the aid of a dispensation, have
married the other, the child cannot be
afterwards legitimated ; but not other-
wise.
A letter addressed by Benedict XIV.,
writing as a private doctor, to the Arch-
bishop of St. Domingo, in 1744, discusses
this important subject in all its bearings
with the utmost lucidity and force.
The Common Law of England follow-
ing, it may be supposed, some ancient
Teutonic custom, does not all w that
children born out of wedlock can be
legitimated, or am inherit, through a
subsequent marriage between the parties.
This was decided so far back as 1 23('). At
a council of the great men of the king-
dom held at Merton, the bishops, who had
found that collisions were of frequent
occurrence between the spiritual and
secular jurisdictions on account of their
different views on this question — persons
being bastardised by the one who were
legitimated and held capable of inheriting
by the other — "requested that the king's
writs should no longer direct them to in-
quire specially whether the individual in
question were born before or after mar-
riage, but generally whether he were
legitimate or not. They objected to the
practice of the other courts : (1) that it
was contrary to the Roman and Canon
Law ; (2) that it was unjust, because it
deprived of the right of inheritance the
issue of clandestine marriages, though
such marriages were not annulled by any
law; and (3) that it was inconsistent
with itself, because, while it bastardised
the child bom, it legitimated the child
that was only conceived before marriage,
though in both cases the moral guilt" of
the parents was exactly the same. But
their arguments were fruitless. The earls
and barons unanimously returned the
answer ' which has been so often repeated
and applauded : ' We will not change the
old and approved laws of England.' " ^
This difference continues to exist ; and
since the marriage law of all countries in
continental Europe, Protestant as well
as Catholic, is based either on the Roman
or the Canon Law, it is a common prac-
tice for English parents of natural children
1 " X. liiuius lejjes Ani;liae mutare."
" Lingard, UUt. of Eng. ii, 245.
56^
LENT
LENT
to settle, marry, and become naturalised
abroad, so that their offspring-, under the
milder sway of the Canon Law, may
cease to suffer from that slur of bastardy
from which in England nothing can ever
deliver them. (Ferraris, Legitimntio)
IiCirT. A fast of forty days pre-
ceding Easter, kept, after the example of
Moses, Elias, and, above all, of Christ
Himself, in order to prepare the faithful
for the Easter feast, and also of course on
account of the general advantages to be
derived from a long- period of penance.
Tlie Greek and Latin names for the fast
(^ea-aaftaKooTTi, Quadrar/i'simd) indicate the
number of days. The Italian Qnaresima
and the French Careme come from the
Latin ; the German Fastenzeit and the
Dutch Vasten denote the fast by pre-
eminence, like 17 vrjo-Tdci in the Greek
calendar ; our own word Lent comes
from the Anglo-Saxon Lcncten, i.e. spring
{cf. German Lenz, Dutch Levfe, spring).
There is no mention in Scripture of
the ob.-^ervance of Lent, or, indeed, of any
determined time for fasting among Chris-
tians. In Acts xxvii. 9, St. Paul and his
companions are said to have put to sea at
a dangerous time, viz. " when the fast
was already over." But the fast in view
was evidently the one Jewish fast com-
manded in the law, that on the Day of
Atouement, the tenth of Tisri. At that
time the autumnal equinox was past, and,
as a rule, no more voyages were under-
taken for the seas m.
There is, h uvever, proof that Lent, in
the general sense of a fast preceding
Easter, has been known fi'om, or nearly
from. Apostolic times. ThusTertullian, in
his Montanist treatise on fasting, tells us
that according to his Catholic adverearies
those days were ."Jet a])art f)r fasting
"under "the Gospel dispensation {in
Eianf/<^'lio)\a which the Spouse was taken
away " (" De Jejun." 2; cf. 13), wheieas
the Montanists kept additional fasts. An
earlier writer, Irenffius (apud Euseb.
" H. E." V. 24), si)eaks of the fast before
Easter, and the dilierent modes of observ-
ance which prevailed in dillerent places.
The words occur in a letter to Victor, who
was Bishop of Rome from about 190 till
202; and it is iu)portant to notice that
TriMi.-eus says the difference of ohservance
was no new thing, but had arisen " even
long before, in a past gniieration" {k<u
noXv TTfiOTfpov eVi tcov tt/ju rjUMv). It is
plain also that from very early times the
Lenten fast, whatever its duraiiou may
have been, was considered obligatory.
This is clearly implied in the language
of Tertullian in the passages quoted above:
" dies jejuniis determinatos ; ' "coustituta
esse solemnia hide fidei scripturis vel
traditione majorum." Passages to the
same effect abound in the later literature
of the Church. The Coimcil of Gangra,
in the middle of the fourth century, ana-
thematises (Can. 19) those who neglected
to keep the fasts " observed by the
Church." Jerome, Ep. 41, lays down the
strict obligation of keeping the Lenten
fast (see also Ambrose : e.g. " De Noe et
Area," 13). A number of similar state-
ments may be seen in Thomassm, "Traits
des Jennes,"' Part L ch. v. A famous
incident, mentioned by Sozomen (" H. E."
i. 11), and often alleged against the
Catholic practice, is really an exception
which proves the rule. There the story
is told of a Bishop Spyridon, who, having
no other food, not even bread or floui-, in
the house, gave an exhausted traveller
swine's flesh at the beginning of Lent,
and bade him eat it without scruple.
But the stranger at first refused to eat it,
on the ground that he was a Christian;
and the bishop before furnishing this food
" prayed and begged pardon " of Heaven.
All things, as the bishop argued, are pure
to the pure, and then, as now, the Leuten
ride yielded to charity and uece.'-sity.
We have taken Lent hitherto in its
widest acceptation, as meaning a fast of
some sort before Easter, and in Ante-
Nicene Fathers, so far as we are aware,
no clear notice occurs of a fast consisting
even approximately of forty days. In a
very obscure and possibly corrupt passage
of Irenieus (apud Euseb. v. 24) the Bene-
dictine editor Massuet (Diss. ii. 23 seq.)
sees an allusion to the forty days with
which we are now familiar. He under-
stands the saint to say that some kept
the fast of extraordinary strictness known
as xeropliagy for one day, others for two
or more, others for all the forty days of
Lent. This is a possible and even plau-
sible explanation, but it cannot be con-
sidered certain, and many scholars. Ca-
tholic and Protestant, believe that Irenreus
refers to an absolute fist from all food
during two or more days, or for forty
hours. However, from the early part of
the fourth century onwards, there are
many references to Lent as a period of
about forty days. The word retro-aparao-ri;
is found in Can. 5 of the Nicene, and
Can. 50 of the Laodicean, Council, the
latter being held, according to llel'ele,
somewhere between 343 and 881. Eveu
LENT
if the word was originally connected
with the forty hours during which Christ
lay in the tomb, it was taken in the
fourth centurj- at least to mean a period
of forty days. St. Gregory Nyssen (torn,
ii. p. 253) reckons Lent as a time of
rather less than two months; while, in
the West, St. Augustine (Ep. Iv. c. 15,
"Ad Januar.") connects the fast of
Quadrageilma with the forty days' fast of
Moses and Elias. Still in this century,
and the next also, the duration of Lent
varied very con.^iderably in different ,
ohurches. Socrates ("H. E." v. 22) ex-
presses his surprise that all used the
same name TeaaapaKoarf) to describe a
fast which lasted in different places for
seven, six, or only three weeks. There
are no doubt inaccuracies in the state-
ment as Socrates makes it, but we see no
ground for questioning its correctness as
to the main fact. From Sozomen, also a
writer of the fifth century, we get more
trustworthy information. All Africa,
Egypt, Palestine and the Westerns geue-
raliy, he says (" H. £." \u. 19), kept Lent
for six weeks, the church of Constantinople
and the neighbouring provinces for seven, i
Cassian (" Collat.'" xxi. c. 24-27) says in j
general terms that some fasted seven, [
Others six, weeks, but he gives the rea-son
— viz. that some excepted Sundays and
Saturdays, others Sundays only, from i
the fast. St. Ambrose (•' De Ella et
Jejuuio,'' c. 10) recognises the exemption
from fasting on both days. The practice, •>
however, of the Roman Church and of [
most Latins was to fast six weeks ex- |
cepting Sundays — i.e. for thirty-six days. I
The usage of Constantinople, on the other j
hand, prevailed in the East, and the '
Council in Trullo, in 6'J2, ordered ( Can.
55) that there should be no fasting on ,
Saturdays in Lent, and no Mass said ex- i
cept on Saturdays, Sundays, and the feast ',
of the Annunciation (Can. 52). Mass
and fasting are in tlie minds of the
Greeks incompatible, so that they ob-
served seven weeks or thirty-five days of
fastine — all Saturdays except Holy Satur-
day, the feast of the Annunciation, and
all Sundays, being deducted.
However, more than a century before
the Council in Trullo the Greeks could j
fairly claim lo count forty days in tlieir
Lent. True, it is only on the Monday in
(Juinquagesima week that they enter on
the strict abstinence both from flesh meat
and ladicinin, and so Quinquagesima is
called by them t^s Tvpo(f>ayov. because,
according to their way of calculating, it [
LENT 559
ends the week in which cheese, &c., may
be eaten. But after Sexagesima Sunday
(hence named rrjs dn-oxpfo)) no meat is
eaten, and this their present custom was
already in force under the Emperor
Justinian in 546 (see Fleury, " Ilist."
livr. xxxiii. No. 23, and cf. Thomassin,
Part IL ch. i.).
Various attempts were made in the
West to complete the number of forty
days. St. Ambrose ;Serm. 34) blames
the custom of those who began the fast
in Quinquagesima week, and the Fourth
Council of Orleans (anno 541 ; Can. 2)
hkewise enforces uniformity and censures
those who began Lent with Sexagesima
or Quinquagesima. The Eighth Council
of Toledo (Canon 9: anno 653) expresses
a feeling then and earlier very common
in the Church, when it describes the
thirty-six days of Lent as a tithe of the
year which Christians dedicated to God.
But the monks aimed at greater strict-
ness, for the "Eegula Magistri'' which
Thomassin places at the beginning of the
seventh century, enjoins religious to fast
three days Ln Sexagn-sima and three in
Quinquagesima week, in order to supply
for the six Sundays of Lent which were
not fast-days.
At last the Latin Chtirch added the
four days of fasting before the first
Sunday in Lent, which now began with
Ash Wednesday. This new discipline is
recognised in Canon 76 of the Council of
Meaux (anno 846), and it appears from
the words of the monk Ratramnus, who
wrote about the same time, that these
additional days were observed by the
Roman Church and in the West gene-
rally. Still in the eleventh century St.
Martjaret of Scotland (Surius, Junii die
10) had to introduce the habit of begin-
ning Lent with Ash Wednesday among
her subjects ; and St. Charles Boiromeo,
in the first council which he held, fully
acknowledged the right by which the
churches in the city of Milan and in
other parts of the diocese which had re-
tained the Ambrosian rite began Lent
with the first Sunday and thus main-
tained their ancient usage.
We can only touch lightly on the
other acts of piety by which Lent has
been sanctified from early times. It was
a season in which the faithful begged
God's mercy for themselves, and were
therefore expected to show mercy to
others. The money spared by fasting
was given in alms ; the Imperial laws
(see the references in Thomassin, Part I.
560 LIBELLATICl
LIBERA NOS
cb. xxvjii.) forbade criminal processes,
and wliile the Church reconciled peni-
tents at the altar, the emperors released
prisoners, masters pardoned their slaves,
and enemies became friends. It was a
season of mourning-, and hence the
Ciiiu'ch has always strono-ly discounte-
nanced festivities of all kinds during
L-nt. Lastly, the body is mortified, in
order that the soul may be invigorated,
and so from early times communions,
sermons and spiritual exercises generally
have been multiplied in Lent. (Thomas-
sin, "Traits des Jeunes," Paris, 1685.
Liemke, "Die Quadragesimalfasten der
Kirclie," Muiichen, 1853.)
x.ZBEi.i,ATZcz. [See Lapsed.]
X.XB1BX.Z.Z Piiczs. [See Lapses '
and Indulgences.]
X.zbz:r BZURSTVS. An ancient
collection of formularies used in the
Roman church. The learned Jesuit
Garnier supposes that it was compiled
shortly after 714. It has been divided
by Garnier into seven chapters, which
are subdivided into " titles." The seven
chapters treat of the following subjects :
(1) formularies used by the Pope in
writing to the Emperor, Exarch, Consul,
Patriarchs, Archbishop of Ravenna, &c. ;
(2) formularies for the election and con-
secration of the Pope, with the accom-
panying notice to the Emperor, Exarch,
&c. ; {•i) for the election and consecration
of the episcopi suburbicarii ; (4) four
fornudaries for giving the Pallium ; (5)
twenty-one formularies for despatch of
business with Italian bishops consecrated
by tlie Pope ; (6) on the administration
and alienation of the property of the
Roman church ; (7) on privileges granted
by the Popes to monasteries and other
ecclesiastical institutes.
Fragments of the " Liber Diurnus "
occur in the mediaeval canonists, but the
book in its entirety was long unknown.
An edition was prepared at Rome in
1660 by Lucas Holstenius, but prohibited
by the Roman censors; and the first
edition which actually appeared was that
of Garnier (Paris, 1680), with learned
introduction, notes, and dissertations.
Additions were made by Mabillon in his
" Museum Italicum." These additions
and various readings were used by Ilolf-
mann for the edition in his " Nova
CoUectio," torn. ii. Garnier's edition
with Mabillon's additions has been re-
printed by Migne in his " Patrologia."
XiZBZIR PEM'ZTEN'TZil.I.ZS. [See
Penitential Books.]
X.ZBER POKTTZFZCAXiZS. [See-
Ohubch History.]
IiZBER SEPTXJVZVS. Bj this
name are known two different collections,
neither of which is of authority. I.
Pierre ^lattliieu, of Lyons, made a collec-
tion of Dt crctals from the pontificate of
Gregory XI. to tliat of Sixtus V., arranged
them in five books and a certain number
of titles, according to the classification
prevailing in the " Corpus Juris," and
printed them in 1590. They have been
included in two or three editions of the
"Coi-pus," but are generally held to have
no validity as a collection ; the separate
Decretals have whatever authority they
may possess apart from their inclusion in
this " Liber Septimus." 2. It was under
contemplation in the time of Clement
VIII. (151)2-1605) to publish under this
name a collection of recent Papal Consti-
tutions and conciliar decrees, including
those of the Council of Trent. The book
was actually printed in 1598, but was
suppressed through the well-grounded
fear that as soon as it appeared it would
be glossed and commented for use in the
courts, and that in this way the order of
Pius IV. (1564), reserving to the Holy
See the interpretation of the Tridentiue
decrees would be nullified. (Wetzer and
WelLe, art. by Kober.)
X.ZBER SEXTXTS. The Sext ("Liber
Sextus Decretalium ; " see art. on Canon
Law) was compiled by order of Boniface
VIII. and published in 1298. It received
its name with reference to the five books
of Decretals published by order of Gre-
gory IX., but is itself divided, like that
earlier collection, into five books and a.
certain number of titles.
ZtZBERii. WOS, &.C. A responsory
sung by the choir after the Mass of tlie
dead and before the absolution of the
corpse. [See Absolution and Fune-
rals.]
XiZBERA sros, &.C. The embolis-
mus or continuation of the Lord's Prayer
in the Roman Mass. The prayer with
slight variation is found in the Gelasiau
and Gregorian Canons. The principal
changes that have been made are in the
mention of the saints At present only
the Blessed Virgin, St. Peter and St.
Paul (the founders of the Roman church),,
and St. Andrew, who was first called tO'
the Apostolate, are mentioned by name.
But other names occur in the Gregorian
canon — viz. Dionysius with Rusticus and
Eleutlierins and Cldodoaldus. Even in
the middle ages, as appears from th&
LLBERIUS
LIBERIUS 561
" Microlofrus," the officiating priest could
iidd names of saiuts here at discretion.
All the Western liturgies have a
prayer, not only correspouding to, but
resembling our " Libera nos." The prayer
in the Ambrosian Mass is merely a form
of our prayer with slight variations. The
Mozarabic prayer " Liberati a uialo " has
at le;xst a general reseiublance. The old
Galilean lituigy is furthest removed from
the Roman standard. There the con-
tinuation of the Lord's Prayer varies
■with the Mass. That for Christmas be-
gins "Libera nos, ouinipotens Deus, ab
omoi malo," &c. (Benedict XIV. " De
Missa." Hammond's " Liturgies, Eastern
and Western.")
ibZBSRZVS was Bishop of Rome
from 362 to 366. Because of the firm
support he gave to the Nicene faith, and
to Athanasius, its champion, he was
banished to Beroea by the Arian Em-
peror Constantius, some time after the
Synod of Milan in 355, the Arian Felix
being put in his place at Rome. Liberius
■was separated even from his companions
in exile in order to increase the rigour of
his punishment and break his constancy.
In 357 Constantius was in Rome, and
found that scarcely anyone communicated
with the usurper Felix, and that the
populace were clamouring for the recall
of Liberius. At last, nearly a year later,
the Emperor consented to restore Libe-
rius to his see. But on what conditions?
Many ancient documents (we shall have
fo examine their real value further on)
testify that Liberius bought his pardon
dear — viz. by condemning Athanasius,
communicating with heretical bishops, j
and subscribing a formula which denied, i
or at least betrayed, the Nicene faith.
This is the view, not only of Protestant,
but also of many Catholic historians. It
is held, e.g., bv Baronius ; Petavius, " De
Trin." i. 9; Bossuet, "Def. Cler. Gall." j
p. iii. lib. ix. c. 33 ; Fleury, Hist." livr. j
xiii. 46; Dollinger, " Papst-Fabelu" ; He-
fele, "Concil." (i. 681 sey.) ; and many j
otliers. On the other hand, the BollandLst
Stilting, " Acta SS." torn. vi. Sept. ;
Zaccaria, " De Commentitio Liberii
Lapsu"; Palma, " Praelect." tom. i. par.
2: and recently Reinerding, "Beitriige
zur Ilonorius- und Liberiusfrage," 1865 ;
and Cardinal Ilergeurotlier, " Kirchen-
geschichte" (vol. iii., 1880, p. 106 sey.), !
treat the "fall of Liberius" as an Arian j
fiction. The question has naturally as-
sumed great prominence from its bearing |
on the Pfvpal infallibility. In this article |
we treat of the historical fact and of its
dogmatic import separately.
Theodoret, Socrates, and Sulpicius
Severus are altogether silent on the fall
of Liberius, and we may fairly take their
silence as proof either that they had not
heard of or else did not believe it. But
we have, on the other hand, the distinct
and contemporary evidence of Athanasius
twice repeated : " Liberius, being exiled,
later on, after a period of two years, gave
way (SiKKaae) and, in fear of the death
with which he was threatened, subscribed
{(pojSqdAs Tov aneiXovfifvov Bdmrov vn-
typayj/ev). But even this shows their vio-
lence, and the hatred of Liberius against
the heresy, and his decision {\p-ri<f)ov) for
Athanasius when his will was free. For
things done through torments contrary
to the original judgment — these are not
acts of will on the part of those who have
been put to fear, but of those who inflict
the torture " (" Eplst. ad Monach. et
Hist. Arian." 41). He speaks to much
the same efi'ect in the '' Apol. contr.
Arian." 89. " 0 -wretched man that you
are," says another contemporary, St.
Hilary, addressing Constantius ("Contr.
Constant. Imper." c. 11); "I know not
whether there was greater wickedness in
your banishing him [Liberius] than iu
your sending him back " (" nescio utrum
majore impietate relegaveris quam re-
miseris "). This looks like an allusion to
the price Liberius had to pay for his
recall. Sozomen (" H. E." iv. 15) gives
us the details. " Constantius," he says,
"united the delegates from the bishops
of the East [i.e. from the Semi-Aiian
Council of Ancyra] to the prelates who
happened to be present with him iu the
Court at Sirmium. They combined the
definitions of the Antiochene Council in
209 against Paul of Samosata and those
of Sirmium against Photinus with the
symbol of the Antiochene Council of
341 " (probably Sozomen refers to the
fourth of their symbols), " and persuaded
Liberius to subscribe the new formula or
collection of old formulas in which the
word ' consubstantial ' was abandoned.
They brought him to take this step by
telling him that the ofiiwva-ws was a mere
cloak for Sabellianism. Liberius, how-
ever, insisted that he who did not confess
the Son to be in essence and in all things
like the Father was to be excommuni-
cate." Lastly, Jerome, in his Chronicle,
says of Liberius, " overcome by the weari-
ness of exile, setting his name to heretical
error, he entered Rome as a conqueror."
0 o
562 LIBERIUS
LIBERIUS
And again, " Catal. Script." 97, he charges
Fortunatianus of Aquileia with compel-
ling Liberius to subscribe heresy.
This surely is a fourfold cord of
evidence not easily broken. All the
witnesses are of great, two (Athanasius
and Hilary) of the greatest conceivable
weight. And all the accounts are at once
independent of and consistent with each
other. Liberius would make no terms
with the Auomceans, or extreme Arians,
but he did communicate with the semi-
Arians, who condemned Athanasius, and
abandoned the touch-stone of orthodoxy
— viz. the Nicene term ofioovcrios. He
subscribed the Semi-Arian formula which
was compiled from older documents and
is known as the third formula of Sir-
mium.' But he did all this under fear,
consented to omit the ofioovcrtos only
when persuaded that it was understood
in an heretical {i.e. Sabellian) sense, and
he accompanied his subscription with a
protest against pronounced Arianism. We
can easily understand why Athanasius
speaks with such touching gentleness of
Liberius in the moment of his infirmity.
Moreover, Liberius soon recovered himself
from his full, for we find him confirming
the orthodox Council of Alexandria in
36-2.
Stilting and his numerous followers,
who exculpate Liberius altogether, are
driven to expedients which we cannot
help regarding as desperate. They ex-
plain away the words of Hilary, regard
Jerome and Sozomen as deceived by
Arian rumours, and try to show that the
deci.^i\ e words of Athanasius are interpo-
lations. " Hilary's words," says Cardinal
Hergeiiriither, " may only mean that on
this occasion also [i.e. in the recall of
Liljerius] Gonstantius displayed his im-
piety." But how could he display in re-
calling Liberius impiety greater or equal
to that which he had shown in driving
him from his see if he allowed him to
return to it without dishonourable con-
ditions? Next, as to the places in St.
Athanasius. Undoubtedly it is true that
the passage in the " Hist. Ar. ad Mon."
did not belong to the original draft sent
to the monks, for it was written before
the supposed fall of Liberius; but then
Athanasius begged them (see the intro-
ductory epistle, c. 3) to send the letter
back, and afterwards (" Epist. ad Serap."
I This is f;iven as hlLrhly probable, for his-
torians (lifter much a.s to the particular formuhi
figneil by Liberius. See Newman's Arians,
2r.d ed. p' 332, and Hossuet, loc. cil.
i. 1) he forwarded it to Ms friend th.'
Bishop Serapion, and there is not thi'
least difficulty in supposing that Athana-
sius completed his history by adding to
it the account of an event which had
happened in the interval. The same
chronological objection is made to the
second passage from Athanasius, and is
disposed of by Hefele just in the same
way. Besides, it is hard even to imagine
what could have led to the interpolation
of the passages. Certainly they were not
forged in the interests of Arianism. In
style and tone they are every way worthy
of St. Athanasius, while the statement
they make explains, and at the same time
is confirmed by, the words of Hilary.
We should have to think much more
severely of Liberius if certain Fragments
attributed to Hilary (particularly Frag-
ments iv.-vi.) and the letter of the
Pope incorporated in Fragment vi. were
genuine. In Fragment vi. Liberius is
called an " apostate " and a " traitor "
{prfBvarirafor) and anathematised three
times; while Liberius himself makes a
formal and deliberate confession of Arian
belief. The Fragment containing these
letters was supposed by the Benedictine
editor Constant to belong to a lost work
of Hilary against Ursaeius and Valens.
There is nothing to allege in favour of
this supposition except a note in the
margin of the MS., " Sanctus Hilarius illi
[sc. Liberio] anathema dicit." And there
are the strongest reasons for rejecting the
Fragment as none of Hilary's, and regard-
ing the letters of Liberius as suppositi-
tious. We must refer the reader for the
arguments drawn from chronological
errors, the barbarism of the style, the
clumsiness and unnatm-alness of the for-
gery, to Hefele. He thinks the letters
were forged in the name of Liberius and
in the Anomoean interest by a " Graecu-
lus " who had but a very slight know-
ledge of I^atin. Even Mr. Renouf,
though opposed to Ilefele's view, and
much more hostile to Liberius, is obliged
to give up part at least of Fragment vi.
as spurious.'
It is amazing that anyone after an
impartial consideration of the facts should
have pressed them into the service of
Gallicanism. Liberius, at the time of
his fall, taught nothing and imposed no
' The writer of tliis article, thouph he has
rend Mr. Renours pamphlets, h>is not a copy at
his ciimmand, and taljes the reference (Cnnrfem-
nalinn of Pope Hnnorius, p. 41) from Hergea-
rolhcr.
LIBRARIES
LIBRARIES 663
belief. Resides, if the Pope is to teach
e.i cathedra, common sense requires that
be should be free. Liberius, on the con-
trary, subscribed the Semi-Ariau formula
separated from his friends and counsellors
and in terror of death. It is as if, to
borrow an illustration of Cardinal New-
man, an English Chief Justice were
hurried away by bandits, kept without
notes, books, or counsel, and forced under
terror of death to decide a legal case in
one particular way. Nobody, save from
rejudice, would pretend that such a
ecision was valid. What the case does
prove is the extreme importance attached
to the judgment of Liberius. They knew
his zeal and energy, and " the impious,"
^^Tites Athanasius, " said to themselves,
' If we persuade Liberius, we shall quickly
master all' '' (" Hist. Ar. ad Mon.''^c. 35).
(The literature has been given with
tolerable fulness in the body of the
article. We ought to add that Cardinal
Newman, even in the second edition of his
"Arians" (lf<71), assumed the authen-
ticity of " Hilary " Frag. iv. and vi. and
consequently of the letters attributed to
Liberius, but he afterwards (1886, ed. 6^
accepted Hefele's view. See " Arians,
p. 323.)
KZBRARZES. The two captures of
Rome m the fifth century, first by Alaric
and afterwards by Genseric, must have
been fatal to any large accumulation of
books in the Eternal City ; but mention is
made of a Vatican library in the time of
Pope Yigilius (too5), and under Leo IV.
(t85o;, the Cardinal Bishop of Ostia was
its librarian (Thomassin, II. i. 95).
Gregoi-y the Great had certainly the com-
mand of a large library. The famous
Alexandrian library — amonument at once
of the enlightenment of the Ptolemaic
dynasty, and of the high grade of culture
which "the confluence of the Semitic with
the Aryan intellect at that city rendered
possible — perished, if we accept the com-
•non story, through the bigotry of Omar ; '
but a few years later new libraries began
to be formed on northern shores and
islands, where barbarism had hitherto
reigned supi-eme. Beda - tells us that
the abbot Benedict Biscop conveyed to
his monastery of Wearmouth, on returning
from his numerous Roman journeys, a
large and splendid library {bibliothecam
1 But, as Gibbon says (ch. li.), the common
story is more than doubtful ; it rests on the
sole "authority of Abulpharagius, a writer of the
thirteenth century.
« Hist. Abbutum, § 9.
nobilisstmam copiosisgiiuauique), which,
" as necessary for a completely furnished
church, he ordered should be kept entire,
and neither damaged through neglect, nor
dispersed " in the hands of borrowers.
This was about a.d. 680. Archbishop
Egbert founded at York a " nobilissima
bibliotheca " about 750 ; the fact is men-
tioned in one of Alcuin's letters.' The
library of Glastonbury, for some time
after St. Dunstan had been abbot there,
was the best in England. William of
Malmesbury, to whose sterling literarj'
qualities the student of English history
is under such deep obligation, himself
actively aided abbot Godfrey in forming
a large and well-chosen library at Mal-
mesbury Abbey.'^ That every large
Anglo-Saxon monastery had its library
there can be no doubt. In Ireland, at
all the great monastic centres, such as
Armagh, Clonmacnoise, Inisfallen, Boyle,
Kells, iSrc, there were large collections of
books ; a fact which the number of Irish
MSS. still surviving, in spite of the havoc
made by war and rapine, and the efi'ects
of a damp climate, amply attests. Gene-
rally it is true of Europe that all through
the mediaeval period a threelbld process,
of accumulation, loss or dispersion, and
re-accumulation of books was going on.
Barbarians from Scandinavia ruined most
of the libraries of Anglo-Saxon monas-
teries, and a large number of those in
Ireland. Under St. Dunstan books were
again copied and collected ; a second dark
period ensued till about 1050 ; after the
Conquest a long era of comparative peace
and progress began. A glance at the
" Philobiblon " of Richard of Bury (t 1 345),
the learned and politic bishop of Durham,
shows that the collection, binding, con-
servation, and utilisation of books, evei-y-
thing in short that appertains to the office
of a librarian, was already well under-
stood in the fourteenth century. The
Kings of France began from about 1370
to form the library of the Louvre. In
the fifteenth century, the printing-press
having come into use, and ancient learning,
especially Greek learning, being held ir
greater esteem than ever before, new books
and editions were multiplied and libraries
extended. In this work Italy took the
lead. The Vatican library, founded by
Nicholas V. (1447-1455) and enriched by
later gifts and collections, soon became
the best library in Europe. Even at this
day, although in the dcjiartment of printed.
> Will. Malm. Gtst. Funlif. p. 24G.
> lb. p. 431.
0 0 2
c6i LIGHT OF GLORY
LIMBO
books it is probably surpassed by many,
there can be few, if any, that can point
to so superb a collection of MSS. The
Medici family founded the Laurentian
library at Florence, which could also
boast of the public library of St. Mark,
established in 1437. Venice and Ferrara
laboured in the same field. Out of Italy,
Matthias Corvinus founded, about 1480, a
celebrated library at Buda, and stored up
in it a large number of Greek MSS. which
he had rescued from the Turkish con-
querors of Constantinople. Unfortunately,
bis capital was too near to the still ex-
panding power of the Ottoman, and his
literary treasures were in great part dis-
E;rsed or lost. Heidelberg, Vienna, and
eyden, all founded libraries in the fif-
teenth century. The great Cardinal
Ximenes added a well-stocked library to
the university which he founded (about
1500) at Alcala. In England the views
of the early Reformers were not favour-
able to the interests of learning. It is
well known that the commissioners of
Edward VI. ordered a large collection of
MSS., which had been given to the
University of O.vford by the good Duke
Humphrey, to be burnt, on the suspicion
that they contained matter of Papistry.
Sir Thomas Bodley, about the end of
Elizabeth's reign, repaired this havoc,
built a large portion of the present library,
brought into it a fine collection both of
books and MSS., and endowed it with
ample estates. The library of the British
Museum, originating in the purchase from
Sir Hans Sloaue iu 1753, lavishly aided
ever since by public money, and enriched
by the grant of the library of the Kings
of England, and the purchase of George
III.'s collections from George IV., takes
the lead of all similar institutions in
England in the number both of books and
MSS. The Bodleian, with its 200,000
volumes and 25,000 JISS. occupies the
next place. (Hallam's " Literature of
Europe.")
XiZCRT OF GI.ORT. [See Bea-
tific Vision.]
XiiGUORZ. [See MoEAL Theology.]
XiXnZBO. The Latin word Livibiis
(or " fringe ") was used in the middle ages
for that place on the fringe or outskirts of
hell in which the just who died before
Christ were detained till our Lord's re-
surrection from the dead. It likewise
signifies a place (also supposed to be be-
neath the earth and on the outskirts of
hell) inhabited by infants who die in
original sin.
{A) The Limbus Tatrum is the Para-
dise of Luke xxiii. 43, so called because it
was a place of rest and joy, though the
joy was imperfect. In Luke xvi. 23, it is
called by the Rabbinical name " Abra-
ham's bosom" (Dn^?N ip'D?). be-
cause there the just remained in loving
intercourse with Abraham, the father of
the faithful. Estius thinks it was to the
spirits in the Limbo of the Fathers as well
as to those in Purgatory that Christ is
said to have preached (1 Pet. iii. 19, 20).
The passage, however, is very difficult,
and very difierent interpretations are
given by Fathers and other Catholic
commentators.
{B) Limbus Infantium. — It is an article
of faith that those who die without bap-
tism, and in whose case the want of
baptism has not been supplied in some
other way, cannot enter heaven. This is
plainly stated, e.g., by the Council of
Florence in the Decree of Union. But
there was a natural repugnance to the
belief that those who had committed no
sin should be tortured in hell, and this
difficulty led theologians to adopt various
theories as by way of escape.
1 . Some few theologians thought that
God might be pleased t o supply the want
of baptism in infants by other means.
Thus St. Bernard (" De Baptismo," c. i.
n. 4, c. ii. n. 1) thought that possibly such
infants might be saved by the faith of
their parents. A similar opinion is at-
tributed to Gerson, Cardinal Cajetan and
others — ^viz. that the lack of baptism
might be supplied by the wish for the
sacrament on the part of their parents or
others; Cajetan requiring in addition the
use of some external sign with the invo-
cation of the Trinity. (See Billuart,
" De Baptism." diss. iii. a. 1.)
Another theologian, Albertus a Bal-
sano ("Compend. Theol." vol. ii. § 325,
quoted by Jungmaiin, " De Noviss."), be-
lieved that God might commission angels
to confer baptism on infants who might
otherwise perish without it.
2. The theologians of the Augiistinian
order {e.g. Cardinal Noris and Berti) held
an opinion at the opposite pole — viz. that
the infants in question were punished both
by exclusion from heaven and by positive
pain, though much less pain than is in-
flicted on those who die in actual mortal
sin. This undoubtedly is the opinion of
St. Augustine (Serm. 294, where he
teaches that unbaptised infants were
consigned to eternal fire), though their
LITANIES
LITANIES
565
-damnation will be "the lightest of all"
("De Peccat. Meritis et Remiss." i. 20).
3. The great majority of theologians —
the Master of the Sentences, St. Buona-
venture, St. Thomas, Scotus, &c. — teach
that infants dying in original sin sutler no
"pain of sense," but are simply excluded
from heaven. This opinion is no modern
invention, for it is found in St. Gregory
Nazianzen (" Or. in Sanct. Baptism." 23).'
But do they grieve because they are shut
•out of Heaven ? Bellarmine (" De Amiss.
GratiiP," vi. 6, apud Jungmann) answers
Yes. St. Thomas answers that tliey do
not, because pain of punishment is pro-
portioned to personal guilt, which does
not exist here. He says they do not
grieve because they cannot see God, any
more than a bird is grieved because it
■cannot be emperor or king : " nay, they I
rejoice, because they share in God's good-
ness and in many natural perfections."
The opinion of St. Thomas is the common
one in the Church. It is believed that
unbaptised infants in Limbo know and
loTe God by the use of their natural
powers, and liave full natural happiness.
The existence of the Limbo of Infants
has never been defined by the Church,
although the Jansenist Council of Pistoia
was censured by Pius VI. for scoffing at
it as a Pelagian fable. The doctrine of
the Pelagians was widely ditierent. They
denied original sin and obliterated the
distinction between grace and nature,
and when pressed to e.xplain the need of
baptism replied that it was necessary to
secure admittance to the kingdom of
heaven, but not to obtaui eternal life.
"Eternal life," to which the Pelagians
admitted unbaptised infants, was of the
same order as the Kingdom of Heaven.
The happiness obtained in the Limbo of
Infants is of wholly different order, being
natural instead of supernatural.
XZTANZES (Ktravela, esmest Sup-
plication). A form of united prayer by
alternate sentences, in which the clergy
lead and the people respond : usually of a
penitential character. A litany may thus
be distinguished from other modem de-
votions, such as that of the Stations, in
which, with much that is alternate, there
is also much that is not. There are three
forms of litany recognised by the Church
as suitable for use in public worship: viz.,
the Litany of the Saints, that of the
• He thinks that infants wlin die unbap-
tised " will neither be glorified nor punished by
the just judge, as being without the seal [«.e.
baptism] indeed, but without wickedness."
Blessed Virgin (usually called the Litany
of Loreto), and that of the Most Holy
Name of Jesus. The Litany of the Saints
is chanted on the feast of St. Mark (April
25), and on the three Rogation days ; on
the former occasion it is called the Greater
[litanicB majores), and on the Rogation
days the Lesser (litanim minores). During
the devotion of the Forty Hours, the
Litany of the Saints is sung with the
addition of certain verses ; on the other
hand, when it is sung on Holy Saturday
and "VSTiitsun Eve, a number of verses are
omitted. The Litany of the Blessed
Virgin — in which titles expressive of the
transcendent dignity and privilege of the
Mother of God, as well as of the love,
trust and veneration of her children
towards her, are woven into a chain of
animated supplication— is now usually
sung at Benediction. It came into general
use from having been observed to be sung
on Saturdays and festivals of Our Lady
in the Santa Casa of Loreto, whence
pilgrims carried it into all Christian
lands; but a large portion of it is far
older than the foundation of the sanc-
tuary, which of course only dates from
the thirteenth century. The bull " vSanc-
tissimus" of Clement "VTII. directs that,
whereas a number of unauthorised litanies
had lately been published, no one should
for the future presume to publish, or to
use in public worship, any litany but
those in Breviaries, Missals, Pontificals,
and Rituals {i.e. the Litany of the Saints
in its various forms), and the Litany of
Loreto. But it is universally held that
the use of the Litany of the Most Holy
Name, having been already sanctioned
by the Holy See before the date of the
bull " Sanctissimus,"i8 in no way affected
by its prohibitions.
If the Greater Litanies fall on Easter
Day they are transferred to the Tuesday
following. Priests are bound sub mortali
to recite the Litanies both on St. Mark's
day and on the three Rogation days. No
new names of saints can be inserted
I without the special permission of the
I S.C.R.
I The earliest and simplest form of litany
is the "Kyrie eleison," which was reciteil
in various ways in primitive times, but in
the twelfth century- settled down to the
! form still in use. The first litanies were
embedded in the liturgy ; later on they
were developed independently, chiefly
i through being used in processions. Under
i the heading " Litania Romana " there is
I extant in a Sacramentary of the age of
oG6 LITER.E FORMAT/E
LITURGIES
Gregory tlie Great a Litany of the Saints,
evidently intended for use in some Gaul-
ish church : * it contains 101 names.
There is a manifest connection between
such a litany and collections of short
metrical Lives of saints — such, e.g., as
that in a Bodleian MS (No. 779), which
contains 104 Lives.
The practice of singing the Litany of
the Saints on St. Mark's day is said to
have been instituted by St. Gregory.
Seven processions,starting simultaneously
from seven Roman churches, and singing
litanies as they went, all met in the
church of St. Mary Major.'* Their use
on the Rogation days was begun by St.
Mamertus, archbishop of Vienne, in the
year 447, the special intention being the
deliverance of the people from wolves,
■which in that year were more than
usually ravenous. [See Rogation Days.]
IiZTSRa: formatjbb. [See Epi-
STOL^ Ecclesiasticj:.!
XtiTESJE Pats'ntes. Certain
public documents were so called from the
form in which the notaries commenced
them: e.g. "Perpraesens publicum instru-
mentum cunctispafw^evidenter ; " ' " Let
it be clearly made known to all by the
present public instrument." Canonists
speak of the Letters Patent of Louis XI.
in 1475, as the earliest instance in France
of the application of the doctrine of the
royal pareatis (" ye may obey ") or
placitum regunn * to the reception of
bulls, briefs, &c., from Rome. Pithou, in
his work on the Gallican liberties, sets
forth this doctrine in its full tyrannous
absurdity. "Bulls or Apostolic letters
of citation, executional, fulminatory, or
other, are not executed in France without
the pareatis of the king or his officers."
"All bulls and despatches from the Court
of Rome must be carefully examined, to
ascertain if there be anything in them
likely to operate to the prejudice, in any
manner whatever, of the rights and
liberties of the Gallican church, and of
the king's authority." *
I.ZTTI.Z: oirFZCE or the
BXiESSED VZRCZN'. The authorship
has often been attributed to Peter Damian,
but Cardinal Bona ("Divin. Psalm." c.
» Art by Mr. Hotham, in Smith and
Cheetham.
2 H'ltham, tthi sup.
* This is the opening of the notarial report
of a Bermon preached at Oxford in 1382 (MS.
Bodl. -240. p. 848).
* See above, art. Canon Law.
* VVctzer and Welte, art. " Placitum Reg."
12, quoted by Probst, "Brevier." p. 209^
holds that it existed at the beginning ot
the eighth cent ury, and that Peter Damian
only restored its use.
It consists of psalms, lessons, and
hymns in honour of the Blessed Virgin,
arranged in seven hours like the Breviary
office, but much shorter. It is not in-
fluenced by the course of the Church
year, except that the Alleluia is omitted
in Lent, and that a change is made in
the oflice from Advent to the Purifica-
tion. Even the AUeluia is not added to
the invitatory, antiphons, responsories
and versicles in Easter time (Dec,
S. R. C, 28 Martii, 1626).
The Council of Clermont, under
Urban II., in 10! 16, made the recitation ot
the Little Office obligatory on the clergy,
but secular priests who are not bound to-
recite the office in choir are now free
from all obligation of reciting the Little
Office, as has been clearly stated by
Pius V. in his bull "Quod a nobis pos-
tulat" prefixed to the Breviary (see
Maskell, " Mon. Rit." vol. iii. p. Ixii.).
Where there is a custom of reciting it,
the obligation continues. Even in that
case, however, it need not be said on
feasts of nine lections (if, however, there
is a custom of saying it on Sundays and
semidoubles the custom is to be main-
tained), on the vigil of Christma.s, in
Holy Week, in the octaves of Easter and
Pentecost, and on Saturdays when the
larger Office of the Blessed Virgin is said
(Gavant. tom. II. § 9, cap. i. n. 2-8).
The matins and vespers are said
before, the other hours after, the corre-
sponding hours of the divine office
(Gavant. loc. at. n. 13). In many re-
ligious orders, and in rules for persons
in the world (e.g. the tertiaries of St.
Francis), the Little OtHce is prescribed
instead of the Breviary hours.
XiZTlTXtCZES. I. Meaning of the
Word. — The word Xfirnvpyia means a
public service, and specially at Athens a
public service which the richer citizens
discharged at their own expense. The
theocratic constitution of the Jewish
commonwealth naturally led the Sep-
tuagint translators to use XeiTovpyla and
the kindred forms chiefly of the service ot
God in the sanctuary. It answers tO'
various words in the original Hebrew
(see e.g. Exod. xxviii. 21, Num. xxxviii.,.
25, 2 Paralip. xxxi. 4). In Luke i. 23 it
denotes the service of a Jewish priest,,
and it is used in the New Testament ot
any service rendered to God (see, e.g.,.
LITURGIES
LITURGIES
Philipp. ii. 17). There is no clear in-
stance in the New Testament of \(iTnvpy[a
or XfiToupyf 11' sip-nifving a service per-
formed bv the Christian clergy, though
in Acts xiii. 2 the words, "As they
ministered to the Lord (Xetrovpynvvrcov
(wtS>v) and fasted,"' may possibly refer to
the action of the " prophets and teachers "
in preaching and guiding the devotions
of the congregation. Clem. Rom. 1 Ep.
44, does us'^ Xfirovpy/a for the functions
of the Christian presbyters. In the
fourth centiirv- the use of the word for
priestly ministrations was fully recog-
nised (see, e.ff., the Council of Ancyra,
canon 1 ; anno 314), and from that date
down at least to the sixth century it was
used for any solemn service {e.ff., evening '
prayer, baptism, &c.), but especially for
the Eucharistic service. In this sense it
has been adopted by the Greek church,
which speaks of " divine liturgy " where
Latins would say "holy Mass." It is
in this, its narrowest signification, that
we take the word here. Under " litur- \
gies " we include all forms and services
in any language and in any part of the
church for the celebration of the Euchar-
ist. We may add here that awa^Ls
(assembly) is another word used by the
Greeks for the Mass, and that dominica
solemnia (TertuU. '' De Fug." \A),domini-
cum celehrare (Cyprian, " De Op. et
Eleem.' 15, Ep. 63), officium (Tertull.
" De Orat." 18), besides " sacrifice,"
" offering," " bloodless and rational sacri-
fice," are names common among the
Fathers. The word " Mass " first appears
in St. Ambrose. [For it8 meaning see
the article Mass.]
II. Liturgical Notices to the Middle of
the Fifth Cen^ur!/.— Scripture tells us
little or nothing of the way in which the
Apostles celebrated the Eucharist, but
from the year 150 onwards we have
abundant proof that the Church Ln all
parts of the world had a fixed order and,
to a certain extent at least, fixed words
for this the greatest of all her services.
This section of our article is taken from
Le Brun, vol. iii. diss. i. a. 5, from whom
we borrow the patristic references.
The Mass was said by the bishop, or in
his absence by priests assisted by at least
one deacon (Cyprian, Ep. 5). !
It began with lections from the
prophets. Apostles and Evangelists.
These lessons from the Old or New
Testament are mentioned by Justin in j
his first ApologT,-, written in 138 or 139. |
And it was the custom of the East, as '
attested by St. Chrysostom ("Horn. 10
in Act. Ap."), of Gaul (Sulpic. Sever.
" Vit. Martin." 7), Milan and Spain, to
read the prophets as well as the Epistles
and Gospels. On the other hand, in the
Roman and African churches there were
usually only two lections — one from the
Epistles, another from the Gospels, with
a psalm befween them (August. " Serm."
176 al. 170). These lections were not,
as now in our Mass, preceded by an
introit.
Then followed a sermon, after which
certain prayers were said over the cate-
chumens, and they were dismissed (.\m-
brose, Ep. 14). Here we have the first
great division of the Mass into the " Missa
f-atechumenorum '' and ''Missa fidelium.''
The Council of Laodicfa, canon 19,
mentions a prayer for the penitents who
were dismissed after the catechumens,
but in 390 Nectarius of Constantinople
abolished public penance in the East.
The altar was then covered with
cloths (Optat. lib. vi.) and the celebrating
bishop's hands were washed by a deacon
(C'yril. " Mystagog." 5), and in all the.
East (.Justin, " Apol." 2; Concil. Laod.
can. 19 ; Chrysost. " De Compunct. Cor-
dis "), in Spain and Gaul, the faithful gave
each other the Kiss of Peace ; whereas
in Rome and Africa the Pax immediately
preceded the Communion. The bread ami
the mixed chalice (of which latter even
Justin speaks) were presented, and in
Carthage from St. Cyprian's time verses
of the psalms were sung at this part of
the Mass.
The "Sursum corda" is mentioned by
Cyprian, and Augustine says the Church
over all the world answered, "that tli.n-
lifted up their hearts to the Lord" ("De
Vera Relig." 3). The Preface, according to
St. Chrysostom and St. Cyril, was followed
by the Sanctus. We know very little
from the Fathers about the words of the
Canon. They tell us generally that the
words of institution were accompanied by
prayer, the faithful answering " .\men '' at
the end; and St. .\ugu-tine ("In Syinb.")
says the sign of the cross was made at
the consecration. The fraction of the
host in Africa, and, before the time of St.
Gregory the Great, at Rome, took place,
as it still does in the Ambrosian Mas.s,
before the Pater Noster. In the ancient
use of the Roman and African churches
the Pax was given after the Pater Noster
At Jerusalem the celehrant, in other
Eastern churches the deacon, said, "Holy
things for holy persons."' The veil of the
568
LITURGIES
LITURGIES
sanctuary, as St. Chrysostom and St.
Cyril of Alexandria mention, was par-
tially drawn aside aiid the faithful received
communion under the form of bread in
their hands from the bishop or priest,
while the deacons gave them the chalice.
In the church of Carthage from the
fourth century verses of the psalms were
sung, and we know from St. Cyril that
they used to sing the verse " Taste and
see that the Lord is good in the church
of Jerusalem. The faithful were taught
to say " Lord, I am not worthy," &c., as
they went to communicate. All ended
with thanksgiving and the salutation or
blessing from the bishop, " Grace be with
you and peace" (Chrys. "Horn. iii. ad
Coloss."). These extracts from the Fathers
are not, of course, meant to convey the
impression that one liturgy or even that
all t he forms j ust given were used through-
out the Church. What they do prove is
that the Church everywhere had certain
forms, and with regard to some of these
forms the date and the character of the
incidental notices which survive show
that their origin may be traced almost to
Apostolic times and that their reception
was universal.
III. JV7ien were Liturgies first
written? — Very different answers have
been given to this question, which would
not arise at all if we could assume that
the Liturgies of St. James, St. Mark, and
St. Clement were rightly named. It is,
however, absolutely impossible to sup-
pose that these liturgies, as we have them,
came from those whose names they bear.
The Clementine Liturgy comes to us
under the most suspicious circumstances
in the latest liook of a notorious forgery,
and there is no reason to believe that it
ever was actually used in any church.
The Liturgy of St. James contains inser-
tions from that of Constantinople which
must have been made as late as the fifth
— one (the hymn oi ra x^fovlilfi) as late
as the seventh century ; words of contro-
versial theology abound in it (see Ham-
mond, " Ancient Liturgies," xliv) ; and
the very fact that no extant liturgies
(except the Clementine) have any form of
dismissing penitents points to a time later
at least than the abolition of public
penance in the East by Nectarius in 31)0.
Doulitle.ss these liturgies contain older
elements, but we can only know or con-
jecture what they are by collecting infor-
mation from extraneous sources
TliHse sources are of course the writ-
ings of the Fathers and the decrees of
councils, and from these it may, we
think, be safely inferred that there was
no entire written liturgy during the first
three centuries of the Church. TertuUian
(" De Corona," 3) assumes that various
most important liturgical usages {e.ff.
celebration of the Eucharist early in the
morning, oblations for the dead on the
feasts of martyrs (pro nat(iliciis), reception
of the Eucharist from the hand of the
" president ") rest simply on " custom "
and " tradition." He makes no allusion
to a written liturgy. Cyprian (Ep. (i3)
argues against those who used water
only, instead of wine mixed with water,
in the Eucharist. He argues at length,
and is evidently anxious to adduce every
possible reason against the novelty : but
he, again, appeals simply to " the tradition
of the Lord," without the remotest refer-
ence toliturgical documents. These, it may
be said, are, after all, only arguments from
silence. But if we contrast Cyprian's ar-
gument with that of the Council iuTrullo,
between four and five hundred years later,
we shall see how strong this argument
becomes. The council (canon 32) strictly
forbids the Armenian custom of consecra-
ting wine unmixed with water, and in
proof that this was wrong appeals to the
three Liturgies of St. James, St. Basil,
and Chrysostom — i.e. to the three liturgies
then as now used in the Patriarchate of
Constantinople (Le Brun, tom. iii. p. 9).
Further, notwithstanding the full infor-
mation we have about the sacred books
which the Christians were required to
surrender in the Diocletian persecution,
we hear nothing of their litui-gies.
We assert, then, with confidence,
that there was no written liturgy in the
first three centuries, and this though
Probst (" Liturgie der drei ersten Jahr-
hunderte," ad init.) has tried hard to
show that such liturgies existed from
160. Probst's learning and accuracy
deserve all respect, but we cannot think
equally well of his logical power, and we
confess that we are utterly unable to
discover anything which approaches proof
in his laborious argument. We are
disposed, however, to go further and
follow Le Brun to the full extent of his
thesis — viz. that written liturgies did
not exist for the first four centuries.
He relies on Basil "De Sp. Sancto,"c.
27 : " Which of the Saints has left us in
writing the words of invocation at the
exhibition of the bread of the Eucharist
and the chalice of benediction F For we
are not content with those mentioned by
LITURGIES
LiruEGiES reo
the Apostle or the Gospel, but we also
say other words before and after, as
having great force with respect to the
mystery, receiving them from unwritten
tradition." The reader must judge for
himself as to the import of these words.
So excellent an authority as Mr. Maskell
("Ancient Liturgy of the Church of
England," ed. 3, xxvii) believes that St.
Basil only means to deny that the litur-
gical words were contained in Scripture.
Early in the fifth century Pope Innocent
I. writing to the Bishop Decentius, who
had applied to him for the Roman Use,
reminds him that he had often come to
Rome and witnessed the customs observed
" in consecrating the mysteries and in the
performance of other secret rites " (" in
caeteris agendis arcanis "), and that this
sufficed. He tells him, however, that
the Pax should be given, not (as in the
East) before the consecration, but " after
all the things which I ought not to
disclose." This does not look as if the
Canon of the Mass had even then been
committed to writing in the Roman
chm-ch. Long before this, however, there
may have been a fixed, even if there was |
not a written. Canon of the Mass. The
memory of the ancients, who were obliged,
before the invention of printing, to use
the faculty much more than we are, must
not be measured by our modern standard.
It was a common thing in the ancient
Church for persons to know the Psalter
by heart, and priests learned to repeat
the Canon without book (even now no
surprising feat) long after it had been
written.
IV. Families of Liturgies. — The most
superficial observer cannot fail to be
struck by the difi'erence between the
Elastern and Western liturgies. Each of
the former can be printed in very narrow
space, because it is only in the lessons
and subordinate hymns that any varia-
tion occurs. It is very ditl'erent, e.g.,
with our Roman Mass, with its wealth
of collects. Prefaces, &c. Moreover, in
the Roman Mass there were at one time
a much lai'ger number of variable Pre-
faces. There is the same variety in the
liturgies of Gaul and Spain, and in these
last even a great part of the prayers cor-
responding to the Roman Canon vary
also. Thus it comes that a separate
volume is needed for each Western
liturgy, while all the chief Eastern ones,
with slight omissions, can be printed in
one manual.
We are able, however, to divide the
liturgies on a more exact and thorough
system. "It is now thoroughly recog-
nised," says Mr. Hammond (" Ancient
Liturgies "), " that there are five main
groups or families of liturgies, which are
distinguished from each other chieSj-,
though not solely, by the difierent ar-
rangement of their parts." Three of
these are Oriental, two Western — one
purely so, the other Western in respect
of the countries where it was used and
many of its characteristics, but present-
ing at the same time certain Oriental
peculiarities.
(a) The West Syrian Family places
the great intercession for the living and
the dead (which is common to all litur-
gies and which is familiar to us as the
Mementoes for the living and for the
dead) after the invocation of the Holy
Spirit — which in Oriental liturgies follows
the consecration. The oldest member of
this family is the Liturgy of St. James,
but this again is, " without doubt, a
direct modification of a liturgy nearly if
not quite identical with the so-called
Clementine." St. Basil's Liturgy is a
recast from that of St. James, and St.
Chrysostom's an abbreviation of St.
Basil's. In its chief characteristics, and
even in part of its wording, the Armenian
liturgy follows St. Basil's. The Liturgies,
then, of St. James, St. Basil, St. Chryso-
stom, of Armenia, are the members of
this family. Palestine, Armenia, the
whole territories of the Greek and Rus-
sian churches, are, as we shall see, the
countries where it pievaUs.
The Clevientine Liturgy never seems
to have been actually used in aily church.
Le Brun places its composition at the
end of the fourth century. Mr. Ham-
' mond thinks it may represent liturgical
use in the middle of the third century, at
a time when the worship of the Church,
though not uniform, still had not been
j broken up into the separate and developed
forms of the later liturgies. It bears
unmistakeable marks of great antiquity,
i Such are the exact agreement with the
I order of the parts of the liturgy men-
tioned by Justin ; the prayers over cate-
chvmiens, the possessed, penitents ; the
prayer for persecuting emperors, &c.
Again, the great length of the Preface
points to a time when there was no
elaborate cycle of feasts to fix the mind
on particular grounds of thanksgiving.
The eighth book of the Apostolic Consti-
tutions as it stands is probably not older
than the fifth century. But the compiler
LITURGIES
LITURGIES
would not have ventured to put an en-
tirely new liturgy into the mouths of the
Apostles. The puzzling feature of this
liturgy is the absence of the Lord's
Prayer.
Liturgy of St. James. — Its antiquity
is proved by its correspondence with the
description of the Liturgy by St, Cyril of
Jerusalem. It was once current through-
out the Patriarchates of Jerusalem and
Antioch. It exists in two recensions,
Greek and Syriac, of which, as Renaudot
has shown, the Greek is the original. In
its Greek form it is now used only by the
Schismatic Greeks at Jerusalem on St.
James's day, October 23. It is also said
to be used in some islands of the Archi-
pelago. (See Article Liturgy in Smith
and Cheetham.) In its Sj'riac form, it
is the chief and prototype of the many
liturgies used by the Jacobites or Mono-
physite Syrians and by the Maronites
who are Catholics. The Maronites, how-
ever, have changed the words of conse-
cration to the Roman form and reduced
the invocation of the Holy Spirit to a
prayer for the spiritual benefit of the
communicants, who now receive only
under one kind.
The Liturgies of Constantinople — viz.
those of St. Basil and St. Chrysostom —
are now used far more widely than any
other Eastern liturgies. The Liturgy of
St. Basil may very likely be his in
substance, and since the Council in TruUo
{i.e. from the close of the seventh cen-
tury) the " Liturgy of St. Clirysostom "
(an abbreviation of St. Basil's) has borne
its present name. The Liturgy of St.
Basil is said on Sundays in Lent except
Palm Sunday, on Holy Thursday and
Saturday, the Vigils of Christmas and
Epiphany, and on St. Basil's day. In
Lent, except on Sundays and Saturdays
the Liturgy of the Pre-sanctitied (of
uncertain date and authorship) is used ;
on all other days of the year the Liturgy
of St. Chrysostom. The Liturgies of
Constantinople are used, not only by all
Greeks suljject to Constantinople, or
aq-ain (in Slavonic) throughout the Rus-
sian church, by the Bulgarians, Georgians,
!k.c., but also by the Melchites or Oriental
" Orthodox " in communion with Con-
stantinople, and by the United or Catho-
lic Greeks in Italy and other parts of the
world. A letter of Balsamon shows that
Constantinople in the twelfth century
had already imposed her Uturgies on a
remnant in the other Eastern Patriar-
chates which had not become Nestorian
or Monophysite. She had thus secured a
barren uniformity at a heavy price. If
it had not been for the vitality of
Nestorian, Monophysite, and Alonothelite
heresy, the liturgies of Constantinople
might have obtained exclusive possession^
and rites no less Catholic and venerable
than those of Constantinople might have
perished altogether under the influence
of bigotry and ambition.
The Armevians use only one liturgy,
founded on the Greek one of St. Basil.
The United Armenians use the same rite
with some modifications. Bartholomew
of Bologna, a Dominican missionary, had
the Roman Missal (Dominican edition)
translated into Armenian, and introduced
it in the middle of the fourteenth century
among the " United Brethren," an order
for converted Armenians. The two most
strikingpeculiaritiesinthe true Armenian
rite — the use of unleavened bread and
wine without water — are shewn by Le
Brun (tom. IV. diss. x. a. 10) to have
been introduced by an Armenian council
about 640, in order to symbolise the
Monophysite doctrine that Christ had
only one nature.
(3) The Second or Ale.randrian
Family is characterised by the occurrence
of the "Great Intercession" for living
and dead in the midst of the Preface, and'
by the prominent part assigned to the
deacon. The original Church language
of the Alexandrian church was Greek,
and we possess three Greek liturgies
belonging to it : viz. those of St. Mark,
St. Basil, and St. Gregory. Originally
there were twelve Coptic liturgies, and
these are still preserved in Ethiopic by
the Abyssinians, who depend on Alexan-
dria ; but Gabriel, 70th Patriarch of the
Copts, who lived in the twelfth century,
limited the Copts to three liturgies — viz.
those of St. Cyril, St. Basil, and St.
Gregory, all in Coptic. Of course the
Alexandrian Liturgy of St. Basil, whether
Greek or Coptic, must be carefidly dis-
tinguished from that of Constantinople.
The Greek Liturgy of St. Mark is in
its main features very ancient, for it con-
tains references to persecution as still
likely, though it has been altered under
the influence of Constantinople. The
Coptic Liturgy of St. Cyril, exhibits
close and often verbal agreement with
that of St. Mark, and has the true Alex-
andrian arrangement of parts throughout.
The Coptic St. Basil, on the other hand,
is identical with that of St. Cyril up to
the Anaphora, but in the Anaphora — i.e^
LITURGIES
LITURGIES 571
from the " Sursum corda " to the end— it
conforms to the Coustantinopolitan or
West Syrian model. Mr. Hammond sup-
poses on very plausible grounds that, the
Alexandrian St. Basil, whether Greek or
Coptic, arose from unitinn; the Anaphora
of St. Basil used by the Greek church to
the proanaphoral portion of the original
Alexandrian liturgy. Finally, the Liturgy
of St. Gregory follows the type of the
Coptic St. Basil. The chief Ethiopia
liturgy, the " canon universalis," closely
follows the Greek St. Mark and the
Coptic St. Cyril. It is unique, as Mr.
Hammond points out, in omitting the
"Sursum corda," with its response. Of
their three existing liturgies, the Copts
ordinarily use that of St. Basil. St.
Gregory's is only used in the midnight
Masses of Christmas and Epiphany ;
St Cyril's, which, as we have seen, is
the purest representative of the old
national liturgy-, only on the Friday be-
fore Palm Sunday. (Marquis of Bute,
"Coptic Morning Service for the Lord's
Day," Introduction.) The Catholic or
United Copts have imitated the Latins
iu several points — viz. communion under
one kind, the use (mostly) of unleavened
bread, and kneeling at communion.
(Marquis of Bute, ib.)
(y) The East Syrian Family places the
general intercession between the words of
institution and the invocation of the Holy
Ghost. It includes the liturgies in the
Syriac tongue used by the Nestorians and
Chaldeans, &c., descendants of Nestorians
who abjured heresy and returned to the
Church, preserving, however, their ancient
rites.
The Nestorians have three liturgies.
The most ancient, and also that in ordi-
nary use, is " The Liturgy of the Blessed
Apostles, composed by Lord Addaeus
[prob. Thaddeus] and "Maris, Doctors of
the Children of the East." It omits in
its present form the words of institution,
though Bickell has proved that it origin-
ally contained tbem (see Hammond, Ux).
The other two litur^'ies are caUed after
Theodore (of Mopsuestia) and Nestorius,
though there are reasons for believing
even this la:;t to be older than the Nesto-
rian schism in 431. The liturgy of
Nestorius is the only one of the three
which has been corrupted in the interest
of heresy (Le Brun, diss. xi. a. 10). Le
Brun (ib. a. 11) asserts that the Chaldeans
or Nestorian converts of Diarbekir have
adopted a Syriac tran.-.lation of the Roman
Missal, using, however, leavened bread.
He seems to have been misinformed ; at
all events this is not the case now.
Dr. Badger, the learned author of the
" Nestorians and their Ritual," whose
authority is decisive on such a point, says
the Catholics of the Chaldean rite use the
same three liturgies as the Nestorians.
They have, however, introduced the
words of institution in the liturgy of the
Apostles, and placed them after the invo-
cation in the other two liturgies. They
j elevate the Host and chalice, and they
give the laity at communion the Host
I dipped in the Precious Blood. Moreover,
I the priest reserves the particles over after
j the communion of the people, instead of
I consuming them like the Nestorians ;
i priests say Mass daily, and even, if there
are several priests in one church, have
more than one Mass on the same altar
I (Badger, vol. ii. p. 241 seq).
( (fi) The Kindred but Independe7}t
Liturgies of Gaid and Spain. — Here the
Great Intercession comes just after the
offertory, though the Mozarabic Mass has
also a Memento of the living before the
Pater Noster. Not only collects, lections,
&c., but also the greater part of the
prayers which correspond to the Canon
are variable. It has been supposed that
these liturgies are partly due to the
I church of Asia Minor, with which the
ancient church of Lyons was connected.
However that may be, certain it is that
this Western family of liturgies has some
Eastern peculiarities: such are " Sancta
Sanctis" in the Mozarabic Liturgy, and,
in both the Galilean and ^lozarabic rites,
the regular reading of a lection from the
Old Testament, the various proclamations
by the deacon, the "Preces" (i.e. probably
a series of intercessions like the ectene,
or deacon's litany in Eastern liturgies),
and the giving of the Pax early in the
service, whereas in the Roman Mass it
has always been given, according to the
: earliest notice extant, after the consecra-
tion.
[ The word " Mozarabic " is from 3/o5-
I zarab, the participle of an Arabic verb
meaning " to adopt the Arab mode of
life." It must have been applied to Chris-
tians living under the 5loors, but the
liturgy is much older than its name, for
it is substantially the same as that known
I to Isidore of SevUle in the sixth century.
It was, indeed, this Saint and his brother,
St. Leander, who had the principal share
in compiling the Spanish Missal, and
St. Isidore presided over a Council of
Toledo which imposed it on all Spain and
572
LITURGIES
LITURGIES
on Narbonne, which did not belong to the
Franks till 759. In Charlemagne's time
the Mozarabic or Gothic rite fell into
some disrepute because of expressions in
it supposed to favour the Adoptionist
heresy. Early in the ninth century, after
much discussion between Rome and Spain,
the Missal, from w hich the incriminated
phrases had been removed, was declared
orthodox ; the Spaniards, however, being
required to conform the words of conse-
cration to those in the Roman Missal.
But in the next century, Alexander II.,
Gregory VII., and Urban 11., made great
eflbrts to substitute the Roman Missal.
In the thirteerAh century, the Mozarabic
rite had disappeared from every cathedral
church, and at the end of the fifteenth it
had disappeared altogether. In 1500,
CardinalXimenespublished the Mozarabic
Missal with some few assimilations tn
Roman use, and built a collegiate church
in which this Missal and the Mozarabic
Breviary (printed 1502) were to be used.
Dr. Neale (quoted by Hammond, p. Ixv)
tells us that at present the Mozarabic rite
is followed, not only in this church, but in
two parish churches in Toledo and one at
Salamanca. The most remarkable feature
in the Mass to an ordinary observer is
the elaborate symbolism of the Fraction.
The Host is divided first into two, then
into nine parts, each with a separate
name, taken from the mysteries of Christ's
life.
Gallican Liturgy. — This venerable
liturg\- does not exist in a complete form,
since no Gallican " Antiphonarium " (the
book containing introits, oHertories, &c.)
has yet been found. But we have three
Sacramentaries printed by Cardinal
Thomasi in IQ-^O, and again by Mabillon
in his "De Liturgia Gallicana," in 16><5.
The first is called by Mabillon "Gallico-
Gallicanum," and was probably used in
South Gaul; the second, "Missale Franc-
orum," used in North-Western Gaul, con-
tains a large admixture of Roman elements
— the prayers are Gelasian, the Preface,
though retaining its Gallican name,
" Contestatio," ends like the Preface in
the Roman Mass; the third, "Gallicanum
"Vetus," seems free from Roman admix-
tures, except in the office for Good Friday.
Besides, we have a GaUican Lectionary
edited by Mabillon in his work cited
above, and a " Sacramentarium Gallica-
num," found by Mabillon in the monastery
at Bobbio, and printed by him in his
" Museum Italicum." But this last has
the Gregorian or Roman Canon, Further,
we have a most detailed and valuable ex-
position of the old Gallican Mass, in an
extract from two letters of St. Germanus
of Paris, written in the middle of the
sixth century. Additional fragments of
eleven Gallican Masses havebeen published
by Mone (" Griechische und lateinische
Messen," Frankfort, 1850), and a few more
by Bunsen (" Analecta Ante-Nicen.") and
Mai ("Script. Vet. Vaticana Collect."
torn. ii.). From the materials at his com-
mand, Le Rrun has been able to give a
very full and trustworthy account of the
Gallican Liturgy, which in the order
(though not in the name) of its various
parts is almost identical with the Moz-
arabic Liturgy, which we possess entire.
Want of space compels us to refer our
readers to Le Brun's clear and interesting
account in tom. iii. It was under the
influence of Pepin and Charlemagne that
the GaUican gave way to the Roman rite.
The Caroline books, composed in 790,
certify that the Roman was already re-
ceived in " the provinces of all the Gauls,"
in Germany and Italy, as weU as among
the Saxons and " certain nations of the
North." It is needless to say that the
revision of the Roman Missal made for
the use of their dioceses by French bishops
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centu-
ries, and now at last entirely abandoned,
must not be confounded with the ancient
Gallican Missals. Rome never approved
these modern revisions by episcopal
authority, while, on the other hand, the
ancient Gallican rite, if it bad been re-
tained, would have been in no way af-
fected by the decree of Pius V. forbidding
any deviation from the Roman Missal as
approved by him, except in churches
where a prescription of two hundred years
could be claimed for the liturgy in use.'
The Roman Missal and its Derivatives
are characterised by the position of the
Pax just before communion, and the
division of the Great Intercession into a
Memento of the living before, and of the
dead after, the consecration. The early
history of the Roman Liturgy is unknown.
Writers of great name, Milman, De Rossi,
Liglitfoot, Westcott, &c., have contended,
with great probability, that the original
1 But certain genuine Gallican rites were
preserved down to the Revolution in many
French thurcbes, notably the episcopal bene-
diction between the Pater Noster and the " Pax
Domini" (preserved at Sens, I'aris, Auxerre,
Troies, Meaux, &c. ), and the lection from the
Old testament in the Masses of Christmas Day.
Le Urun, tom. III. iv. 4.
LITURGIES
LITUIIGIES
673
Romau cbiiicb -nas composed mainly of
persons who spoke Greek. A large pro-
portion of the names in the salutations of
the Epistle to tlie Romans, and nearly
all the names of the Roman bishops for
the tirst two centuries, are Greek. So is
all the early literature of the Romau
church. And it is held by Westcott
(■'Canon," p. -69) and many others that
the early Latin versions of the New-
Testament were made for Africa, not
for Rome. Again, St. Paul wrote to the
Roman Churcn in Greek; for few now
will adopt the unfortunate sugtrestion of
the scholiast in the Pesbito, that the
original of the Epistle was in Latin. If
we adopt this view, we shall also be led
to the supposition that the liturgy was
in Greek. When Justin wrote his
" Apology " to the Emperor Pius, he was
liTing in Rome. If in describing the
celebration of the Eucharist he draws his
picture (as would be most natural) from
the Roman church, then, undoubtedly,
the Roman Liturgy was Oriental in
character. The liturgical order in Justin
differs in marked features from the Latin
Mass of Rome, as it was when we first
hear of it and as it is now, and agrees
with the Oriental liturgies of Family I.
The oldest authentic notice of the
Roman Mass is in Innocent's letter to
Decentius (anno 416). He mentions two
characteristics which distinguish the
Roman Mass from all other liturgies —
viz. the giving of the Pax towards the
end of the Mass, and the Memento of the
living after the oblation and in the Canon
("Prius ergo oblationes sunt commend-
andae, ac tunc eorum nomina, quorum sunt,
edicenda, ut inter sacra mysteria nomi-
nentur "). The Roman order was already
ancient, for Innocent attributes it to St.
Peter. The Canon of the Roman Mass
must have been fixed in every detail in
St. Leo's time (440-4G1) ; for. according
to the ancient author of the "Lives of
the Popes," he added the words "Sanctum
sacrificium, immaculatam hostiam." We
have a Leonine Sacramentary, published
by Muratori in his " Liturgia Romana
Vetus," but unfortunately it contains
merely collects and Prefaces without
Onlinary or Canon. The "Lives of the
Popes " attributes a more important work
of revision to Gelasius (402-49(i), who, it
is there said, composed prayers and Pre-
faces. Wahifrid Strabo adds that Gelasius
set in order the prayers composed by
himself and others. Tlie Gelasian Sacra-
mentary was edited at Rome from a MS.
"copied before the year 700" (so Le
Brun, tom. III. diss. ii. a. 2. ; Mr. Ham-
mond, on the contrary, says " from an
early ninth century MS."), and afterwards
from other MSS. by Gerbertus, in his
work on the old German Liturgy (1776-
79). It agrees closely, and has perhaps
been altered into conformity with the
Gregorian Ordo and Canon. Pope Yigilius
(elected 538) sent the Roman Canon
(" Canonicae precis textum ") to Profutu-
rus, bishop of Braga, in Spain. He tells
him that this Canon was invariable the
whole year through (and here let the
reader note a distinguishing mark of the
Roman as contrasted with all other
Western liturgies), except that on the
solemnities of Easter, Ascension, Pente-
cost, Epiphany, and of the Saints, certain
" Capitula " appropriate to the day were
added. These " Capitula " were most
likely, as Le Brun conjectures, short ad-
ditions similar to those now made in the
" Conimunicantes " and " Hanc igitur."
The finishing stroke was put to the work
by Gregory the Great (590-604), whose
Sacramentary was edited by Pamelius in
the second volume of his " Litui-gicon
Latinum " (Cologne, 1571), by Rocca
(Rome, 1597), and by the Benedictine
M6nard (in 1642) with learned notes.
Gregory made a slight change in the
Canon — viz. by adding the words " dies-
que nostros,'' &c. (see article Caxon), and
another of far greater moment, by placing
the Fraction after, whereas till then it
had occurred before, the Lord's Prayer.
He abbreviated the rest of the Mass.
Thus he substituted verses for entire
psalms, and whereas the Gelasian Mass
had two or three prayers before the
Epistle, one Secret, two Post-commu-
nions— of which one was said over the
people (" super populum ") — Gregory
reduced the ordinary number of these
prayers to three: Collect, Secret, Post-
communion : and of the Prefaces — very
numerous in ancient times — kept only
those few which we still have (Muratori,
"De Rebus Liturg." p. 14; and Mabillon,
" De Lit. Gallican." i. cap. 2, iv. apud
Maskell). Since Gregory's day, rubrics
have been multiplied, Masses added for
new feasts, &c. &c., '• but there has
been," says a learned Protestant, " no
change of importance in the Roman
Liturgy. That is to say, the number of
prayers composing the Mass, the order in
which they occur, and the names of them,
have remained unaltered '' (Hammond,
p. Ixxiii).
674
LITURGIES
LITURGIES
The Ambrosian Mass is not a daughter,
but a sister of the Roman or Gregorian
Liturgy. In the crucial tests, the position
of the Pax and of the Great Intercession,
it differs from the Mozarabic and Gallican,
and exactly agrees with the Roman Mass.
But like the Roman Liturgy before Gre-
gory, it is rich in Prefaces, and has the
Fraction before the Pater Noster. It has,
however, adopted the " diesque nostros,"
&c., from the Gregorian Canon ; and
several introits, and the arrangement of
the three Masses on Christmas, have been
borrowed from Rome. It has been thought
that Greek influence may be traced in the
prayers over the corporal ("super sindo-
nem"), the litanies said on Sundays in
Lent, the proclamation by the deacon
before the Epistle, &c.
We pass over the Liturgy of the
Patriarchate of Aquileia, which seems to
have been a mere variety of the Roman
Use, but of which little is known ; and
■we pass on to a subject of far greater
interest to us — viz. the Liturgical Use of
the Ancient Church of England down to
the Reformation. We take as our guide
the admirable works of Mr. Maskell —
one entitled the "Ancient Liturgy of the
Church of England," and the other,
" Monumenta Ritualia." It is probable,
from St. Augustine's question to Pope
Gregory , that the ancient British churches
used a Hturgy akin to those of Gaul and
Spain. But the influence of St. Augustine
led to a wide adoption of the Roman
Liturgy in its main features. In 747 the
Council of Clove>lioo, which may fairly
be taken as representing south and middle
England— for the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, the Bishop of Rochester, three
bishops from Mercia, two from Wessex,
cue from Lincoln, and one from Sussex,
were present (see Hefele, " Concil." iii.
p. F)(]-2) — decreed that " the holy feasts of
our Lord's disi)ensation in the flesh, in
all things duly ])ertaining to them — i.e. in
the ollice of Bapti>m, in the cehibration
of Masses, in the manner of the chant —
should be celebrated accoi'ding to the
copy which we have in writing from the
Roman Church." These words are clear
and express, nor is there room for doubt
that as Christianity spread among the
Saxons, the Roman replaced the Gallican
Canon, and that gradually the whole
Missal, in its main ieatures, was modelled
after the Roman prototype.
It is true then, in a general way, that
our ancestors used the Roman Liturgy.
But only in a general way : first, because
before the invention of printing, the
uniformity which has prevailed since
Pius "V. issued his authoritative edition
of the Roman Missal was a matter of
impossibihty ; and, next, because the
power of bishops to regulate public wor-
ship in their dioceses was not restrained,
as at present, and they used this power
in introducing minor dift'erences, though
they preserved all the main charactei- of
the Roman Mass. Thus difi'erent Uses
arose. About 1085 Osmund, bishop of
Salisbm-y, promulgated a form for his
diocese, which became accepted in the
South of England and spread into Ireland
and Scotland. Then there were the Uses
of York and Hereford, and (in fewer
dioceses) those of Lincoln and Bangor.
Many of the ancient books were destroyed
at the Reformation, and only a fragment
of the Lincoln Use remains. It is not
certain that we know the Use of Bangor,
though Mr. MaskeU believes that a MS.
from which he has printed the Ordinary
and Canon contains the Use of that
chmch. Besides, there was a Use of St.
Paul's in London (where the Sarimi books
were not received till 1414), of which we
know nothing. And no doubt there were
varieties in the Sarum rite which might
be, and were, to a certam extent, regarded
as separate Uses.
Mr. Maskell has placed the Ordinary
and Canon of the Mass according to the
Sarum (supposed), Bangor, York, Here-
ford, and Roman Uses, in parallel cnlunins.
To this we must refer the reader, for a
complete enumeration of the points in
which these Uses difl'er from each other
would be long and tedious, and would,
after all, convey a much less vivid im-
pression than any reader familiar with
the Roman Mass can gain for himself
with little pains by reading the texts.
We content ourselves, therefore, with a
few general remarks.
There is— we will not say no diflerence
of doctrine : between the old and the pre-
sent rites of the English church there is,
with one exception, no point of diflerence
from which any theological argument
could be deduced. This exception occurs
in a single prayer. After the priest has
put a fragment of the Host in the ciialice,
he prays, in the four English Uses, that
this mixture of Christ's body and blood
may be to himself and to nil who partahe
of it ("omnibusque sumentibus," " et om-
nibus sumentibus") health of mind and
body. The words itaUcised are a yA\c of
the time when the faithful communicated
LITURGIES
LOGOTHETE
57o
«iuder both kinds, retained long after they
had ceased to do so. They, of course,
are no evidence of change of doctrine,
though they do prove change of disci-
pline; but Archbishop Craumer, in his
answer to the Devonshire rebels, availed
himself of them as an argument for com-
munion in both kinds.
The first impression upon a modem
Catholic reader made by the reading of
these old English Uses will be, we think,
one of surprise that he finds himself so
much at home in them. They are utterly
unlike the "Communion Service" of the
church now established, whUe we are con-
vinced that if they were re-introduced
among us to-morrow, our people would
scarcely feel any difi'erence. In the Ordi-
nary of the Mass, the old English and
modern Roman rites agTee part for part
and, as a rule, word for word. In the
Canon, almost every word is the same
down to the end of the "Libera uos" —
i.e. to the end of the Canon proper. After
that, many of the prayers are different.
This diflerence is easily explained, for the
prayers which follow the "Libera nos"
are later than St. .\ugustine's time ; nay,
with the exception of the " Agnus Dei "
(added by Pope Seririus, and adopted in
all the English Uses), they are later — some
of them much later — than the Council of
Cloveshoo, which imposed the Roman
Missal on England. Indeed, the prayer
which the priest says before the Pa.x
("Domine Jesu Christe") was not to be
found in the Roman Missal even in 1090,
after St. Osmund's time. "SVe need not
wonder, then, that there is in this part
considerable divernence between the Eng-
lish Uses and the ^Iis*al of Pius V,
What we had, therefore, was, not a
national Liturgy like that of the Copts
or Chaldeans, or even a Liturgy so distinct
from the Roman as that of Milan, but
English editions or recensions of the
Roman Liturgy. Nor must it for a mo-
ment be supposed that Rome deprived us
of our ancient usages. Rome in no way
interfered, or would, so far as can be
conjectured, ever have interfered. She
has not only tolerated, but enforced, the
ancient Lituriries of the East. She allows
the Dominican varietv of the Roman
Mass, &c., &c. The bull of Pius V., as he
expressly stated, did not impose the new
edition of the Missal on any church which
had rites of its own with a prescription of
two hundred years. The Reformers set
themselves energetically to destroy the
Sarum books; copies became extremely
rare, and our clergy, forced to get their
education abroad, naturally preferred to
say Mass and otFice from the modern
Roman books which were so much more
easily procured.
(A full account of the literature will be
found in Smith and Cheetham, article
Liturgies, Some of the most important
works have been noticed in the courM_-
of this article. Le Brun, "Explication
de la Messe," is a most accurate and
convenient repertory of all the results
obtained by Renaudot, Mabillon, Menard,
&C. It abounds besides in original re-
search, and gives full accounts of the
chief Liturgies, with learned notes. But
no student should be without Mr. Ham-
mond's reprint of the texts of the Ancient
Liturgies, accompanied by an excellent
Introduction. Mr. Hammond puts the
student in possession of a rational classi-
fication of the liturgies, and teaches him
to fix his attention on the cardinal points
in reading larger books.)
I.OCZ TBEOX.OGZCX. The souTces
from which theological arguments are
drawn. The name has become familiar
through the celclirated work of Melchior
Cauus (1523-151 ;0), a Spanish Dominican,
Professor of Theology at Salamanca,
employed at the Council of Trent under
Paul III., and finally Bishop of the
Canaries. In this work, which is written
in most elegant and classic al Latin, Canus
uses the word loci or tottoi exactly as
Aristotle and Cicero had done — ».e. in the
sense of sedes e quibus argumenta pro-
muntur. It discusses the use to be made
by the theologian of Scripture, Councils,
Fathers, Philosophy, &c., and forms a
scientific introduction to Dogmatic Theo-
logy. Cauus complains that theologians
argued little from the Councils, not fre-
quently enough from Scripture, scarcely
at all from Histon% and he sets him.-t if
to guide them into a fuller and more di,<-
criminating use of the material which
the revival of letters was opening up.
]3oth in style and in method Canus marks
a new era. He had a most powerful
influence in inaugurating the critical and
historical as distinct from the merely
scholastic theology. (From the work of
Canus itself, and from Kuhn, " Dogmatik,"
i. p. 486 ^pfj.)
KOCOTKETE (Xoyo^fTT/r, properly,
an accountant). Besides a number of
ofiicers in the civil service who bore this
title at the Byzantine Court,' it was given
to the chief otficial of the Patriarch of
1 See Gibbon s Decline atui Fall, ch. liii.
576 LOLLARDS
LORETO
Constantinople, the logotheta ecclesiasticus,
whose functions closely resembled those
of an episcopal chancellor in the Western
Church. [See Chancelloe, Episcopal.]
(Wetzer and Welte.)
Z.OX.Z.ARSS. [See Wyclutites.]
lOR£TO. In the Ecclesiastical
State, a few miles south of Ancona, on a
hill three miles distant from the sea,
there is a stately domed church, the work
of Bramante, rising among the bouses of
the little city of Loreto. On eiitering the
church, the pilgrim or traveller observes
under the dome " a singular rectangular
edifice, of no great height, constructed
apparently of white marble, and richly
adorned with statues and sculpture."
This is the famous Santa Casa, or Holy
House, which tradition asserts to be the
very same building in which the Blessed
Virgin Mary dwelt at Nazareth, where
she heard the message of the archangel,
and where the Holy Family resided
during the childhood and hidden life of
our Lord. Its internal length is about
31 feet; its breadth, 13 feet. The roof
is modem. Externally, the original walls
cannot be seen ; but within the building
the coarse stonework of the original
masonry is exposed to view. The material
is a dark reddish-coloured stone. It was
once thought to be brick, in which case
this could not have been the house which
once stood at Nazareth, where brick
houses are unknown. But on this ques-
tion of the stone of which the Santa
Casa is built, more will have to be said
further on, when the current objections
to the legend come under consideration.
Towards the eastern end of the house
stands an altar, and behind the altar is an
image, said to be of olive wood, now
blackened by the smoke of the lamps ;
this is the famous image of our Lady of
Loreto.
The legend of the Holy House in its
main features runs as follows. The
Christian power having been finally ex-
pelled from Palestine,' the house in which
God's Mother dwelt for many years with
her Divine Son and St. Joseph was com-
pletely at the mercy of the infidels. That
it might be removed to a place of safety,
and be for the future in Christian hands,
angels lifted it from its foundations, and
bore it through the air, in the first place
to Illyria, w^here it rested on the top of a
hill at Tersatz or Tersatto, near Fiiime, in
the night of May 10, 1291. In the
morning the inhabitants wondered to see
> By the capture of Acre, 1291.
a house standing where none had beett
before ; they approached it, noticed that
it was without foundations, and upoa
entering saw an altar and an image of the
Virgin and Child. But the Holy House
of Nazareth, for such it was, did not long
remain at Tersatz. After three years and
a half, on December 10, 1294, it was re-
moved to the opposite side of the Adriatic.
Shepherds near Recanati are said to have
seeii it borne through the air,' and de-
posited in a wood near the sea called
Lauretum, either from the laurels which
grew there or because it belonged to a
rich lady of Recanati named Laureta.
Soon pilgrims visited it in gri'at numbers,
but, the place being remote, brigands also
made their appearance, and to approach
the house became a work of danger. In
less than a year (August 1295) there was
a third removal, to a hill three or four
miles from the w-ood, along which passed
a public rnad. The spot where the Holy
House alighted belonged to two brothers,
who quarrelled as to their respective
rights of property in the site. Again, in
December 129.5, the house was removed
from its place, but only for a very short
distance, and was set down in the middle
of the public road above mentioned,
where it has remained to the present day.
The Blessed Virgin, appearing in a vision
to a holy liermit who dwelt near Recanati,
soon after the final translation, unfolded
to him the true character of the house.
After a time the people of Tersatz heard
where it was, and numbers of them
crossed the sea to visit it. These simple
pilgrims are said to have solemnlj' en-
treated our Lady to return to them,
exchiiming, "Torna, torna a noi, bella
Signora, con la tua Casa."
Such being the legend, it remains to
inquire by what kind of testimony it is
supported, and to consider objections
which have been advanced against various
j portions of it. The evidence producible,
i whatever may be its value, is not so strong
and conclusive as of itself to exclude the
possibility of doubt. No contemporary
book or record, with the exception of two
1 The accounts vary ; Baptista says that
the great-great-grandfather of a certain Paul of
Recanati saw the house '-ijlidinir over the
waves of the sea like a ship ; " Tursellinus,
though his narrative is otherwise consistent
with this view, adds thiit ' thcro was one
among them [the shepherds] who atfirmed ihat
he saw it when it was being \n<rnv in mid air
over the sea;" Jerome Ani:clita (who wrote
about 1530, and before Turscllinu^) simply says
that it was " miraculously carried over the sea."
LORETO
LORETO 577
documents -whicli will be considered
further on, can be appealed to as noticing
the translation. No extant writing of the
fourteenth century directly ' mentions it.
The archives of Tersatz and Recauati,
which are said to have contained state-
ments confirmatory of different parts of
the above narrative, have perished. The
eai-liest account of the translation which
can be distinctly traced was drawn up by
Peter George Teremanus, or Teramano,
Guardian of the Santa Casa, in 1460 ; on
this the accounts given by Baptista and
Angelita were evidently based. Tere-
manus examined witnesses and took down
their evidence; one of these, named
Francis, deposed that his grandfather,
who lived to be 120 years old, had
told him that he had seen the House
while it was still in the wood, and often
gone in and prayed there. T'eremanus
put together a narrative which he in-
scribed on a tablet and hung up in the
Santa Casa ; this tablet was seen and read
by Baptista and Angelita. Two bulls of
I»aul II., dated 1464 and 1471,speak of the
" Domus et Imago " of the Blessed Virgin
Mary at Loreto ; the later of the two
refers in general terms to the translation.
The first writer who, in works still
extant, speaks of the translation, seems to
have been Baptista Mantuanus, an Italian
poet of some note, who joined the Car-
melite order (to which the custody of the
sanctuary of Loreto was committed by
Sixtus IV.) and vsrrote a history of the
church about 1480.' He derived his in-
formation chiefly from the tablet of
Teremanus, whom he calls Neronianus.
In his " Agelarii," a poem in Latin hex-
ameters,^ Baptista enlarges in a florid
style on the marveUoiis translation. After
Baptista came the Jerome Angelita
already mentioned, who dedicated his
circumstantial history of the Santa Casa
to Clement VII. ; he was followed by the
Jesuits TorseUino and Riera, and many
others.
1 The expression " directly " is used because
Jerome Angelita, %vho was perpetual chancellor
of the cimimune of Recanati, and wrote on
Loreto early in the sixteenth century, declares
that he had found among the town records a
brief of Benedict XIII. (fur XII.) dated in 1341,
which he understood as indirectli/ referrinfr to
the image contained in the Santa Casa. The
brief induk'enccd a picture in a church at
Kecana i, which, being a copy of the said
image, was visited by aged p»?rsons who could
not walk out as far as Loreto.
' Baptista. Opera omnia (Antwerp, 1676),
Tol. iv. p. 216,
5 lb. vol. i. p. 362.
There is, however, evidence of earlier
date that Loreto was, and Wad long been,
a celebrated shrine of our Lady ; and the
question suggests itself, on what did th.it
t L'lebrity rest ? Flavins Blondus, born in
l;388, in his work " Italia Illustratu," of
which we may place the date between
1430 and 1440,^ speaks of the " sacellum "
of the Blessed Virgin at Loreto as of a
shrine of great celebrity, and notices the
number of costly e.c-votos, testifying to
the gratitude of the ott'erers, which were
hung on the walls of the church. It can
hardly be doubted that this " sacellum "
was identical with the Santa Casa now at
Loreto. The same word is frequently
used by Baptista in his history already
mentioned, and there it evidently refers to
the Santa Casa, the migrations of which
he describes nearly in the same manner
as in the legend given above. There-
fore, if Flavins did not mean the Santa
Casa by the " sacellum " of the Virgin
(which he distinguishes from the " basi-
lica " to which it was attached), he must
have meant some building which in the in-
terval between 1430 and 1480 totally dis-
appeared, and was replaced by a bouse
built of stone brought from Palestine for
the purpose,' to represent our Lord's abode
at Nazareth. To adopt such a view
without a particle of evidence would be
uncritical. Flavius, therefore, when he
mentions the " sacelliun celeberrimum " of
Loreto, is speaking of the present Santa
Casa, the antiquity of which is thus
traced to within 150 years of the time at
which the legend says it was brought
to Loreto. But surely his words authorise
us to go further ; he speaks of this as the
most famous shrine of the Virgin "in the
whole of Italy ; " but the growth of such
a fame must have been an afl^air of many
years ; we should naturally suppose that
the commencement of the devotion could
not have been later than the middle of
the fourteenth century. Hence by a pro-
cess of legitimate inference we are led to
the conclusion that the present Santa
Casa must have been at Loreto within
some fifty years of the time which the
legend fixes for its arrival.
A further question arises — Can the
existence of the Santa Casa be traced
before its alleged removal to Loreto ? A
remarkable passage in a description of the
Holy Land by a Greek writer named
' At the end of the treatise Havius speaks
of Eugenius IV. ( + 1447) as still living.
2 The necessity of this inference will be
shown further on.
P f
^7S LORETO
Phocas, of which a translation' is given
in the article on Loreto by Mr. MejTick,
in the "Christian Kemembrancer " for
April 1854, throws light on this point.
Phocas visited Nazareth in 1185, and
says that he found two churches there,
one of which contained the house of
Joseph in which the Annunciation and
Conception were said to have taken place.
He says in one place that this house
was " transformed into a most beautiful
church " : but a few lines further on we
come to a passage which shows what his
meaning was. For after saying that in
this church, on the left side, near the
altar, there was a cave, he adds; "Pro-
ceeding from the mouth within the cave
you come down a few steps, and thus gain
a view of that which was anciently the
house of Joseph, in which, after her return
from the fountain, . . . the angel thus
saluted the Virgin. Now on the spot
where the salutation took place there is
a cross of black stone, graven in rehef on
white marble, and on the right side of
the said altar was a small cot (fxiKpos
niKia-Kos), in which the ever Virgin
^Mother of God had her chamber." It is
contended that either the whole house
here mentioned, or else the "cot" on the
right side of the altar,^ was the Santa
Casa now at Loreto. This much, at any
rate, is clear, that about 100 years before
the date assigned to the first removal of
the house to Tersatz, there was a building
within a church at Nazareth which
tradition named "the house of Joseph."
Nothing seems to have been changed at
a period nearly seventy years later (125.3),
when St. Louis visited Nazareth. About
12()2 this church, as is mentioned in a
hitter from Urban IV. to St. Louis, dated in
the following year,' was " levelled to the
ground " by the Sultan of Babylon. But
it does not necessarily ibllow that the
house was destroyed, for the Christians
would be likely to block up and conceal
the entrance of the cave. For a specimen
of the way in which travellers spoke of
the state of things at Nazareth after 1291,
we may take the passage cited by Mr.
Meyrick from Sir John Maundevile, who
visited Palestine about 1350. "It [the
church] is now all downe ; and men have
made a litylle resceyt, besyde a pilere of
that chirche, for to rescey ve the ofTrynges
1 The original may be read in the Acta
Sanctorum, t. ii. Miii. p. 3.
Benoilict XIV. favoured the second of
thet^e su|.p,.>iiions.
» Meyrick, p. 357.
LORETO
of pilgrymes." There is no mention here
of anything like what Phocas saw.
Gradually a new subterranean chapel
was fashioned, smaller than the Santa
Casa, but partly on the same area ; this is
now called the " Chapel of the Angel."
The original foundations of the "house of
Joseph " were explored in the seventeenth
century by the Franciscan guardians of
the shrine at Nazareth ; and they testified
that they exactly tallied with the dimen-
sions of the house at Loreto.'
Adamnan of lona, a writer of the
eighth century, also speaks of the two
churches at Nazareth, and his language
has been supposed to imply that the
house of Joseph had existed on the site of
one of them, but was in existence no
longer. But the words need not neces-
sarily be so understood ; they are perfectly
compatible with the actual existence of
the house at the time when Arculfus,
Adamnan's informant, visited Nazareth.
Respecting many other points of in-
terest relating to the Santa Casa, such as
the frequency of the miracles wrought
there, the visions of our Lady at Tersatz
and Loreto, the bulls of Pontiffs, and
the alterations made by Papal order in the
house itself, the reader is referred to one
or more of the works mentioned at the
end of the article, particularly to those of
the Abb6 Caillau, Archbishop Kenrick,
and Father Hutchison.
A few of the common objections to
the authenticity of the Holy House call
for some remark. The late Dean Stanley,
who gives a glowing and really beautiful
description of the environs of the Lake of
Gennesareth in his " Sinai and Palestine,"
was led to treat of the history of the Santa
Casa in connection with his visit to Naza-
reth. No one can be sui-prised that a man
so prepossessed in favour of a non-miracu-
lous and non-clerical Christianity rejected
the lioreto legend, though he cannot have
been insensible to its beauty. He thought
he could show that if the Santa Casa was
ever connected with a grotto in the side
of the hill at Nazareth, according to the
received view, either the house had no
door, or there was a dead wall between
it and the grotto, and no way of passing
from one to the other. His argument is
met and shown to be fallacious in the
work of Father Hutchison. The Dean
thought that the house must have been
built of set purpose by some devout
person or persons in the middle ages, to
keep alive devotion to the mystery of the
' Hutchison, p. 74.
LOnETO
LORETO
579
Iiicnrnntion, just as the chapels of the I
Sncro Monte at Varallo were huilt, and j
with the feeling that prompted the Pisans
to bring home earth from Palestine in
their galleys and coTertheirCampo Santo
■with it. it is enough to say that this is
pure conjecture, and that if such a work
had ever been undertaken at Loreto, some
record of it could hardly fail to have been
preserved. [
It was for a long time a common !
Protestant objection that the Santa
Casa could not have been the house at
Nazareth, because it was of brick, and I
brick buildings were unknown at Naza- j
reth. It is now well known that the '
house is built of stone ; but it has been
maintained that this stone is the common
red volcanic stone of the neighbourhood,
and " wholly unlike anything in Pales-
tine." The contradictory of this assertion
appears to have been established through '
the exertions of Mgr. (now Cardinal)
Bartolini, who sent to an eminent profes-
sor of chemistry at Rome four samples of
stone — two brought from Nazareth, and
two taken (with the Pope's permission)
from the walls of the Santa Casa — with a
request that he would analyse and report
on them. The professor reported that the
chemical composition of the four samples
was absolutely identical, although in ap- |
pearance and mechanical characteristics
they differed considerably.' FatherHutchi- I
son concludes that " the stone of which '
the Holy House is composed is limestone,
identical with that of Nazareth, the stone
about Loreto being of a totally diflerent
character." t
Mr. Meyrick, perhaps the ablest of all
the assailants of the legend, has fallen '■
into several inaccuracies. Endeavouring ■
to show that the views taken by different
Pontiffs have not been in agreement with
one another, he says (p. 368), " The bull
of ... . Julius II makes the
house pass at once from Nazareth to
Recanati." It is true that TorselHno
says so ; but the fact is otherwise ; the
bull of Julius, of which Archbishop !
Kenrick (p. 145) prints the text, dis- I
tinctly states that the house was first
removed " ad partes Sclavonise et locum |
Flumen nuncupatum." Again, Mr. Mey-
rick, when endeavouring to throw discredit j
on Jerome Angelita's statement that
Nicolas Frangipani, lord of Tersatz, was
absent at the time of the first translation,
having gone to the war with the Emperor
' Hutchison, p. 79. The Report is given
■n extenso by Father Hutchison, p. 80.
Rodolph, States that that emperor died
" on the 15th July, 1291," only some two
months after the date assigned to the trans-
lation. But in fact Rodolph died on
September fiO, 1291. An error of more im-
portance is the assertion that there is an
absolute lack of contemporary evidence for
the legend. Mr. Meyrick must surely have
seen the large work of Martorelli; in this
(vol. ii. p. 49) the text is given of a
letter of instruction, dated September 9,
12; '5, and addressed by the priors of the
commune of Recanati to their emissary,
one Alexander de Servannis, in which
they state that the " Sancta Domus " has
wonderfully been removed from its rest-
ing place in the wood to the land of two
brothers of the Antici family, and that he
is to confer with the town's agent at
Rome with a view to obtaining from the
Pope a brief authorising the transfer of
the new site to the town of Recanati.
Cinelli, a Florentine, author of a work on
Loreto never printed, but in the possession
of a Roman canon at the time when
Martorelli wrote, is said to state in it
that he had copied this letter from the
original in ihe possession of the Marchesi
Antici. Cinelli wrote about 1705. In
his unprinted history is also said (by
Martorelli) to be contained a letter from
Paul of the Wood, written in 1297 to
Charles Duke of Sicily, and informing
him of various particulars respecting the
translation. It is plain that these state-
ments of Martorelli require more investi-
gation than they have yet received. If
the original letter of the priors existed in
his time, there seems no reason why it
should not be still preserved in some
Italian library, and if it were found, and
declared by palseographers to be really of
the date assigned to it by Cinelli, the
question of the truth of the legend would
be nearly settled. On the other hand, if
the letters can be proved to be fabri-
cations, or if the credit of Cinelli can be
shown to be nil, the question would
remain where it was before.
(CaiUau, " Hist. Critique et Relig. de
N. D. de Lorette," 184-3 ; Flavins Blondus,
" Opera," Basle, 1559 ; Hutchison, " Lo-
reto and Nazareth," 1863 ; Jerome An-
eelita, "Hist, della Traslatione della
Santa Casa," 1571 ; Kenrick, "The Holy
House of Loretto," Philadelphia, 1876 ;
Mantuanus Baptista, " Opera Omnia,"
Antwerp, 1576; Martorelli, " Teatro
Istorico," &c., Rome, 1732; Meyrick, art.
on Loreto in " Christ. Remembrancer, ''
April 1854 ; Torsellino, " Historia Laur-
P p 2
580 LORETTO NUNS
LUTHER AKD LUTHERANISM
etana," Cologne, 1622; English version
of Torsellino, by T. P., 1608; Zucchi,
" Istoria di Loreto," Italian version of
Torsellino, vnth an additional book,
Venice, 1610.)
X.ORETTO wtra. The founder of
this order, Mrs. Mary Teresa Ball, an
Irish lady, took for her pattern the rule
and customs of the Institute of the
T5.V.M. (see that article), in the York
house of which community she had been
trained to re;^ular discipline during seven
years, and made herself fully acquainted
with the excellent system of female edu-
<-ation there practised. Returning to Ire-
land, and supported by the approbation
of Archbishop Murray, Mrs. Ball pur-
oliased a large mansion at Rathfarnham,
•near Dublin, and, in November 1822,
" commenced the institution which has
since become so well known, and so de-
servedly celebrated, as the convent of
' Our Lady of Loretto.' " There are at
present about sixteen other convents
(if Loretto nuns in Ireland. In 1841 a
ooloiiy of eleven sisters went to India,
iuid, with the aid of Archbishop Carew,
t st a 1 (1 ished themselves in Calcutta, whence
they liave sent out several branches. In
1845 the order was introduced into the
^Mauritius, and two years afterwards a
<;ol.>nv of nuns was planted at Toronto
in LTpper Canada, whence they have
,>;])read to several other places. (Dean
Murphy's "Sketches"; Irish Catholic
Directory.)
I.OW STTM-BAV. The first Sunday
after Easter. The name given to it in
the Missal and Breviary is " Dominica in
Albis," because then the newly-baptised
wore their white robes for the last time.
St. Augustine mentions this custom in a
sermon for the day, and it is alluded to
in the noble Breviary hymn still used in
the vespers of Low Sunday, " Ad regias
Agni dapes."
The name Low Sunday, like the
Greek avrnrdaxa, emphasises the contrast
between the great Easter solemnity and the
Sunday which ends the octave. Another
Latin name " Pascha clausum " is pre-
served in the Dutch name, "Beloken
Paaschen,"t.e." clo.se of Easter." The name
Quasimodo " is taken from the first words
of the introit in the Mass, and is the
common name for this Sunday in France
and Germany.
I.TJWETTI:. A circular crystal case,
fitting into an aperture in the mon-
strance, in which the Blessed Sacrament
is placed for exposition.
X.TTTHSa AND XiVTHERAITZSK.
Martin Luther was born at Eisleben,
Saxony, November 10, 1483, and died
there February 18, 1546. His father was
a peasant who afterwards became a miner.
Soon after Martin's birth the family re-
moved to Mansfeld, and there the lad
received his early education. The public
or elementary schools at this time were
very numerous in Germany. Martin's
gifts were marked from the beginning.
He had a fine voice, was admitted to the
choir, and, following the custom of the
time, sang before the houses of the rich to
gain money enough to enable him to
prosecute his studies in a higher school.
At fourteen he was sent to the school of
the Franciscans at Magdeburg, where he
remained a year. From Magdeburg he
went to Eisenach, where his voice at-
tracted the attention and favour of Dame
Ursula Cotta, a wealthy lady, who re-
ceived him into her house and supported
him until he entered the university of
Erfurt (1501). Martin's father was now
a master-miner and in a position to
advance his son. He sent him to Erfurt
to study law. There he remained until
1505, when he took his degree of Master
of Arts and began a course of lectures on
Aristotle. He was of an ardent and
impulsive temperament and had strong
religious leanings. The sudden death of
a friend, who was struck by lightning at
his side, seems to have detei-mined his
vocation. In spite of the opposition of
his father and friends he entered the
Augustinian convent at Erfurt to dedicate
himself to God (July 17, 1505). There
he went through the customary discipline,
and in 1507, his father objecting to the
last, he was ordained priest. Luther's
earnestness and application won the favour
of Dr. John Staupitz, the Augustinian
provincial of Meissen and Thuringia.
Frederick the Wise, elector of Saxony,
had opened a university at Wittenberg
and was looking for capable professors.
At the recommendation of Staupitz,
Luther was offered the chair of dialectics
(1508) and afterwards lectured in theo-
logy. Urged by Staupitz, he undertook,
though at first with extreme reluctance,
to preach. His abilities were so marked
and his zeal so apparent, that in 1510
he, with a brother monk, was chosen to
visit Rome on business of the order.
The sight of Rome and the memories
it called up moved the impressionable
young man so deeply that he fell on his
knees and cried, "Hail, Rome I holy
LUTHER AXD LUTHERANISM
LUTHER AND LUTHERANISM 531
■city, thrice sanctified by the blood of
martyrs 1 "
From his coming to man's estate Lu-
ther's mind seems never to have been
■wholly at rest, nor were his convictions
■wholly clear on certain doctrinal points.
At Rome, the Rome of Leo X., he was
scandalised to hear that many priests
•were unbelievers. Returning to his uni-
Tcrsitj-, he resumed his lectures and his
studies, was made Doctor of Theology
(1512), and studied closely Greek and
Hebrew in order to enable him better to
expound the Scriptures. About this time
Pope Leo X. proclaimed indulgences in
Germany, for those who contributed to
the completion of St. Peter's basilica in
Rome. Albert of Brandenburg, elector
and archbishop of Mentz and Magdeburg,
was ordered to publish the indulgences,
and John Tetzel, of Leipzig, a learned
and eloquent Dominican, was appointed
by Albert to preach the indulgences
among the people.
The proclamation of indulgences was
not new in Germany, nor was opposition
to it on the part of the people and of both
civil and ecclesiastical authorities new.
[See Indulgences.]
When Tetzel began to preach the
indulgences, opposition at once brolie
out, and Luther took the lead in the
opposition. He drew up his objections
in the shape of ninety-five propositions,
which he fastened to the door of the
castle church at Wittenberg on AU
Saints' eve (October 31, 1517). In these
he attacked the abuse, not the doctrine,
of indulgences, pronouncing anathema
on whosoever spoke against the truth of
Papal indulgences (Prop. 71). He stated,
furthermore, that he had no purpose to
speak against Holy W^rit or the doctrines
of the Popes and Fathers of the Church.
Nevertheless the propositions contained
the germ of his future heresy.
In assailing the abuse of indulgences
Luther only gave voice to a widespread
feeling in Germany. He at once gained
a number of adherents, among them men
of influence both in Church and State.
The Bishop of Wurzburg wrote to the
Elector Frederick to protect Luther. A
heated controversy arose. There were
various replies to Luther, one of the
ablest being by Tetzel. A more famous
and learned opponent stiU was Dr. John
Eck, \- ice-chancellor of the University of
Ingoldstadt. Luther, now wholly roused,
replied with heat and haste to his adver-
saries, and in a style and manner not at
all in accord with modem ideas of con-
troversial courtesy. His opponents were
asses, pigs, dolts, &c., and were assailed
with still viler epithets. Where he failed
in argument he took refuge in invective,
often of the coarsest kind. As the con-
troversy deepened he struck farther away
from the doctrinal truths he had hitherto
preached and taught. Yet he claimed
to be in perfect accord and sympathy
with the centre of Catholic doctrine, and
in the letter to Pope Leo X^ which
accompanied his propositions and their
defence he wrote : " Most Holy Father,
I cast myself at thy feet with aU that I
have and am. Give life or take it ; call,
recall, approve, reprove ; your voice is
that of Christ, who presides and speaks
in you."
Probably none of the parties engaged
in the controversy had any idea at this
time whither it was drifting. The Pope
took the matter easily. Nevertheless he
appointed a court to try the case and
summoned (August 7, 1518) Luther to
Rome to defend himself. At the request
of the Elector Frederick, the Diet of
Augsburg was substituted for Rome as
the place of trial, and Cardinal Cajetan,
Papal legate, was ap])ointed to represent
the Pope at the Diet. Luther appeared
(October 1518). The cardinal's in-
structions were to enter into no con-
troversy, but demand an absolute retrac-
tation on Luther's part. Luther claimed
that he had said naught against the
Scriptures, the doctrine of the Church,
the decrees of Popes, or reason. He con-
sented to declare formally his reverence
and obedience to " the Roman Church in
every word and deed, whether in time
past, present, or future," and if he had
said aught contrary to this declaration he
wished it to be considered as having been
never spoken. He fled from Augsburg
angry at heart.
The Pope issued a bull explaining
clearly the true teaching of the Church
on indulgences (November 9, 1518), and
sent Charles of Miltitz, himself a Saxon,
as nuncio into Germany with a view to
reconciling all parties and bringing about
peace. Miltitz seemed to side with
Luther as against Tetzel. He prevailed
upon Luther to -write another letter
(March 3, 1519) of complete submission
to the Pope and to the authority of the
Church ; but the nuncio was deceived in
imagining his mission accomplished.
While the German bishops were pre-
paring to meet and confer on the poiuta
582 LUTHER AND LUTHERANISM
LUTHER AND LUTHERANISM
of dispute, a public discussion took place
at Leipzig between Luther and his friends
and their opponents. George, duke of
Sa.xony, presided, and a large and culti-
vated audience assembled. With Luther
were his friend Carlstadt and the Witten-
berg professors. Opposed to them whs
the learned Eck, and the professors of
Cologne, Louvain, and Leipzig. The
chief matters of discussion were the con-
dition of man after the fall ; free-will and
grace ; penance and indulgences ; and the
primacy of the Church of Rome, which
primacy, Luther maintained, rested only
ou human authority, claiming that the
Pope had no more jurisdiction than the
Archbishop of Magdeburg or the Bishop
of Paris. Here also Luther gave open
expression to his doctrine that faith
alone, with or without good works, secures
salvation. He furthermore denied free-
will in man and the infallibility of the
oecumenical councils. Duke George,
seeing the danger of these propositions,
stopped the discussion.
The universities of Paris, Louvain,
and Cologne condemned Luther's propo-
sitions (1519). Luther retaliated with
abuse of the faculties of those establish-
ments, and on October 11, 1520, wrote to
the Pope, sending him his pamphlet on
" Christian Liberty," and assailing in
virulent terms the whole office and dig-
nity of the Papacy. Meantime he was
incessant in defence of his theories, and
between 1520 and 1521 he launched out
pamphlet after pamphlet, that were
eagerly caught up by the German people
and spread abroad, creating discussion
and tumult everywhere. In these he
taught that the Bible was the only source
of faith ; that human nature was wholly
corrupted by original sin; tliat conse-
quently man was not free, and whatever
he did, whether good or ill, was the work
of God ; that faith alone saves ; that the
hierarchy and priesthood are unnecessary,
and exterior worship is useless ; that the
sacraments were profitless (a doctrine
that he afterwards modified), and that
Christian priesthood is universal.
These doctrines, especially the last,
caught the hearts of multitudes, the gist
of them being an absolute freedom from
all restraint and a practical sanctification
of sin. Luther appealed strongly to the
spirit of nationality and greed. He ad-
dressed tli« emperor, the nobles, and the
peoples. He urged the emperor to over-
throw the power of the Pope, confiscate
the wealth of the Church, abolish feasts
and holidays, and Masses for the dead.
He substituted German for the Latin,
which was the literary language of the
time, and by this means his teachings
spread the more readily among his coun-
trymen, while he made use of vile illus-
trations to caricature the Pope, the monks,
and the teachings of the Church.
On June 15, 1520, the Pope issued a
bull specifically condemning Luther's
teachings and excommunicating him if
he refused to retract within sixty days.
Luther retorted with a pamphlet in
which he held the author of the bull to
be Antichrist. He succeeded in winning
over the elector of Saxony, who used his
good offices in Luther's behalf with the
emperor Charles V. Luther appealed
(November 17, 1520) from the authority
of the Pope to a general council, and on
December 10, 1520, publicly burned the
Pope's bull at Wittenberg, consigning
the Pope himself to " fire eternal." The
emperor, seeing the fiame that was being
kindled over the land, convoked the
German Diet at Worms (1521). Luther
appeared before the Diet to answer the
charges against him, and refused to re-
tract unless "convicted of error by Scrip-
ture proof or by plain reason," he relying
absolutely on his own interpretation of
Scripture. All efforts to change him
being unavailing, he was ordered to quit
Worms, and left under a safe-conduct.
He was taken to Wartburg, near Eisenach,
and there remained from May 1521 to
March 1522, living under the name of
" Master George " and dressing as a
knight. The Diet of Worms placed him
under the ban of the empire as a heretic.
But the circumstances of the time and
the opposition of the German States ren-
dered the edict ineffective.
At Wartburg, which he called his
" Patmos," Luther employed most of his
time in translating the Bible into German
and in issuing more pamphlets.' Leo X.
> The Church Times of July 26, 1878, speak-
ing of the List of Bibles in the Caxtnn Exhibi-
tion (South KensioKton, 1877), published by
H. Stevens, says : " This catalogue will be very
useful for one thing at any rate, as disproving
the popular lie about Luther finding the Bib e
for the first time at Erfurt about 1507. Not
only are there very many editions of the Latio
Vulgate long anterior to that time, but there
were actually nine German editions of the Bible
in the Caxton Exhibition earlier than 14H3, the
year of Luther's birth, and at least three more
before the end of the century." Mr. H. Stevens
writes in the Athenieum of October 6, 1883,
p. 434: "By 1507 more than one hundred
Latin Bibles had been printed, some of them
LUTHER AND LUTIIERANISM
LUTHER AND LUTIIER.\NISM 583
died December 1, 1 521, and was succeeded
by Adrian VI., who took up with great
earnestness the subject of reform within
the (^hurch. He urged the Diet of Niirn-
berg (November 1 522) to take active and
vigorous stejis against Luther, for "the
revolt now directed against the spiritual
authority will shortly deal a blow at the
temporal also." The Diet confessed that
it was impossible to enforce the edict
against Luther for fear of a popular up-
rising. Adrian died in 1523 and was
succeeded by Clement VII.
Clement sent Cardinal Campeggio to
the Diet at Niirnberg, but he was as un-
successful as his predecessors. Most of
the princes seemed to favour a break
with Rome, and Frederick, the elector of
Saxony, made himself the chief protector
of Luther and those who followed him.
The States divided : Mecklenburg, An-
halt, Mansfeld, Prussia, and the cities of
Brunswick and Magdeburg declared for
Luther, under the leadership of John,
the new elector of Saxony, and Philip
landgrave of Hesse, an alliance being
concluded at Torgau (May 4, 1526). The
other side made an alliance at Dessau,
and thus began the division between the
Catholic and Protestant Statesof Germany.
Luther's teachings had already taken
effect among the people. Many monks
renounced their orders and their vows.
Carlstadt, Luther's friend, raised a mob
at Wittenberg and destroyed the altars
and images of Christ and the saints.
The same was done elsewhere. Infant
baptism was rejected at Zwickau, where
Nicholas Storch organised a society that
developed into the Anabaptists. These
attracted Carlstadt and other prominent
Lutherans, and great excesses were corn-
small and cheap pocket editions. There had
been, besides, thirteen edition$ of a translation of
the Vulgate into German, and others in other
modern l.nnsuages. . . . Amo-^s the most
interesting additions latest made [to the Gren-
ville Library in the British Museum] is a
nearly complete set of fourteen grand old pre-
Luther German Bibles, 1460-1518, all in huge
folios except the twelfth, which is in quarto
form." The Athenaeum of December 22, 188a,
contains an article on " The German Bible before
Luther," in which it is shown that what Geffcken
calls "the German Vulgate " was in common use
aniiing the people long before Luther's time; that
Luther had evidently the old Catholic German
Bible of 1483 before him, when making his
translation ; and that, consequently, " it is time
we should hear no more of I.uther as the first
German Bible translator, and of his translation
as an independent work from the original
Greek "' (from The Bible and the Reformation,
by C. F. B. Allnatt).
j mitted by them at Wittenberg. Luther
took alarm, and leaving Wartburg reached
Wittenberg on Good Friday, 1522. All
through Easter week he harangued his
followers and condemned their violence.
More monks left their convents, took
wives, and recruited the Lutheran ranks.
The teaching of human irresponsil)ility
for sin and disregard of all authority
took effect among the masses. The pea-
sants rose in rebellion against their lords,
burned convents, and stormed the castles
of the nobles. Thomas Miinster took the
lead, preaching human equality. Luther
himself was compelled to preach against
those whom his doctrines had aroused,
and he urged the nobles to slay without
mercy these " children of the devil." His
advice was taken, and it is estimated that
a hundred thousand peasants were slain
in the " Peasants' War."
Luther called Henry VTII. the
"crowned ass, liar, varlet, idiot, snivel-
ling sophist, and swine of the Thomist
herd." The learned Erasmus was also
drawn into the controversy against
Luther, and was answered in similar
strain. Luther had now thrown olF his
monk's habit, and on June 13, 1525, he
married Katharina von Bora, an ex-nun
of Nimptschen, in Saxony. He had been
already famed for his free life even among
his own followers, and this final step
brought great ridicule on the Reformer.
"It was thought,'' wrote Erasmus, " that
Luther was the hero of a tragedy; but
for my part I regard him as playing the
chief part in a comedy, that has ended,
like all comedies, in a marriage."
Luther's adherents had become so
numerous that he found it necessary to
systematise a form of faith and of eccle-
siastical government for them in lieu of
that which he had taught them to reject.
A synod was called at Homburg by
Philip of Hesse (October 152G). It was
there agreed to adopt a synodal constitu-
tion which gave each congregation com-
plete control over its own ecclesiastical
discipline. This plan, with some modifi-
cations to secure outward uniformity,
was adopted in the Lutheran States.
Preachers were appointed by a commis-
sion of ecclesiastics and laymen. The
established ecclesiastical foundations were
abolished, and the head of the State was
made the supreme authority within the
State on matters of Cliurch government.
To educate the rising generation in his
doctrines Luther published a larger and
a smaller catechism to be used in the
684 LUTHEE AND LUTHERANISM
LUTHER AND LUTHERANISM
schools (1529). These measures brought
the Lutherans closer together, and at the
Diet of Spires, held in 1526, the Lutheran
States presented a bold and organised
front in the persons of their princes. The
emperor was at war and consequently not
in a position to enforce any demands.
The Diet, accordingly, at the dictate of
the Lutherans, recognised, until the meet-
ing of an cecimienical council, the right of
each State to act for itself in regard to
religious matters. The Diet assembled
again at Spires in 1529 to determine reli-
gious dilllciilties and take measures against
the Turks. The conditions proposed hy
the Catholic princes were moderate
enough, but the Lutherans solemnly
protested against them, whence the name
of Protestants (April 19, 1529). They
claimed to be the exclusive heirs of the
true religion, the only members of the
one saving Church of Jesus Christ, and
pronounced the Mass an idolatrous act of
worship which should not be tolerated.
Disputes arose among the Lutherans
themselves concerning the Eucharist.
Luther denied the Catholic doctrine of
transubstantiation, and denied also
Zwingli's figurative interpretation of the
words " This is my body." He invented
the theory of consubstantiation. A con-
ference was held at Marburg (October 1,
1529) to settle the dispute, but it only
served to widen the dissension, and mani-
fest the absurdity of Luther's claim to
free interpretation of the Scriptures.
A Diet was held at Augsburg (June
1530) , at which the emperor Charles V.
presided. The Emperor demanded a
written confession of faith from the Pro-
testant princes and a list of the practices
of "which they complained. Hence origi-
nated what is known as the Augsburg
Confession, or Symbol of Faith, which
was dravm up by ^Melanchthon and suf-
fered subsequent changes. Luther fuUy
approved of it. The Confession was an
embodiment of Luther's teachings in a
partially disguised form, and among the
pretended abuses were Communion under
one kind, private Masses, clerical celibacy,
confession, and the ecclesiastical hierarchy.
The Catholic theologians drew up a Con-
futation of the Confession, which met the
approval of the emperor and of the Catho-
lic princes, and the Protestants were
ordered to remuince their errors and re-
turn to the ancient faith. A hopeless
attempt to bring about unity was made,
but frustrated by Luther and his more
resolute followers. The Zwinglian cities
drew up a Confession of their own, and
Zwingli himself another of his own
The emperor put an end to the profitless
discussion, giving the Protestants till
the 15th of the following April to deter-
mine on their course.
The Protestant princes met at Smal-
kald on Christmas Day, 15-30, and there
entered on an offensive and defensive
alliance, known as the League of Smal-
kald (March 29, 1531), to bind them for
seven years. Both Luther and Melan-
I chthon now authorised the use of arms
for the maintenance of Protestantism,
i The emperor, needing the Protestant alli-
i ance, entered into negotiations with them,
I conceding at Niirnberg (July 23, 1532)
that until the assembly of a general
council no action should be taken against
the Protestants, but that everything
should remain as it was. This is known
as the Peace of Niirnberg.
Clement VII. died in 1534, and was
j succeeded by Paul III., who was anxious
I to convene a council, that the I'rotestants
might attend. But they rejected all
overtures. The League of Smallcald was
renewed (1535) for ten years. In 15.34
Luther completed his translation of the
whole Bible, and in 1537 issued the Arti-
1 cles of Smalkald, which were accepted by
the League, and which embodied a spirit
I of deep hostility to the Catholic Church.
I " May God fill you with hatred of the
I Pope!" was his parting benediction to
i the League, and thenceforth the League
i refused to attend any council of the
Church.
The Swiss joined the Protestant
League in 15.38, and the elector of
Brandenburg in 1539. The duchy of
Saxony also joined, and Luther con-
tinued to inflame the minds of princes
j and people against the Catholic Church
j and the council. The emperor summoned
j another religious conference, which finally
met at Woi-ms (January 14, 1541). It
resulted in nothing. A Diet was next
called at Ratisbon (April 5), which proved
equally ineffectual.
The Anabaptists, supposed to have
been crushed in the Peasants' War. now
rose up again and appeared in Miinster
under John of Leyden and others. Poly-
gamy was introduced, and riot of every
kind reigned, until the city, after a siege
of eighteen months, was taken by storm
(June 25, 1535) and the leaders executed
with extreme cruelty. Philip of Hesse,
who had been mamed sixteen years, and,
with his wife living, was a notorious free-
LUTHER AND LrTHERAXISM
LYOXS, COUNCILS OF 685
liver, asked Luther to authorise him to
marry a second wife. After much hesi-
tation the Reformer, fearful of losing
Philip's assistance, granted the requisite
authorisation " in order to provide for the
welfare of his body and soul, and to bring
greater glory to God."
Lutheranism now began to be intruded
uito various places by force of arms.
Luther saw the seeds of religious dissolu-
tion already at work. His health was
broken and his spirit, save as against
Rome. He entertained grave doubts
about the efficacy of his work. The re-
form he saw to be a reform downwards.
Public morals were at a lower grade than
they had been before. " Since we began
to preach our doctrine," he said in his
pulpit at Wittenberg in 15-32, " the world
has grown daily worse, more impious,
and more shameless. Men are now beset
by legions of devils, and, while enjoying
the full light of the Gospel, are more
avaricious, more impure and repulsive,
than of old under the Papacy. Peasants,
burghers, and nobles — men of all degrees,
the highest as well as the lowest — are all
alike slaves to avarice, drunkenness,
gluttony, and impurity, and given over to
shameful excesses and abominable pas-
fiions." " Let us go from this Sodom,"
he wrote to Catharine in 1545, and quitted
Wittenberg in disgust, onlj' returning at
the demand of the elector and of the uni-
versity. At Eisleben he died shortly
after delivering a most violent sermon
against the Jews.
Owing to the wars, scandals, and dis-
turbances of the time Lutheranism spread
rapidly over many of the German States
and cities, being imposed upon some by
force of arms. Albert of Brandenburg
introduced it into Prussia, andathis death
in 1568 Lutheranism was the predominant
religion in his domain of West Prussia.
It readily made its way into Silesia, where
the Lutherans soon quarrelled among
themselves on doctrinal matters. It
entered more slowly into Poland, and
after a severe struggle its progress was
stayed by the exertions of some holy and
zealous prelates and the coming of the
Jesuits. It made more rapid advances
in Livonia, Courland, Esthonia, Hungary,
and Transylvania, though in Hungary it
was supplanted by Calvinism. In Sweden
it was established by Gustavus Vasa, and
soon passed into Denmark, Norway, and
Iceland. The same causes were at work
everywhere to favour its progress: cor-
ruption of public morals, wealth of the
Church, scandals among the clergy, greed
of gain on the part of the princes, nobles,
and people. After the first flush of con-
quest Lutheranism never made any ad-
vance in territory. It remained stationary
or receded in favour of Catholicity. " The
geographical frontier between the two
religions," says Macaulay,' "has continued
to run almost precisely where it ran at
the close of the Thirtjr Years' War ; nor
has Protestantism given any proofs of
that ' expansive power ' which has been
ascribed to it ; " and again : " We think
it a most remarkable fact that no Chris-
tian nation which did not adopt the
principles of the Reformation before the
end of the sixteenth century, should ever
have adopted them." It is estimated that
there are about 40,000,000 Lutherans in
the world, 20,000,000 of these being Ger-
mans. Recent reports show that onlj- a
small minority of these are communicants.
The masses of the Lutheran population
in Germany no longer attend church.
Lutheranism was first introduced into
the North American colonies by a colony
of Swedes about 16.30, the first church
being built in 1637. To-day Lutherans
rank about fourth in numerical order
among the Protestant denominations of
the United States.
IiYOM'S, COUM'CZI.S OT. I. The
first General Council of Lyons ended the
j long strife between the emperor Frederic
II. and the Church. The emperor, who
was educated under Innocent III., was a
man of extraordinary abilities and of a
wide culture, most unusual in that age.
He was a great statesman, he fostered
the schools of Palermo and Naples, en-
couraged the study of Arabic, philosophy
[ and mathematics, and set in his own
person an example of taste in Italian
literature. Unhappily, he had a super-
stitious belief in astrology, he was charged
with grave immorality, his temper was
cruel and despotic, and his word could
not be trusted. He had been crowned
emperor Ln 1220, and his diff'erences with
the Church, which had begun under the
gentle Pope Honorius III., broke out
into open war under Gregoiy IX., in
whom Frederic met an antagonist as
determined as himself. In 1227, the
j Pope excommunicated the emperor for
I constantly deferring a crusade which he
had promised to undertake. The latter
replied by seizing Rome and driving out
the Pope. When he did go to Jerusalem,
! he was still excommunicate ; he showed
I ' Essay on Ranke's History of the Popes.
m LYOXS, COUNCILS OF
LYONS, COUNCILS OF
that he had undertaken the crusade
purely from political motives; stories
were circulated of his contemptuous
speeches in the Holy City, which gained
for him the reputation of an unbeliever;
and it was not till 1230 that he was
absolved from excommunication. In 1239
he again incurred excommunication for
his attacks on the Lombards, and for
setting his natural son Enzio on the
throne of Sardinia, a fief of the Church.
He seized the States of the Church, and
in the midst of the strife Gregory IX.
died, (.'elestine IV. reigned only for a
few days, and the Holy See was vacant
for two years. In 1243, Innocent IV., a
former friend of Frederic's, was elected
Pope. The new Pope refused to absolve
Frederic except on conditions which the
emperor would not accept. Frederic
promoted sedition and tumult in Rome,
and by occupying all roads, bridges, and
harbours, cut the Pope off from inter-
course with the rest of the world. In
this extremity, the Pope fled from Sutri
by Civita Vecchia and Genoa to Lyons,
whither, on January 3, 12<1:5, he sum-
moned all kings, princes and prelates to
a general council.
The Byzantine emperor, Baldwin 11.,
the Latin Patriarchs of Constantinople,
Antioch, and Aquileia, and 140 bishops,
besides cardinals, were present at the con-
sultation previous to the council, while
the famous jurist Taddeo di Suessa de-
fended the cause of his master, Frederic.
At the first session (June 28, 1245), in
the cathedral church of St. John, the
Pope, in a long speech, enlarged on the
five wounds of Christendom — viz. the
sins of the higher and lower clergy, the
supremacy of the infidels in the Holy
Land, the straits of the Latin emperor in
Constantinople, the excesses of the Tar-
tars in Hungary and the neighbouring
countries, the oppression of the Church
by the emperor Frederic. He accused
the emperor of perjury, sacrilege, and
heresy ; of immorality ; of maintaining
an understanding with the Saracens ; of
friendship with the Saltan of Babylon.
In the third session various decrees were
passed on elections to benefices, contri-
butions to be levied for the Holy Land
and the Latin Empire in the East, and
for help against the Tartars; on the
abuse of Church censures, &c. &c. Again
Taddeo sought to exculpate his master,
and, failing in this, he protested against
the proceedings of the council, denied
that it was oecumenical, though there
were now 250 bishops present, and ap-
pealed to a future Pope and true general
council. The Pope, at the council's re-
quest, solemnly renewed the sentence of
excommunication against Frederic, de-
posed him from his office, and absolved
his subjects from allegiance, authorised a
new election to the empire, excommuni-
cated all who should serve him, whether
as emperor or king, and promised that
the Holy See would provide for Sicily.
The bishops dashed their candles to the
ground, in token of assent, and set their
seals to the instrument of excommunica/-
tion.
In 1246, the electors who took the
ecclesiastical side raised Henry Raspe of
Thiiringen, and after his death, in 1247,
William of Holland, nephew of the Duk©
of Brabant, to the royal dignity. Frede-
ric had still a considerable following,
but his son Conrad had been defeated at
Frankfort in 1246, and he himself met
with a decided reverse before Parma, in
1248. In 1250, he died in Apulia, 56
years of age. He had made his confession
to his friend the archbishop of Palermo,
and been reconciled to the Church.
II. Pope Gregory X., who was eager
for a new crusade, opened the Second
Council of Lyons (the Fourteenth Gene-
ral Council) in May 1274. James I. of
Aragon, the Latin Patriarchs of Con-
stantinople and Antioch, ambassadors
from England, France, Germany, and
Sicily, 500 bishops, besides other pre-
lates, met in the cathedral church. St,
Thomas of Aquin died on his way to the
council ; St. Buonaventure was actually
present, and died before it was over. A
tax was imposed on ecclesiastical bene-
fices in favour of the East. On June 24
the Greek ambassadors arrived, and in
the Mass on the feast of St. Peter and
St. Paul the Gospel and Creed were sung
in Greek as well as in Latin, the clause
"Filioque" being repeated three times.
In the fourth session, July 6, the docu-
ments from the Greek emperor, Michael
Palseologus, from the heir to his throne,
and from their prelates were publicly read,
and the emperor's representative swore
that his master renounced the schism
and returned to the obedience of the
Pope. The union thus effected was
scarcely more than nominal, and certainly
was of short duration, but it led to an
important definition by the council — viz.
that " the Holy Ghost proceeds eternally
from the Father and the Son," " as from
one principle" and "by a single spira-
MACCABEES, FEAST OF
MANICIIEE3
587
tion." An important measure was passed
to regulate and accelerate Papal elections.
The cardinals were to assemble in the
town where the last Pope died, ten days
after his decease ; they were to he strictly
secluded " in conclave " from the outer
world; their rations were to be dimi-
nished after the first three days, and
diminished yet further after eight days,
if their business still remained to be
done. Other decretals (collected in the
" Sextus Decretalium ") were published
by the Pope, partly during, partly after,
the council. (Hefele, " Concilien.")
M
MACCABEES, FEAST OF. [See
Saints.]
MACEDOirzAiirs (called also Fneur-
matoiitdchi). Heretics who denied that
the Holy Ghost was God, equal to and
consubstantial with Father and Son.
Macedonius was a Semiarian and bishop
of Constantinople till his deposition by
the Acacians, who were pronounced
Arians in 360. After his deposition, his
influence brought the Trinitarian con-
troversy into a new stage. Confessing
that tlie Son was like the Father in
substance, he held that the Holy Ghost
was a creature, like the angels, and a
servant of the Father and the Son. He
was joined by several of tlie Semiarian
leaders, Eustathius of Scljnste, Eleusius
of Cyzicus, and .Marat liouius of Nico-
media. This last w as a chief support of
the party, and from him they were some-
times called Marathonians. The doc-
trine, owing partly to the strict life of
its apostles, was widely accepted, not
only in Constantinople, but also in all
Thrace, Bithynia, and the neighbouring
provinces. Under Julian, the Mace-
donians held synods, especially at Zele in
Pontus. They were condemned in a
Roman synod under Pope Damasus in
374, at a great Illyrian synod in .')7 and
finally in the Second General Council in
381. In 388, Theodosius prohibited all
exercise of their religion. (Hefele, " Con-
cil." vols. i. ii.)
nxASOSTN-A [Italian, " Mt Lady "].
A name given to representations of the
Blessed Virgin in art, and occasionally
used as an invocation in devotions to her.
MACZSTERZTTM OF THE
CHURCH. [See CHrECH of Chbist.J
MAJOR ORDERS. The superior
ranks of the sacred ministry — bishops,
priests, deacons, and subdeacons — are said
to have major orders. Before the thir-
teenth century the subdiaconate was one
of the minor orders.
ItfAWZCHEES. Man! or Manes, the
founder of this sect, was born at Babylon
about the beginning of the third century.
From the religion of the Persians he
derived the doctrine of the two principli's,
aiid from Gnostic sects the notion of the
hatefulness of matter. He and his fol-
lowers must not be regarded as Christians
lapsed into heresy, but as heathens who
adopted so much of Christian ideas as
suited their purpose. Mani was an
Oriental philosopher; the notion of a
moral fall, and a personal conviction of
sin, on which Christianity is built up,
were repugnant to him. In his view the
soul of man suffered, not from a weak and
corrupt will, but from contact with
matter. \Vhatever evils the soul allows
itself to commit are on this view physical,
not moral — miseries, not sins. Again,
the restorative energy must be looked for,
not in a religion which reforms the will,
and after it the whole nature, but in an
enlightening philosophy, which reduces
the contaminating contact with matter
to a minimum. According to Mani,
" two systems stood eternally opposed —
God with the kingdom of light and the
seons [see Gnos ucism], and Satan with
his kingdom of darkness and the de-
mons." ' Light is the animating principle
in all nature; and all beings are higher
or lower according to the measure of
their participation in the light. Woman
is the gift of the demons, who impel men
to propagate their kind in order that
emancipation from matter and darkness
may never come to them. The ideal light-
clad soul is the Redeemer, or Christ, who
descended from heaven in what was a
body only in appearance, to teach men to
bridle and extirpate their desires, so that
they may return to their true home, the
kingdom of light, The sect observed
three seals {siffiincida) — the seal of the
mouth, the seal of the hands, and the seal
» Mohler, i. 316.
588 MANIPLE
MANIPLE
of the bosom. By the first they were
forbidden to eat meat or eggs, or to drink
wine or milk ; by the second, to kill any
animal or tear in pieces any plant; by
the third, to marry, or at least to have
offspring. The members were divided
into the " elect " and the " hearers ; " the
former were expected to observe the
Manichfean doctrine strictly; from the
latter less was required. They could
gather plants and prepare them for food,
and when so prepared, the " elect " took
them from their hand.s. The Manichees
rejected the Old Testament altogether,
and while accepting the New Testament
put aside such passages as did not suit
them on the pretence that they were in-
terpolated. They regarded Mani as the
Paraclete promised by Christ, and had
a hierarchy imitated from that of the
Catholic Church. The sect became
numerous in the East, flourished in North
Africa, and even spread to several countries
of Southern Europe. The promises of
light, wisdom, and enfranchisement which
they held out to their disciples seduced
for a time the powerful mind of St.
Augustine. Ever3-one knows how he
shook himself free from them, and wrote
eloquent treatises against them. Several
Christian emperors, down to and includ-
ing Justinian, published edicts against
them, and little is heard of Manicheeism
after the sixth century, although the dis-
tinctive doctrines of the sect reappear
among the Paulicians, the Cathari, the
Albigenses, the Bogomiles, and other
mediaeval heretics. (Mohler, "Kirchen-
geschichte.")
iMCAsrzPXiE. An ornamental vest-
ment worn by subdeacons and by clergy
of higher orders at Mass. It hangs from
the left arm below the elbow (Gavantus
says above the elbow, but he is corrected
by Meratus), and is fastened by strings
or pins. It is of the same colour and
material as the chasuble. Priests put it
on before Mass after the girdle. Bishops
do not take it till they have said the Con-
fiteor at the foot of the altar. It is sup-
posed to symbolise penance and sorrow,
and the prayer which the priest is directed
in the Missal to say as he puts it on
alludes to this signification. " Be it mine,
0 Lord, to bear the maniple of weeping
and sorrow, that I may receive with joy
the reward of toil." And the prayer said
by the bishop is much the same. Litur-
gical writers also see in the maniple a
symbol of the cord with which Christ
was bound on his capture.
Many writers, following Cardinal
Bona, have thought that they could trace
the mention of the maniple to Gregory
the Great, who wrote to John of Eavenna
because the clergy of that see had begun
to use mappulre, which, up to that time,
had been peculiar to Roman ecclesiastics.
It has been shown, however, by Binterim
that the mappula were not maniples but
portable baldacchini. The mosaic of St.
Vitalis at Ravenna (sixth century) repre-
sents the bishop and clergy without
maniples, and it is not till the eighth and
ninth centuries that any trace of the
maniple is found. It was originally a
handkerchief (hence the name manipuhis)
used for removing perspiration and the
moisture of the eyes. Mabillon quotes
from a document of the year 781 , in which
"five maniples" are named along with
other vestments. In 889, Bishop Riculf,
of Soissons, required each church to have
at least two girdles and as many clean
maniples ("totidem nitidas manipulas").
In the tenth century, Bishop Ratherius
forbade anyone to say Mass without
amice, alb, stole, "fanone et planeta." The
jdaneta is the chasuble ; the fano (Goth.
fana, allied to the Greek n-ij^os and the
Latin prmnus, and the same word as the
modern German Fahne) is the maniple;
haul fan or hantvan being the translation
of manijndus or mampula in mediaeval
vocabularies.
The follovring are the principal changes
which have occurred in the form and use
of the maniple. Originally, as has been
said, it was a mere handkerchief, used
indeed at Mass, but then for ordinary
purposes. But it was richly ornamented.
Thus in 908, Adalbero, bishop of Augs-
burg, offered a maniple worked with gold
at the shrine of St. Gallus. In the
Basilica of St. Ambrose at Milan there
are four figures of saints, constructed in
8.35, with ornamental maniples on their
left arms, much like Gothic maniples of a
much later date Hefele gives a figure
(belonging to the ninth century^ of a
priest with little bells on his maniple, in
imitation doubtless of the bells on the
coat of the Jewish High Priest. But
even as late as 1100 Ivo of Chartres
mentions the use of the maniple for
wiping the eyes, and it was only gradu-
ally that the maniple became entirely of
stiff material. The prayer in the Missal,
as we have seen, still alludes to the old
and simple use.
Again, in HOC a Council of Poitiers
1 restricted the use of the maniple to sub-
deacons, and such is the present custom.
But only a little before the council Lan-
franc speaks of the maniple as commonly
worn by monks, even if lavinen. A
statute of the Church of Li^fze (1287)
directs that the maniple should be two
feet long, which is much more than its
present length. Moreover, since the
chasuble used to cover the entire body,
the priest did not put on the maniple till
the chasuble was raised after the Contiteor
and his arm left free. A memory of the
old state of things is preserved by bishops
at their Mass. (Gavantus, with Merati's
notes. Hefele, "Beitrage.")
MAXTSTTS. In the Capitularies of
Charlemagne respecting Saxony (Baluze,
i. 183, quoted by Stubbs in " Const. Hist.,"
i. 228) it is ordered that for every rhurch
a house with enclosed yard {curtis) and
two mansi of land shall be provided.
Here and in many other places tlie word
seems to signify merely a measure of land,
and is probably equivalent to bovata or
ox-gang, the quantity of laud — usually
about twelve acres — which could be tdled
with one ox. Crradually the meaning of
the word changed, rill it came to signify
"a house with land attached to it," a
residence. Thus in an agreement made
in 1219 between the bishop of Lincoln
and the abbot of St. Albans,' it is stipu-
lated that the vicar of Leighton shall
have a " mansus competens '' along with
the small tithes and other advantages.
As used by Matthew Paris in his Lite of
Abbot Paul, who lived soon after the Con-
quest ("terra trium mansuum cum toti-
dem hortis "), the expression seems to be
passing from its earlier into its later
meaning.^ Tn the Chronicle of Brompton
(fl. 1200) the term is used simply for
mansion or residence.'
nXADl'TEX.i.ETTA. A vestment
made of silk or woollen stuff, open but
fastened in front, reaching almost to the
knees, without sleeves but with openings
for the ai-ms and with a low collar round
the neck. It is worn by cardinals, bishops,
abbots, and the "prelati" of the Roman
Court, as well as by others to whom the
privilege is granted by the Pope. It is
used to cover the rochet, so that bishops
wear it only when they are out of their
dioceses, the uncovered rochet being the
sign of jurisdiction. The mantellette of
cardinals are of three colours — viz., red,
violet, and rose-coloured {rosacea) ; those of
1 Matt. P.iris (Wats), p. 130.
2 Jb. p. 60.
S Twys. X Script. 913.
MARIST FATHERS 589
a bishop in Rome are always of the same
hue. (Moroni, " Diziouario istorico.")
KAN-VAX.. [See RiTUALE.]
nXANVAi. MASSES. [See Mass.]
nxARCzoirxTE. [See Gk-osticism.J
IVIARZST BROTHERS. This is a
teaching confraternity, founded by a
3tarist father, which has seven schools in
England (at Peckham and five other loca-
lities in London, and ai -Jarrow) and four
in Scotland (Edinburgh, Glasgow, Dun-
dee, and Dumfries).
niARZST FATHERS.' I. Orujin.
This religious order was founded early
in the present centur}- by the Very
Reverend Father Colin, who was born
on August 7, 1790, in the diocese of
Lyons.
From childhood he cherished the
thought of the society which he felt
himself called to found ; and he had
scarcely entered upon the sacred ministrj^,
as assistant priest to his own brother, in
1816, when he persuaded him and a few
others to unite with him in the pious
work.
When he had traced the first sketch
of his rule, he wrote to Pius VII. a letter
which concluded with these words : " Such
are our plans, as laid down for us in con-
stitutions, which we have not drawn
from any book or rule. We hope to
submit them personally to your Holiness,
and to make you fully acquainted with
the source whence we derive them."
Pius VII. replied to this letter by a
brief, dated March 9, 1828, expressive of
his approval. Encouraged to pursue his
designs, the yoimg founder increased the
number of his associates, and in 1820 the
rising society, at the request of the Bishop
of Belley, took charge of the ecclesiastical
seminary of that town, thus uniting the
work of education to that of preaching
missions, already carried out with much
fruit.
About 1835 the attention of the Holy
See was seriously turned to the distant
missions of the Soutli Sea Islands, a held
much in need of labourers. Cardinal
Franzoni wrote to the council of the
Society for the Propagation of the Faith,
at Lyons, inquiring whether there could
not be found in France some priests to
undertake the glorious task of preaching
the gospel in Western Oceania. The
Marists readily embraced the proposal
1 The following article lias been abridged
from inform.ition kiiuily supplied for the
Catholic Dictionaiu by I'athr>r Leterrier,
superior of the Marists in Dublin.
590 MARIST FATHERS
MAEIST FATHERS
when made to fhem. Then Pope Gre-
gory XVI., to encourage and fortify the
new apostles, signed, on Ajnil 29, 1836,
the brief Omniinn Gentium, which ap-
proved the " Society of Mary " under the
very same name which it had from the
beginning. The final sanction was given
by Pius IX., the Pontiff" of the Immacu-
late Conception, on Februaiy 28, 1873.
The Very Reverend Father Colin died
at Notre Dame de la Neyliere (Rhone)
on November 15, 1875, at the age of
eighty-five.
II. Progress of the Society. — Before
his death he had the consolation of see-
ing that God had blessed his work. In
France the Society of ^lary, of which the
mother-house is at Lyons, was already
divided into two provinces. The province
of Lyons contains — two houses of forma-
tion ; a novitiate and scholasticate ; two
great seminaries ; five missionary houses ;
three houses of retreat for the ajred or
infirm religious, and five colleges for
intermediate education — Aubenas, St.
( 'hamond, Riom, Toulon, and La Seyue-
sur-Mer. In the latter there are prepa-
ratory courses for the military college of
St. Cyr and the naval school,
The province of Paiis, besides the
novitiate and scholasticate, embraces the
great seminaries of St. Brieux and Agen,
the colleges of St. Vincent of Senlis and
Montlufon, and seven missionary houses.
From the beginning the Society of
Mary devoted itself to the foreign mis-
sions. The Congi'egation of the Propa-
ganda entrusted to it the spreading of
the faith in Western Oceania, where no
Catholic priest had yet penetrated, and
where all the savage tribes, scattered
over a gi-eat number of islands, had been,
or actually were, cannibals. The first
departure of missionaries took place in
December 18.j6 Father Bataillon was
the first to land, in the island of Wallis.
In the course of four years of preaching,
amid dangers and fatigues, he succeeded
in converting the whole island, and since
then the Catholic faith has reproduced
among that savage people the marvels
related of the missions of Paraguay and
the first ages of Christianity. Father
Bataillon became first Vicar-Apostolic of
Central Oceania, and died in his much-
loved island of Wallis on March 11,
1877, after forty yenrs of missionary
labours. Another of the lirst band was
Father Chanel, who was placed at Fu-
tuna, an island inhabited In' cannibals
of the worst type. The preaching and
example of the missionary proved alike
inefiectnal; the conversion of this people
demanded the blood of a martyr. Father
Chanel fell a victim to their hatred of
the faith on April 28, 1841. Almost
instantaneously the whole island, moved
by Divine grace, embraced the Catholic
faith. Dr. Epalle, at first missionary in
New Zealand, and afterwards named
Vicar- Apostolic of Melanesia and Micro-
nesia, was not spared to display his zeal in
the new field assigned to him by the Holy
See. He was massacred on the island of
Isabella by the savage tribes to whom
he was carrying the gospel of peace. In
this same Vicariate Apostolic several
Marist missionaries have fallen victims
to the cannibals.
Dr. Douarre, bishop of Amata, started
for another Vicariate Apostolic in New
Caledonia. This archipelago was occu-
])ied by tribes engaged in constant war-
fare with one another, prompted by their
appetite for human flesh. The courageous
apostle, undaunted by the dangers, made
an attempt to carry out his object, but
failed. A missionary was killed, and
the establishment completely destroyed.
Obliged to quit the unfriendly land, the
missionaries left, but with the intention
, of coming back ; and at a later period
they did return, to recommence and
])ursue the work of civilisation and the
salvation of souls.
In Australia the Marist Fathers have
three houses, one in Sydney and two
others in the neighbourhood.
In New Zealand Marist missionaries
were the first to announce the true faith
I to the Maoris. Afterwards, when this
extensive country became an English
colony, the Marist Fathers, who had
founded all the stations, first of the
diocese of Aucldand, and then of the
diocese of Dunedin, turned their attention
exclusively to the diocese of Wellington.
The clergy of this diocese, as large as
the two others combined, are almost all
! Marists.
In the Vicariate Apostolic of Central
Oceania, except at Wallis and Futuna,
the Fathers have to contend with the
e.stablished influence of Protestantism.
Notwithstanding, however, all the re-
sources of its adversaries, Catholicity
gains ground. Its progress must be
ascribed to the self-sacrificing spirit of
the missionaries.
The archipelago of the Navigators' I.,
formed into a Vicariate Apostolic in
1851, was confided to another Marist,
M.vrjST xrxs
MAROXITES
591
Dr. Elloy, of cherished memory, a true
apostle. At Samoa he endeared himself
to all, even the Protestants, who fre-
quently cho;;e him to settle their disputes.
The archipelago of Fiji, which forms
a pro-Vicariate Apostolic, has been in
the hands of the society .since 1844.
The sufferings undergone by the Fathers
among this barbarous population are in-
credible. Never was there a mission
more beset with difficulties, more fruitful
in sufferings, and more barren, at least
apparently, of results. At last, however,
God begins to bless this zealous perse-
verance ; from day to day the movement
in favour of Catholicism becomes more
and more pronounced.
In New Caledonia the clergy of the
French colony are all members of the
society. The Fathers have charge of the
penal settlements, and also continue to
spread the faith among the natives.
In the British Isles and the United
States the establishments of the society
.are numerous. In London it has charge
of two missions, that of St. Anne's and
that of Notre Dame de France (for the
French residents). There is a novitiate
at Paignton, near Torquay ; the Fathers
have also charge of the mission. In
Dublin the society has a scholasticate
and a day-school, and a college at Dun-
dalk (co. Louth).
In the United States it has charge of
four important missions, and the flourish-
ing college of Jefferson, on the left bank
of the Mississippi, above New Orleans.
To conclude, the Society of Mary, in
virtue of an Apostolic brief, bearing date
September 8, 1S50, established a third
order, for pious persons living in the
world. The number of members already
affiliated to its different fraternities is
considerable.
MARXST WTTNS. These religious,
whose institute was initiated by the Pere
Colin (see preceding art.), have houses at
Peckham and Richmond, in the diocese
of Southwark.
KARZST SISTERS. This is a
teaching institute; it has a school in
Spitalfields, under the superintendence of
the Marist Fathers there.
MAROXTXTES. There has been
much dispute on the origin of the name,
but the following is probably the true
account. Maro, a Syrian monk, contem-
porary with St. Chi-ysostom, settled on
Mount Lebanon, and after his death a
monastery, called after him the monas-
tery of St. Maro, was founded between
Apamea and Emesa, on the Orontes. A
monk belonging to this house, and known
as John Maro, was named bishop of
Botrys in G76 by Macarius, Patriarch of
Antioch, who was afterwards deposed as
a Monothelite by the Sixth Genei-al
Council. John Maro thus became the
spiritual and temporal head of the Chris-
tian population on Mount Lebanon, and
contended successfully both against Sara-
cens and Melchites. On the destruction
of the old monastery of St. Maro by the
Imperialists, another was founded at
Kefr-Nay, in the district of Botrys, and
thither the head of St. Maro was brought.
Partly from the John Maro who died in
707, partly from St. Maro, the patron of
the monastery, the Monothelite Chris-
tians on Mount Lebanon were called
Maronites.
In 1 182 a Latin Patriarch of Antioch
united them to the Catholic Church. A
schism was caused through Greek in-
fluence, and a Maronite Patriarch fell
away. But the rent was healed in 1216,
! and ever since the Maronites have been
steadfast Catholics. Originally the Maro-
nites acknowledged their Patriarch as
civil ruler, but after a brief space they
were governed on a feudal system by an
Emir chosen by the aristocratic families,
and he in turn nominated the Sheiks. In
1842 an arrangement was made by which
the government of the Lebanon was
divided between two Emirs, one chosen
by the Maronites, another by the Druses,
the former having a Druse, the latter a
Maronite, assessor. The terrible massa-
, cres of Maronites by the Druses in 1860
: (16,000 Maronites were slain, 100,000
! were driven from their home.«) led to
fresh changes. The Lebanon was placed
under one governor nominated by the
Turks ; feudal rights were abolished, but
each nation has its own Sheiks. In
186-5 the number of Maronites was about
loO,000.
The Patriarch is chosen by the bishops,
the Pope confirming and sending the
pallium. He is subject to Propaganda.
j He appoints and consecrates the bishops.
I He alone consecrates the holy oils and
chrism. No translation from Svriac into
Arabic can be made without his approval.
' Every three years he must summon the
bishops to a synod. His title (conferred
I by Alexander IV. in 1254) is Patriarch
of Antioch, and he always adds the name
I of Peter to his own. His income consists
I of 100,000 piastres derived from three
monasteries, with about 100,000 more
MARONTTES
MARRIAGE
from a poll-tax levied on all adult Maro-
nites, a tax of five piastres each levied
from the priests, tithes, and a subsidy
from bishops and religious houses.
Metropolitan is a mere title of honour.
Formerly the faithful of each diocese re-
commended a candidate for a vacant
bishopric. Since 1730 the Patriarch has
nominated with the advice of his bishops
and also of the clergy and nobles of the
vacant diocese. The bishops alone give
the sacrament of Confirmation. There
are also titular bishops, two of whom are
the Patriarch's vicars, another administers
his diocese, another is his agent at Rome,
&c. The diocesan bishops are supported
by lands belonging to the diocese, reserves
in the taxes and tithes collected for the
Patriarch, and stole fees. Since 1736
there have been only nine bishoprics,
counting that of the Patriarch, of which
Beyrout, Tripolis, Aleppo, Damascus,
Baalbek, Sidon, Cyprus are archiepi-
scopal, Byblus (the Patriarch's bishopric),
and Eden episcopal sees. The archdeacon,
ceconomus, periodeutes or bardut, arch-
priest and chorepiscopus are the officials
of the diocese.
The parish-priests, usually married,
are chosen by the people. There are
300 parishes, 500 secular priests. The
parish-priest is allowed to till land, and
his income consists in offerings of corn,
oil, sillc, &c., and stole fees. There are
three lower or minor orders — viz. psaltist,
reader and subdeacon, three greater or
higher, deacon, priest, bishop. The ton-
sure is given before the minor orders.
There are three general and several dio-
cesan seminaries, the latter of recent
origin. There is also a Maronite college
at Rome. Education is given in Arabic,
the vulgar, and in Syriac, the liturgical,
language, and also of course in the theo-
logical sciences.
The Maronite religious follow the rule
of St. Antony. Down to 1757 there
were only two congregations, one of St.
Isaias, another of St. Aiitony or St.
Elisaeus. The statutes of both congre-
gations were approved by Clement XII.
But in 1770 Clement XIV. approved the
subdivision of the latter congregation into
that of Aleppo and that of the Baladites
or "natives " belonging to Mount Leba-
non. These Baladites are chiefly laymen.
Each of the three congregations has a
general superior, chosen for three years
and independent of the Patriarch, and a
procurator at Rome There are (or were
in 1805) about 1,000 lay brothers and
600 Fathers. Fourteen monasteries be-
long to the congregation of St. Isaias,
four to that of Aleppo, nineteen to that
of the Baladites. There are seven nun-
neries of the strict observance. There
are also many irregular monasteries and
nunneries where the rule is less strict,
and the superior must belong to the foun-
der's family. In one convent of Maronit©
nuns, a Western rule, that of the Visita-
tion, is observed.
IVXABRZAGE. I The. Nature of
Marriaqe as such. — Marriage is a natural
contract between man and woman, which
Christ has raised to the dignity of a
sacrament. Heathen may be, and are,
united in true maiTiage, and their union
is of course a lawful one, sanctioned and
blessed by God Himself, who is the author
ot nature as well as of grace. But it is
only among baptised persons that the con-
tract of marriage is blessed and sanctified
in such a manner as to become a means
of conferring grace, so that we must dis-
tinguish between marriage in itself or
according to the natural law on the one
hand and the sacrament of marriage on
the other. Theologians commonly give
the following definition of marriage, taken
from the Master of the Sentences. It i»
"viri mulierisque conjunctio maritalis
inter legitimas personas individuam vitae
societatem retinens." It is " conjunctio
viri et mulieris " — i.e. the union of man
and woman, the persons between whom
the contract is formed ; it is " maritalis "
— i.e. it implies the giving to each power
over the person of the other, and so is dis-
tinct from the union of friend with friend,
man with man in business, and the like ;
it is " inter legitimas personas " — i.e. be-
tween those who are not absolutely pre-
vented by lawful impediment from con-
tracting such a union ; " individuam
vit£B societatem retinens," it binds them
to an undivided and indissoluble partner-
ship during life, and so is distinct from
such unhallowed unions as are contracted
for a time or may be ended at will. If
we add, " gi-atiam conjugibus conferen-
dam significans" — i.e. being an (eftica-
cious) sign of grace to be bestowed on the
persons contracting— we have the full
definition of marriage as a sacrament. Of
course, the definition gives the bare essen-
tials of marriage, for it ought to include
the most perfect union of heart and soul,
sympathy and interest.
Two points in the above definition
may cause some difficulty, since it as-
sumes that even in the law of nature a
MARRIAGE
MARRIAGE
593
man can only liave one wife (and of course
a -woman only one husband), and further
that bv the same law the marriage tie
lasts till death.
With regard to the former point, poly-
gamy, according to St. Thomas (" Suppl."
Ixv. 1), does not absolutely destroy the
end of marriage, for it is possible that a
man with several wives should protect
them and provide for the education of his
children. And therefore (as many theo-
logians suppose, from the time of the
Deluge) God allowed the Patriarchs and
others, whether Jews or heathen, to have
more wives than one. But polygamy
cruelly injures the perfect union of mar-
riage ; it degrades man by sensuality and
exposes woman to the miseries of jealousy
and neglect ; it endangers the welfare of
the children, and so may be justly stig-
matised as contrary to the law of nature.
Moreover, monogamy alone is contem-
plated in the institution of marriage :
Gen. ii. 24, " Therefore a man will leave
his father and his mother and will cleave
to his wife, and they shall be one flesh."
The legislation in Deut. xxv. 5 seq. appears
to assume that monogamy was the rule
among the Hebrews ; so does the book of
Proverbs throughout, and particularly the
beautiful description of the good wife in
ch. xxxi.,' and the same idea pervades the
noble poetry of Ps. cxxviii. (see also in |
the Deutero-canonical books, Tob. i. 11 ; i
Ecclus. xxvi. 1). It was not till A.D.
1020 that a law of Rabbi Gershon ben
Judah in the Synod of Worms absolutely
prohibited polygamy among the Western
Jews. It was practised by the Jews of I
Castile even in the fourteenth century, j
and still survives among the Jews of the '
East (Kalisch on Exodus, p. 370 ; on
Levit. p. 374). But our Lord Himself
expounded and enforced the natural law
of marriage, and recalled men to the idea
of marriage given in Genesis. It is worth
noticing that He quotes the Septuagint
text, which is more express in favour of
monogamy than the Hebrew : " And tfie
two shall be one flesh." (So also the |
Samaritan, Dri'y^i'D n<nV "and there shall i
be from the two of them one flesh " ; the
New Testament invariably, Mark x. 8 ;
1 Cor. vi. 16 ; Ephes. v. 31 ; and the
1 The estimate of women is high through-
out the Old Testament. We need only remind
the reader of Mary, the sister of Moses, De-
borah, Anna. See also Prov. xiv. 1 ; xviii. 22 ;
xix. 14 (even xxi. 9, 19, are not really difle-
rent in spirit). The most unfavourable judf,'- i
ment is that of £ccles. vii. 28. j
Vulgate. The Targum of Onkelcs, on
the other hand, exactly follows the
Hebrew.) Again, since Christ spoke
generally of all mankind and not simply
of those who were to be members of his
Church, theologians hold that He with-
drew the former dispensation, and conse-
quently that polygamy is unlawful and a
violation of natural law even in heathen.
(Billuart, " De Matrimon." diss. v. a. 1.)
The same principles apply to the
second point of difficulty. Moses, our
Lord declares, permitted divorce because
of the hardness of men's hearts, i.e. to
prevent greater evils ; and in consequence
of this dispensation it was perhaps lawful
for the heathen to imitate the example of
the Jews in this respect also. But here,
too, Christ has recalled all mankind to the
primitive institution. The apparent ex-
ception which our Lord makes will be
considered below, and certain cases in
which marriage may be really dissolved
have been explained in the article on
DrvoECE.
n. (a) The Sacrament of Marringe. —
A sacrament is an outward sign, and no-
body doubts that in marriage, as in all
other contracts, some outward sign on the
part of the contracting parties isnecessary.
They must signify their consent to the
solemn obligation of living together as
man and wife. It is plain, too, that mar-
riage may be called a sacred sign, for it
typifies, as St. Paul (ad Ephes. v.) assures
us, the mysterious union between Christ
and the Church, which is his bride. But
is it an efficacious sign of grace ? That
is, is the contract of marriage accom-
panied by signs which not only betoken
but necessarily, in consequence of Christ's
institution, convey grace to all baptised
persons who do not wilfully impede the
entrance of the grace into their hearts ?
This is a question on which Catholics are
divided from Protestants, and which was
agitated among Catholics themselves late
even in the middle ages. St. Thomas
(" Supp."xlii. a. 3), though he assimies that
marriage is a sacrament of the new law,
inquires whether it " confers grace," and
mentions three opinions : first, that it
does not do so at all, and this opinion he
dismisses at once ; next, that it confers
grace only in the sense that it makes acts
lawful that would otherwise be sins (this
opinion he also rejects, but in a less sum-
mary way) ; and thirdly, that when
"contracted in the faith of Christ," it
confers grace to fulfil the duties of the
married state, and this opinion he accepts
aa
694 -MARIITAGE
as " more probafcle." It ia plaiu that aU
•which the second opinion attributes to
marriage may be truly said of marriage
as a natural contract, and does not by any
means amount to a confession that mar-
riage is a Christian sacrament in the
sense of the Council of Trent. What
St. Thomas gives as the more probable
opinion is now an article of faith, for the
council (Sess. xxiv. De Sacram. Matr.),
after stating that Christ Himself merited
for us a grace which perfects the natural
love of marriage and strengthens its in-
dissoluble unity, solemnly defines (Can. 1)
that marriage is " truly and properly one
of the seven sacraments of the evangelical
law instituted by Christ."
The same council speaks of Scripture
as insinuating {innuit) this truth, and
more can scarcely be said. One text, in-
deed, as translated in our Douay Bible,
would certainly seem to settle the ques-
tion—viz. Ephes. V. 31, 32, " For this
cause shall a man leave his father and
mother, and shall adhere to his wife ; and
they shall be two in one flesh. This is
a great sacrament, but I speak in Christ
and in the Church." But we venture to
think that this is not the true sense of
the Vulgate, " Sacramentum hoc mag- \
num est ; ego autem dico in Christo et
in ecclesia," which exactly answers t6 the .
original Greek, except that " in Christo
et in ecclesia" would be better rendered j
as in the old Latin of Tertullian (" Contr.
Marc." V. 18 ; " De Anima," 11), " in
Christum et in ecclesiam." " Sacramen-
tum " need not mean a " sacrament " any
more than the Greek ixva-rfjpiov which it
represents, and to prove this we need not
go beyond the text of the Vulgate itself,
which speaks of the " sacramentum '" of
godliness, 1 Tim. iii. 16; the "sacramen-
tum " of the seven stars ; the " sacramen-
tum " of the woman and the beast, Apoc.
i. 20 ; xvii. 7. Indeed, though the word
"sacramentum" occurs in fifteen other
places of the Vulgate, it cannot possibly
mean a sacrament in any one of them.
We translate, accordingly, "This mystery
is great, but I speak with reference to
Christ and the Church" — that is, the
words, " For this cause shall a man leave,"
&c., contain a hidden or mysterious sense,'
in virtue of which St. Paul regards
Adam's words about the union between
> The formula, "This is .i tircat mystpiy,"
is n cotnninii R,il)l)inioal one, XTip' NTT
See S. hoottsen. Horse, p. 7«3 seq., aud the
same Ch.-ililee word for mystery " is priSL-rved
iu the re.sliito rendering of" the verse.
MARKLAGE
man and wife as a type or prophecy of
the union between Christ and his Church.
We have the authority of Estius for this
interpretation, which is that generally
adopted by modern scholars, and he
denies that the ancients appealed to this
text to prove marriage a sacrament.
On the other hand, St. Cyril ("Lib. ii.
in Joann.") says that Christ was present
at the wedding in Cana of Galilee that
He might sanctify the principle of man's
generation, " drive away the old sadness
of child-bearing," "give grace to those
also who were to be born ; " and he quotes
the words of St. Paul, " If any man is in
Christ, he is a new creature ; old things
have passed away."
St. Augustine ("Tract. 9 in Joann."
cap. 2) holds similar language. This
theory, however credible in itself, certainly
does not lie on the surface of St. Johns
narrative.
More may be made of 1 Tim. ii. 11 seq.
" Let a woman learn in quietness, in all
subjection. But teaching I do not permit
to a woman, nor to have authority over a
man, but to be in quietness. For man
was first formed, then Eve, and Adam
was not deceived, but the woman being
deceived hath fallen into transgression ;
but she shall be saved through her child-
bearing,' if they continue in faith and
love and sanctification with temperance."
St. Paul excludes women from the public
ministry of the Church, and reserves that
for men. But he assigns them another
ministry instead. They are to save their
own souls by the faithful discharge of
their duties as wives, and to be the source
of the Church's increase, for it cannot
subsist without marriage any more than
without the sacrament of order. Women
are to be the mothers of children, whom
they are to tend and train for the service
of (/hrist. And just as a special grace is
given to those whom God calls to the
l)riestly state, so is " the state of marriage
placed under the protection and blessing
of a special grace, as being dedicated to
the Church and subserving its continual
growth and expansion." Thus the inter-
course of the sexes, which is apt to
become a source of fearful corruption, is
blessed and sanctified, more even than in
its primitive institution, and directed to
' Bishop EUicott. ad loc, translates
" throutrh the child-hearing" — i.e. through the
birth of Christ. It soems to us incrcdilile that
St. Haul, if he really meant this, sliould have
expressed it by au allusion so obscure and
I abrupt.
MARRIAGE
MARRIAGE
a still hisrher end, that of carrying on the
Church's life on earth. The natural
union is holy and beautiful : Christ per-
fects the union of heart and soul and
makes it still more holy and beautiful by
sacramental grace ; and, hallowed by
a sacrament, marriage becomes the perfect
antitj^ie of Christ's union with his
Church. He cleansed his Church that
He might unite it to Himself He sanc-
tities Christian man and woman in their
union that it may be " a hallowed copy
of his own union with his Church " (see
the eloquent passage in DoUinger, in
" First Age of the Church," Engl. Transl.
pp. .361, 362).
The reader must remember that we
do not allege this last passage as in any
■way conclusive from a controversial point
of view, though we do think it fits in well
with the Catholic doctrine. Many au-
thorities are alleged from tradition, one or
two of which we have already given in
speaking of the marriage at Cana. St.
Ambrose, " De Abraham," i. 7, says that
he who is unfaithful to the marriage bond
" undoes grace, and because he sins against
God, therefore loses the share in a hea-
Tenly mystery {sacramenti caelestis consor-
tium amiffit)." St. Augustine, "DeBono
Conjugali," cap. 24, writes : "The advan-
tage of marriage among all nations and
men lies in its being a cause of generation
and a bond of chastity, but as concerns
the people of God, also in the holiness of
a sacrament (in sanctitate sacramentt)."
Here the distinction drawn between
natural and Christian marriage, and still
more the comparison made between the
" sacramenta of marriage and order,'
seeiu to warrant our rendering of "sanc-
titate sacramenti."
(3) The Nature of the Sacramental
Grace, ^c. — Marriage, then, is a sacra-
ment of the new law, and as such confers
grace. The sacrament can only be re-
ceived by those who have already received
baptism, the gate of all the other sacra-
ments ; and marriage is not, like baptism
and penance, instituted for the cleansing
of sin, so that grace is conferred on those,
and those only, who are at peace with
God. Christians who are in mortal sin
1 He says the " sncramentum ordinationis "
remains in a cleric deposed for crime, and that
so the bond of marriage is only loosed by
death. However, cap. 18 provas "that St. Au-
gustine did not use the word sacramentum "
in its precise modern sense, for he calls the
polygamy of the Jews " sacramentuui pluralium
nuptiarum," as typifying the multitude of con-
verts to the Church.
may contract a valid marriage, but they
receive no grace, though they do receive
the sacrament and therefore have a claim
and title to the sacramental grace when
they have amended their lives by sincere
repentance. Christians, on the other
hand, who contract marriage with due
dispositions receive an increase of sancti-
fying grace, and, besides, special graces
which enable them to live in mutual
and enduring affection, to bear with each
other's infirmities, to be faithful to each
other in every thought, and to bripg up the
children whom God may give them in His
fear and love. They may go confidently
to God for every help they need in that
holy state to which He has deigned to
call them, for He Himself has sealed
their union by a great sacrament _of the
(Gospel. Theologians are not agreed about
the time when Christ instituted the sacra-
ment. Some say at the wedding in Cana ;
others, when He abrogated the liberty of
divorce (Matt, xix.) ; others, in the great
Forty Days after Easter.
(y) If we ask, further, how this grace
is conferred, or in other words who are
the Ministers of the Sacrament, what are
the words and other signs through which
it is given, the answer is far from easy.
It is evident that there must be a real
consent to the marriage on both sides,
otherwise there can be no contract and
therefore no sacrament. But is the ex-
pression of mutual consent enough ? The
great majority of mediaeval theologians,
though William of Paris is quoted on the
other side, answered yes. They held that
wherever baptised persons contracted
marriage, they necessarily received the
sacrament of marriage also. On this
theory, the parties themselves are the
ministers of the sacrament; the matter
consists in the words or other signs by
which each gives him or herself over to
the other ; the form, which gives a deter-
minate character to the matter, consists
in the acceptation of this surrender by
each of the contracting parties. Hence
(apart from the positive enactments of
■ Trent, for which see Clandestinity, under
Impediments op Marriage), wherever
Christians bind themselves by outward
signs to live as man and wife, they receive
the sacrament of marriage. No priest or
religious ceremony of any kind is needed.
A very diflTerent view was put forward in
the sixteenth century by Melchior Canus
(" Loci Theol." viii." 5). He held that
the priest was the minister of the sacra-
ment; the expressed consent to live as
ftQ 2
m
MARRIAGE
MARRIAGE
man and wife the matter ; the words of
the priest, " I join you in marriage," or
the like, the necessary form. A marriage
not contracted in the face of the Church
would, on this theory, be a true and valid
marriage but not a sacrament. Theolo-
gians and scholars of the greatest learning
and highest reputation, Sylvius, Estius,
Tournely, Juenin, Renaudot, &c. (see
Billuart, " De Matrim." diss. i. a. 6) em-
braced this opinion. In its defence an
appeal might be made with great plausi-
bility to the constant usage of Christians
from the earliest times, for they have
always been required vo celebrate marriage
before the priest. But it is to be observed
that Tertullian (" De Pudic." 4), strong as
his language is against marriages not con-
tracted before the Church, says that such
unions " are in danger " (periclitantur) of
being regarded as no better than concu-
binage, which implies that they were not
really so. Nor does he make any distinc-
tion between the contract of marriage in
Christians and the sacrament, though it
would have been much to his purpose
could he have done so. Besides, the
language of the Fathers quoted above
points to a belief that Christ elevated the
contract of marriage to a sacrament, not
that He superadded the sacrament to
marriage. Moreover, Denzinger ("Ritus
Orientales," tom. i. p. 152 seq.) shows
that the Nestorians, who have retained
the nuptial benediction from the Church
and beUeve in the obligation of securing
it, still consider that marriage, even as a
sacred rite, may be performed by the par-
ties themselves if the priest cannot be
had ; and he quotes from Gregorius Dath-
eviensis this dictum, "Marriage is effected
through consent expr^^ssed in words, but
perfected and consummated by the priest's
blessing and by cohabition. Now, at
all events, the former of the two opinions
given is the only tenable one in theChurch.
Pius IX. in an allocution, September 27,
1852, laid down the principle that there
"can be no marriage among the faithful
which is not at one and the same time a
Eacraraent;" and among the condemned
propositions of the Syllabus appended to
the Encyclical "Quanta Cura" of 1864,
the sixty-fourth runs thus: — "The sacra-
ment of marriage is something accessory
to and separable from the contract, and
the sacrament itself depends simply on
the nuptial benediction." Whether, sup-
posing a Christian (having obtained a
dispensation to that effect) were to marry
a person who is not baptised, the Chris-
tian party would receive the sacrament
as well as enter into the contract of mar-
riage, is a matter on which theologians
differ. Analogy seems to favour the affir-
mative opinion.
(S) The Conditions for the Validity of
Man~iage are mostly identical with the
conditions which determine the validity
of contracts in general. The consent to
the union must be mutual, voluntary,
deliberate, and manifested by external
signs. The signs of consent need not be
verbal in order to make the marriage
valid, though the rubric of the Ritual
requires the consent to be expressed in
that manner. The consent must be to
[ actual marriage then and there, not at
some future time ; for in the latter case
we should have engagement to marry or
betrothal, not marriage itself. Consent lo
marry if a certain condition in the past or
present be realised {e.g. "I take you N.
j for my wife, if you are the daughter of
M. and N".") suffices, supposing that the
condition be fulfilled. Nay, it is generally
held that if a condition be added de-
pendent on future contingencies {e.g. " I
take you N. for my wife, if your father
j will give you such and such a dowry '')
i the marriage becomes a valid one without
any renewal of the contract, whenever
the condition becomes a reality. The
condition appended, however, must not
be contrary to the essence of marriage —
e.g. a man cannot take a woman for his
wife to have and hold just as long as he
pleases. (See Gury, " Theol. Moral." De
Matrimon. cap. iii.)
ni. Lidissolubility of Marriage. — The
law of Israel (Deut. xxiv. 1) allowed a
man to divorce his wife if she did not
find grace in his eyes, because he found
in her some shameful thing (^^^ ni"l!;>
literally the "nakedness or shame of a
thing ; " LXX, liax'OlJ^ov npayfxa ; Vulg.
aliquam faeditatem), and the woman was
free at once to marry another man. The
school of Shammai kept to the simple
meaning of the text. Hillel thought any
cause of offence sufficient for divorce —
e.g. " if a woman let the broth burn ; "
while R. Akiva held that a man might
divorce his wife if he found another
woman handsomer. (See the quotation
from " Arbah Turim Nilchoth Gittin," i.
in McCaul, "Old Patlis," p. 189.) The
Pharisees tried to entangle Christ in
these Rabbinical disputes when they
asked Him if a man might put away his
wife "for any cause." In Athens and in
MARRIAGE
MARRIAGE
597
Rome under the Empire the liberty of
divorce reached the furthest limits of
Rabbinical licence. (For details see Bol-
linger, "Gentile and Jew,'' Engl. Transl.
vol. ii. p. 230 scq. p. 2o4 seq.) Our Lord,
AS we have already seen, condemned the
Pharisaic immorality, annulled the Mosaic
dispensation, and declared, "Whosoever
shall put away his wife, except for forni-
cation, and shall marry another, com-
mitteth adulterj^, and he who marrieth
her when she is put awav comuiitteth
adultery" (Matt. xix. 9). 'The Catholic
•understands our Lord to mean that thei
bond of marriage is always, even when
one of the wedded parties has proved un-
faithful, indissoluble, and from the first
Christ's declaration made the practice of
Christians with regard to divorce essen-
tially and conspicuouslj- different from
those of their heathen and Jewish neigh-
bours. Still it was only by degrees that
the strict practice, or even the strict
theory just stated, was accepted in the
Church. And before we enter on the
interpretation of Christ's words, we will
give a sketch of the history of practice
and opinion on the matter.
Christian princes had of course to
deal with the subject of divorce, but they
did not at once recast the old laws on
Christian principles. Coiistantine, Theo-
dosius the Younger, and Valentinian III.
forbade divorce except on certain specified
prounds ; other emperors, lite Anastasius
(in 497) and Justin (whose law was in
force till 900), permitted divorce by
mutual consent, but no one emperor
limited divorce to the single case of
adultery. Chardon says that divorce (of
course a vinculo) was allowed among the
Ostrogoths in Spain till the thirteenth
century, in France under the first and
second dynasties, in Germany till the
seventh century, in Britain till the tenth.
(Chardon, " Ilist. des Sacrements," tom.
T. Maria ffe, ch. v.)
It would be waste of labour to accu-
mulate quotations from the Fathers in
proof of their belief that divorce was
unlawful except in the case of adultery.
But it is verj' important to notice that
the oldest tradition, both of the Greek
and Latin Churches, regarded marriage
as absolutely indissoluble. Thus the
" Pastor Hermse " (lib. ii. Mand. iv. c. I),
Athenagoras, " Legat." 33 (whose testi-
mony, however, does not count for much,
since he objected to second marriages
altogether), and Tertullian ("De Monog."
9), who speaks in this place, as the con-
text shows, for the Catholic Church,
teach this clearly and unequivocally. The
principle is recognised in the Apostolic
Canons (Canon 48, al. 47), by the Council
of Elvira held at the beginning of the
fourth century. Canon 9 (which, however,
only speaks of a woman who has left an
unfaithful husband), and by other early
authorities.
However, the Eastern Christians,
though not, as we have seen, in the
earliest times, came to understand oui
Lord's words as permitting a second
r marriage in the case of adultery, which
was supposed to dissolve the marriage
bond altogether. Such is the view and
practice of the Greeks and Oriental sects
at the present day. And even in certain
parts of the West similar views prevailed
for a time. Many French synods {e.ff.
those of Vannes in 40-5 and of Compiegne
in 756) allow the husband of a -wife who
has been unfaithful to marry again in
her life-time. Nay, the latter council
permitted re-marriage in other cases : if
a woman had a husband struck by leprosy
and got leave from him to marry another,
or if a man had given his wife leave to
go into a convent (Canons 16 and 19).
Pope Gregory II., in a letter to St. Boni-
I face in the year 72G. recommended that
the husband of a wife seized by sickness
which prevented cohabitation should not
marry again, but left him free to do so
provided he maintained his first wife.
(Quoted by Hefele, " Beitriige," vol. ii.
p. 376.) At Florence the question of
divorce was discussed between the Latins
and Greeks, but after the Decree of LTnion ;
and we do not know what answers the
Greeks gave on the matter. The Council
of Trent confirmed the present doctrine
and discipline which had long prevailed
in the West in the following words : " If
any man say that the Church is in error
because it has taught and teaches, follow-
ing the doctrine of the Gospels and the
Apostles, that the bond of marriage can-
not be dissolved because of the adultery of
one or both parties, let him be anathema."
(Sess. xxiv. De Matrim. can. ^) The
studious moderation of language here is
obvious, for the canon does not directly
require any doctrine to be accepted ; it
only anathematises those who condemn
a certain doctrine, and implies that this
doctrine is taught by the Church and
derived from Christ. It was the Venetian
ambassadors who prevailed on the Fathers
to draw up the canon in this indirect
form, 80 as to avoid needless oll'euce to
598
MARRIAGE
MARRIAGE
the Greek subjects df Venice in Cyprus,
Candia, Corfu, Zante, and Cephalonia.
The canon was no doubt chiefly meant to
stem the erroneous views of Lutherans
and Calvinists on divorce.
Our Lord's utterances on the subject
of divorce present some difficulty. In
Mark X. 11, 12 ; Luke xvi. 18, He abso-
lutely prohibits divorce : " Whosoever
shall put away his wife and many
another, committeth adultery against her ;
and if a woman put away her husband
and be married to another, she committeth
adultery." But in Matt. xix. 9, 10, there*
is a marked difference : " "Whosoever shall
put av^ ay his wife, except for fornication,
and marry another, committeth adultery;
and he who marrieth a woman put away,
committeth adultery." So also Matt. v.
32. Protestant commentators understand
our Lord to prohibit divorce except in the
case of adultery, when the innocent party
at least may marry again. Maldonatus,
who acknowledges the difficulty of the
text, takes the sense to be — "Whoever
puts away his wife except for infidelity
commits adultery, because of the danger
of falling into licentiousness to which he
unjustly expcses her, and so does he who
in any case, even if his wife has proved
unfaithful, marries another." He takes
St. Mark and St. Luke as explanatory
of the obscure passage in St. Matthew.
Subsequent scholars, we venture to think,
have by no means improved on Maldo-
natus. Hug, who is never to be mentioned
without respect, suggested that Christ
first (in Matt. v. 32) forbade divorce
except in case of adultery ; then Matt,
xix. 9, 10, forbade it altogether, the
words " except for fornication " in the
latter place being an interpolation — a
suggestion perfectly arbitrary and followed
by nobody. A well-known Catholic com-
mentator, Schegg, interprets the words
"for fornication" {enl iropveia) io mean,
" because the man has found his marriage
to be null because of some impediment,
and so no marriage at all, but mere
concubinage." In this event there would
be no occasion for or possibility of
divorce. On Matt. v. 32 {napeKTos \6yov
nopveias, save where fornication is the
motive reason of the divorce) he thinks
Christ took for granted that the adul-
teress would be put to death (according
to Levit. XX. 10) and so leave her husband
free, an hypothesis which is contradicted
by the " pericope of the adulteress "
(John viii. 3 seq.'). Bollinger's elaborate
theory given in the Appendix to his
" First Age of the Church " is less inge-
nious than that of Hug, but scarcely less-
arbitrary. He urges that iropvevfiu can
only n'ier to "fornication," and cannot
be used of sin committed after man-iage ;
but nnpvda and TTopvev€iv are used of
adultery (1 Cor. v. 1 ; Amos vii. 17 ; Sir.
xxiii. 33), so that we need not linger
over Bollinger's contention (which has
no historical basis, and is objectionable
in every way) that antenuptial sin on
the woman's part annulled the union
and left the man free, if he was un-
aware of it when he meant to contract
marriage.'
IV. The Unity of Marriage. — T}it.
unlawfulness of polygamy in the common
sense of the word follows from the
declaration of Christ Himself, and there
was no room for fui-ther question on the
matter. With regard to reiteration of
marriage, St. Paul (1 Cor. vii. 39, 40)
distinctly asserts that a woman is free
to marry on her husband's death. Still
there is a natural feeling against a second
marriage, which Virgil expresses in the
beautiful words he puts into Bido's
mouth —
Ille meos, primu8 qui me sibi junxit, amores
Abstulit ; ille habeat secum servetque sepulcro.
And this feeling, of which there ara
many traces among the heathen, was yet
more natural in Christians, who might
well look to a continuance in a better
world of the love which had begun and
grown stronger year by year on earth.
Moreover, the Apostle puts those who
had married again at a certain disadvan-
tage, for he excludes them (1 Tim. iii. 2 ;
Titus i. 6) from the episcopate and
priesthood. And the Church, though
she held fast the lawfulness of second
marriage and condemned the error of the
Montanists (see TertuUian, " Be Monog."'
" Exhortat. Castitatis "), and of some
Novatians (Concil. Nic. i. Canon 8),
treated such unions with a certain dis-
favour. This aversion was much more
strongly manifested in the East than in
the West.
1 Dollinger objects to the instance from
1 Cor. V. 1, because he savs there is no Greek
word for "incest," so that the Apostle was
obliged to use mpvela- Why iropuela rather
than fioix^ia ? As to Amos vii. 17, " Thy wife
will commit fornication in the city," he urges
that this drtilcinent was not to be voluntary on
thewomim's part, and therefore was not adul-
tery. This argument proves too much. If it
was not adultery because not wilful, no mora
was it " fornication."
MARRIAGE
MARRIAGE
699
Atlienagoras (" Legat." 33) says 1
Christians marry not at all, or only
once, since they look on second marriage
as a " sjx'cious adultery " {tinpenrji
((TTi iioixfia). Clement of Alexandria
(" Strom." iii. 1, p. 551, ed. Potter)
simply repeats the apostolic injunction,
" But as to second marriage, if thou art
on fire, says the Apostle, marry." (In
iii. 1:^, p. 551, he is referring to simulta-
neous bigamy.) Early in the fourth
century we find Eastern councils showing
strong disapproval of second marriage.
Thus the Council of Neocaesarea (Canon 7)
forbids priests to take part in the feasts
of those who married a second time, and
assumes that the latter must do penance.
The Council of Ancyra (Canon 19) also
takes this for granted, and the Council
of Laodicea (Canon 1) only admits those
who have married again to communion
after prayer and fasting. Basil treats
this branch of Church discipline in great
detail. For those who mai-ried a second
time he prescribes, following ancient
precedent, a penance of one year, and of
several years for those who marry more
than once. (See the references in Hefele,
"Concil."i. p. 339; " Beitrage," i. p. 50
seq.) Basil's rigorism had a decided
influence on the later Greek Church.
A Council of Constantinople, in 920,
discouraged second, imposed penance for
third, and excommunication for fourth
marriage. Sucli is the discipline of the
modem Greek church. At a second
marriage the " benediction of the crowns"
is omitted, and " propitiatory prayers "
are said ; and although some concessions
have been made with regard to the former
ceremony, Leo AUatius testifies that it
was still omitted in some parts of the
Greek church as late as the seventeenth
century. A fourth marriage is still
absolutely prohibited.*
The Latin Church has always been
milder and more consistent. The "Pastor
Hermae " (lib. ii. Mandat. iv. 4) emphati-
cally maintains that there is no sin in
second marriage. St. Ambrose (" De
Viduis," c. 11) contents himself with say-
ing, "We do not prohibit second mar-
riages, but we do not approve marriages
frequently reiterated." Jerome's woi-ds
are, " I do not condemn those who marry
twice, three times, nay, if such a thing
1 The Oriental sects (Copts, Jacobites,
Armenians) are even stricter than the Greeks.
The Nestorians, however, are, as might have
been expected, free from any spirit of strictness
on this point. Denzinger, ttit. Orient, i. p. 180.
can be said, eight times (no« dnmno
digomos, imo et t.riti(imofi,et, si did potest,
ortofftnyios)," but he shows his dislike for
repeated niurriage (Ep. l.wii. " Apol. pro
libris adv. .Tovin."). Greaorj- III. advi.«i!S
Boniface, the Apostle of (iennany, to
prevent, if he can, people marrying more
than twice, but he does not call such
unions sinful. Xordid the Latin Church
impose any penance for reiterated mar-
riage. We do, indeed, find penance im-
posed on those who married again in the
penitential books of Theodore, who be-
came archbishop of Canterbury in (108.
ButTheodore's view came from his Grrek
nationality ; and if Ilerardus, archbishop
of Tours, speaks of third marriage, Szc,
as " adultery," this is probably to be ex-
plained by the Greek influence which had
spread from England to France. Any-
how, this is the earliest trace of such
rigorism in the West.
The Latin Church, however, did ex-
hibit one definite mark of disfavour for
reiterated marriage. The "Coi-pus Juris"
contains two decretals of Alexander III.
and Urban III., forbidding priests to give
the nuptial benediction in such cases.
Durandus (died 1296) speaks of the cus-
tom in his time as difi'erent in different
places. The " Rituale Romanum " of
Paul V. (1605-1621) forbids the nuptial
benediction, only tolerating the custom
of giving it, when it already existed, if it
was the man only who was being married
again. The present rubric permits the
nuptial benediction except when the
woman has been married before.
y. Ceremonies of Marriage. — From
the earliest times and in all times Chris-
tians have been wont to celebrate their
marriages in church, and to have them
blessed by the priest ; nor can they cele-
brate them otherwise without sin, except
in case of necessity. " It is fitting,"
Ignatius writes ("Ad Polycarp." 5), "for
men and women who marry, to form this
union with the approval of the bishop
that their union may be according to
God." "What words can suffice," Ter-
tuUian says (" Ad Uxor." ii. 9), " to tell
the happiness of that marriage which the
Church unites, the oblation confirms, and
the blessing seals, the angels announce,
j the Father acknowledges ! "
In the form approved for England the
priest in surplice and white stole questions
the man and woman as to their consent.
Then each party expresses this consent at
! length and in the vulgar tongue, with
{ joined hands : — " I N. take thee N. to
600
MARRIAGE
MARRIAGE
my wedded wife, to liave and to hold
from this day forward, for better for
worse, for richer for poorer, in sickness
and in health, till death us do part, if
Holy Church will it permit, and thereto
I plight thee my troth." " I N. take thee
N. to my wedded husband," &c. Where-
upon the priest, " I join you into mar-
riage in the name of the Father, and the
Son," Sec. The bridegroom then places
gold and silver on a plate or on the book
which he afterwards gives to the bride,
and a ring which the priest sprinkles
with holy water and blesses. The bride-
groom takes the ring from the priest and
gives the money to his wife, saying,
" With this ring 1 thee wed, this gold and
silver I thee give, with my body I thee
worship, and with all my worldly goods I I
thee endow " ; then he puts the ring on
the thumb of his wife's left hand, saying,
" In the name of the Father " ; on her
second finger, saying, " and of the Son " ;
on her third finger, saying, " and of the
Holy Ghost " ; and on her fourth finger,
where he leaves it, saying, " Amen." The
Nuptial Mass is then celebrated, and the
priest gives the nuptial benediction after
the Paternoster and again after the " Ite
Missa." Nothing can exceed the gxace
and tender beauty of these prayers of
benediction.
Many of these ceremonies belonged
originally to the betrothal. [See Es-
pousal.] The ring, or annulus pronubus,
was used to plight troth before Christian
time by the Romans. So again, espousing
with gold and silver, called arrhce, cer-
tainly existed among the Franks previous
to their embracing Christianity, also a-
mong the Jews, whence it may have
passed into the Greek ritual. The joining
of hands (once accompanied by a kiss) is
alluded to by Tertullian ("De Virg. :
Veland." 11). St. Isidore of Seville,
quoted hy Chardon, says the ring was
put on the foiu-th finger of the left hand,
because it contains a vein immediately
connected with the heart. This sage
reason was the current one in the middle
ages.
The words of the priest, " Ego jungo "
(" I join you into marriage "), are of com-
paratively recent origin. " Anyone,"
says Chardon (tom. v. "Mariage," ch. 2),
" may convince himself of this by looking
through the extracts from ancient Sacra-
mentaries and Missals published by j
Father Martene." They are omitted, the |
same author continues, in a Pontifical of
Sens (only) 300 years old, and they are \
wanting in the "Ordo ad faciendum
sponsalia " reprinted by Mr. Maskell from
a Sarum "Manuale" of 1543. On the
other hand, two striking ceremonies men-
tioned by Nicolas I. in his answer to the
Bulgarians, and both older than Chris-
tianity itself, are now unknown among us.
These are the solemn veiling of the bride
and the wearing of crowns by the married
couple. The Greeks have kept this latter
rite: indeed, "crowning" among them is a
common word for the nuptial benediction.
The marriage service according to the old
English use of Sai-um is substantially the
same as the modern Roman one, but more
elaborate. The couple stood at the
church door till the man had placed the
ring on the woman's hand (the riirht
hand, by the way), and certain prayers
had been said over them. Additional
prayers were said over them at the altar
steps: then, before Mass began, they were
placed in the presbytery — " that is to say,
between the choir and the altar " (rubric
of Sarum Manual). The rubric of the
Hereford Missal directs them to hold
lights in their hands. The Nuptial Mass
was "of the Trinity," with prayers for
the occasion. After the Sanctus, four
clerics in surplices held a veil {pallium)
over them while they lay prostrate, and
the special benediction was given after
the Fraction of the Host. At the " Agnus
Dei," the pallium was removed, both rose,
the bridegroom received the pax from the
priest and kissed his wife. There is
nothing in the Sarum Manual which
answers to our nuptial prayer before the
" Ite Missa est," though the Hereford
Missal gives a special form of benediction
with the chalice. After Mass, bread and
wine, or some other liquor, were blessed
and tasted by the newly-man-ied couple.
At night the priest blessed the nuptial
couch.
It must not be thought that these rites,
even so far as they differ from those now
in use, were in any way peculiarly
English. They occur almost exactly iii
the same order and form in a Ritual of
Rennes and a Pontifical from the monas-
tery of Leri, from which Chardon {loc.
cit.) gives copious extracts. But we can
find no parallel for the placing of the ring
on the bride's right hand.
In the Greek church the marriage
service is known as aKoKovdla tov aTf(f)avw-
fxwioi, the office of crowning. After tlie
espousals, in which two rings, one of gold
and another of silver, are placed on the
altar and given by the priest to bride-
M.\RTYR
MARTmOLOGY 601
groom and bride re?pectively, the persons
to be married enter the church, preceded
by the priest with the incense. After
Psalm xxxi. and various prayers the priest
puts a crown on the head of each w ith
the words, "The senant of God N.
crowns the servant of God N. in the
name," &c. There is no mention of
Nuptial Mass in the modem Greek Eu-
chologies, and Greeks are usually married
in the evening. From more ancient MSS.,
however, Goar found that the bridegroom
and bride used to receive Communion
from a particle of a Host previously con-
secrated and placed in a chalice with
ordinary wine. The offices of marriage
among the other Orientals are given by
Denzinger.
MARTYR (jiapTvs, then fidprvp,
which was originally the --Eolie form).
A witness for Christ. In early times
this title was given generally to those who
were distinguished witnesses for Christ,
then to those who sufl'ered for Him ; '
lastly, after the middle of the third cen-
tury, the title was restricted to those who
actually died for Him. The very first
records of the Church which we possess
tell us of the honours done to the martyrs.
It was the martyi-s who, first of all, were
regarded as saints ; the relics of the
martyrs which were first revered ; to the
martyrs that the first churches were
dedicated. The name " martyrium "
(fiapTvpiov), which at first meant the
church built over a martyr's remains, was
given to churches generally, even if dedi-
cated to saints who were not martjTed,
though this usage was partly justified by
the fact that a church was not consecrated
till the relics of some martyr had been
placed in it.
Benedict XIV., in his work on
"Canonisation" (lib. iii. cap. 11 seq.),
gives the modem law of the Church on
the recognition of martyrdom with great
' tidprvs and the cognate words begin to
assume their later technical sense in Acts xxii. ;
Apoc. ii. 13. This technical sense is probably
intended in Clem. Rom. 1, Ad Cor. 5 ; certainly
in Ignat. Ad Ephes. 1 ; Mart. Polyc. 19 ; Me-
lilo (apud Kuseb. H. E. iv. 26) ; Dionys. Co-
rinth, {ib. ii. •i.'j > ; Hegesippus (i6. ii. 23, iV. 22) ;
Epist. Gull. (ib. V. 1, 2) ; Anon. Adv. Catnph.
(ib. V. 16); Iren. i. 28, 1, &c. ; though at the
same time the words were also used of testi-
mony which was not sealed by death. The
epistle of the Martyrs of Vienne and Lvons
just quoted distinguishes between confessors
(<5/u(!Ao70() and martyrs, but in Clement Alex.
(Strom, iv. 9, p. 596) and even in Cyprian the
distinction is not observed. The Decian perae-
( ution tended to fix it.
fulness. He defines martyrdom as the
" voluntary endurance of death for the
faith or some other act of virtue relating
to God." A martyr, he says, may die
not only for the faith directly, but also to
preserve some virtue — e.ff. justice, obe-
dience, or the like, enjoined or counselled
by the faith. He mentions the dispute
among theologians whether a person who
died for confessing the Immaculate Con-
ception of the Blessed Virgin, which in
his time had not been defined, would be
a martyr. He gives no decided opinion
on the point, but says that "in other
cases the safe rule is that one who dies
for a question not yet defined by the
Church dies in a cause insufficient for
martyrdom." Further, he explains that
to be a martyr a man must actually die
of his sufferings or else have endured
pains which would have been his death
but for miraculous intervention.
MARTYROX.OG'S'. A hst of m artyr s
and other saints, and the mysteries com-
memorated on each day of the year, with
brief notices of the life and death of the
former. It is these brief notices which dis-
tinguish a Martyrology from a mere calen-
dar. It is read in monastic orders at Prime
after the prayer "Deus, qui ad principium."
It is followed by the versicle " Precious in
the sight of the Lord is the death of his
saints," and by a petition for the inter-
cession of the heavenly court ; and these
words are retained even in the secular
office when the Martyrology is not actually
recited. Mr. Maskell has collected many
proofs that in England the Martvrology
used to be said in the monastic chapter,
not, like the office, in the choir. This
custom, however, was in no way peculiar
to England, as may be seen from the
notes of Meratus on the subject (Part. II.
sect. V. cap. 21). After Prime, or some-
times after Tierce, the monks adjourned to
the chapter, heard the Martyrology and
said the prayers which now form part of
Prime, "Deus, in adjutorium meum";
" Dignare, Domine, die ista," &c., before
setting out to their daily labour.
Gregory the Great speaks of a Martyr-
ology used by the Eoman Church in his
day, but we do not know for certain
what it was. A Martyrology attributed
to Jerome is printed, e.ff. in Vallarsi's
edition of his works. It has undergone
many revisions and later editions. It is
quite possible that Jerome may have col-
lected a Martyrology from the various
calendars of the Church, and that the
Martyrology which goes by his name, as
G02
MARY
MARY
we have it, is the corruption of a t)ooK
used in St. Gregory "s time at Rome. The
lesser Roman Martyrology was found at
Ravenna by Ado, archbishop of Vienne,
about 850. A third Martyrology is attri-
buted (erroneously, Hefele says) to Bede,
and the foundation of the work may
probably come from him. All Western
Martyrologies are based on these three.
^\"e have Martyrologies from Florus, Ado,
Usuard, in France ; from Rabanus and
Notker of St. Gall, in Switzerland.
The Roman Martyrology mentioned,
as we have seen, by Gregory the Great
is mentioned again at the English Coun-
cil of Cloveshoo. Such a work is of course
subject to constant alterations from the
addition of new feasts, &c. A revision
of the Roman Martyrology was made by
Baronius and other scholars in 1584. It
was revised again under Urban VIII.
(See Laemmer,' " De Mart. Rom." Ratis-
bonse, 1878.)
MART (Mapuj/ii,* Dn»). The object
1 This schol.ir classifies Martyrologies thus :
(1) that attributed to Jerome ; (2) Martyr.
Rom. Parv. published by Rosweyd in 1613. and
written in Rome about 740 ; (3) a genuine
Martyrology of Bede, with interpolations from
Florus of Lyons ; (4) that of Usuard, dedicated
to Charles the Bald, used from the ninth cen-
tury, not only in Benedictine bouses, but
throushout the" West. In the fifteenth century
no other was in use except in St. Peter's, and
even there the Martyrology was but a transla-
tion of Usuard.
2 The n<jminative and vocative of Mary,
the Mother of our Lord, is always Vlaptd/x
(Matt. xiii. .05 ; Luke i. 27, 30, 34,". 38, 89, 4i;,
66 ; ii. 34 ; Acts i. 14), the only exception
being i. 19, where the reading is doubtful.
Sometimes the genitive is Mopias ; sometimes it
is indeclinable, as in Luke ii. ."j, 16. The word
yiapd/x, or Mary, is of course identical with
Miriam, the name of the sister of Moses. The
meanings," bitterness" (from Heb.ijp), "lady "
(from Chaldee and Syriac NnDi "j;^. the same
word which is familiar to all in Maranathit,
"our Lord cometh," 1 Cor. xvi. 22), must cer-
tainly be abandoned ou philological grounds.
Ther'e can scarcely be a doubt that the deriva-
tion generally accepted among scholars from
mtji " t° rebel," is correct ; so that " Mary,"
or "Miriam" = "rebellion." The niediaev.il
notion that the word "Mary" was connected
with the Latin "mare " is curious. The last
syllable " yam," does mean the sea. But
how St. Bernard came to think " Mary " meant
"star of the sea," we cannot say (Q* "liSD>
"liixht of the sea"?). No part of the word
resemliles any word for "star" in Hebrew,
Syriac, Chaldee, or, so far as we are aware, in
any lan{;uage. It might easily (though of
course, quite wrongly) be taken to mean " Lord
of this article is to sum up and justify
the teaching and practice of the Catholic
Church in her devotion to the Blessed
Virgin. Catholics do not stand alone iu
this devotion, for the schismatic Greeks,
and most of the ancient Oriental sect*
agree with -Catholics in magnifying
Clary's dignity and seeking her inter-
cession. Protestants, on the other hand,
are all but unanimous in condemning the
Church's devotion, and have often de-
nounced it as idolatrous. Some points
which concern us here will be passed
lightly over, because we have considered
them elsewhere. The Immacttlate Con-
ception is discussed in a special article.
We have endeavoured to show (see
Beatific Vision) that Mary and the
other saints already see God face to face ;
we assume further that she and they are
able to hear our prayers, reserving the
treatment of that question to the article
Saints.
I. Mary in Scripture. — It may be
fairly alleged that the Bible begins with
Mary. When God cursed the serpent. He
said, " I will put enmity between thee
and the woman, and between thy seed
and her seed." Of course those who
think the serpent was only a serpent will
see no prophecy or anything more than a
rediction of the strife in Eastern lands
etween man and the serpent, his deadly
and insidious foe, the serpent stealthily
aiming at the man's heel, the man aiming
at the serpent's head. But Protestants
who believe, as the Apocalypse implies,
that the serpent was the devil, and that
our Lord is the promised "seed of the
woman " who was to crush the serpent's
head, are logically bound to understand
the woman who is to be at enmity with
the serpent as Mary. The woman and
her seed are put close together — the
"enmity" of the one is compared with
that of the other, and to what woman is
all this applicable except to Mary ? She
was the virgin ' (this is not the place to
discuss the meaning of the word in the
of the sea," and perhaps this led to the notion
that it meant " star," unless our suggestion in
brackets be ricrht.
' Too much is made by some Catholic
writers of the article in the Hebrew of Is. vii. 14,
" Behold the virgin with child and bringing
forth a son." Probably " the virgin " me:ins
the virgin standing before the prophet in vision.
Besides, the definite article is used in Hebrew
where we should not employ it in English. See,
e.g. Num. xi. 27, lit. " the lad ran and told
Moses," though this is the first mention of anv
lad (Ewald, Gram. § 277 a).
MARY
MARY
603
original) who was to bear a child, and
that child was to be called Emmanuel,
God with us."
This prediction was fulfilled, and
Mary received the highest dignity pos-
sible to a mere creature. She was not
indeed the mother of the Godhead, but
she was the motlier of God, for the
simple reason that Clirist her Son was
God and man in one Person. True, her
Son did not take his divine nature from
her, any more than a son who is mere
man receives his soul from his mother.
The soul is infused by God, but as body
and soul are united in one human person,
we reasonably speak of a woman as the
mother of her son, not merely as the
mother of a human body. And granting
this, it is strange that sincere Christians
should stumble on the language in which
the (!hurch speaks of Mary. She is
exalted above the angels, for surely God's
mother is nearer to Him than the angels
who stand before the throne. From her 1
Christ took the blood He was to shed for
her and for us all. Moreover, whereas
the two gr(\it dignities of virginity and
maternity are, according to God's ordinarj'
law, inconii)atible, in Mary's case they
were united. Joseph " took unto him his
wife, and he knew her not until she
brought forth her first-born son : and he
called his name Jesus " (Matt. i. 24, 25).
"We do not know where to find more
beautiful or more impassioned language
used by the Church about Mary than the
words which occur in the " Common " of
the Breviary office : — " Holy and stainless
virginity, with what praise to extol thee
I do not know ; He whom the heavens
cannot contain was contained in thy
bosom. Blessed art thou amongst
women, and blessed is the fruit of thy
womb." Yet these words, strong as they
are, simply state a primary tenet of the
Christian faith. Her virginity, her
divine maternity, her position as the sole
parent of Him who had no man for his
father — these are the deeply-laid founda-
tions of Mary's glory.
But Mary was not merely the passive
inLstrument of the Incarnation. By the
free use of her own will she co-operated
in our salvation, and was associated with
her divine Son. It depended on her will
whether or no the divine economy by
which the Incarnation and our redemption
were acconi])lisliod was to be frustrated,
as the first (lis]ii'iisati(in had been by tlie
disobedience of Adam and Eve. The
account in Luke i. 26 -'38, and especially
Mary's question, "How will this be,
seeing that I know not man ? " are proof
of the deliberate wav in which :\Iarv
chose her part, and tlie freedom ol" the
consent is expressed in her word>, •• lie-
hold the handmaid of the Lord, be it
unto me according to thy word.'" And
so her cousin, St. Elizaljeth, acknow-
ledges not only Mary's diiinity as the
Mother of the Messias — " "W ln'iice is this
unto me that the mother of my Lord
should come unto me ? " — but also Maiy's
personal holiness and share in tlie work
of our salvation. "Blessed is she who
believed, because " (or perhaps " that ")
" there will be an accomplishment of the
things spoken to her by the Lord "
(Luke i. 43-45).
Mary maintains and exercises her
rights and privileges as the mother of
Christ throughout the Gospel history.
It is she who bore the Light of light into
the world in the stable at Bethlehem.
She nourished at her breast and with a
mother's love that human life which her
divine Son had condescended to take
from her. He Himself has told us how
grateful He is, how bountiful his reward
for a cup of water given in his name.
It was Mary's privilege to minister to
Him directly, and, first by herself, then
in union with St. Joseph, actually to
support Christ's life during his early
years. To her and to St. Joseph He, the
Lord of all, "was subject" (Luke ii. 51).
Not less but more " subject " than ordi-
nary sons, because He was " made under
the law," and came to give a perfect
example of the way that the law which
commands filial obedience should be
Ifcpt. In her company Christ spent
thirty out of the three-and-thirty years
of his earthly sojourn. At her request
He made the water wine, and so inaugu-
rated his puljlic ministry and manifested
his glory. When nearly all the Apostles
had tied she stood at the foot of his cross,
suft'ering surely as no other mother ever
suffered, and drinking, as no other crea-
ture ever drank, the chalice of Christ's
Passion.
There is no hint in Scripture of any
sin or imperfection on Mary's part. No
doubt our Lord, when she told Him at
the wedding that there was no ^\ ine,
answered, "Woman, what is theie to me
and to thee: mine hour is not yet come? '
(the translation is that of Dr.'^Westcott).
The passage is confessedly a hard one.
Possibly Christ may have meant that
there was nothing in common between
604
MARY
MARY
Lis divine and her human nature. She
could not fathom the counsels of his
omniscience. The hour of full triumph
vrhich she naturally and innocently
desired had not come yet, was not
to come till that hour which St. John
again and again calls Christ's own
(John vii. 30, viii. 20, xiii. 1), the hour
of his weakness, his passion, and his
death. Be this as it may, two things are
certain. First, in the word woman (we
quote the same distinguished Protestant
scholar) there " is not the least tinge of
reproof or severity. The address is that
of courteous respect, even of tender-
ness." Next, Mary cannot possibly have
been guilty of fault in asking, or rather
suggesting, the very thing that Christ
did.
Nor does the New Testament ever im-
ply that Mary ceased to be a virgin ; on the
contrary, it confirms, tbough it nowhere
states, the Catholic dogma of her per-
petual virginity. We read of our Lord's
brethren, but the same word is used in
Genesis xiii. 8, xxix. 15, for the relation-
ship between Abraham and Lot, Laban
and Jacob, and yet we know that they
were uncles and nephews, not brothers in
the strict sense. Again, those who press
the word " brother" against the virginity
of Mary, must be reminded that St.
Joseph is called the " Father " of Jesus,
and that not only by those who knew no
better, but by the Blessed Virgin herself,
who knew all (Luke ii. 48). The evan-
gelist himself calls Joseph the Father of
Jesus (Luke ii. ^3), and Mary and Joseph
(Luke ii. 41, 43) his "parents," and it is
interesting and most instructive to note
that later scribes have taken offence and
altered the reading in each of the three
cases. Another objection to the Catholic
doctrine is often drawn from the words
of St. Matthew i. 25 : Joseph " knew
not " his wife " till she brought forth a
son" (the word fivst-born is wanting in
the best MSS.) ; and of St. Luke ii. 7 :
Mary brought forth "her first-born son."
But St. Matthew's evident purpose is to
accentuate the fact that Mary was a
virgin at Christ's birth ; he asserts and
implies nothing as to what happened
afterwards. In St. Luke the prominent
idea is the consecration of the first male
child, and this appears from v. 23 of the
same chapter, " As it has been written in
the law of the Lord, every male opening
the womb shall be called holy to the
Lord." With him the first-begotten is
equivalent to the "male opening the,
womb," ' and has nothing to do with
subsequent children. St. John furnishes
positive evidence, urged. Bishop Light-
foot writes, " with fatal ett'ect," against
the view that Mary had other children
than Jesus. Our Lord on the cross (John
xix. 26, 27) commended his mother and
St. John to each other's care. Why, if
she had children of her own ? Even
Meyer admits that it will not suffice to
say that Christ's " brethren " did rot
believe in Him (John vii. 5), for " the
speedy overcoming of this unbelief (Acts
i. 14) could scarcely be concealed from"
Christ. And indeed it is inconceivable
that Christ should appear to one of Mary's
supposed sons, that this son should be
specially entrusted with the administra-
tion of the Mother Church of Jerusalem,
that Mary herself should join in worship
with her " sons " (Acts i. 14), and yet all
the time live in the house and iinder the
care of a comparative stranger. We may
add that this interpretation of Scripture
has approved itself, not only to Catholics
and learned High Churchmen like Pear-
son and Mill, but also to recent Protes-
tant scholars who cannot he suspected
of undue bias in the matter — viz. to
Westcott (see the Commentary on John,
ad vii. 3, xix. 26), and to Lightfoot (on
Galatians, p. 25.3^
1 Not, of course, in so strict a sense as to
exclude the inlegritas carnis post partum.
2 It would require a treatise to give the
reasons alleged tor the different views on the
" brethren of the Lord," because these reasons
depend on a number of details, most of which
must be given at length or not at all. Here
we can do little more thnn state the views
themselves, with the history of their re-
ception or rejection. (1) Helvidiu.s, who
lived at Rome, maintained, about 380, that
these " brethren " were the sons of Joseph and
Mary. This theory was supported about the
same time by Bonosus, Bishop of Sardica, and
apparently also by Jovinian, a monk probably
of Milan. It was condemned soon after it ap-
peareil, in Synods at Rome and Capua. It has
no support in antiquity, except perhaps from
Tertullian, and is regarded by all Catholic
writers as heretical. Thus Petavius calls it
"detestable to Christian ears, and sacrilegious
according to the judgment of the ancient
Fathers ; " nay, heretical, since even general
councils call Mary ael irapflfVoj {I)e Incarnat.
xiv. 3). It has, however, been adopted by very
many Protestants. (2) " Nearly all the
Greeks," according to Maldonatus, besides
Hilary and Ambrose, held that the " brethren "
were sons of Joseph by a former marriage, and
consequently that "James, the brother of the
Lord," was a different person froni James, the
son of Alphaeus, one of the twelve. In reality, as
Lightfoot shows, this theory was common to all
writers, Greek and Latm (except, of course,
MARY
MARY
605
Mary, tben, was the Virgin Mother of
God. She remained in perpetual virginity:
those who held the heretical view mentionert
lirst), down to Jerome's time, and after his time
to all Greek writer^ except Chrysostom in his
latest works and Theodorct.* It is inc(ir|iorated
in the Greek cilHccs. which distiniruish between
Jatne#. -'the Lord's brother," and the son of
Alphieus. ilaldonatiis (sec .Matt. xii. 46) rejects
but does not censure i his view. Petaviiis simply
says it is " more jirobable that .Joseph had not
been previously married." In modern times
this liypothc>is has found a poiverful advocate
in Bishop Lit;htfo'it. This older opinion atfordcd
a ready explanation of the term "brethren."
All who took Joseph for our Lord's father
would look on his sons by a former marriai;e as
i.ur Lord's half-brothers and speak of tliein as
his " brethren." The use of the word is pos-
sible, but not nearly so natural, on the view
to be mentioned next. At the same time it
must be admitted that Catholic feeling, es-
pecially during the last three centuries, has
attached itself strongly to the virginity- of St.
Joseph, as most in keeping with his office as
the guardian of our Lord and the Blessed 'Virgin.
(.3) Jerome advocated and to all appearance
started a third view — viz. that the '-brethren''
were sons of a sister of the Bloscd Virgin also
called Mary. The "brethren" of Jesus were
James, Judas, Joseph, or Joses, and Simon
(Mark vi. 3). Now, of these, James, the '
Lord's brother, is said by St. Paul (Gal. i. 19 ;
this interpretation, however, is doubtful) to
have been an Apostle. But the only James in
the apostolic lists whom St. Paul can mean and
name here is James, the son of Alphieus, James
the sou of Zebedee lieiiig dead long licfore the
Apostle wrote (.\cts xii. 2). Thcrct'orc, James
the Lord'sbrotherwastheson.not df.loscph, but
Alphaeus. But we can also ascertain the name
of his mother, since in Matt, xxvii. 56 ; Marc.
XV. 40, we read that Mary the mother of James
and Joseph, and therefore the wife of Alphiieiis,
was present at the crucifixion. This ^lary is
to be identitied with Mary the wife ot t lo|. ,<
and the sister of the Blessed 'Virgin, - Si.
John says was present by the cross (.lolin
xix. 25).' It is very doubtful whether Si. John
means to say that" the Blessed 'Virgin had a
sister also called Mary (" his mother — and his
mother's sister, Mary of Clopas — and Mary
Ma^'dalene "), or whether he mentions four
women at the foot of the cross ("his mother
and his mother's sister — Mary of Clopas and
Mary Magdalene "). Anyhow,' Jerome's theory
is rendered still more j.lausible by the fact, for
so it may be fairly regarded, that " Alplueus "
and "Clopas'' (this is the true reading in
John xix. 25; "Cleophas," in Luke xxiv. 18, is
another name altogether) arc two forms of
the same Aramaic name " t'halp.'ii " (i^'pn)- '
This view that our Lord's brethren were his i
cousins became the accepted one in the Latin
Church, which in her Mass and office <mly recog-
nises two Jameses, one the son of Zebedee, the
* Theophylact's opinion — viz. that Clopas
dving childless, Joseph raised up children to
him — is obviously only a modilication of the
common Greek theory.'
she was associated with a closeness im-
possible to other creatures in the work of
her divine Son. She was faithful and
obedient to her Son and Saviour at the
first, faithful and obtxlient to the end.
Scripture is silent about her laterlifeand
its close. Bat Christians believe that life
here is a prejiaration for the better life to
come, and from the gi-eatness of Marv'.s
work and dignity on eartli, they learned
to conceive her greatness in power in
heaven, where her love is made perfect
and she is for ever with her Son. Natu-
rally, tlierefore, they came to discover in
the Apocal\-pse — the one book of the New
Testament wliich can hardly fail to have
been written after Mary's death — a picture
of Mary in heaven. "The only passage,"
says Cardinal Newman — (but see Wisdom
ii. 23, 24) — " Development," p. 414 —
" where the serpent is directly identified
with the evil spirit occurs in the twelfth
chapter of Revelation ; now, it is observ-
able that the recognition, when made,
is found in the course of a vision of * a
woman clothed with the sun, and the
moon under her feet : ' thus, two women
are brought into contrast with each other.
Moreover, as it is said in the Apocalypse,
' The dragon was -svroth with the woman,
and went about to make war with her
seed,' so it is prophesied in Genesis : ' I
will put enmity between thee and the
woman, and between thy seed and her
seed. He shall bruise (?) thy head, and
thou shalt bruise (?) his heel.' Also the
enmity was to e.xist, not only between the
serpent and the seed of the woman, but
between the seq)ent and the woman her-
>. lf ; and here, too, there is a correspond-
riice in the Apocalyptic vision." There
is, then, " reason for thinking that this
mystery at the close of the Scripture
record answers to the mystery in the
beginning of it, and tliat the woman
mentioned in both passages is one and the
same, and that she can be none other
than " Mary. We need not be at a loss
to imagine the way in which Mary exer-
cises her great power in heaven. Once
the body of Christ was entrusted to her
care, surely in heaven she cannot fail to
intercede for liis mystical body — for all
those who are her children because they
are the brethren of her Son. And this
other the son of Alpha;us, " brother" of the Lord
and bi.shop of Jerusalem. Among Protestants,
Dr. Mill, of Cambridge, has d.'fcnded it with
great learning and ingenuity in a treatise
entitled The Accountu of our Lord's Brethren
in the N.T. uinrficaied (Cambridge, 1843).
eoe
MARY
MARY
Son is her Son still; He hears her prayers
with filial lore and tenderness, since — as
the Scripture, and especially the Epistle
to the Hebrews, assures us — Christ has
carried bis human nature to the right
hand of the Majesty on high, and He
cannot continue to be man if be has
ceased to be a son. When Protestants
assert that the relation of son and mother
ceased to exist between Jesus and Mary
when his earthly years were over, they
thereby do away with all claim on our
part to the human sympathy of Christ.
Yet it is this human sympathy of bis in
heaven to which great prominence is given
in the Epistle to the Hebrews, and to
which devout Protestants, who will not
hear of devotion to Mary, cling as their
comfort and stav.
II. The Tradition of the Church on
Devotion to Mary. — It would be vain to
deny that devotion to the Blessed Virgin
was far less prominent in ancient than in
modern times, and we shall have occasion
shortly to show how easily this difference
may be explained. But it would be a
gross mistake to suppose that Catholics
at any time doubted her great place in
the work of redemption or ignored her
dignity, as most Protestants do. The
latter have always, and almost univer-
sally, shrunk from using the title "Theo-
tocos/' or Mother of God. We believe
we are not wrong when we say that the
use of this expression would serve of itself [
to marlc the person wlio employed it as a j
Catholic' Yet "it was familiar to Chris- i
tians from primitive times, and is used,
among other writers, by Origen, Eusebius,
St. Alexander, St. Athanasius, St. Am-
brose, St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. Gregory
Nyssen, and St. Nilus " (Newman's " De-
velopment," p. 145). It is the universal
doctrine of the early Church that Mary
was the second Eve (See Immacul.\.TE
Coxceptio:n-). St. Iren;eus says that
" Mary, being obedient, became, both to
herself and to all niauidnd, the cause of
salvation ;" that " the knot of Eve's dis-
obedience was loosed by Clary's obedi-
ence;" that "what the Virgin Eve bound
by tuilieliiii', tliis the A'irgin Mary un-
bound by faith;"' that "as by a virgin
the human race had been given over to
1 Of course we put the Greeks, &c., out of
count, and also tb.it modern school in the
Church of England which studiously imitates
Ciithdlic phraseolii^rv. And even .nnions these
til.- piipular use of the words •' Mother of God "
is, we iiuagine, very receut, if it e.\ijts even
now.
death, by a virgin it is saved" (Iren. iii.
22,4; V. 19,1); '.bus absolutely excluding
the common Protestant notion that Mary
was merely a passive instrument in the
Incarnation, to whom no special gratitude
is due. Further, he says that " she was
drawn to obey God, that of the Virgin
Eve the Virgin Mary might become the
advocate " (v. 19, 1). In the last place,
St. Ireneeus speaks of Mary as "prophesy-
ingfor the Church" when she uttered her
" Magnificat,"' and it is certain that from
the second century at latest Mary was
taken as a type of the Church of Christ.
Thus, the " Virgin Mother " is a title
given to the Church in the letters written
by the Christians of Vienne and Lyons in
' the vear 177 (see Euseb. " H. E." v. 1, 45) ,
and"by Clem. Alex. ("Pjed." 1, 6). And
this language was adopted by Marcus, a
Gnostic heretic of the same period, who
made the Virgin hold the place of the
Church in his symbolical system (Iren. i.
15, It is important to notice this, for
it proves that when Catholics go to Mary
as to their mother, a title and office which
also belong to the Church, their practice
is consonant with the spirit of ancient
Christianity. Nor, again, does it by any
means follow that because the Fathers
take the woman in Apoc. xii. 1 to repre-
sent the Church, we are really following
an opposite interpretation if we believe
the Blessed Virgin to be primarily and
directly intended.'
We have two instances of Mary's
interposition from heaven in favour of
Christians on earth, preserved from the
scanty literature of the first three centuries.
St. Gregory Nyssen. in the fourth age,
relates that his"name.<iake Gregory Thau-
maturgus, in the third, was pondering
theological doctrines shortly before he
was made priest ; that the Blessed Virgin
appeared, and bade St. John disclose to
the young man the "mystery of godliness,"'
and that St. John answered, " that he was
ready to comply in this matter with the
wish of the Mother of the Lord, and
enunciated a formula well tirrned and
complete, and so vanished." So, St.
Gregory Nazianzen records an incident
contemporaneous with that just given —
viz. that a Christian woman had recourse
1 Erasmus denied that any of the early
Fathers understood tlie wonian'in Apoc. xii. to
be the 1!U-M'.| Vit-in. The p.iss.i;;? (,uoted
airainsi him tVoni St. Au^ustirie liv Ballerini
' in his .S(//f(i</e of Documents on tlie Immaculale
I Conception is not reuarded as genuine by tlie
I Benedictine editors.
MAKY
4,0 Mary, and so obtained the conversion
■of a heathen who was trying to pervert
her by magic. (See Newman, " Develop-
ment," pp. 415, 416.) We need not de-
fend the truth of these stories. True or
false, they prove that in the fourth cen-
tury devotidu to tbe Mother of God was
well establijliod and already regarded as
ancient; and in both instances "the
Blessed Virgin appears especially in that
character of Patroness or Paraclete, which
St. Irenasus and other Fathers describe,
and which the mediseval Church exhibits I
— a loving Mother with clients." (New- !
man, ib.) \
But till the last part of the fourth
century there were strong reasons which
kept devotion to the Blessed Virgin in the
background There was the danger of
scandal to the heatlien, who, with their
own inadequate notions of woi'ship, might i
misconstrue the honour paid to Mary ;
and then there was the long struggle
with Arianism, when the Church was
contending for the very centre of the faith.
"When once the belief in the full Godhead j
of the Son had been fenced round by
formal definition, when once it had been
decided that no exaltation of the Son
would suffice unless He was confessed to
be the one eternal God, then there was
no longer any danger of confusing Mary's
honour with that of her Divine Son. To
honour Mary was not idolatry, unless the
Arians, who had employed far higher I
language of Christ than Catholics have
ever used of his Blessed Mother, were I
orthodox in their belief. Nay, it became
clearer than ever that the belief in Mary
was necessary to a right belief in Christ.
Nestorius denied the unity of his Person.
He allowed that God dwelt in Him, but
not that the man Christ Jesus was God ; [
and this was tantamount to denying the
Incarnation altogether, and reducing the
difference between Christ and his creatures
to a matter of degree, since God dwells
in the hearts of all the just. In order,
therefore, to secure right faith in the
manhood of the Eternal Son, the Church
defined at Ephesus, what she had held
everywhere and from the beginning, that
Mary is the Mother of God. Cardinal
Newman has collected a catena of patris-
tic passages (" Development," p. 145 seq.)
on the I31essed Virgin, which date from
the conclusion of the main controversy
with the Arians and the rise of that with
Nestorius. Augustine will allow no
guestiKH of sin to be raised when Mary
is concerned. Antiochus calls her " the
Mother ot Life, of Beauty, of Majesty,"'
" the Morning Star ; " St. Proclus, " the
Fair Bride of the Canticles," " the Stay
of Believers," " the Church's Diadem."
" Let us make confession," says an early
writer, probably one of the Fathers of
Ephesus, " to God the Word, and to bis
Mother . . . Hail, ^lother, clad in Light !
. . . Hail, all-undefiled Mother of Holi-
ness ! . . . With her is the fount of life,
and breasts of the spiritual and guileless
milk, from which to suck the sweetness
we have even now earnestly i-uu to her,"
&c. We have only takt-n a few words
here and there from Cardinal Newman's
quotations, but surely we have done
enough to show that the Church of the
fifth century addressed the same language
to Mary as the Church of the nineteenth.
It is true that the gi-eat Fathers St.
Basil, St. Chrysostom, and St. Cyril of
Alexandria sometimes express themselves
m a very different tone. Cardinal New-
man has considered these pas.sages in his
" Letter to Dr. Pusey " (" Ditf. of Angl."
vol. ii. p. I2f^), and we will only venture
on one remark. It may sound paradoxical,
but we believe it true, that these passages
tend to confirm Catholic belief in Marj-'s
spotless sanctity. Some great Father
alleges that tlie sword which was to
pierce Mary's heart was doubt in her Son's
divinity which took possession of her
soul beneath the cross, and again, that
Christ reprehended his mother for some
fault, of haste or the like, at the Marriage
of Cana. We do not think any sober Pro-
testant scholar would approve of such
exegesis. And when indi\ i<lual Fathers
argued in such a way, the Church was
justified in disregarding their opinions,
great saints and doctors though they
were. Common sense, as well as the
sense of the faithful, was against them,
and they had neither right nor power to
arrest the stream of devotion to Mary.
The stream grew, no doubt, in its course
through the ages, but its source was in
the Eternal HiUs.
Evil, indeed, would this devotion be,
if it diminished or obscured, ever so little,
j that supreme devotion to God, who is
over all, and to Jesus Christ whom He
has sent. But one who dared to put
Mary on an equality with God, or to deny
that Christ is the " one mediator between
God and man "—i.e. the sole author of
our redemption, the beginner and the
finisher of our faith — would, by that very
fact, cease to be a Catholic. Every Catho-
! lie child is taught that Mass can be offered
(308 MARY, FEASTS OF
MARY, FEASTS OF
to God alone, and the obligation of hearing
Mass every Sunday, the adoration paid to
the Blessed Sacrament, &c., keep the
supreme character of the worship due to
God constantly before the mind. We are
far, of course, from any wish to defend I
exaggerated or imprudent language. One
of the greatest of the Church's theologians, |
among whose many virtues a tender de- '
m otion to the mother of God was not the
least, protests against extravagant and ill-
founded praise of Mary. " This kind of j
idolatry," he writes, " secret, and, as
Augustine says, natural to the human
heart, is far removed from the grave cha-
racter of theology — that is, of heavenlj^
wisdom." And he quotes certain " golden
words " of Gerson, also a devout client of
Mary, in which he (Gerson) " restrains ;
immoderate licence in setting forth the
praises of the Blessed Virgin, andconfines
it within the limits of a sober and manly
piety " (Petav. " De Incamat." xiv. 9).
Admonitions to the same efiect may be
found in the work of another famous
Catholic scholar — highly esteemed by i
Benedict XIV. and Clement XIV.—
Muratori, " De Moderamine Ingeniorum." i
We would only urge that the efiect of
Catholic devotion to the Blessed Virgin
must not be judged on a priori grounds
but tested by experience. It is among
Protestants who have repudiated this de-
votion, not among Catholics, who have
retained it, that imperfect and false ideas [
on the divinity of Christ have struck
root.
(There is a vast literature on this sub-
ject. We would specially notice the
cliapters of Petavius in his treatise on j
the " Incarnation ; " Cardinal Newman, in [
his " Development," and " Letter to Dr.
Pusey ; " " Jesus, the Son of Mary," by i
Mr. j. B. Morris — a work full, not only \
of recondite learning, but also of deep
thought, and which, marred though it is
by eccentricities, will well repay careful
study ; and a short but masterly rationale
of the doctrine and devotion in Father
Ryder's " Catholic Controversy.")
MART, FEASTS OF. Benedict
XIV., quoting a note of Mabillon on St.
Bernard, says that, even as late as the
twelfth century, four feasts only of the
Blessed Virgin were celebrated in the
Church — those of the Purihcation, An-
nunciation, As.sumption, and Nativity.
At present, the number of her feasts has
risen to about twenty. An account has
been given, in separate articles, of those
which relate to events in the Blessed
Virgin's history — viz. to her Conception,
Nativity, Name, Presentation, Espousals,
Annunciation, Visit to St. Elizabeth
(Visitation), Purification (see Candle-
mas), Dolours, and Assumption. There
are other feasts which commemorate
]Mary's interest in the Church militant on
earth, and these will be mentioned here.
(1) Feast of Mary the Help of Chris-
tians, May 24— in the Supplement of the
Breviary. The title " Help of Christians"
was added to the Litany of Loreto by
Pius V. after the naval victory of Lepanto
over the Turks. The feast was instituted
by Pius VII., who attributed his deliver-
ance from a captivity of five years at
Savona and his return to Rome, out of
which he had been twice driven by
violence, to the intercession of the Blessed
Virgin.
(2) Feast of" The Blessed Virgin Mary
of Mount CarmeV — For the connection
of the Carmelite order with the mountain
of that name, see the article on the Car-
melites, and for the privileges attached to
the Carmelite scapular, see Scapulars.
The feast was approved for the Carmelites
by Sixtus V. in 1587. Paul V. inserted
new lections in the office, which was
revised by Bellarmine. Benedict XIII.
extended the feast to the whole Church.
A further change in the lections has been
made by Leo XIII.
(3) St. Mary of Snow {Dedicationts
Ecdesi(eS. Marine ad Xives). — This church
is sometimes called, from the Pope who
is said to have founded it, the Liberian
Basilica; the Sixtine Basilica, because Six-
tus III. enlarged, or, as Tillemont thinks,
founded it ; the Church of St. Mary of the
Crib {JB. Mai-ice ad Prcesepe), because the
relics of the crib in which Christ is be-
lieved to have been laid were brought
there about the middle of the seventh
century ; and, most commonly, the Church
of St. Mary Major, a name given to it
from the eighth century, because of its
magnificence and its rank as the second
church of Christendom, the Lateran
Church being the only one which takes
precedence of it. The name ad nives
given in the Martyrology and Breviary is
due to the following story. John, a
Roman patrician, and his wife, being
childless, wished to spend their fortune in
lionour of the Blessed Virgin. She sig-
nified to them and to Pope Liberius in
dreams that she wished a church dedi-
cated to her on the Esquiline Hill, and
told them that the site would be marked
out by snow. Next day it was found
MARY, FEASTS OF
that the promised snow had actually
fallen, though the month was August
and the heat intense. Benedict XIV.
collects all the evidence which can be
T)roduced for this miracle, his oldest
authority being that of Pope Nicolas IV.
in 1287. The lections in the older
Breviaries add that when Liberius began
to diir the foundation the earth opened
of itself.
(4) Our Lady of Mercy ' {de Mercede),
September 24. — Tlie order of Our Lady of
Ransom was founded by St. Peter Nolas-
cus, St. Raymond of Pennafort, and
James King of Arragon, with the object
of freeing Christian captives from the
Turks. The feast was approved first of
all for the order itself, then extended to
Spain, next to France, and lastly by
Innocent XII. to the whole Church.
(5) Feast of Our Lady of the Rosary,
first Sunday in October. — The victory of
Lepanto was won by Don Juan of Austria, 1
October 7, 1571, while the members of
the Confraternity of the Rosary at Rome
were making special supplication for the
success of the Christian arms, and Pius V.,
then Pope, ordered that an annual com-
memoration should be made of" St. Mary
of Victory." Gregory XIII. in.stituted
the feast of Our Lady of the Rosary on 1
the first Sunday in October for all
churches with a chapel or altar dedicated
to the Blessed Virgin under that title.
Clement X. extended the feast to all the
dominions of the Spanish king. The
Emperor Leopold begged Innocent XII.
to extend the feast to the whole Church,
but the Pope died before he was able to
do so. At last Clement XL, after another i
victory over the Turks had been obtained |
in 1710 by the Emperor Charles VI., and
Corfu been freed from Turkish besiegers
in the same year, made the feast of uni-
versal observance. The lections of the
Second Nocturn, which contain a history
of the origin of the feast, were added under
Benedict XIII., and have been revised by
Leo XIII., who also added the invocation
"Regina Sacratissimi Rosarii" to the
Litany of Loreto.
(6) Patronage of the Blessed Virgin. —
The feast was approved for Spain in 1679,
for the States of the Church by Benedict
1 " Ransom " would, of course, be the natural
translation. But " Our Lady of Mercy " is the
common rendering in our Enclish Calendars ;
and so in German '■ von der Barmherziijkeit."
And I his appears to be correct, for, according
to Dufresne, " merce*," in mediseval Latin, is
used f.jf "misericordi;!."
MARY, OFFICE OF, SATURDAY 609'
' XIIT., in order to celebrate the power of
the Blessed Virgin's intercession. It is
now usually kept in churches which liave
permission to celebrate it on the secfind,
not, as at first, on the third Sunday in
November. Other feasts of the Blessed
Virgin are celebrated by permission in
certain parts of the Church. Such are
the feasts of the Dirine yiaternity and of
the Purity of the Blessed Virgin, kept on
the second and third Sundays of October
(both these feasts are observed in Eng-
land); the Prodigies of the Blessed Virgin,
kept at Rome and some other places on
July 9 ; the Mother of the Divine Pastor,
kept in Tuscany on the first Sunday in
May by leave of Pius VII. ; Our Lady of
Consolation, on the first Sunday in July ;.
Our Lady of Peac ', on the fourth Sunday
in October. (See " Manuale Decret. S.
Rit. Cong." No. 2139 seq.)
(7) The Feast of Our lady's Expecta-
tion {Expectatio partus) should have been
mentioned in a separate article. The
Spanish Church used to keep the feast
of the Annunciation on December 18,
by a decree of a Council of Toledo in
the seventh century. The object was to
prevent the feast falling in Holy or Easter
Week. When the Spaniards adopted the
Roman usage with regard to the Annun-
ciation, they instituted the feast of the
Expectation to replace their old observance-
on December 18, and the latter feast
was approved b}- Gregory XIII. The
Spaniards also call it the "Feast of 0,"
because the first of the greater antiphons
is said in the vespers of its vigil. It was
extended to the Venetian territory iu
169.5, and to the States of the Church by
Benedict XIII. in 172-5. It is kept in
England, but is not a feast of the whole
Church. (Chiefly from Benedict XIV.,
"De Festis.")
MARY, FSAST OF THE 31 AME.
The real and supposed meanings of the
name have been explained in the article
on the Blessed Virgin. The feast of the
Name arose at Cuen^a, in Spain, and its
local celebration was approved by the
Pope in 151-3. This permission was with-
drawn by Pius v., and restored by Sixtus
V. Originally the feast seems to have
been kept on September 22. Iinioccnt
XL, after the victory obtained against the
Turks and the consequent relief of Vienna
from siege in 16S3, extended the feast and
office to the whole Church.
MARY, OFFICE OF, SATUR-
DAY.— The office of the Blessed Virgin
is said on all Saturdays ; not, however,
B R
610
MASS
MASS
•when a feast of Nine Lessons falls on that
day, not during Advent and Lent, on
ember days, vifrils, or ferias on which the
lessons of a previous Sunday have to be
said at Matins. In this office of the
Blessed Virgin the twelve ferial psalms
are said, and there are only three lessons,
the last, however, being followed by the
Te Deum. This rule was authorised by
Urban II. at the Council of Clermont in
1096. The present office was composed
and issued under Pius V. Clement VIII.
revised it, and substituted a lesson from
St. Jerome instead of the previous one
from St. Epiphanius for the month of
April. Mystical reasons are ^ven by
liturgical writers for this commemoration
of the Blessed Virgin on the Sabbath —
e.g. that the Eternal \\'ord rested in her.
(Ga vantus on the Rubrics of the Breviarj-.)
MASS. The Catholic doctrine on the
sacrifice of the Mass has been explained
in the article Eucharist, the general
history of the Roman Mass under
Liturgy, and the history of the com-
ponent parts of the Mass under special
articles, Canon, Collect, Introit,
Kyrie, and the like. Here we confine
ourselves to matters of terminology and
special regulation.
I. The loord " il/ass."— About its
meaning and derivation there is not the
leastroom for reasonable doubt. Attempts
have been made to find its origin in
Hebrew. Asa (HK'i;) means " to do," and
sometimes " to perform a sacred action, to
sacrifice " (like Upa pe'^eti/ in Homer), and it
was suggested that a noun, Misah (nb'yp) ,
might be derived from the verb. .Such a
formation is a sheer impossibility in He-
brew, and cannot be thought of without
a shudder. Maaseh (nb't'P) is the proper
form. A Hebrew word " Missah " (nDD)
does occur Deut. xvi. 10,' and an attempt
was made to derive the Latin word from
it, though the Hebrew word in question
nieiins '• number," " rate," &c., and has
nothing to do with sacrifice. It only
occur.* once, and if the Church had wished
to adopt a IL'brew word for "sacrifice,"'
she would have chosen, we may be very
sure, one of the numerous Hebrew words
which occur times without number in the
Old Testament, and one of which, " cor-
ban," occurs in the New (Mark vii. 11 ;
' -^T nanj nsp- Here nOD comes next
a word which Uocs mean "free-will offer-
inK," and the VulgJite remlerinf; "oblationem
spoiitaneam maiius tuae," is probably the inno
cent cause of coiitusi lU.
cf. Matt, xxvii. 6), and is frequently used
in the Peshito or chief Syriac version for
" sacrifice." Besides, if the early Church
had adopted the word from the Hebrew,
as it did adopt other Hebrew words, such
as " Hosanna," " Amen," " Alleluia,"
" Sabaoth," we should find some trace of
it in the Greek and Oriental Churches.
We should expect to find it above all
in Syriac, a language closely allied to
Hebrew, and which has in its New Testa-
ment version three words for sacrifice as
close to the corresponding Hebrew words
as, e.g., the French hommc is to homo.
But no trace of " Mass can be found
except in Latin, and the languages which
are daughters of Latin. Here and there
we find /it'o-cra in Greek, but in such a
way as shows at once that it is merely a
Latin word written in Greek letters.
Thus the " Chronicon Paschale,"' written
about 600, describes Justinian as dis-
missing the officers of the palaces and
bidding them keep their houses. The
words are : /cal eSioicei' evdeas fxicrcras Tois
Tov naXaTiov, Koi Xeyfi roly cruy/cXj^rt/coIy,
'ATTfX^arf, eKatrros <pv}\.d^(t tov olkov
avTov — " and straightway he gave their
dismiss fils to the officials of the palace
and said to the senators, ' Go away : let
each keep his house.'" The word ^iVo-ay
is here clearly taken from the Latin, just
as " Palatium " is. We are ashamed to
linger so long over such a question, but
unhappily the class of people who think
that any word can be derived from any
other word a little like it is not yet
extinct.
The word " Missa," then, is of purely
Latin origin and comes from " mittere,"
" to send." St. Thomas (III. Ixxxiii. 4, ad
9) ' suggests, among other explanations,
that " Missa " may mean prayers sent to
God ; and a similar explanation —viz. that
" Missa " means the sending or off'ering up
of the sacrifice to God — has been defended
with great learning in recent times by a
profe-sor at Wiirzburg, the late Hermann
Midler, in a treatise on Missa : the Origin
and Meaning of the Name" ("Missa,
Ursprung und Bedeutung der Benen-
nung," Wertheim, 1873). This writer
proves that " mittere '' is sometimes used
by classical writers in connection with
" inferiae," the sacrifices of the dead. But
this is not enough to explain why the
Church adopted an obscure and scarcely
I MUller (p. 87) quotes Peter of Cluijnv
(lib. ii. Mirac. 28) : " Sacrificium ofierimus,
quod et usu jam veteri tracto nomine, quia Deo
mittitur, Missam vocamus."
MASS
MASS
611
intelligible word for " aacrifice,"' when
plain and familiar terms, " saciificium,"
" oblatio," &c., were at hand. Moreover,
the history of the word is adverse to any
theory which connects it with the notion
of sacrifice. V\e may, then, dismiss this
account also and give the accepted ex-
planation.
"Missa" is only another form of
" missio," " dismissal." A good instance
of a similar form is supplied by " repulsa "
( = " repulsio ") in the line of Horace,
" Virtus repulsis nescia sordidae ; " and
many more examples present themselves
from the Latin of a later period —
" ascensa " for " ascensio," " collecta ' for
" col lectio," "confessa"' for "confessio,"
and last of all " remissa'' for " remissio,"
&c. About the year 500 Avitus of Vienne,
writing to the Burgundian king Gundo-
bald (Ep. 1, Migne, lix. p. 186), who
wished for an explanation of the words
•• non missum facitis " in the old Latin
version of Mark vii. 11, 12. says that in
churches and law-courts " Missa fieri pro-
nuntiatur, cum populus ab observatione
dimittitur '' (" dismissal is announced
when the people are let free from [further]
attendance "). This derivation of " Missa"
from "iiiittere" was clear to St. Isidore
of Seville ("Etymolog." vi. 19). Now,
in the liturgy there were two solemn dis-
missals—first, of the catechumens after
the Gospel and sermon ; next, of the
faithful at the end of the service. The
word for dismissal then came to denote
the service from which the persons in
question were dismissed. The first
authority for this use of Missa for the
liturgy, putting aside a spurious letter of
Pius I., is St. Ambrose (Ep. 20, 4.) He
uses the words " Missam facere." More
than two himdred years later St. Gregory
of Tours uses the modern phrase, " Missam
dicere."' And it must be remembered
that, so far from the word Missa having
any necessary connection at the first with
the Eucharist, it was employed, not only,
as we have already seen in law-courts,
but also for church services which had
nothingtodo with the Eucharist. Matins,
as Sirmond in his " Xotes on St. Avitus,"
(Ep. 1) shows, were called " Missee ma-
tutinae,'" Vespers "Missje vespertinre."
" Missa '■ also occurs in a canon of the
ninth century in the sense of festival
( Hefele, " Concil." iv. p. 256 of the second
edition).
II. Customs and Regtdationa cmcei-n-
itiff Mass. — Some of these are given in
separate articles — e.ff. under Altar,
Vestments, CJoioitmiou, Others may
be mentioned here.
(a) The Frequency of Celebration. —
In early times the bishop and priests
celebrated together. This custom seems
to have continued in Rome long after it
had ceased elsewhere, being mentioned
by Amalarius of Metz in the ninth cen-
tury, and later still by Innocent III. It
has not yet entirely died out among us,
for at the Mass of Ordination the newly
ordained priests say Mass jointly with
the bishop, though they do not partake
of the same Host or of the Precious
Blood. In chui-ches outside the city
priests celebrated independently ; on the
other hand, the priests of the Roman
tituli, practically equivalent to urban
parishes, used the Host consecrated and
I sent to them by the Pope.
Ordinarily speaking, then (an excep-
tion will be noted presently), there was
but one Mass each day in the same
church, and this is still the custom of the
Greeks and Orientals, unless where, as
in the case of Uniates, they have been
influenced by Western practice. Xor
was Mass said everywhere on all days of
the week. It may perhaps be inferred
from Acts ii. 42, 46, that the Apostles
celebrated the Agape ending with the l-'.ii
charist daily. Justin, however (" Apol."
i. 67), only speaks of the Eucharist ic
celebration on Sunday. St. Augustine
(Ep. 54, " Ad Januar.") informs us that
in some places there was Mass daily, in
others only on Sundays, in others on
Saturdays "and Sundays. Mass was said
daily in Africa (Cj-prian, Ep. Iviii.), in
Rome and Spain (Hieron. Ep. Lsxi. " Ad
Lucin."), at Milan (Le Brun quotes Am-
brose, lib. ii. ep. 14, " Ad Marc"), at An-
tioch and Constantinople (Chrys. "In
Ephes." Horn. iii. d.*) But at Csesarea
St. Basil tells us Mass was said only on
Sundays, Fridays, and Saturdays, and
the feasts of the Martyrs. Of ' course,
when we speak of Mass every day, we
except Good Friday and Holy Saturday
in the Roman Church, and all the days of
Lent except Saturdays and Sundays in
the Church of Constantinople.
On many occasions Mass was reite-
rated by the same celebrant where now
one Mass would be said and a commemo-
ration made or more than one Mass said
by different celebrants. We have spoken
of this custom in the article on Christ-
» Tillemont has shown tlmt these homilie.s
were delivered there, and Monttaucon is of the
same opinion.
E R 2
MASS
MASS
MAS Day, and need not dwell on it longer
here. Apart from this, a twofold spirit
prevailed in the middle ages. Some
priests said several Masses daily out of
devotion. " Priests were allowed to
•celebrate," says Meratus (Pars I. in
Rubr. Gener.), " several times a day, as
often as they thought good, so that one
would say Mass twice, another three
times, another as often as he pleased on
the same day, believing that God was
inclined to mercy as often as Christ's
Passion was brought to mind " ; and he
quotes Walafrid Strabo, " De Rebus
Eccles." cap. 25, who relates that Pope
Leo III. sometimes celebrated nine times
in one day. Pope Alexander II. forbade
any priest to say Mass more than once in
the day, and his enactment is incorpo-
rated in the " Decretum " of Gratian.
The Pope, however, mentions, and appa-
rently without disapproval, the habit of
saying two Masses daily, "one of the
day, another for the dead." St. Anselm
and St. Albert are said by Meratus to
have done so. Mr. Maskell ("Ancient
Liturgy of the Church of England," p.
228) collects many English canons pro-
hibiting the repetition of Mass on the
same day by the same priest. Thus a
Provincial Constitution of Archbishop
Langton prohibits anyone from celebrat-
ing more than once a day except on
Christmas and Easter Sunday, and on
occasion of a funeral in the church ; and
one of the last injunctions published
among us before the change of religion
was, that " no priest say two Masses in
one day, except Christmas Day, without
express licence."
Devotion led some holy persons at the
same period in quite an opposite direc-
tion. St. Thomas of Canterbury did not
celebrate daily ; and a contemporary,
noting this, says the practice of priests
on this point varied, that those who
celebrated often were to be commended
for the purity of their lives ; those who
acted like St. Thomas, for their humility
(Fleuiy, " H. E." livr. Ixx. § 64). Mass
was said rarely among the Carthusians,
and St. Francis of Assi.si, in his " Testa-
ment," wished one priest only to cele-
brate each day in his convents. The
other priests were to content themselves
witli hearing Mass (Fleury, hvr. Ixxix.
25)-
By the present law priests are strictly
prohibited from saying Mass more than
once on any day except Christmas Day.
Bishops, however, have often leave to
celebrate, or allow their priests to cele-
brate, twice on a Sunday or holiday of
obligation, if a large number of people
would otherwise be unable to hear Mass ;
and most English priests hold faculties,
renewed at intervals, to this effect. The
ablutions must not be taken at the
former Mass. The present Pope, moved
by the neces,sity of the case, has per-
mitted bishops in Mexico to have three
Masses celebrated by one priest on the
same day. No law requires a priest, as
such, to celebrate daily, and it is com-
monly held that he is not bound to do so
except on the more solemn feasts (St.
Liguori, "Theol. Moral." lib. vi. § 313).
A parish priest must say Mass, whenever
at least the people are bound to hear it.
Modern saints— e.^. St. Ignatius and St.
Francis of Sales — strongly encourage
priests to celebrate daily, and this is now
the common, though by no means the
universal, custom.
0) The hour of Mass was subject to
no special regulation down to the middle
of the fifth century, though it was usually
said early in the morning. Le Brun
thinks that the custom of saying Mass
at tierce {i.e. at 9 a.m.) began with
the monks. It is mentioned by Cassian,
Sidonius ApoUinaris, a Council of Orleans
in 511, and St. Gregory of Tours. On
the stations — i.e. AVednesday and Friday,
and in Rome on Saturday (all usually
fasting days) it was said at sext — i.e.
noon; on other fasting days after none
— i.e. three o'clock; at ordinations the
fast was continued through Friday or
Saturday till the early morning of the
day following, when the Mass was said.
(See Le Brun, torn iii. diss. i. art. 9.)
According to the present law Mass must
not be said before dawn or later than
midday, and it is a serious matter notably
to trangress these limits except in virtue
of Apostolic indult. The rule which
requires the priest to have said Matins
and Lauds previously is not so strict.
There are special rules on the relations
of OtBce and Conventual Mass, Mass of
Requiem, &c., in the rubrics of the Missal.
(y) T/ie Applicntion of Mas«.— The
j Mass is a sacrifice of adoration, of praise
and thanksgiving ; it is also a sacrifice of
propitiation for sin, and a means of
obtaining all graces and blessings from
God. In the Canon of the Roman Mass
I and all other liturgies the sacrifice is
always ofi"ered specially for certain per-
I sons — e.ff. for those present in the church,
I for those who contributed the bread and
MASS
MASS
G13
•n-inc for the consecration, &c. Theolo-
gians, following Scotus, recognise a three-
fold fruit of the sarritice. There is the
general fruit, in which all the faithful
participate, the more special fruit, which
belongs to those for whom the priest
specially oSers the sacrifice, and the
most special fruit, proper to the celebrant
himself. The Canon of the Mass recog-
nises this distinction, and so bears wit-
ness to its antiquity. The celebrant
oflers " for thy holy Catholic Church " ;
again he speaks of those " on whose
account we ofier to Thee, or who ofler to
Thee, this sacrifice of praise " ; he also
calls the Mass " the oblation of our
ministry," and in an earlier part of the
liturgy offers the Host " for my number-
less sins and offences and negligences."
Theologians dispute how far and in what
way the effect of the oblation is limited,
very many denying that there is any
such limit except in the capacity of those
for whom the offering is made, so that,
e.g., Mass said for a hundred persons
would profit each as much as if said for
one only. Practically, however, a priest
has to act on the opinion that the effect
of the sacrifice is limited by the ordina-
tion of Christ, or in some other manner
over and above the limitation already
mentioned. Here, then, it suffices to say
that in "saying Mass" for a person or
persons a priest applies in their interest
the more special fruit of the sacrifice.
If under an obligation of making this
application, he must not extend it to
others save with the implied condition
that he does not intend to interfere with
the rights of those who have the first
claim. But of course he always offers
generally for the whole Church, and
reserves the special fruit of the Mass to
himself. The following regulations exist
with regard to the application.
All bishops and priesfs with cure of
souls are bound to say Mass for their
people on Sundays and holidays of obli-
gation. If the holiday of obligation has
become a day of devotion, the duty of
saying Mass fm- the flock continues.
Missionary priests, such as those in Eng-
land and Scotland, are mere delegates of
the bishop without cure of souls in the
strict sense. They are not, therefore,
bound to offer the sacrifice on these days
for the people in their district, though
charity makes it fit that they should do
80. In all cathedrals and collegiate
churches the Conventual ^Mass (see below)
must be said daily for benefactors, and
chaplains, &c., are bound to say Mass
daily for the founder of the chaplaincy or
benefice, unless it appear from the tenus
of the foundation that this was not in-
tended. Lastly, a strict obligation of
saying Mass for the donor's intention is
incurred by priests who accept an alms on
that condition. This alms or stipend is
meant for the celebrant's support, and
corresponds to the otlerings of bread and
wine made by the faithful in old days.
The bishop fixes the amount of this
stipend or tax, as it is called, and the
priest must not ask, though he may accept,
more. If he has leave to duplicate or say
two Masses he must receive alms for one
i only, and if he asks another priest to say
the Mass in his stead, he must hand over
the whole alms. Manj- rules have been
made, particularly of late, to prevent any
appearance of traflac or avarice in this
matter. Moreover, Benedict XIV. points
out that the rich have no unfair advantage
over the poor because of their greater
power to have Masses said for them. All
souls are God's, and He can give the poor
a special share in the general prayers of
the Church, and supply their wants in a
thousand ways. Riches and poverty are
each, if rightly used, the means of salva-
tion.
III. Names for different kimh of
Masses. — (a) High Mass, in Latin Mi^m
solemnis, is Mass with incense, music,
the assistance of deacon and subdeacon,
&c. It is usually sung, when there is a
sufficient number of clergy, at least on
Sundays and great feasts. Meratus quotes
the term Missa alta from Rymer's
" Fcedera," and the term, ]Mr. Maskell
says, seems to have been chiefly in use in
England. But the fact that in Dutch
and Flemish exactly the same term — viz.
Hoogmis, is used, while the Germans have
Hochamt, surely proves that Missn alta
must have been "familiar in othercountries.
" Missa dominica " and " aurea " were
mediaeval names for Masses of sp>^cial
solemnity. Under solemn Masses, >[era-
tus classes Pontifical Masses, celclirat.Ml
by the bishop with his insignia, and
Papal Masses, celebrated by the Pojip on
certain great feasts with spi'cinl riles.
The Pontifical Mass (the tbiiig-, not tlie
name) is mentioned in a Roman Ordo
supposed to belong to the former part of
the eighth century. Meratus refers to a
treatise on Papal Masses by Marcellus,
archbishop of ("orcyra — " Rituum eccle-
siasticorum sive S. Cserimoniarum S.
Romanse Ecclesise."
MASS
MASTER OF THE SACRED PALACE
(i3) Loto Mass : Mima bassa in French 1
und English documents ; Basse Messe ;
Mtssa plana in the " Crerimoniale Episc."
Mass said without music, the priest at |
least saying, and not singing, the Mass
throughout.
{y) Missa cantata ; also called media.
A >Iass sung, but without deacon and
sul>deacon and the ceremonies proper to
High Mass. In some Enghsh dioceses
the use of incense is permitted at such
Masses.
(S) Missa publica (sometimes com-
munis) ; a Mass to which the faithful of
either sex are admitted. Hence Gregory
the Great prohibited such Masses in
monasteries. From the sixth century at
least, nine o'clock was the time fixed for
such Masses. The decree on this point
attributed to Telesphorus in the second
century is of course a forgery.
(f) Missa privata (also secreta,fami-
liaris, pcculiaris) is difficult of definition.
]\Ieratus gives one explanation which
identifies it with Low Mass ; another
according to which it is any Mass at which
the priest alone commvmicates. It would
be convenient if we could use this word
or had another word to describe Mass
which the priest says chiefly for his own
devotion or that of his friends, and not
to satisfy the wants of a parish, college,
&c. In aU private Masses the priest
must have at least a server to represent
the body of the faithful. SoUtary Masses
were once celebrated by indulgence or
privilege in monasteries. They are now
strictly forbidden.
{() Missa parochialis; the "Assembly
of the faithful in which they otter public
prayers and sacrifice by the ministry of
their pastor, and learn from him what
the}' shmild do and not do for their own
salvation and the edification of their
neighbours." The Council of Trent
directs bishops to warn the faithful that
they should hear Mass in their parish
churches at least on Sundays and gi-eater
festivals.
{rf) Capitular Mass is the High Mass
on Sundays or festivals in coUegiate
churches.
{B) Conventual Mass is that which
"the rectors of cathedral and collegiate
churches are bound to have celebrated
every day solemnly and with music after
tierce." It must, as we have already
seen, be applied for benefactors. It is
also known among regulars as Missa
canonica, tertim, publica, communis, viajor.
(i) Votive Masses are those which do
! not correspond with the office of the day^
but are said by the choice (vofum) of the
priest. On all days except Sundays,
I feasts of double and more than double-
rank, and certain other days specially
excepted, a priest may say a Votive Mas*
of the Trinity, the Angels, St. Peter and
St. Paul, the Holy Ghost, for the dead,
&c. &c., instead of that assigned for the
day.
((c) A Bequiem Mass is a Mass for the
dead, and is so called from the opening
words of the Introit: " Requiem aetemam
dona eis, Domine."
(X) Missa adcentitia or manualis is a
Mass said for the intention of a person
who gives an alms ; and is opposed to a
Missa Icgata, said for a special intention
in consequence of a legacy or foundation.
Thus Missa adventitia or manualis is a
" chance " Mass — one which " comes to
hand."
{)x) The Missa prasanctificatorum is
really not a Mass at all. Some account
of it will be found under Holt Week.^
Still more remote from the true idea of
Mass is the Missa sicca, a celebration
without either consecration or com-
munion, very common in the middle agea
in the presence of the sick, at sea, and on
other occasions when a true Mass could
not be said. St. Louis of France used
habitually to have this Missa sicca said
at sea. Sometimes it was celebrated
with all the ceremonies of High Mass.
It is now fallen out of use, except that
persons learning the ceremonies of Mass
sometimes say a Missa sicca before ordi-
nation. A real Mass was sometimes said
at sea. Gavantus (Pars I. tit. xx. f.)
disapproves the practice, because of the
danger that the chalice may be over-
turned. Benedict XIV. (" De Missa,"'
lib. iii. cap. 6, § 11) holds that Mass
cannot be said at sea, even if there seems
to be no danger of irreverence, without
an Apostolic iudult.
MASTER. [See Degrees.]
MASTER OF THE SACRES
PAXiACE {mai/ister sacri palatii). This
is a dignity of the Roman Curia [Curia
Romaxa], and is said to have been first
conferred on St. Dominic, who, obsen ing
that the attendants of cardinals, while
their masters were transacting business
with the Pope, for want of employment-
used to indulge in idle and frivolous pas-
' The thirty -sixth canon of yElfric, in 957,
shows that one otfice of the Prcsaactified on.
Good Friday was used in England a thousand,
years ago (Maskell, Aueient Lit. p. 214).
MATINS
MAUPJSTS
615
fimes, obtained the permission of Hono-
rius in. to form them into a class and
explain the Bible to them. Originating
thus, the office gradually became one of
greater importance, until it included the
right of nominating the preachers before
the Pope on certain great festivals, that
of acting as consultor to several congre-
gations, that of conferring the degree of
doctor in theology and philosophy, with
other privileges, as well as the duty of
examining and licensing all hooks pub-
lished in Rome.
MATINS. ';See Breviabt.]
MATRXciTXiA. (dim. of matrix, a roll
or register). The roll containing the
names of the clergy permanently attached
to a cathedral, or a collegiate, or a parish
church ; also, the list of the names of the
students regularly admitted into any
university.
MATRZCITX.ATZOir (mrtfn'citla).
The act of entering the name of a student
upon the matricula or roll of a university,
which in ordinary cases is not done till
the candidate for admission has proved
his competency by passing an examination
in certain prescribed subjects.
■MAmiTDT TBirksDAT. [See
Holy AVeek.]
IVIA1TRZSTS. The famous congre-
gation of St. Maur, an offshoot of the
Benedictine order [Bexedictixes], took
its name in honour of the favourite dis-
ciple of St. Benedict so called, who e.\-
tended the order greatly in France in the
sixth century, and founded the Abbey
of Glanfeuil, called after him St. Maur-
sur-Loire. Hence, in these northern
countries the Benedictine rule was re-
garded as having him for its author
almost equally with St. Benedict him-
self; cf. Chaucer's —
"The reule of seynt Maura or of seint Beneyt."
(ProL C. T.)
In the sixteenth century, much relaxation
having crept into the monastic observance
of Benedictine houses in the South of
Europe, various enterprises of reform were
set on foot by monks in whom the ancient
fervour still glowed. There was estab-
li-hed in Lorraine, by Dom Didier de la
Cour, the austere congregation of St.
A'anne. Many convents in France de-
sired to embrace this reform, and it was
solemnly adopted at the monastery of
St. Augustine at Limoges in 1613. Here
and at other French houses the congre-
gation of St. Vanne planted monks who
might teach their principles and procedure.
But, Lorraine being at that time politi-
cally separate from France, it was thought
expedient that a new congregation should
be erected for the latter. This being
effected in 1618, the new institute, of
which Dom Benard was the chief propa-
gator, took the name of St. Maur, and
being supported by Card, de Retz, and
afterwards by Richelieu, rapidly extended
itself among the Benedictine convents in
France. In and near I'aris they even-
tually had tbree great houses, the Blancs-
Manteaux, St. Germain des Pres, and
St. Denis. The rule was at first observed
in its full strictness in the houses which
adhered to the congregation; and in
union with this religious movement an
enthusiasm for literature and learning
developed itself, which modified all the
arrangements adopted. A general, ap-
pointed for life, governed the whole in-
stitute, which, at the time when Helyot
wrote (about 1720), comprised oue hun-
dred and eighty abbeys and priories,
grouped in six provinces. In every pro-
vince there were one or two noviciates ;
on leaving which, the young novice was
admitted to profession in some monastery,
and trained in piety and ecclesiastical
knowledge during two years. After that
he was engaged for five years in the
study of philosophy and theology, and
finally for one year, called the " year of
recollection," in the exercises and studies
designed to fit him for receiving the
priesthood at the end of it. If we m;iy
judge by the fruits, the preparation must
have been exceedingly well fitted to
train men for successfully engaging in
the pursuits of literature and criticism.
Those "Benedictine editions" of the
Fathers, which scliolars know so well
and value so highly, all came from
members of the congregation of St.
Maur. Among their colossal labours
may be mentioned " Gallia Christiana,"
the " History of French Literature," the
" Recueil " of the historians of France,
Mabillon's "Annals of the Benedictine
Order," and "Lives of Benedictine
Saints," Tassin's literary history of the
congregation, Martene's "Araplissima
CoUectio," &c., &c. The majority of
their own countrymen appear to be in
haste to forget them; but the rest of the
world will not soon forget the gentle,
pious, genial, indefatigable Mabillon, the
Venerable Bede of these later times; nor
Edmond Martene, that model of exact
and thorough research ; nor Montfaucon,
whose vast erudition illustrated by the:
MAY
MECHITAT^ISTP
engraver's art the whole field of Grseco-
Roman antiquity and founded the science
of archaeology ; nor Ruinart, the historian
of the Martyrs ; not to speak of Rivet,
Boiujuet, Lami, Labat, Luc d'Ach^ry, Le
Nourri, MiSnard, Martianay, and many
more, whose names all suggest priceless
services rendered in this or that field to
the cause of secular and sacred learning.
The later history of the congregation,
from the time of Il^lyot to their suppres-
sion in 1792, is more chequered. Jan-
senism insinuated itself into some of the
convents ; and in the controversy which
grew out of the publication of the Con-
stitution "Unigenitus" (1713), although
the general and the superiors remained
loyal to the Holy See, many of the
monks joined the party of opposition.
After some time, relaxations of the rule,
such as the abandonment of the old habit,
modification of the prohibitions respecting
food, and the cui'tailment of the mid-
night ofiice, were demanded in many
convents, and to a great extent conceded.
The pseudo-philosophic spirit that was
abroad infected even a congregation
which had commenced as an austere
reform not two centuries before ; and if
Htjlyot's continuator may be trusted, a
Freemasons' lodge was established at
Glanfeuil in 1775, and the prior of the
Maurist monastery there became the
venerable of the lodge. Nevertheless,
the congregation, though it no longer
produced minds of the calibre of those
which adorned it at the beginning of the
century, continued to be devoted to
learning and literature. The " Academy
of Saumur," established in the abbey of
that town, achieved a wide reputation.
In education also their colleges and
schools were most successful, and at-
tracted, particularly after the suppres-
sion of the Jesuits, pupils of the best
blood of France; among these colleges
were Soreze in Burgundy — reopened in
our times by Lacnnlaire — Tiron, Pont
Levoy, St. Germer, and Auxerre. After
1780 the dissensions which had long
troubled the peace of the congregation
grew more violent, and would probably
have led to its dissolution even if the
Revolution had not occurred, and turned
them out of their monasteries. (H^lyot,
continued by Badiche.)
VIILY. In recent times, a custom
has arisen of addressing public prayer to
the Blessed Virgin, decking her altar
with Howers, singing hymns in her
ihonour, &c.. daily during the month of
May. The prayers used are from books
of popular devotion, for the Church does
not recognise this " Month of May " by
any change in the Mass or Office. How-
ever, Pius VII. in a brief, March 21,
1815, granted an indulgence of 300 days
daily to those who practise this devotion
at home or in church, and a plenary
indulgence any one day in the month on
condition of confession, communion, and
prayer for the intention of the Pope. An
Italian Father of Charity, Dr. Gentili,
introduced the celebration of the month
of May among ns in England some forty
years ago.
nxECHZTARZSTS. This congrega-
tion, which exists for the purpose of
instructing and improving the scattered
members of the Armenian n.ition, was
founded by an Armenian named Mechi-
tar, who was born in 1676 at Siwas, the
ancient Sebastia, a town near the source
of the Halys, on the borders of Pontus
and Cappadocia. His family appears to
have belon.<:ed to the section of the
Armenian nation which has always ad-
hered to the Catholic Church. From
the time when he was ordained priest,
in 165)9, the desire of labouring for the
temporal and eternal welfare of his coun-
trymen possessed itself of his whole
nature. He went to Constantinople, and
formed an association there to carry out
his design; but, being opposed by some
of the schismatic Armenians, he trans-
ferred his operations to Modon in the
Morea, which at that time belonged to
the Republic of Venice. Here he and
his companions worked on for fourteen
years ; but in 1715, war having broken
out between the Porte and the Republic,
Modon was taken by the Turks, and
Mechitar's convent was broken up. He
then retired to Venice, and obtained from
the Government the island of San Laz-
zaro, which lies in the lagune between
the Lido and the city. Here he founded
that Armenian convent which travellers
from foreign lands never fail to visit
and unanimously and cordially admire.
Literary labours, which have for their
object to perfect and regularise tie
Armenian language, and to translate
into it the more important works of the
various European literatures, have always
been, and are still, zealously prosecuted
here by these intelligent Orientals.
Branches from the mother house have
been founded at Vienna and Trieste, and
at several places in Hungary. The All-
gemeine Zeitung (December 17, 1850)
MEDIATOR
MEDIATOR 617
tlius writes of the Mechitarists : " When
one takes a near view of their labours at
Vienna and Venice, one is amazed at the
powerful influence which the literary
activity of these learned monks exerts on
the Armenian nation scattered through-
out the East. The reviews, the books,
the numerous translations of works on
history, geography, philology, natural
science, and voyages and travels, which
are printed in" the Mechitarist presses
of Vienna and Venice are carried far
beyond Persia to the banks of the Indus
and the Ganges, and have everywhere
called forth among the Armenians the
desire of knowledge and a taste for read-
ing, and set on foot a literary movement
which was before entirely dormant in a
people till lately essentially and exclu-
sively commercial." (Art. by Gams in
Wetzer and '\^'elte.)
MEDIATOR (jjLfo-tTTjs, " sequester
Dei et hominum Christus" in Tertull.
" Adv. Prax." 27). St. Paul (1 Tim. ii.
6) speaks of Christ as the " one mediator
between God and man," and it is plain
that he vindicates this office as one
proper to Christ alone, for the passage
runs : " There is one God, one mediator
also between God and men, a man Christ
Jesus, wlio gave Himself also a ransom
for all," &c. Christ is the one mediator,
because He alone could draw near to
God in virtue of merits which were His
own, and independently of the merits of
any beside Himself. He alone could
offer a propitiation infinite in value for
the sin of man, and obtain in return all
the gifts of salvation. This He did as
man ; not, however, as mere man, but as
man who was also God, so that He was
able to make full and perfect atonement.
Further, St. Thomas points out (iii. 2fi,
2) that a mediator, from the very fact
that He comes between, must be distant
from each extreme. Now " Christ as
man is far from God {distat a Deo) in
nature, and from men in the dignity of
grace and glory." Again, a mediator's
offict» is to join tlie two extremes, and
this Christ does " by setting before men
the commandments and gifts of God, by
making satisfaction to God for them, and
by interceding for them. Christ, there-
fore, as man is most truly called media-
tor."
The Arian error on this point lay in
their belief that the Word in His super-
human nature came between God and
creatures. Creatures " could not bear the
hand of God," and " a mediator became
I necessary that things generated might
come to be." St. Athanasius ("Defens.
Fid. Nic." cap. iii. § 8) shows the illogi-
1 cal character of the error, for if the Son
is a creature, then on the Arian theory
another mediator must have been re-
quired to create Him ; if not a creature.
He is true God.
The Protestant mistake consists in
interpreting St. Paul's words as if they
excluded the mediation of the saints.
j Assuredly there is only one mediator of
redemption, and the saints, says Estius
(ad loc), are " mediators in an imperfect
, way — i.e. they intercede for us with God,
just as all persons do who in prayer com-
mend our salvation to God." " Whoever
beseeches God for others constitutes him-
\ self after a manner a medium and an in-
tercessor between them and God, though
he does this leaning not on his own merits,
but on another's — viz. Christ's. For what-
I ever the saints seek for us in prayer, they
only seek throuph Christ." In 'this im-
perfect sense St. Paul calls Moses a
" mediator " (Galatians iii. 19, 20). This
I is his common title in Jewish -^-riters, and
his mediatorial office clearly appears, e.g.,
Deut. V. 2, 5 — " I stoal between the Lord
and you " ; and the doctrine of angelic
mediation is asserted in a beautiful pas-
sage of Elihu's speech (Job xxxiii. 23) —
If there be for him an angel to mediate,
One of a thousand.
To declare to man what is right for Wm,
Then He (God") is gracious to him and says:
"Loose him from going down to the pit;
I have found a ransom."
There can be no doubt about the
meaning of the word italicised ('^'^D^.
"An angel interceding with God on
behalf of men, a fx(aiTT]s" is Gesenius'
commentary. So Delitzsch, "Mittler,"
"mediator" (he, however, understands
the " angel of the covenant "). The Tar-
gum rendering is Paraclete, advocate
(SO'^plD). The LXX entirely misses
the sense ; the Vulgate has " loquens pro
eo."
We may remark by the way that the
doctrine of angelic mediation prominent
in the Book of Job has not, so far as we
know, received due attention from Catho-
lics ; observe the words in the first speech
of Eliphaz (v. 1).
Call. Is there one to answer thee ?
To which of the holy ones (t e. angels) wilt thou
turn ?
On which passage an eminent Protestant
scholar comments thus : " They [angels]
618 MEDITATION
MELCIIITES
appear as intercessors for men with God,
bringing men's needs before Him, and
mediating in their behalf. This work is
easily connected with their general office
of labouring for the good of men, espe-
cially of the pious ; still it is here for the
first time ascribed to them." (Dillmann,
on Job, p. 44.)
MEDITATION AITD MESTTAIi
PRAYER. Meditation in its narrower
and technical sense may be defined as the
application of the three powers of the
soul to prayer — the memory proposing a
religious or moral truth, the understand-
ing considering this truth in its applica-
tion to the individual who meditates,
while the will forms practical resolutions
and desires grace to keep them. It is
distinguished from vocal prayer, because
in meditation no words are used, and from
the higher forms of mental prayer {e.(j.
affective prayer, contemplation, &e.), be-
cause in these there is no methodical use
of the reason. Mental prayer of some
kind must be as old as the human race,
but it was St. Ignatius of Loyola who
reduced the rules of meditation to system,
and contributed to the spread of medita-
tion at a regular hour and for a fixed
space of time. Thus St. Benedict sup-
poses that some of his monks will pray
after the vocal prayers of the office with
tears and application of heart (Rule, c.
25, quoted by Fleury, " H. E." xxxii. 15),
and an incident in his life (c. 4, Fleury,
loc. cit.) shows that the religious used to
pray in private after the chanting of the
psalms. So St. Columban admonishes
his religious on the duty of private prayer
and the continual application of the mind
to God. (" Pcenit." n. 19 ; Fleury, xxxv.
10).
Modern ascetical writers are much
more precise, and in all communities of
men and women, in all seminaries, &c., a
time is set apart daily for mental prayer,
which is imposed by rule. The practice
of mental prayer is recommended to secu-
lar priests, and also to lay persons if they
have some education and desire to lead
a perfect life. The method given by St.
Ignatius in his Exercises is that generally
recommended and used, at least till the
person who meditates forms a method of
his own. The best exposition of it is by
Father Roothaan, General of the Society,
"De Ratione Meditandi " (Romse, 1871).
The Ignatian method has been simplified
by St. Liguori, and the Sulpicians have a
method of their own, propounded by M.
Olier ; another is given by the Carmelite
John of Jesus-Mary. Books of medita-
tion without number have appeared dur-
ing the last three centuries, and we cannot
pretend to mention even the principal
names. Da Ponte, Avancini, Crasset,
Lancicius, Challoner, Chaignon, are those
which most readily occur to us.
Benedict XIV., in his work on Beati-
fication, naturally rebukes the rashness of
the Jesuit Hurtado, who maintained that
the daily and formal practice of mental
prayer was necessary for salvation. It
is, however, a great and powerful help
to self-improvement and advance in
virtue.
After meditation comes affective
prayer, in which the soul goes straight to
God by affection of the will without need
of formal discourse or reasoning. Next
come higher degrees of prayer, which the
experience of the saints proves to be most
real, but which are far removed from
ordinary experience. Contemplation, we
are told, is either natural or infused in
an extraordinary manner by God, and in
the latter the soul is said to be passive —
i.e. to be in some special sense moved by
God. It is important to notice that in
the passive prayer " free will exercises
itself in the whole of its extent." Catholic
mystics insist on this, and wholly reject
the false notions of absorption in the
Deity, loss of personality, &c. Bossuet
proves this at length from St. Teresa, St.
John of the Cross, &c. (See his " Instruc-
tions sur les Etats d'Oraison," traits 1,
livr. vii. n. 13. This work makes the
whole matter comprehensible, so far as it
can be comprehended, and is full of
learning).
MEliCRlTES. The word, which
comes from the Semitic word (Heb. "r^r^^
Syr. Chald. Tj^D, the Arabic is
the same) for king, means royalists.
When multitudes of Christians in the
East, and especially in Egypt, fell away
from the Church after the Council of
Chalcedon, and clung to the Monophysite
creed, the Church of Constantinople and
the Byzantine Court remained orthodox,
and the Emperors exerted their influence
on the Catholic side. Hence the name
of Melchites was given to those Christians
in the patriarchates of Alexandria, An-
tioch, and Jerusalem who held to the
definition of Chalcedon.^ There were cf
1 On the same principle the orthodox called
the Monothelites of Mount Lebanon " maradaei,"
from jjio, " to rebel."
MELCIIITES
MELETIAN SCHISM 619
■course closely connected with the patri-
archate of Constantinople; they adopted
its liturgy, and when Constantinople was
■severed by schism from the Catholic
Church they lapsed also. In fact, both
from a dogmatic and liturgical point of
view, the .Melchites are simply Greeks
living in Egypt and Syria. And just as
Jacobites, Copts, or Nestorians, when
they return to the Church, retain their
ancient rites, so the Melchites who have
recovered Catholic unity retain the
liturgies of St. Chrysostom and Basil,
and the canon law to which they Lave
been accustumed.
TlieMclcliiteorGreek Catholic Church
of Antioch dates from 1686,' when the
Greek Patriarch Athanasius IV. of
Antioch .submitted to the Pope. From
Antioch the Catholic Melchites spread
to the patriarchates of Alexandria and
Jerusalem.
The Patriarch of Antioch i.s chosen
by the bishops of the patriarchate. The
election, however, must be examined and
approved by Propaganda and confirmed
by the Pope. If the electionis pronounced
invalid, the Pope nominates, and the Pope
may appoint, if necessary, a coadjutor
with right of succession. The Patriarch,
who is subject to Propaganda, lives at
Ain Teraz, on the Le))an(.ii, in the semin-
ary for priests. The l)i>li(ips are elected
by the clergy of the diocese, the right of
confirmation and consecration resting
with the Pati'iarch. The bishops may be
taken from the secular clergy, if un-
married. The secular priests, who are
educated at a seminary on Mount Leba-
non, may coTitinue to live as married men
if married before receiving Holy Orders.
The I'atiiarch has subject to him the
archdioceses of Damascus (which he him-
self administers). Tyre, Bosra and Hau-
ran, Homs and A])auiea, and Aleppo,
besides six other dif)eeses.
A Greek Patriarch of Alexandria
made his submission and received the
jKilIium from Clement XI. in 1713, but
he had no Catholic successors, and the
Alexandrian patriarchiite is administered
by the vicar of the Patriarch of Antiocli.
This vicar is a bi.-hoj> in partihiix, and
lives at Cairo. There are two Greek
Catholic churches at Cairo, one at
Ttosetta, a hospice at Damietta. Another
bishop in partihus, also a vicar of the
Patriarch of Antioch, administers the
• Or rather 1720, when Ifjnatius, who had
resigned, was restored to liis see.
patriarchate of Jerusalem. Sur (Tyre)
and Saida (Sidon) are archbishoprics,
Jean d'Acre a bishopric.
The Melchite religious follow the rule
of St. Basil, with modifications. The
monks are divided into two congrega-
tions. The congregation of St. Sahutor
was founded in 1715, and is ruled by an
abbot-general, who lives at Deir-el-Muk-
hallis, a few miles north-cast of Sidon.
There are 500 monks, eight monasteries,
and twenty-one hospitia. This congre-
gation has a house at Rome — St a Maria
in Carinis. Most of the parishes are
supplied by these monks. The other
congregation, of St. John Baptist (" Mar
Johanna-el-Shuweir "), erected early in
the eighteenth centurj', has also a hospice
at Rome^ — Sta Maria in Domuica, detta
la Navicella. This congregation, which
is recruited from Aleppo and Lebanon,
was subdivided, by authority of Gregory
XVI. in 1832, into the congregation of
Aleppo, with four monasteries and two
hospices, and that of the Baladites, with
the same number of monasteries and
hospices, besides the hospice at Rome.
At this last, however, the procurators of
both congregations reside.
There are three convents of nuns, one
belonging to each of the three congTe-
gations just enumerated. The number
of priests is at present (1890) about 300,
and of Catholics 114,000. (Silbernagl,
" Kirchen des Orients " ; Werner, " Orbis
Terrarum Catliolicus.'')
niEX.ETXiiM' SCHISIW. The name
is equivocally applied to two entirely
diflferent transactions.
I. Sch{s7n of Miletius of Egypt. — An
admirable article by Hefele* throws light
on this obscure and complicated affair, in
which tlie principal actor figures to dis-
advantage in the writings of one saint,
and to advantage in those of another.
Meletius was bishop of Lycopolis in the
Thebaid. At the time of the persecution
of Diocletian, when many of the Egyptian
bishops were in prison, and Peter, the
Patriarch of Alexandria, absent fj-oni his
see (perhaps he was in hiding), Meletius
took upon himself to ordain priests in
dioceses other than his own — a thing
clearly against the canons — and, guing to
Alexandria, associated hi msel f w i t li A l ui s,
then a layman, and ordained priests and
episcopal visitors on his own authoi-ity,
without reference to the absent patriarch.
This conduct naturally occasioned a
> In Wetzer and Welte.
620 MEMENTO
MENTAL RESERVATION
schism, which, beginning about 304, was
not finally extinguished till the middle
of the fifth century. It is not known in
what year Meletius died. St. Athanasius
mentions Meletius and the Meletians in
several places of his writings, and says
that the former sacrificed to idols during
the persecution. Hefele thinks that with
regard to this Athanasius must have been
misled by a false report, since it is in-
credible thiit St. Epiphanius should have
spoken in terms of commendation of
Meletius if he had known him to have
consented to this act of weakness. The
Meletian schismatics joined the Arians in
all their persecution of Athanasius. On
the other hand, St. Epiphanius, in his
work on Heresies, tells the story of the
schism from a quite different point of view.
It arose, according to him, out of a differ-
ence ol' opinion between the Patriarch
Peter and Meletius, on the subject of the
"lapsi," the former taking a lax view,
and being willing to consent to their re-
placement in all their functions on terms
by which the zealous piety of Meletius
was scandalised. Hefele thinks it probable
that this version of the schism was given
to St. Epiphanius in his youth by some
Meletian priests of Eleutheropolis, where
Meletius is stated to have ordained clergy.
The Council of Nicjea (325) took the
matter in hand, and endeavoured, by
means of a synodal letter, to dispose of it ;
but the cunning of the Meletians enabled
them to elude, to a great extent, the con-
ditions which it was sought to impose
upon them.
II. Schism of Meletius of Antioch, —
See EUSTATHIANS.
nxEiasM'TO. [See Dipttchs.]
MElviORZii.. (1) A shrine or reli-
quary containing relics of some martyr
or martyrs, which in primitive times it
was customary to carry in procession.
St. Augustine, in the twenty-second book
of the " De Civitate Dei " (ch. 8), speaks
of the " Memory " of the " Twenty
Martyrs " at Hippo, and mentions several
instances of "Memories" of the proto-
martyr St. Stephen, belonging to diilerent
churches, being carried in procession by
the respective bishops, and becoming the
occasion of miraculous cures. " Lucillus,
bishop of Sinita," he says, " while carrying
tliis holy burden {pia sarcina) was cured
of an infirmity under which he had long
laboured."
Abuses having arisen through the
eagerness to obtain relics, a law of Theo-
dosius (" Cod. Theod." ix. 17, 7) ordered
that none should buy or dismember the
bodies of martjTS, or remove them from
place to place.' This law cannot have
been in force in Africa at the time when
St. Augustine wrote as above.
(2) A church or chapel built in memory
of a martyr or confessor, and often over
his tomb. Such a chapel usually, if not
always, contained relics of the martyr.
MEM'OX.OGY (Gr. ^li]v). A monthly
register. By this name the Greeks desig-
nated the calendars inscribed with the
names, primarily of martyrs, but after-
wards of confessors also, which in the
Latin Church were caUed Martyrologies.
(See Maetteology.)
niEN'TAI. RESERVATION- or re-
striction {restrictio mentalis) occurs where
a person uses words in a sense otlier than
that which is obvious and which he
knows they are likely to convey. Thus,
a man who tells a beggar that he has no
money in his pocket, meaning that he has
no money to give the beggar, uses mental
reservation. He inserts mentally a
qualification or restriction which is not
expressed.
If the restriction is of such a nature
that it cannot be perceived by the hearer,
then the person who uses it certainly
sins. So all Catholics are bound to hold.
(See Prop. 26, 27, 28, among those con-
demned by Innocent XI.)
On the other hand, almost all theolo-
gians hold that is sometimes lawful to
use a mental reservation which may be,
though very likelj^ it will not be, under-
stood from the circumstances. Thus, a
priest maj' deny that he Icnows a crime
which he has only learnt through sacra-
mental confession. A man may deny a
crime he has committed if interrogated
and forced to answer by one who has no
authority ; or, again, according to St.
Liguori, if asked to lend money, he may
equivocate, and say " I wish I had it."
But it must be remembered that, as
is allowed on all hands, just cause is
needed to make equivocation lawful. A
habit of equivocation is detestable to all
good men, and the practice of perfect
simplicit}' and straightforwardness is not
only estimable and engaging and virtuous,
but it is also the wisest course.
Next, St. I^iguori says plainly that all
equivocation is sinful when a man is put
on his oath by just authority ; that it is
utterly wicked lor tradesmen to afiirm on
oath that their goods cost more than they
1 Robertson, Hist, of the Christian Church,
i. 354.
MEECY
MERIT
021
really did, and then shelter themselves
under equivocatiou ; that no equivocation
must be used in contracts, or generally
in matters conceming the interests of
others.
Further, many even of the strongest
opponents of mental reservation would
allow ecpiivoeation in extreme cases: e.g.
few would say that it was unlawful for a
man to equivocate if a burglar asked him
where his money was, or how much he
had ; or if a murderer asked him where
he could find his intended victim. It may
be mentioned that St. Liguori makes some
difficulty about letting a servant say his
master is not at home, when this is not
true in its obvious sense. Yet this prac-
tice is common in England. If we admit,
as many Protestant authorities have done,
that equivocation is in some cases allow-
able, it is hard to settle what these cases
are. No doubt, equivocation is always an
evil, though not always a sin, and the less
of it there is the better. With regard
to St. Liiiuori's judgment on particular
cases, it is well to bear in mind that no
Catholic is bound to follow him through-
out, and Cardinal Newman has recorded
his own dissent from St. Liguori's teach-
ing on this matter. In some of his
decisions on mental reservation there is
high theological authority on the other
side.
We may add that Catholic theologians
justify the lawfulness of equivocation by
an appeal to John vii. 8, where our Lord
says, " I go not up to this feast " (" Taber-
nacles "). The argument cannot be pressed
against Protestants, for the weight of
documentary evidence favours another
reading — " I go not up vet to this feast."
(See St. Liguori, "Theol. Moral." lib. iv. ;
and Cardinal Newman, " History of My
Religious Opinions.")
MERCY, SPZRZTTTAI. AWD COR-
PORAX. WORKS or. In the middle
ages seven great works of mercy to the
souls and bodies of our fellow-men were
enumerated, and called the Spiritual and
Corporal Works of Mercy. The classifica-
tion constantly appears in works of art,
and is retained in modern catechisms.
The Seven Works of Corporal Mercy are,
to feed the huno^ry, give drink to the
thirsty, clothe the naked, visit prisoners,
visit the sick, harbour strantrers, burv the
dead (Matt. xxv. 35, W, : Toh. xii. 12) : of
Spiritual Mercy, to convert -iiiners, in-
struct the ignorant, counsel the doulitlnl.
console the afflicted, bear wrongs j)atiently,
forgive injuries, pray for the living and
I the dead. They are all comprised in two
rude hexameters —
Visito, poto, cibo, redinio, tego, collifio, condo.
I Consule, carpe, doce, solare, remitte. fer, ora.
(2a 2^, q. Si. a. 2.)
! MERIT, in its Strict theological
I sense, is a quality which belongs to the
moral actions of free and responsible
agents and makes these actions worthy
[ of reward. Merit implies a real propor-
tion between the work done and the
reward given. Thus, a man who labours
well in the fields deserves, or merits, his
day's wages from the master who hired
him ; while, on the other hand, a beggar
who comes to receive a promised alms
cannot be said to earn or merit it. To
put it in another way, a man who merits
can claim his reward as a matter of jus-
tice, but one who has been promised a
reward out of all proportion to the work
done may appeal to the fidelity and kind-
ness, but not, strictly speaking, to the
! justice of the donor. In order to merit,
a man must be free, since he cannot claim
reward for a service which he has no
power to withhold, and which, therefore,
is not his to give ; what he does must,
I obviously, be good; it must be done in
the service of the person who is to confer
the reward, and the latter must have
agreed to accept the work done and to
reward it, since nobody is bound to pay
for work, however excellent, which he
does not want. We have been speaking
of merit in a sense strict and definite,
but at the same time general — of merit
as it may exist, e.g., between man and
man ; and so far, we suppose, there is no
matter for dispute between Catholics and
Protestants.
The controversy begins, however,
when we pass from the nature of merit to
a consideration of the cases in which it
exists. Protestants admitted that man
might merit reward from his brother man,
I and that Christ merited eternal life for
Himself and for all who believe in Ilim
from the hand of God. But the Refor-
mers denied that the good works of the
[ just merited an eternal reward, and they
were bound in consistency to do so, for
I they were committed to the theory that
; men were justified solely by the merits of
Christ imputed to them or reckoned to
their accotmt, and they rejected the
Catholic doctrine that God accepted
^iIlllers because they were renewed within
\>y the p-ace of Christ, that He counted
them just and good because they really
, had become just and good, because He
622
MERIT
MERIl
Himself bad washed and cleansed them
and reformed their nature more wonder-
fully than He had farmed it at the drst.
Hence Luther and Melaiu-hthim held that
the best works of good men were actually
sinful — nay, that hut for God's mercy
they were mortal sins. " Every work of
the just man," Luther writes, "is dam-
luible and a mortal sin if it be judged by
God's judgment." Melauchthon is just
as decided. " Works which follow justi-
fication, although they proceed from the
Spirit of God, who has taken possession
of the heart of justified persons, yet, be-
cause done in the flesh which remains
unclean are themselves also unclean."
" We have taught that we are justified
by faith alone, that our works, that our
strivings are nought but sin." Calvin,
though his language is more moderate,
maintains the same thesis in substance—
viz. that the " good works of the faithful
lack such perfect purity as can endure the
sight of God, and are in a manner de-
filed." ' In diametrical and conscious
opposition to this estimate, the Council
of Trent (sess. vi. De Justif. canon 32)
declares that a man, if already justified,
" through such good works as he does
by the grace of God and merit of Christ
whose living member he is, truly merits
increase of grace, eternal life, and the
actual attainment of eternal life, if he
dies in grace." This docrine is limited
in several ways, and it will be better to
state these modificatious and a])|)fnd the
grounds of the Tridentini" doctniK' as we
proceed. In great mfa.>^iire, indeed, the
.statement sullices to justify thi' dMi-trine.
(1) Tlic jnsi liave no claim lor a re-
ward ajiui-t from tiod's mercifid promise.
This 1.- plain from the very nature of
merit, as we ha\ e already seen. Even
from other men we cannot in strict jus-
tice claim a reward for services done,
unless they have e.Ypre.^sly or by implica-
tion agreed to renninerate them. Unt
besides this we cmiuit prolit (h)(\ h\ our
servire. He is a 11 -wiM' .-n n I almi-htv" lli.S
bliss i.s complete in it.-.^ll'. and He has no
need of us and ol' onr wrnks. Besides,
our service is alreail> due to (iod by
other titles. A slave lodii^ for no reward
from his master, and any recompenst> he
may receive comes to him from liber-
• The qiiot.\ti(ms are t.aUen from Miih'er's
Si/mhii/iJi, kaji. iii. § 1 . III. rctVnaici-s
jin' to LuthtT, .Isscr/. Ollill. .III.. feili. li.
fol. 3-2a 6; .M .■lanclit li.m, Loc. 'Jhc, pp.
108, 168 ; Ciilviii, U/ju^c. p. -I'M ; Iiislit. ii. 8,
§ 09, iii. 4, § 28.
ality and not from justice. Thus, men
condemned to penal servitude, which is a
kind of slaveiy, work hard, but they have
no claim at law for wages. But no slave
can belong to his master so absolutely as
man to his Creator. Our existence is
God's gift: His strength supports us at
each mstant ; His we are, and Him we
have to serve. Thei-e would have been
no injustice had God called us to serve
Him without reward, and our service at
the best would be imperfect. Hence our
Lord reminds us of the manner in which
God might have dealt with us. A slave,
He says, has to work in the fields, and
when he comes home he has to prepare
his master's meal and take his own after-
wards. " Does he thank that servant
because he did the things he was bidden ?
" So you also, when you do all that you
are bidden, say. We are unprofitable
servants: we have done what we wei-e
bound to do " (Luke xvii. 7 sc/j.). So, we
say, God might have dealt with us, but
as a matter of fact He has not done so."
He has gi-aciously promised to reward
[ our good works with life eternal; and
j since the promise has been made, since,
further, there is a real proportion between
the work done and the reward given, the
i reward is merited, or, in other words,
God's justice, no less than His fidelity to
I His promise, is the warrant that it will be
given. Scripture speaks on this point as
plainly as the Council of Trent. " For
the rest, there is reserved for me the
ci-own of justice which the Lord will
give in that day, the just judge" {'2 Tim.
iv. 8). Whatever the exact sense of " the
crown of justice" may be, the last words,
"the just judge," leave no room to doubt
that St. Paul expected a reward from the
justice of God. So again in Hebrews vi.
10, the words are, "(iod is not unjust to
forget your worli and lalmur of love," and
the justice ronsi-t> in giving the I'eward
of "salvation," as tlir pre(;eding verse
proves. The same truth follows from the
reiterated assurance that " God will ren-
der to every man according to his works "
(Kom. ii. G).
(•2) It is only works done in the
friendship and by the grace of God which
1 merit eternal life St. Paul constantly
' asserts that no man can be justified by
j the works of the law. In the Epistle to
I the Komans he shows that the hewthen
I Th(»e wlio quote Luke xvii. 7 against the
Cntholio docti-iiie foriret that Christ promises to
I do (I-uke -xii, 37) the very thin;; wliiuh the
master in the parable (Luke xvii. j does not du
MERIT
MERIT
623
<i. 18-32) and the Jews (ii. 1-29) were I
alike under condemnation before God,
that justification came bv the Gospel and I
through faith (iii. 21-26), and that all
boasting is thereby excluded (iii. 27-31).
In 1 Cor. xiii. we have the general state-
ment, " If I give my body to be burnt and
have not charity, i\ profits me nothing.''
The contrary^ doctrine — viz. that man
"can be justified by his own works done
through the strength of human nature or
the teaching of the law," is anathematised
by the Council of Trent {loc. cit. canon 1).
The work of our salvation begins wholly
from the crace of God and the co-opera-
tion of our free will ; it springs from grace,
not from merit ; from the divine mercy,
not from the divine justice. God moves j
the sinner to believe and to repent, and
pours the Holy Ghost and divine love into
his heart, not because o! any merits which !
He sees in him, but because of His own j
infinite compassion. But when the sinner i
has passed from death to life, the least
Tvork done by God's gi-ace merits heaven.
Each is the fruit of Christ's Passion, each
is done and can only be done by those
"who have received power to become the
eons of God." The Holy Spirit in the heart
is a " fountain of water spriuging up to
eternal life" (John iv. 1-3). The smallest
work of mercy, if done by Christ's in-
dwelling grace, is from that very fact due
to a principle which utterly transcends
all earthly reward, and which, therefore,
justly claims recompense in heaven.
Hence St. Paul boldly tells the Colossians
(i. 10) to " walk worthily of the Lord,"
and the Thessalonians (2 Ep. i. 5), so to
suffer as to be " counted worthy " of the
kingdom of God. To denj- the merit of
the just is to detract from the merit of
Christ in whose strength they act.
Isor can the doctrine of merit, so
understood, fail to prove a powerful in-
centive to humility and gratitude. " What
merits of his own," St. Augustine asks
(Ep. 119, al. 104) "has [the sinner] set
free, to boast of, since had he received
according to his merits, he would have
been condemned ? Are there therefore !
no merits of the just? Evidently there
are, because they are just. But there
were no merits in order that the}- might
become just, for they were made just
when they were justified ; but as the :
Apostle says, 'justified freely by His '
grace.'" And further on in the same
epistle, " What merit, then, can there be
in man, anterior to grace and on account
of which he can receive grace, seeing that
grace alone works in us all our good
deserts, and seeing that God, when He
crowns our merits, crowns what are
nothing else than His own gifts. For as
from the beginning of faith we obtained
mercy, not because we were faithiul, but
in order that we might be faithful, so in
the end, when Ufe will be eternal, He will
crown us, as it is written, ' in pity and in
mercy.' So not in vain do we sing to
God, ' And His mercy will go before me,'
' And His mercy will follow me.' Whence
also even eternal life, which, endless
itself, will be attained at the end, and
therefore is given after merits, is itself
too called a grace, because these same
merits of which it is the reward have
not been done by us of our sufficiency,
but have been done in us by grace, because
it [eternal life] is given freely, not that it
is not given in consequence of merits, but
because the merits to which it is given
are themselves a gift."
Again, the Catholic doctrine is utterly
opposed to the legalism which expects
measure for measure, so much reward in
heaven for so much external service on
earth. There is a Jewish saying, " God
did not reveal the reward attached to
each commandment, for had He done so
man would keep some and neglect
others " ' It could not have arisen
among Christians. To them " love is
the fulfilling of the law." The love of
God above all, and of men for His sake
— that is the one indispensable work ;
and of itself, though all external works
may be absent, it merits the kingdom of
heaven. He who loves has passed from
death to life ; external good works can
claim a reward so far, and so far only, as
they spring from love, are the expression
of love, serve to intensify love.
It is not worth while to show at
length that the Fathers taught the
Catholic doctrine on gi-ace and justifica-
1 Quoted from Tsncliuma on Ekeb. in the
learned Jewish work. HMnhnX'ietiReal-Encttd.
fiir Bibd und Talmud, p. 7U1, art. - Lohii lind
Strafe." There are noble nibbiuioal maxims
on merit : e.g. " The reward of a commaiidiiient
is a commaiidiiient {i.e. leads t'l the keepiiiu' of
another commandment), and the waires ot .sin
is sin" -^Abot/i. iv. 2); and by Anti-..uu.s of
Soto (about ly8 B.C.), '• Be not as servant.- wlio
serve their master to receive a reward, but be
hke servants who do not serve their master
because of tlie reward : let the fear of heaven
rule over you " {Aboth. i. 2). But there i.s
DOthins in the preat collection of rabbinical
dicta on the subject in the article referred lo
above which approaches ever so distantly to tiie
spirit of Matt. xxii. 37-10 , Koiu. xiii. 10.
024 METROPOLITAN
METROPOLITAN
tion, for the Reformers were conscious
that they could not appeal successfully
to tradition, and they professed to restore
a belief contained, indeed, in Scripture,
but forgotten even from early times in
the Church. We may, however, refer
the reader to (Clem. Rom. 1 Ep. 30, cf
?,2 ; ICp. Barnab. 19 ; Iren. iv. 30, 3 ;
Tertull. " Scorp." 12). It was only the
Gnostics in the first ages of the Church
who denied the merit of good works.
(See Iren. i. 23, 3, i. 25, 5.) It is more
important to note that merit is some-
times used in a looser sense, and that
theologians recognise an inferior or im-
perfect merit — viz. " Meritum de Con-
gruo," merit of congruity. This latter is
not, properly speaking, merit at all, it is
a right founded in friendship and libera-
lity, not in strict justice. Thus no one
can merit the first grace or recovei-y from
mortal sin, nor can a holy man merit the
conversion of another,' or his own per-
severance in grace. (See Final Per-
SEVEKANCE.) It is, however, lawful to
hold that a just man may merit a sinner's
conversion de congrtw, because it is con-
gruous or fitting that God should hear
the prayer of one who is admitted to His
friendship. In the other cases, Billuart
denies that there is any place even for
merit de conc/ruo, unless we take it to
mean merit in a still laxer and vaguer
acceptation. Thus we may say, if we
like, that a man who, moved by God's
grace, believes, sorrows for his sin, re-
solves to begin a new life, hopes in God's
mercy, &c., merits de congruo the further
grace of justification, because these pre-
vious works dispose the soul to receive
sanctifying grace. But if the question
be asked in general terms, " Does a sinner,
so disposed, merit God's pardon and
grace ? " the answer must be " no," and so
the Council of Trent expressly defines.
IVIx:TROPOI.ZTAxr (metropolita,
vietropolitanus). The thirty-third of the
Apostolic Canons says that the bishops
in every country {cujusque i/cntifi) ought
to know which among them is the first,
and take him to a certain extent as their
head, and do nothing unusual without
his consent. It was manifestly the in-
tention of St. Paul that Titus should
1 Pb. xlix. 8 (in the Hebrew) may be quoted
here, though it really speaks of redeniption
from temporal death, " Surely a brother cannot
redeem a man ; he cannot crive to Ood an
atonement for him ; t' e ransom of his soul will
be too precious, and he must let that be for
ever."
stand in a relation of this kind to all the-
bishops established in the cities of Crete; '
and a comparison of 1 Tim. ch. iii. with
Tit. i. seems to justify the inference that
Timothy bore a similar rank among the
bishops of Asia. This leading bishop
among his brethren would naturally
be, or come to be, the prelate of the
most important city {metropolis) in the
province or country. In the case of an
entire country, such as Syria or Egypt,
each with its dependencies, the bishop of
the capital city (Antioch, Alexandria,
&c.) was called the patriarch; in the
case of a province, the metropolitan.
The ecclesiastical divisions, for a long
time after the conversion of Con?.tantine,
conformed themselves closely to the
civil ; the same chief city of a province
contained the praetor as the head of the
temporal, and the metropolitan as the
head of the spiritual organisation. In
process of time it often happened that
the seat of the civil government was
removed to another city, while no corre-
sponding change took place in things
ecclesiastical ; in such cases the name
" metropolitan" ceased to be suitable,
and was replaced by " archbishop."
In former times the power of metro-
politans over their suttragans was great ;
they could hear and decide any charges
made against them, and excommunicate
them if they deemed it necessary. The
Council of Trent reduced this power
within strict limits. It enacted that
criminal causes of a more serious kind, in
which bishops were implicated, should be
tried and decided only by the Supreme
Pontiff, with the proviso, however, that
if a previous local inquiry were necessary,
it should be committed to none but the
metropolitans, or bishops specially dele-
gated by the Holy See. The minor
criminal causes of bishops are, under the
same canon, to be tried by the provincial
council or by persons deputed by it.*
Metropolitans cannot exercise ordi-
nary jurisdiction in the dioceses of their
suffragans, nor visit their cathedrals, or
any portion of their dioceses, except on
the mandate of the provincial council.
Nor have they any jurisdiction, pmprio
jure, over monasteries situated within
the dioceses of their suffragans.
On the rights, privileges, and digni-
ties still annexed to the office of a metro-
politan, see the article Archbishop.
(Ferraris, Metropolitnnus; Soglia, ii. 5,
49.)
' Tit. L ' Sess. xxiv. De Ref. e. 6.
MILITARY ORDERS
MILITARY ORDERS 625
IVXZX.ZTAR7 OBSERS. H%Ot
<rnuniei;itt< between ninety and a hun-
dred niilitan,- orders. For the knights of
CiXATRATA.'the HospiTALLEEs, and the
Templars, see those articles. For the
knights of the Teutonic order, see Mis-
sioxs TO THE Heathex, Thirteenth Cen-
tury. Of the remainder, particulars
respecting a few of the more important
are here subjoined.
(1) Of Alcantara. — Founded in Cas-
tile in 1177 : its object was the subjuga-
tion of the Moors. The knights -wore a
■white mantle embroidered -with a green
cross. For a century after their institu-
tion they did great service to the Chris-
tian cause ; in the fourteenth century,
their quarrels with the knights of Cala-
trava, resulting in actual war, no less
retarded and disgraced it. The order
became extremely wealthy ; the rents of
the grand-mastership in the time of
Ferdinand and Isabella amounted to
forty-five thousand ducats.' Castles,
towns, and convents, belonging to this
and the other military orders, were seen
in every part of Spain. The election to
the office of grand-master, involving the
disposal of large patronage and the
wielding of great power and influence,
became the cause of infinite jealousy and
contention ; and by a prudent decision of
the Pope (1494) the control of the order
was granted to Ferdinand and Isabella
for life. In the reign of Philip 11. the
grand-mastership was annexed in perpe-
tuity to the crown ; the subordinate
dignities, having survived the object for
which they were instituted, became the
empty decorations of an order of nobility.
(2) The Anminziata, or the Collar. —
Instituted bv Amadeus, Count of Savoy,
about ISnO."
(3) The Bath. — So named from one
of the ceremonies of knighthood accord-
ing to the custom of England. The
esquire who was to be knighted was put
into a bath ; while he was in it two other
esquires, experienced in chivalry and its
laws, came to him, and after explaining
the duties which knighthood would im-
pose upon him, poured water upon his
shoulders and so left him. After the
bath he was taken into a chapel, and
continued in prayer the whole night,
"asking the Lord and his blessed Mother
that of their worthy grace they would
give him power and strength to receive
this high temporal dignity in honour of
* Prescott's Ferdinand and Jiobella, i, 278.
their holv Church, and of the order of
chivalry.'' ' At daylight he confe-ssed to
a priest, and afterwards heard Mass.
After the completion of the ceremony by
the king's striking him on the collar with
his right hand and saying " Be a good
knight," he was led up to the altar,
knelt, and placing his right hand upon it,
promised to maintain the right of Holy
Church all his life long. Geoffrey of
Anjou, the father of Henry II., is said
to have been knighted in this manner by
Henry I. in 1128.
The honours of the order of the Bath,
though its religious meaning is now lost,
are highly prized in England to this day.
The dignities are— Knisjht Grand Cross
(G.C.B.), Knight Commander (K.C.B.),
and Companion (C.B.) In each grade
there is a military and a civil division.
The ribbon is crimson ; the motto, " Tria
juncta in uno." Altogether the order
numbers more than 1,000 members.
(4) Of Constantine. — This order seems
to have been created by the Emperor
Isaac Angelus Comnenus about 1190,
probably in imitation of the orders among
the Crusaders. Innumerable fictions and
forgeries have been set on foot from time
to time, in order to invest this and other
military orders with the dignity of an
antiquity to which they have no claim.
Thus the order now in question, it was
stoutly maintained, was first founded by
Constantine the Great. In the opinion of
Papebroke the Bollandist, no military
order can prove that it originated before
the twelfth century.
(5) The Dannebrog.—This Danish
order, if it had a medieval origin at all,
and was not, as H^lyot was inclined to
suspect, manufactured in the seventeenth
century, was founded by \Yaldemar II.
about 1219. The number of knights must
not exceed 19.
(6) The (?rtr<er.— Founded by Edward
III. in 1347. According to the common
story, which however appears to have
been unknown to Froissart, the Countess
of Salisbury dropped her garter in the
court at Windsor, which the king picked
up and bound round his knee, and then,
perceiving that the courtiers were inclined
to laugh, said, "Honi soit qui mal y
pense." "Honi " is old French for maudit,
accursed. The number of the knights,
including the king, was fixed at twenty-
six, and to this it was limited for several
centuries. The number at the present
' From Nicholas Upton's book, written
about 1441, Z»e ReMUitari, as cited by Hflyot.
G26 MILITARY ORDERS
MILLENNIUM
time is forty-nine. The ancient dress was
a blue mantle with a fed cross on the left
side, a collar whence depended a repre-
sentation of St. George and the Dragon,
called a " George " {cf. Shakspere's
" Now by my George, my garter, and my
crown "), and a blue garter round the left
leg.
(7) The Glorious Virgin Mary. —
Founded at Vicenza in 1233. The
Imights, who must be of noble blood,
bound themselves (like a " vigOance com-
mittee" in modern times) to take up
arms against the disturbers of the public
peace, and against those who committed
outrages and escaped punishment. They
vowed conjugal chastity, obedience to
their commander, and to protect widows
and orphans. In course of time they
became rich, and thought more of enjoy-
ing themselves than of anything else ;
whence the people called them in derision
the " Freres Joyeux."
(8) The Goldm J7orsps^oe.— Founded
at Paris by a duke of Bourbon in 1414.
Its object seems to have been to encourage
duelling, since the seventeen knights of
whom it was composed swore to fight
with each other, on foot or d, outrmice,
within two years, if they could not sooner
find seventeen gentlemen outside the order
who would fight with them.
(9) The 7'/«;s^;/'.— Instituted by James
v.. King of Scotland, in 1534. The
collar of the order is of thistles twisted
together ; from it hangs the badge of St.
Andrew, with the motto " Nemo me
impune lacesset." Aftei the flight of
Mary Stuart to England this institute fell
into abeyance, but was revived by James
II. at Windsor in 1687, when he made
several great Scottish noblemen knights
of the order. Again it came to nothing
in consequence of the revolution of 1688,
but was revived by Queen Anne in 1703,
on a Protestant basis. The order, which
luiinliers at present twenty knights, is
acci'-^sililc only to peers.
(10) The" Toison d'Or, or Golden
JfAY're.— Instituted by Pliilip the Good,
Dake of P.urgundy, in 1420, with a
distinctly religious' and Catholic end.
Tlie original .Matutes say, that out of the
great and perfect love which Duke Philip
had to the noble estate of chivalry, " in
enlor that the true Catholic faith, the
estate of Holy Church our mother, and
the tranquillity and prosperity of the
Commonwealth may be . . . defended,
guarded, and maintained," he had insti-
tuted, and did institute, on that his
wedding day, to the glory of God, in
reverence of his blessed Mother, and in
honour of the Apostle St. Andrew, " an
order and fraternity of chivalry or ami-
able company of a certain number of
knights ... to be called the order of the
Toison d'Or." Charles the Bold, sou of
the founder, required the knights to as-
sume a magnificent dress of crimson velvet.
The grandson of Charles, the .\rchduke
Philip, marrying the heiress of Ferdinand
and Isabella, transmitted the right of con-
ferring the order of the Toison d'Or to
the kings of Spain, who have ever since
retained it. The figure of a sheep in
gold, hung round the neck by a silken
ribbon or a small gold chain, is the dis-
tinguishing decoration of the order.
In the long list of these military orders
there are several which accomplished in
their day real work, and work which
could not have been accomplished so well
by any other agency. When the organisa-
tion of society as a whole was still im-
perfect, kings were glad to employ these
partial organisations, in which the actuat-
ing principle was religious enthusiasm or
love of fame, to check enemies abroad and
abuses at home that otherwise could not
easily have been reached. Yet it is im-
possible not to suspect that a large pro-
portion of these institutions did more
harm than good — by fostering aristocratic
pride and exclusiveness, and pandering
to social or personal vanity — thus raising
barriers unnecessarily between class and
class, and furnishing fuel to those smart-
ing feelings of envy and alienation which
are wont only to be appeased by revolu-
tion. (Helyot.)
JVixz.x.EN'Nivni. In the Apocalypse
(ch. XX.) it is said that after the destruc-
tion of God's enemies, " the beast and
the kings of the earth and their armies,"
with "the false prophet" and Satan him-
self, will be bound and cast into the pit.
The saints are then to rise and reign with
Christ a thousand years. At the end of
this period Satan is to be loosed for a
brief space. The nations deceived by him
will gather against the " beloved city " in
which the saints are encamped. Then
fire will descend and devour the wicked ;
Satan will be cast for ever into hell, and
the general judgment will take place.
Many of the early Christians took this
as a literal description of events which
would occur at the end of the world's
history. Those who held to such an in-
terpretation were known as Chiliasts or
Millenarians — i.e. believers in the reign of
MINIMS
MINIMS
627
a thousand years. This belief was very
common in the early Church. It was
held by Papias, bishop of Hierapolis,
earlv in the second century (Euseb.
" El'. E." iii. 39), by St. Justin Martyr
("Trj-pho," 81), by St. Irenaeus ("Adv.
Haer." t. 36), by Lactantius (" Dir. Inst."
vii. 24), by Tertullian and Victorinus
Petabionensis (see Hieron. "De Vir.
Illustr." xriii., where he refers to a lost
■work of Tertullian). The opinion was
no doubt Jewish in origin. (See Grabe,
"Spicileg." vol. i. p. 231.) It was also I
held outside the Church in a gross and
sensual form bv the Judaislug Gnostic
Cerinthus (Euseb. " H. E." iii. 28), and
opposed by the Roman presbyter Caius
(Euseb. loc. cit.) At Alexandria the
allegorical mode of interpretation was of
coiu-se unfavourable to Chiliasm. Still,
even in the Alexandrian district, Nepos,
bisliop of Arsinoe, in the middle of the
third century, was a vehement Millenarian.
He wrote a "refutation of the Allegorists"
{eXeyXos tojv dWrjyopicrTSiv), directed par-
ticularly against Origen, and had a
powerful following. Peace was restored
by Dionysius of Alexandria, who held a
council on the matter in 255. (See
Euseb. vii. 23, and Ilefele, " Concil." p.
1:M seq.) It was probably the fear of
Millenarianism which partly occasioned
the objections long prevalent in the East
to the authority of the Apocah-pse. After
the establishment of Christianity, the
belief in the reign of the saints for a
thousand years almost died out. But St.
Augustine (" Civ. Dei." xx. 7) confesses
that he once held it. It appeared from
time to time in the middle ages, and is
still advocated by some Protestants.
Muzzarelli (quoted by Jungiuann, "De
Xovi5simis,"p. 303) sums up the common
judgment of theologians on the subject.
The theory as held by the early Fathers,
he says, is not heretical, but, considering
the weight of authority on the other side,
it is at least improbable.
MZTTZAXS (Ordo Minimorum Eremi-
tarum Sancti Francisci de Paula). The
name commonly applied to members of
the order of Minim-Hermits, an austere
order of mendicant friars founded by St.
Francis of Paula. They were known in
Paris before the Revolution as Bans
Hommes — "Good Men" — because, as it
is supposed, their convent in Paris had at
one time belonged to the monks of Grand
Mont, who had popularly been so called,
and in Spain as " Brothers of Victory,"
on account of the victory which Ferdi-
nand V. had gained at Malaga over the
Moors as a result, according to the gene-
ral belief, of the prayers of St. Francis
of Paula. They were called " Minims ''
{minimi, the least) by their founder, to
humble them even below the Franciscans,
who in humility caU themselves minor
(Mars minor), the " less."
St. Francis, their founder, was born
about 1416 in Calabria in Italy, at Paola,
a small city on the western coast mid-
way between Naples and Reggio. His
I parents, James Martorillo and Vienna
di Fuscado, were a pious couple of the
middle cla.«s. \yhen a boy of thirteen
Francis was sent to a Franciscan convent
in his native town, for he had already
begun to display the extraordinary piety
which gave indication of his future holy
career. He showed a strong affection
for the Franciscan rule, but it was not
the will of God that he should become
a member of that order. At nineteen
he was living as a hermit in a soli-
tary place near Paola, and the fame of
his sanctity had already spread about in
Calabria. Young as he was in year«, his
piety was so well assured that he was
prevailed on, with the approbation of the
ordinary of the diocese, to receive some
disciples, and with them he began a re-
ligious community in Paola. Cells were
constructed on ground belonging to his
father, and the chapel of the new com-
munity was dedicated to St. Francis of
Assisi. In 1444 he established a colony
at Paterno, and eight years later he
finished on a more splendid scale his
convent and church at Paola ; the next
year (1453) making a third establishment
at Spezano iNIaggiore, and in 1460 found-
ing still another convent at Cortona. So
far the new religious order had been liv-
ing without any rule, except such as
their holy founder had from time to time
given them by word of mouth and by the
example of his own life. But from the
fii-st a perpetual Lent had been observed
by them. In 1464 Francis founded the
first house of his order in Sicily, at
Milazzo, where he remained until his
return to Calabria in 1468.
The fame of his sanctity having reached
Rome, a strict examination was made
into the history of his life and into the
working of his communities, and in 1473
Pope Sixtus IV. approved the new con-
gregation under the name of the "Her-
mits of St. Francis of Assisi." The fol-
lowing year Francis was named by the
Holy See its first superior-general, and
623
MINIMS
MINIMS
tlie congregation was exempted from the |
jurisdiction of the ordinaries. But Six-
tus refused to sanction the perpetual
Lent, though even this was afterwards
accorded. In 1493 Francis composed his
first Rule, which was approved by Pope ,
Alexander YI., who changed the name of ;
the order to the " Minim-Hermits of
Francis of Paola," the name it has re-
tained ever since. In 1495 the same
Pope confirmed the privileges hitherto
conferred on the order, also giving it all
the privileges generallj' possessed by the
mendicant friars. In 1501, having per-
fected his first Rule and having rear-
ranged it, and having also established his
perpetual Lent as a vow, and having
prepared a Rule for people of either sex
who live in the world — that is to say,
Tertiaries — he submitted these two Rules
to the Pope, who approved them the next
year (1502). The Rules, being again re-
touched, were confirmed by a bull of
Alexander VI. which conferred new pri-
vileges ; all of which was again confirmed
in 1505 by Pope JuUus II. Finally, the
holy founder having put the finishing
touch to his two Rules, and having added
a third Rule for nuns, all three were ap-
proved and confirmed by a bull of the
same Pope July 25, 1506. Besides these
three Rules Francis composed a Correc-
tor! m/i, or manual of penances, and a
Cei-i ,iin,iial for the recitation of the Di- :
vine <.)lfice, &c. ]
Francis was invited to France by Louis i
XL, whom he attended on his death-
bed ; and there he spent the rest of his
days, founding numerous communities
in France, Spain, Italy, and Germany. ;
The first colony in Spain was made at
Malaga in 1493; in Germany, in 1497.
The order was never established in the
North of Europe, nor in England, Scot-
land, or Ireland, for the persecution ,'
which soon set in in all those countries
rendered them unfit fields for so con-
templative an order as the Minims. St.
Francis died in his convent at Plessis-
les-Tours, Good Friday, 1507, being then
ninety-one. In 1562 the Huguenots,
while sacking this convent, found the i
saint's body, and, having fastened a rope
about its neck, dragged it to the chapel, t
where they burned it along with the cru-
cifix of the high altai-, but some Catho-
lics afterwards recovered the saint's bones
from the ashes.
January 1, 1508, Father Francis Binet
■was elected general. At that time the
order was divided into five provinces —
Italy, Tours, France, Spain, and Ger-
many— but it afterwards had thirty-one
provinces. At first the general of the
order was chosen for three years, but
since 1605 he has always been elected for
six years by the general chapter, which
consists of the general, the colleagues-
general, the provincial, and the pro-
curator-general. Each province has its
chapter also. The superior of a convent
is called the corrector, because he is re-
quired to correct himself and those sul)-
ject to him, and he is elected for one
year, ordinarily not being eligible for re-
election except after an interval of at
least one year. Formerly there were
visitors-general, but these were suppressed
as unnecessary.
Like many other mendicant orders,
the Minims consist of First, Second, and
Third Orders so called — that is to say,
of friars, nuns, and tertiaries, these lat-
ter being affiliated lay people living in
the world. The Minim tertiaries never
but once, and that for a short time only —
at Toledo, in Spain — have lived in com-
munity. St. Francis of Sales is said to
have been a Minim tertiary. The first
nuns of the order took their vows in 1495
at Andujar, in Spain. The habit of the
Minim friars consists of a gown of coarse
woollen stuff, reaching to the ankles, and
of the natural colour of the wool without
any dye. The chaperon, or shoulder-
piece of the cowl, of the same colour as
the gown, reaches in front to about half-
way between the waist and the knee. The
girdle is a wooUen, unbleached and uu-
dyed rope, and has five knots for the
clerical and lay friars and four for the
tertiaries. Formerly the Minims were
barefoot, or at most wore sandals ; but
the custom was relaxed, and now all are
shod. With the exception of the head-
dress, which resembles that worn by
most orders of nuns, the habit of the
Minim nuns is similar to that of the
friars.
The vow of a friar of this order is as
follows : " I, Brother N., vow and pro-
mise to Almighty God and to the Blessed
Virgin Mary, to the whole heavenly choir,
and to you, my reverend Father N.,
and to this sacred order, to remain stead-
fast and to persist throughout the whole
of my life in the way of living and in Ihe
Rule of the Brothers of the Order of
Minims of St. Francis of Paula, which
has been approved by our Holy Fatlier,
Pope Alexander VI., and afterwards by
Pope Juhus II. of blessed memory, per-
MINISTER
fiCTering in living under the vows of
poverty, chastity, and ohedience, and of
the life of Lent, according to the deter-
minations and the circumstances indi-
cated and prescribed in the same Rule.
MZJO'ZSTBR. Among the Franciscans
and Capuchins the head of the order is the
minister-general, and each province is
placed under a minister-provincial. Again,
the general of the Society of Jesus has
five assistants, called ministers, who are
elected by the general congregation, and
are empowered, through the admonitm;
to represent to the general anything
irregular which they may have observed
in his government.
MINZSTEBS OP THE SZCK. This
order was first founded as a congregation
of priests and lay brothers by St. Camillas
of LelUs to serve the sick in hospitals.
The approval of the Holy See was given
in lobO ; five years later Gregory XIV.
constituted them a religious order, under
the protection of Cardinal di Mondovi,
with their principal establishment at the
Church of St. Mary Magdalen at Rome
and in the houses adjoining. The re-
ligious, besides the thi-ee ordinary vows,
take a fourth vow to assist the sick in the
hour of death. There is a general of the
order elected for life, who is assisted by
four consultors; the chapter-general meets
once in six years. The dress is that of
secular priests, with the addition of a
large brown cross on the soutane, and
another on the cloak. The noviciate lasts
for two years ; the religious are exempt
from the obligation of singing office in
choir, and from attending processions, on
account of the absorbing nature of their
<luties beside the sick. They only fast on
Fridays, in addition to the fasts prescribed
hy the Church. At the death of the
founder in 1G14, there were sixteen houses
of the order, containing about three
hundred religious. [Il^lyot.]
MXM-ORZTES. [See Franciscans.]
MINOR ORDERS. The inferior
ranks of the sacred ministry — door-keep-
ers (ostiarii), lectors, e.xorcists, and aco-
lytes— are said to he in minor orders (see
those articles). In the Greek Church there
are only two minor orders, lector and
suhdeacon. Origiually, when a man be-
came a clerk, he was irrevocably attached
to tlie service of the Church (Con. Chalced.,
can. 7), but since the thirteenth century
the Latin Cluirch allows simple clerks,
"below the dignity of suhdeacon, to quit
the ecclesiastical profession if they so
desire.
MIRACLES 629
MZRA.CX.es. The Latin word mira-
culum means something wonderful — not
necessarily supernatural, for, e.f)., the
" Seven Wonders of the World " were
known as the " Septem Miracula." In
\ theological Latin, however, and in Eng-
lish, the words miraculum, " miracle,"
I are used commonly only of events so
I wonderful that they cannot be accounted
for by natural causes. This use, as we
I shall see presently, is not sanctioned by
1 the Vulgate translation of the New Testa-
ment, and is not thoroughly supported by
the language of the original Greek. It
has its disadvantages as well as its ad-
vantages, though, of course, the esta-
blished terminology cannot he altered
now, even if it were possible— as we be-
lieve it is not — to find a more convenient
word. It will be well, however, to say
something on the Scriptural, and parti-
cularly the New Testament phraseologj-.
(1) Miracles are called ripara (pro-
digin. See Exod. iv. 21, where it is the
rendering of D^nSiO, shining or splendid
deeds) — i.e. prodigies, because of the sur-
prise they cause. The Greek word dav-
fida-ia, which would exactly answer to
miracula, is found in the New Testament
once only (6aifia,^ never). Matt. xxi. 15:
and there in a wider sense than "miracle."
There is no great diflerence, from a theo-
logical point of view, between the words
"prodigy" and "mii-acle." It is, how-
ever, well worth notice that the New
Testament never uses the ^^■ord " prodigy "
by itself It speaks of "signs and pro-
digies," &c., many times ; of " prodigies "
simply, never. Evidently, the wonder
caused is not the only or even the chief
feature in a miracle, and this the New
Testament writers are careful to note.''
(2) Miracles are also frequently called
" signs " {o r]fieta ; an accurate rendering
of nin'lN, Ex. vii. 3), to indicate their
puqjose. They are " marvels " and
" prodigies " which arouse attention, but
the " wonder " excited is a means, and
not an end, and the " miracle " is a tokeu
of God's presence ; they confirm the mis-
sion and the teacliing of those who deliver
a message in his name (see Acts xiv. 3 ;
Heb. ii. 4). Of course, it is only by usage
that the word " sign " acquires this tech-
nical sense, and it does not always in the
1 Never, i.e. for a " wonderful thing." See
Apoc. xvii. 7.
' The Hebrew nixSsj. " wonderful things
in the land of Ch.im " (Pa. cvi. 22) is the word
nearest to " miracula."
630 MIRACLES
-MiiJACLES
New Testament mean a supernatural
sign.
(3) They are often described as
"powers" (hvvdneis),^ inasmuch as they
exhibit God's power. They are evidences
that new powers have entered our world
and are working thus for the good of
mauliind. God, no doubt, is always
working, and He manifests his power in
the operation of natural law. But we
are iu danger of looking upon the world
as if it were governed by laws indepen-
dent of God, and of forgetting that his
hand is as necessary in each moment of
the world's existence for each operation
of created things as it was for creation
at the first. In a miracle, God produces
sensible effects which transcend the opera-
tion of natural causes. Men are no longer
able to say, " This is Nature,'' forgetting
all the while that nature is the continuous
work of God ; and they confess, " The
finger of God is here." In Christ, miracles
were the " powers " or works of power
done by Him who was Himself the power
of God. And so, miracles done tlirougli
the saints flow from, and are signs of, the
power of God within them. " Stephen,
full of grace and power, did great prodi-
gies and signs among the people " (Acts
vi. 8).
(4) Christ's miracles are often called
his " works," as if the form of working
to be looked for from Him in whom the
"fulness of the Godhead dwelt bodily."
They were the characteristic works of
Him who came to free us from the bond-
age of Nature, to be our life, to overcome
death, to lead us, first to a worthier and
more unselfish life, and then to a better
world in wliich sorrow and death shall
be no more. They are the first-fruits of
his power ; the pledges of that mighty
working by which, one day, He will
subject all things to Himself and make all
things new.
From a different point of view, then,
the same event is a " prodigy," a " sign,"
and a " power " ; each word presenting it
under a distinct and instructive aspect.
1 ni>133' "deeds of strength," is the
Old Testament word which comes nearest
Sucojueij, and the Peshito has almost the same
but it is used very inaccu-
rately, for arjfifM (Acts ii. 19, 43 ; v. 12 ; 2 Cor.
xii. 12), for rfparo ( Acts xv. 12), for Tf'para /cal
(7r)/i€ro (Acts ii. 22; iv. 30). In Acts vii. .'iB
tht-re are three Syriac terms for two Greek.
The text of the 'Peshito before us is that of
Leusden and Schiiaf.
The three words occur three times toge-
ther— viz. in Acts ii. 22 ; 2 Cor. xii. 12 ;
2 Thess. ii. 9 (in the last passage, of the
false miracles of Antichrist). In each
case the Vulgate has kept the distinction
with accurate and delicate fidelity, and
we cannot help expressing our regret that
the Douay version, in ChaUoner's recen-
sion, should have obliterated the distinc-
tion and blunted the sense of Scripture
by translating — e.ff. Actsii. 22 — " by mira-
cles and wonders and signs," as if
" wonder " added anything to " miracle."
We cannot pretend to consider here,
in full, the objections made to the possi-
bility of miracles, but can only give in
brief the teaching of Catholic theologians,
and particularly of St. Thomas, on the
matter. The latter defines a miracle as
an effect which " is beyond the order (or
laws) of the whole of created nature " —
"praeter ordinem totius naturae creatse"
(I. ex. 4). He explains further, that an
event may transcend the laws of some
particular nature and yet by no means be
miraculous. The motion of a stone when
thrown up in the air, to take his own
instance, is an effect which exceeds the
power which resides in the nature of the
stone ; but it is no miracle, for it is pro-
duced by the natural power of man, and
does not therefore exceed the power of
nature in its entirety. No natural law
can account for the sun's going back on
the dial of Achaz, for the resurrection of
Lazarus, or for the cure of Peter's wife's
mother by Christ when she was sick of
a fever. All these things exceeded the
powers of Nature, though in different
degrees, and they are instances of the
three grades of the miraculous which St.
Thomas distinguishes (I. cv. 8). In the
first case, the very substance of the thing
done is beyond the power of Nature to
effect (" excedit i'acultatem naturae, quan-
tum ad substantiam facti") ; in the second,
the recipient of the effect stamps it as
miraculous (" excedit facultatem naturae,
quantum ad id in quo fit "), since natural
powers can indeed give life, but not to
the dead ; in the third, it is the manner
and order in which the effect is produced
("modus et ordo faciendi ") that is mira-
culous, for the instantaneous cure of dis-
ease by Christ's word is very different
from a cure effected by the gi'adual opera-
tion of care and medical treatment. The
latter is natural, the former supernatural.
The definition given makes it un-
reasonable to deny the possibility of
miracles, unless we also deny the existence
MIRACLES
MIRACLES
631
of God. Usually, He works according
to natural laws, and this for our good,
since we should be unable to control
natural agents and to make them serve
us, unless we could count on the effects
known causes will produce. But God is
necessarily free ; He is not subject to
natural laws, and He may, for wise reasons,^
make created thiufrs the instruments of
effects which are beyond their natural
capacity. A miracle is not an effect
without a cause ; on the contrary, it is a
miracle because produced by God, the
First Cause. It is not a capricious exer-
cise of power. The same God who ope-
rates usuiilly, and for wise ends, according
to the laws which He has implanted iu
Nature, may on occasion, and for ends
equally wise, produce effects which tran-
scend these laws. Nor does God in work-
ing miracles contradict Himself, for where
has He bouud Himself never and for no
reason to operate except according to these
laws ?
It is also clear from the definition
^iven that God alone can work miracles.
'• WTiatever an angel or any other crea-
ture does ty his own power, is according
to the order of created nature," and there-
fore not miraculous according to the defi-
nition with which we started (I. ex. 4).
It is quite permissible to speak of saints
Dr angels as working miracles ; indeed.
Scripture itself does so speak. Still, we
must always understand that God alone
really performs the wonder, and that the
creature is merely his instrument. Hence
it follows that no miracle can possibly be
wrought except for a good purpose. It
does, not, how.ever, follow that persons
through whose instrumentality miracles
occur are good and holy. St. Thomas,
quoting St. Jerome, holds that evil men
who preach the faith and call on Christ's
name may perform true miracles, the
object of these miracles being to confirm
the truths which these unworthy persons
utter and the cause which they represent.'
Thus the gift of miracles is in itself no
proof of holiness. But, as a rule, miracles
are effected by holy men and women, and
very often they are the signs by which
God attests their sanctity and the power
of their prayer (2* "i", clxxviii. 2). In
all these cases, the miracle is a sign of
Grod's will, and cannot, except through
our own perversity, lead us into error.
• Sylvius, one of" the best known commeDta-
tors on St. 'riionias, holils th:ir heretics may
■work miracles ; not, however, in conflrmatiyn
of theix heresy.
I It is otherwise with the " lying won-
' ders" which, St. Paul says, -Antichrist
will work, or which Pharaoh's magicians
are supposed by some to have done by the
help of devils. Real miracles these can-
not be, for God, who is the very trtith,
cannot work wonders to lead his creatures
into error. But the demons, according to
St. Thomas, are so far beyond us in know-
ledge and strength, that they may well
, work marvels which woidd exceed all
j natural powers, so far as we know theiu,
and would seem to us superior to any
natural power whatsoever, and so to be
truly miraculous (I. cxiv. 4). True mira-
cles, then, are practically distinguished
from false ones by their moral character.
They are not mere marvels, meant to
gratify the curiosity of the spectator and
the vanity of the performer. They are signs
of God's presence ; they bring us nearer
to Him with whom " we ever have to do
they remind us that we are to be holy as
He is holy, to ctdtivate humility, purity,
the love of God and man. The doctrine
which they contirm must appeal to us,
apart from its miraculous attestation.
'• Jesus answered them and said, My
doctrine is not mine, but his who sent
me. If any man will do his will, he will
know of the doctrine whether it be of
God, or whether I speak from myself. He
who speaketh of himseLt', seeketh his own
glory, but he that seeketh the glory of
Him that sent him, he is true, and" in-
justice is not in him '' (John vii. 16). So
our Lord appeals, in answering John's
disciples, to Ids miracles, not simply as
works of power, but as stamped with a
moral character, and in their connec-
tion with the rest of his work. " Blind
see again and lame walk, lepers are
cleansed, and deaf hear, and corpses are
raised, and the poor have the Gospel
preached to them ; and blessed is he whi>-
soever shall not be scandalised in me "'
(^Matt. xi. 5 se(j.). In short, there was a
witness within, as well as without, to
Christ's mission, and the miracles had no
voice for those who were deaf to the
voice within. Because they were deaf to
this voice within, the Pharisees ascribed
Christ's miracles to Beelzebub. They
blasphemed, or were in danger of blasphe-
ming, the Holy Ghost who spoke to their
I hearts. And precisely the same danger
which made men reject Christ's miracles
I will make them accept the marvels of
] Antichrist.
I So far, many Protestants are with us;.
J but whereas most of them consider thau
632 MIEACLES
miracles ceased with, or soon after, the
Apostolic agp, the Catholic Church, not,
indeed, so far as ^^■e know, by any formal
definition, but by her constant practice in
the canonisation of saints, and throujili
the teaching of her theologians, declares
that the gift of miracles is an abiding
one, manifested from time to time in her
midst. This bi'licf is logical and con-
sistent. Miracles are as possible now as
they were t-iglilffu centuries ago. Tliey
werewi'ought throughout the courseof the
old dispensation and by the Apostles after
Christ's death; and although miracles, no
doubt, were speciallj' needed, and there-
fore more numerous, when Christianity
was a new religion, we have no right to
dii'taif to All-wise, and maintain that
1hcy have ciMScd to be required at all.
IIiMtlii'ii nations liave still to be converted.
Great saints are raised up indiflerent ages
to renew the fervour of Christians and
turn the hearts of the disobedient to the
wisdom of the just. Tlie only reasonahle
course is to examine the ex idence for
modern miracles when it pri'sents itself,
and to give or withliold belief accord-
ingly. This is just what the Church
does. The Anglican Bishop Fitzgerald, at
the end of a m^ st thoughtful and useful
essay on " Miracles " in Smith's " Bible
Dictionary," asserts that, according to
the confession of their ablest advocates,
ecclt'siastical miracles belong to the class
" of miracles which may be described as
ambiguous and tentative — i.e. the event,
if it occurred at all, may have been the
result of natural causes.'" Then, indeed,
the question would be at an end. But
any one who looks into Benedict XIV. '9
treatise on "Canonisation," or into Cardi-
nal Newman's " Lectures on Anglican
Dillieulties," will see what an extraordi-
nary niistalu' this is. This able writer is
wasting words and exposing the weakness
of his own cause when he argues that the
course of Nature cannot be interrupted
" l)y random .iml eiiiiricious variation,"
that stroll;/ e\ii!eiice is needed to mal^e
sujijioseil luiriicK- i-redihle, and that the
true miriic li s of ( In i,-,! iaiiity at its birth
may hav>; oi casi.ined >piiriMii< iuutations
of fanatical credulity. Al, this maybe
admitted, Imt it does not loiudi tlie ques-
tion. And when Dr. Fitzgerald rests tlie
belief in miracles upon the authority of
ius])ired writers, and urges that there is no
such authority for ecclesiastical miracles,
he forgets that the fir.st Christians must
have believed the miracles of Christ and
the Apostles before any inspired record of
MIRACLES
them had been made. In many cases, too,
the belief in Apostolic miracles must have
come first, that in Apostolic inspiration
second.
It must be observed, however, that
ecclesiastical and Scriptural miracles
claim widely different kinds of belief.
The Scriptural miracles rest on divine
faith, and must be accepted without doubt.
No eccle.siastical miracle can become the
object of faith, nor is any Catholic bound
to believe in any particular miivude not
recorded in Scripture. He could uot,
j without unsoundness in doctrine, deny
that any miracles had occurred since the
Apostolic age, and he owes a filial respect
to the judgment of high ecclesiastical
autliority ; but within these limits he is
left to the freedom and to the responsi-
bilities of private judgment.
Lastly, although there is a danger in
incredulity, even when this incredulity
does not amcumt to abandonment of the
faith, Catholic saints and doctors have
insisted on the opposite danger of cre-
dulity. To attribute false miracles, says
St. Peter Damian, to God or his saints,
is to bear false witness against them ;
and he reminds those who estimate sanc-
tity by miraculous power that nothing
is read of miracles done by the Blessed
Virgin or St. John Ba])tist, eminent as
they were in sanctity, and that the virtues
of the saints which we can copy are more
useful tlian miracles \\hich excite our
wonder (Fleury, " H. E." Ixi. '2). Nean-
der ("Kirchengeschichte," viii. p. i!fi seg.),
after speaking of the popular taste for
legendary miracles in the middle ages,
continues : " Men were not wanting to
contend against this spirit, and a catena
of testimonies may be produced from the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries on the
true signiticance of the miraculous in re-
lation to the divine life, and against an
exaggerated estimation of external mira-
cles. Nor were such thoughts pecuhar to
enlightened men who rose above their
age ; they may be talcen as an expression
of the common Christian feeling in those
centuries." The mediaeval biographer of
Bernard of Tiron says that for the con-
versions of fallen women which he effected
through God's grace he was more to be
admired than if he had raised their dead
bodies to life. And the biographer of
St. Norbert writes : " It is the visible
miracles which astonish the simple and
ignorant, but it is the patience and virtues
of the saints which are to be admired and
imitated by those who gird themselves to
MISSAL
MiRsrox
r"hrist's serrice." (See the references in
Neander, loc. cit.)
(On the subject nf miracles generallj',
Archbishop Trencli's dissertation at the
■beginning of his " Essays on the Miracles "
may be consulted. It is specially valuable
for its Patristic references. The opinions
of the Schoolmen on the nature of miracles
are well given by Neander, vol. viii. p. 26
of the last German edition. Cardinal
Newman's " Essay on Ecclesiastical Mi-
racles " is well known.")
MZSSA^. The book which contains
the complete service for Mass throughout
the year.
In the ancient Church there was no
one book answering to our Missal. The
service for Mass was contained in the
Antiphonarj', Lectionary, Book of the
rjospels, and Sacranientary. This last,
besides matter relating to other sacra-
ments, gave the collects, secrets, prefaces,
canon, prayer wfra cammem, and post-
communion, and from the eighth century
at latest it was known as Missal or Mass-
book. There were " Completa Mi.'^salia,"
— i.e. Missals which contained more of
the service of the Mass than the Sacra-
mentaries ; but we do not know how far
this completeness went, for " during the
ages which intervened between the use of
the Liber Sacramentorum and the general
adoption of the complete book of the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the
Missal was in a transition state, .sometimes
containing more, sonictinies less of the
entire office. Thus the MSS. which still
exist vary in their contents" (Maskell,
" Monumenta Rit." p. Ixiii. seq.).^ There
are, of course, printed Missals according
to the various rites — Missale Romanum,
Ambrosianum, Missale ad u.sum Sarum
(first printed edition known, Paris 1487),
and the various uses of religious orders
(Dominicans, Benedictines, kc.) The
Roman Missal was carefully rev >sed and
printed under Pius V., who carried out a
decree of the Council of Trent on the
matter, and strictly enjoined the use of
this Missal, or faithful reprints of it, in all
churches wliicli could not claim prescrip-
tion of two huDdi'ed years for their own
use. It was revised again under Clement
VIII. and Urban VIII. New Masses
have of course been added from time to
time, and to the Missal as to the Breviary
a "Proper" may be added by permission
of the Holy See, containing Masses for
' The Missale Plenunnm C(jutaiH8 all the
service for Mass — i.e. it is a Missal in the modem
«ense.
the saints venerated in a particular
country, diocese, order, &c.
MZSSZOM- OF SIVZITE PER-
SON'S. [See Teixitt, D, 5.]
IVIZSSZOXI'. Mission is inseparably
connected with jurisdiction, so that he
wlio is validly " sent " exercises a lawful
jurisdiction in the place to which, and
over the persons to whom, he is sent; and,
e converso, any person exercising a lawful
jurisdiction must be held to have received
true mission. Mission precedes juris-
diction in the order of thought, but is
coincident with it in practice.
A priest having the care of souls
within a certain district mu.st be sent to
that district by the bishop, who has the
general charge of all the souls within his
diocese : he cannot appoint himself to
it. " How shall they preach unless they
be sent ? " ' In a regular parish there
may be more priests than one engaged in
ministerial functions, but one alone has
the responsibility, as the curafux, of the
souls within it. He has ordinarif, not
delegated faculties ; other priests minis-
tering within his parish have not ordi-
nary faculties. In missions, as here in
England, the head priest and the others
usually differ only in this, that the latter
receive their faculties to be exercised
" cum dependentia " of the former.
Priests, even parish priests, are not now
held to have jurisdiction in the external
forum (Soglia, ii. § 86), but only in the
internal. [Forum, &c.]
Again, the bishop from whom the
mission of the parochvs is derived does
not assume his pastoral office of his own
authority ; still less, in consequence of a
call from his flock ; his recognition or
confirmation, if not actual election, by
the Pope as the successor of St. Peter
constitutes his mission and the title of
his jurisdiction. The mission of the
Pope himself is from above, and rests on
the divine promises, clearly expressed as
they are in Holy Scripture, and certified
by the tradition'of the Church. [Chfech
OF Chkist; Pope.]
" The mission of the priest," says
Bendel,'^ " has its prototype in that of
Jesus Christ: 'As my Father hath sent
me, so send I you.' Jesus Christ was
sent into the world to seek- all the souls
which were lost ; the Apostles were sent
by Jesus Christ to all parts of the earth
to continue his work in his name ; the
successors of the Apostles, without any
1 Rom. X. 1,5.
" Art. " Missions," in Wetzer and Welte.
034
MISSION
MISSIONS, POPULAR
break in the chain, are sent by the Church
to fulfil their charge, and these send in
their turn the confess^ors and pastors
delegated by them to spread the beams
of grace from the centre to the extremi-
ties, and cause every soul which desires
it to participate in the benefits of their
ministry."' .... "The Chui-ch is the
visible institute of salvation among men ;
thr.ingli her alone power is given to the
priest, by mission, to announce in the
virtue of the Holy Ghost the word of
God, as it has been all along preserved
incorrupt by her, to transmit to the
faithful the graces of which, through the
merits of Christ, she is the depositary,
and to direct them in the way of salva-
tion in virtue of the sovereign authority
which she represents. He who is not
legitimately sent camiot be, in the full
force of the words, ' a minister of the
Church having charge of souls.' "
In non-Catholic denominations the
mission to a particidar locality usually
proceeds from the governing body, such
as the General Assembly in the Kirk of
Scotland, or the Conference of a hundred
ministei s among the Wesleyans. But if
it be asked whence such governing bodies
derived their mission, it is invariably
found that they derived it in the first
instance from some heresiarch or other
self-appointed individual, who made a
breach in ecclesiastical unity, or else
made a fresh schism in that which was
itself a schi.sm. Thus mission among the
Presbyterians has Calvin, and among the
Methodists, "S^'esley, for its fountain
head. In the Angiican Church mis-^ion
is derived ostensibly from the Crown,
which claims to be "in aU causes and
over all persons, ecclesiastical and civil,"
within the British empire " supreme."
Every bishop, on doing homage for his
see to the sovereign, has to say, " I do
acknowledge and confess to have and
liold the bishopric of it, and the posses-
sion of the same entirely, as well the
spiritualities as the temporahties thereof,
only of your Majesty, and of the Imperial
Crown of this your Majesty's realm.'"'
Those who find this view too Erastian
hold that mission is conferred along with
consecration, in which case Anglican mis-
sion must be ultimately derived from
Parker, Elizabeth's first bishop, who made
a breach in ecclesiastical unity. [See
Jurisdiction.]
I Hutton, The Anglican Ministry, 1870,
p. 504 n.
iMZSSZOir ( = quasi-parish). In
countries where the majority of the
population is non-Catholic, either through
having lost the faith or not having yet
j been converted to it, the priests having
j charge of souls are not inducted into
I parishes, but stationed ou missions. In
^ England, after the change of religion,
many such missions were entrusted to
members of religious orders, which en-
joyed in a normal state of things various
privileges and exemptions. This led to a
conflict of jiu'isdiction between the mon-
astic superiors and the vicars- apostolic,
and it was finally decided by Benedict
XIV. that " regular missionaries in Eng-
land are subject to the vicars-apostolic in
I all that concerns the care of souls and
the administration of the sacraments,"' '
notwithstanding the privileges of their
orders. In what relates to the observance
of theii- rule they are subject to their
monastic superiors. Leo XIII. issued
m 1881 the constitution Romanos Ponti-
Jices, which makes further regulations on
the subject. Since the establishment
of the hierarchy in England in 1850
the priests with quasi-parishes still re-
main mere niissioners removable at the
bishop's will, with the exception of " Mis-
sionary Rectors " permanently instituted
(see Acts of Prov. Council of Westm. 1
App.), who, in virtue of decrees of Pro-
paganda and synodal statutes coufirmed
by the Holy See, hold certain rights and
privileges. (Ferraris, Missiones ; Mi-^-
sionarii.)
l«ISSXON-S,POPiri,AR. Toquicken
faith and piety among Christians whom
their hfe in the world has made tepid
and careless, is for the pastors of the
Church an object of no less sohcitude
than to convert the heathen. In sub-
stance, mission-preaching has been em-
ployed in every age of the Church ; it
was applied with extraordinary fruit by
St. Francis and St. Dominic; but its
reduction to a system has been the work
of comparatively recent times, and was
commenced by St. Vincent of Paul, when
(1617) he preached his first mission to
the peasants of Folleville. [See Lajiak-
ISTS.] The Jesuits, Redemptorists,
Passionists, and Rosmiuians have applied
themselves with special earnestness to
this branch of pastoral work (see those
articles). The following sketch of a mis-
sion and of its fruits is from an article
by Stemmer.* " A popular mission con-
1 Flanagan, Church History, ii. 373.
» Wetzer and VVelte, " Missions."
MISSIONS, rOPULAR
fiists in a series of sermons and religious
exercises, lasting over a certain number
of days, directed by missionary priests
■with the approbation of the ordinary, in
order to instruct and convert sinners,
and rekindle Christian faith and Chris-
tian practice This series or cycle of
meditations, devotional exercises, and
addresses, the general aim of which is to
excite penitential feelings, treats of the
destiny and end of man, of free will, of
the need of grace, of the divine justice,
eternity, the necessity of conversion, the
heinousness of sin, its consequences, and
the misery of impenitence ; of the last
things — hell, eternal punishment, and
damnation. Together with these terrify-
ing themes the preacher speaks of tfie
mercy and love of God, the graces stored
up in the Church, the sacraments of Pen-
ance and the Eucharist ; usually also of
lovuig our enemies. Holy Communion,
the renewal of baptismal vows, and per-
severance in doing good. In this way
the sinner is brought to contrition, whence
come hope and a moral change.'' After
describing the availableness at this stage
of the tribunal of Penance, the writer
proceeds : " The mission is usually termi-
nated by the renewal of baptismal vows,"
a general communion, "the dedication of
the parish to the Blessed Virgin, promises
of amendment and thanksgiving before
the altar, the erection of a cross or
stations, the solemn publication of the
indidgence attached to the mission, and
the celebration of Mass for the souls of
the relatives and friends of the faithful
present. Thus do the few days devoted
to a true popular mission, with all the
truths which it proclaims, all the acts
■which it disposes to and realises, form a
real source of benedii-tion to the souls
that are ■willing to proht by him. It is a
work of teaching and conversion which
undeceives those who are misled, con-
vinces iliose who doubt, shakes the indif-
ferent in their false seciu'ity, and stops
hardened sinners in full career ; it is an
extraordinary weapon ■svith which false-
hood and error are attacked directly,
boldly, and persistently, to the destruc-
tion of erroneous systems and the trium-
phant erection of truth on their ruins.
Deep-seated prejudices and inveterate
faults, though attacked at intervals from
the pulpit, always find some corner in the
heart where they can hide themselves
Hud hold their ground; but the man who
attends a mission meets an assailant who
deals blow after blow until the convic-
MISSIOXS TO THE HEATHEN esn
I tion of the enormity of his blindness and
i of his faults is forced upon the hearer's
conscience. lU-gotten gains are re-
nounced, guilty practices and criminal
connections are broken ofi", hatred? of old
; standing are appeased, separatt- J (■oii])li's
i reconciled, lawsuits amicaldy settlfd ; the
converted simiers show a change of con-
duct, and the face of family and paro-
chial life is altered ; through the whole
district human existence is modilied for
the better ; sanctitication spreads : and
where unbelief, immorality, discord, dis-
obedience, and antipathy formerly pre-
vailed, the severity of Christian faith is
now estiiblished, with union, love, and
the peace of God."
MISSION'S TO THE HEA-
THEN'. The kingdom of God, begin-
ning as a grain of mustard seed eighteen
hundred years ago, has grown into a
great tree ; the stages of its growth are
here briefly noticed.
The multitude collected at Jerusalem
on the day of Pentecost, from whom the
first converts to the Christian faith were
gathered, belonged for the most part to
countries bordering on the Levant or
lying still further east. They came from
Persia, Mesopotamia, Asia Minor, Ai-abia,
and North Africa ; some were from
Crete : the only western country indica-
ted is Italy. These converts, when they
returned to their homes, must have
spread Christian belief around them.
The seed thus sown needed tending ; and
the traditions as to the teaching of the
Apostles, which tell us that the labours
of most of them were confined to these
very Eastern counties, are therefore in
strict accordance with the report in Acts
ii. St. Thomas, according to a probable
tradition, visited India, and founded there
the Christian community which still
i bears his name. The legend that St.
} James the son of Zebedee passed into
I Spain and fotmded a Church at Santiago
! in Galicia, is of little authority.' It
i must have been regarded in the Apostolic
I circle as a momentous step, when St.
Paul (Acts xvi. 6-10), crossing the
Hellespont, carried the light of Chris-
i tianity into Europe. St. Peter, after
residing for some time at Antioch, fixed
[ his see about A.D. 42 at Rome, which
I from that time became the centre of
I Christendom. But the full bearing and
I import of his primacy were only gradu-
ally discerned in the Church ; and the
' Hefele seems to reject it ; see his article
I on St. James, in Wetzer and Welte.
636 MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN
MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN
Apostolic sees of Alexandria and Aiitim h,
with, later on, Constantinople and Jeru-
salem, and generally the greater sees,
acted as powerful secondary centres to
diffuse the faith among the neighbouring
countries. In Macedonia, at Athens and
Corinth, and in Greece generally, Christi-
anity was planted by St. Paul. A very
ancient legend carries Lazarus and his
sister Martha to the South of France,
near Marseilles. A beautiful tradition,
not however older than the middle ages,
speaks of Joseph of Arimathea as visiting
Britain and founding a flourishing Church
at Glastonbury.
Second Century.— The great work of
this period was the conversion of Roman
Gaul. Documents still extant describe
for us the persecution at Lyons in 177,
when St. Pothinus was bishop, and
Blnndina sufU'ri'd martyrdom. All along
the coast of 2v(>rth Al'rica, and in Spain,
the faith must have been silently spread-
ing throughout this century, but details
are wanting. About 182, Pope Eleu-
therus, at the request of Lucius, a British
king, is said by Beda to have taken
measures for the introduction of Chris-
tianity into Britain.
Third Century.— The records of the
persecution of Severus disclose the exis-
tence of a flourishing Church in North
Africa. In Italy, Christianity is believed
to have been planted in the principal
cities, such as Milan and Eavenna, in or
soon after the time of the Apostles ; but
detailed information, except as to the
names of the bishops, is wanting. In
Persia, the faith made rapid advances all
through this century, from Seleucia as a
centre of operations, where one of the
.seventy-two disciples named Mares is said
to have been the first bishop. About
220 the Parthian monarchy gave way to
the dynasty of the Sassanides, which,
under the belief that its stability de-
pended on its firm adhesion to the old
fire-worshi]) of the nation, produced after
a till:' ;i >i i ii s of unrelenting persecutors
of Chri.tianilv.
In Central and Northern France, St.
Denys made numerous conversions in the
years 270-280. About the same time
St. Quentin planted the faith in the Ver-
mandois, St. Lucian at Beauvais, and St.
Mellon at Rouen.
Fourth Century. — The persecution of
Diocletian showed that Spain, which
gave St. Eulalia of Merida, and Britain,
which gave St. Alban, to the roll of
martyrs, both possessed a strongly rooted
(' !,•, i>: i inity. Tht Armenians were con-
veii( il in great numbers by Gregory the
Illuminator. Frumentius planted the
faith in Abyssinia, and was the first
bishop of Axum (356). St. Martin of
Tours extinguished most of the paganism
that still lingered in Western Gaul.
Christianity at Zurich, in Switzerland,
dates from St. Felix and his sister St.
Regula, martyred in 303. Alemannic
pagan invaders oven-an the country in
the fifth century. After the great defeat
of Zulpich (496), the Alemans gradually
became Christians, and a noble Aleman,
Robert, re-established the faith and built
a chui-ch at Zurich about 692. His
brother, Wichard, did the same at
Lucerne towards the end of the seventh
century. The see of Martigny in the
Valais, not far from St. Maurice, famous
for the martyrdom of the Theban legion,
is said to have been founded about -300.
The see of Lausanne grew out of that of
Avenches, which is believed to have been
founded about .350.
The Teutonic Goths, pressing south-
ward from the Baltic, occupied in the
fourth centurj- what is now Roumania,
on the north bank of the Danube, and
were allowed by Valens when pressed by
the Huns to cross the river (376), and
settle in the Roman province of Moesia.
Christianity, which had been introduced
among them by some captives whom in
one of their expeditions they had carried
away from Cappadocia, appears to have
made rapid progress. Theophilus, bishop
of the Christian Goths, was present at
the Council of Nicasa and subscribed its
decrees. A persecution arose about 370,
of which we have an interesting account
in the acts of the martyrdom of St.
Sabas.' At that time, according to the
distinct testimony of St. Austin,^ the
Christian Goths were all Catholics. But
Ulfilas, who was their bishop after Theo-
philus, visiting Constantinople in .376,
was persuaded to embrace Arianism, and
he introduced it among his people. The
same Ulfilas invented an alphabet for the
Goths, and translated the Bible into
their tongue ; of this version, large por-
tions are extant. These Goths of Ulfilas
belonged to the Visigothic or Western
branch of the nation, and they communi-
cated the Arian heresy to the Ostrogothic
or Eastern branch. In Theodoric the
Ostrogoth Arianism mounted on the
throne of Italy ; but soon after his death
» Alban Butler, Apr. 12.
» Ve Civ. Dei, xviii. 52.
MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN 037
it was crushed by the sword of Beli.-^arius.
The Arian Visigoths, driven out of Gaul
by the Catholic Franks, founded a power-
ful kingdom in Spain ; their conversion
will lie noticed further on.
Fifth Century. — At its commence-
ment the Persian king Izdegerd listened
favourably to the teaching of St. Mar-
nithas, w ho made many conversions. A
fresh persecution raged between 420 and
450. About this latter date the Persian
clergy began to side with Nestorius ; and
the kings, from motives easily understood,
encouraged them to set at nought the
decrees both of Ephesus and C'halcedon.
In 400, through the defection of Babuseus,
the patriarchal see of Seleucia became
Nestorian. The heresy obtained at one
time an immense development, reckoning,
under the Patriarch, 25 metropolitans
and 140 bishops.
Many Jews were converted (418) in
Minorca, and St. Euthymius (421)
preached with success to some Arabian
tribes.
Ireland was converted by the preach-
ing of St. Patrick. [See Irish Chukch.]
The Burgundians, a Teutonic people,
in alarm at the approach of the Huns,
sought instruction in Christianity from
the Romania (1 Gauls among whom they
had settled ; and having obtained it, and
embraced the faith, they defeated the
invaders. This was about 4.39.' After-
•wards they lapsed for a time into Arian-
ism.
The see of Geneva, where there are
believed to have been bishops as far back
as A.D. 200, was subjected by Leo the
Great (450) to the jurisdiction of the
Archbishop of Vienne. The first bishop
of Coire in the Orisons was St. Asimo,
for whom the Bishop of Como signed the
decrees of a council at Milan in 452.
The Franks, who, under Clovis, had
invaded Gaul from beyond the Rhine,
and destroyed every vestige of Roman
domination, embraced Cliristianity along
■with their king in 4! 10, after his great
victory over the Alemanni.
The Southeru Picts in Gallowaywere
converted by St. Ninian, a Briton, about
the beginning of the century.
Sii th Century. — The Arian Suevi of
Galicia were converted, chiefly by the
preaching of St. Martin of Duma, about
561. In 587, under King Recared, the
whole Visigothic nation in Spain re-
nounced Arianism and embraced the
> Milman, Lot. ChrisOnnity, i. 348.
orthodox faith. Great progress was
made in converting the Flemings by St.
Vedast (f 540), first bishop of Arras and
Cambrai, who may be regarded as their
apostle.
j The commencement of the conversion
I of our ancestors in England, who, for an
unknown time previously had worshipped
the gods of the North in temples made
of timber or wicker, shrouded within
thick groves, was made in 596; when
St. Augustine witli forty monks, sent by
Pope Gregory the (Treat, landed on the
Isle of Thanet, and with the good will of
King Ethelbert announced the Gospel to
the men of Kent.
St. Coliunba, having - founded his
monastery of lona (570), setting out
from thence, preached with signal fruit
I to the Northern Picts of Scotland.
Seventh Century. — The conversion of
the Angles and Saxons was being regu-
larly carried on, not by kings forcing the
creed upon unbelievers at the sword's
point, but by bishops, monks, and secular
priests wlio manifestly sought not their
goods but their ?ouls It is true that
there were reaction and relapse here and
there, as may be seen in the pages of
Beda ; but the general movement of the
moral tide was forward. The Angles of
Deira (Yorkshire) with their king, Edwin,
received the faith (63.")) from tlie Roman
missionary Paulinus. The Angles of
Bernicia — i.e. of the eastern districts of
England and Scotland from the Tees to
the Forth — were made Christians by the
preaching of the Irish monks of lona,
whom St. Oswald (6^5) invited into
Northumbria. No difference of doctrine
divided the two classes of missioners ;
but they were at variance on an impor-
tant point of discipline — viz. the right
observance of Ea>ter ^Easter; English
Chttrch: British "Church; Ietsh
Church]. St. Aidan, the first bishop in
Bernicia, fixed his see at Lindisfarne on
Holy Isle ; in the tenth century it was
removed to Durham.
The Gospel was carried by English
missioners to Friesland and Holland. St.
Wilfrid, banished from his see (679),
dwelt for some time in Friesland and
converted manv. But the true founder
of the Dutch Church was St. Willibrord,
who, landing in Holland in ()S0. fixed his
see at Wiltenburg or Utrecht.
Eighth Century. — The German tribes
were still for the most part buried in
heathenism ; only at the north-west,
throuirh the mission of Willibrord and
nr,P MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN
MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN
his companions, and at the south-west, I
tlmmgh the gradual conversion of the |
Ali nianni of Baden and Siiabia since
their >uhjugation by the Franks, had an
iiujnvi-sion been made. The eighth
century witnessed the solid foundation of
the Gi'vnian ehurch tlirough the preaching ;
of Wuiirid (St. Eoniface). In this great !
aflair the blessing and sanction of the |
l!oman See were as carefully sought and [
as deliberately given as before the con-
version of England. St. Bmiiface was
papal h>gate in Gernuni N f >i- many years,
having been first con^^reiated bishop by
Gregory II. in 723. In 745 he fixed his
metropolitan see at Mentz. Some time
before (740) he had found his way into
the vast region watered by the Danube
and its tributary streams, and there
founded the sees of liegeusburg (Ratis-
bon), Frisingen, Passau, and Salzburg.
From the last two sees Christianity was
can-ied to the Teutonic or mixed popula-
tions further east.
The Saxons of Westphalia, Hanover,
and Oldenburg were coerced by Char-
lemagne, who harried them with per-
petual war till they submitted, into the
reception of Christianity. This was the
commencement of the system, ton common
all through the middle ages, by ^^llicll
unbelievers were scared by the threat (.'nod
loss of life or goods into embracing, or at
least professing, the religion of Christ.
There is reason to believe that the treat-
ment of the Saxons was a considerable
factor in the anti-Christian ferocity which
from this time till their tardy conversion
two centuries later ])ossessed their sea-
roving neigliljinnv of Scandinavia, and
brought innumerable miseries, wrongs,
and losses on the innocent English and
Irish populations.
Tlie English St. Willehad, who had
been working among the Saxons and
Frisian.^ sincr 770, was consecrated to the
see of I'.reuu'n in 787.
Ninth Cc/itiiri/. — The missionary
efforts of the Cliui-ch were now chiefly
directed to the rou;; h Scandinavian North,
and to ilie Sla\ onic peoples which every-
wlii'iv Ihii iI. iimI oTi the German tribes and
the llyzaiiliiic empire. St. Anschar
visited Sweden in 8.30 and made many
converts. In 8o4 he was chosen Ai-ch-
bisliop of PIaml)urg (with wliieh F.ivmen
was afterwards unite,!), in fnlfilment of a
grand x-lieme of CI la rlen:;r ■ nr for |,lantiiig
at the moutli of the llllie a mi.-slonar\
centre for the conversion of all the jiagau>
of Northern l'hiro])e. In 8.');) he was again
in Sweden, and from that time the light
of religion was never quenched there,
though it long flickered and seemed on
the point of expiring. Some progress was
made under Charlemagne in converting
the Slavs of Brandenburg. Again, on
the Danube, east of Passau, by the ex-
termination of the Avars, Charlemagne
made room for the " Eastern March "
(Austria) and the great see of Vienna.
The Slavs of Bulgaria were converted by
the monk Methodius (865), whom their
king Bogoris had invited from Constan-
tinople. Constantine and the same Metho-
dius brought the faith, at the request of
their duke Darlilas, to the Slavs of
Moravia. Methodius about the same
time visited IJohemia, and baptised the
duke Boriwoy, with his saintly wife
Ludmilla. The Czech population readily
followed the example of their rulers. The
country remained for some time ecclesi-
astically subj ect to the Bishop of Rat isbon ;
I the see of Prague was not founded till
968.
I Tenth Century. — The work of con-
verting the Slav races and the Northmen
continued. The Normans, after the grant
of what is now Normandy to their duke
lioUo (911), embraced the faith, and soon
began to extend and illustrate it with the
force and genius characteristic of the race.
! The Slavs of Brandenburg were finally
converted under Henry the Fowler (928),
who turned their country into a march of
the empire.
From the beginning of the century
good progress had been made in Russia
in the territory of Kiew. Olga, the widow
of the Grajnd Duke Igor, visited Constan-
tinople in 057, and was baptised in the
church of St. Sophia. The schism caused
by Photius had been heah>d up, and the
Eastern church was at this time in com-
munion with Rome ; it was not till the
middle of the eleventh century that the
breach was reopened under Cerularius,
and became chronic. [Greek Chvrch.]
Olga's example was not generally followed
by the people ; it was not till the reigu of
her grandson Vladimir that a strong
movement towards Christianity took
])lace among the Russians. The see of
Kiew was founded in !i88.
In Denmark, where many missioners
had laboured in tlie ninth century with
little outward fruit, the time liad at last
come for sees to he founded. Sleswig,
with Poppo for its first bishop, and
Aarhuus were erected into bishopries
about 948. Luuden, near the mouth of
MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN
MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN 039
the Eider, was made a metropolitan see
in 1104.
Misaco or Mieceslas, duke of Toland,
marrying a pious BoLemiau princess,
agreed to become a Christian, and was
baptised in 9G6 ; his subjects made little
difficulty about following his example.
Jordan was the first bishop of Poland,
■which was attached to the province of
Magdeburg.
Geisa, the duke or voyvode of the
Magyars of Huui^ary, became a Christian
about 095. In VU6 he welcomed into his
w ho, having first obtained the sanction of
the Pope, came to Gnesen in 1125, and
thence passed into Pomerauia, visitiny
Piritz, AVollin, and Stettin The people
readily listened to him, and were baptised
in vast numbers by total immersion.
Adalbert was appointed the first bishop
of Kammin iu 1128.
Christianity was forced upon the
Finns by their Swedish masters about
1150. The see was at first at Randa-
maki, but was removed to Abo in 1300.
The Slavs of the Isle of Rugeu,
country St. Adalbert of Prague, by whose having been subdued by the King of
Seaching great numbers were converted. I Denmark, showed a readiness to embrace
is son, St. Stephen, the first Christian I Chi-lstianity. They worshipped a mon-
king of Hungary, married Gisela, sister to I strous wooden idol with four heads,
^ — - - which they called Suantovit, a corruptinn
of " St. Vitus," the name of the patron
saint of the monastery of Corbie, whence
the Emperor Henry II. St. Adalbert gave
up his life in the attempt (dd7) to con-
vert the Prussians about Dantzic.
Shortly before the end of the century some monks had come 300 years before,
•Olaf, king of Sweden (t 1024), brought
over Siegfried, the English priest, and was
baptised at Husaby in West Gotland. ,
Christianity became the religion of the
kingdom, but paganism lingered long in
remote districts.
Thorwald, an Icelander, having been
converted in Saxony, took home with
him the priest Friedrich (9Sl), and had
much success in bringing over his country-
but had been compelled to depart before
their message was half comprehended by
the simple islandei-s. Now (llt)8) Suan-
tovit was broken up and burnt, and the
people received baptism. They were the
last member of the great .Slavonic "family
to embrace the faith. The Pope placed
the island under the Bishop of Roskild.
The remaining pagan population of
Livonia, Courland. and Esthonia, was
men. The conversion of the islanders i compelled by violence to adopt Chris-
was finished, after a rough fashion, by , tianity towards the end of this century
Thangbrand, an emissary of the King of by Albert the Bear, margrave of Bran-
Norway, between 997 and 999. The first denburg, and Henry the Lion, duke of
liishop fixed Jiis see at Skalliolt in 1056.
L'l-vf»t/, Centurt/.—AhoMt a.D. 1000
Saxony.
Thirteenth Century. — All the nations
the English Siegfried already mentioned of Europe were now Christian ; all be-
preached to the Norwegians. 01aft"Trygg- j longed to the Catholic Church, though
wason, king of Norway, who fell in battle j the Russians did so in an imperfect seuse,
in that year, was a Christian, but his being out of communion with the Holy
people had not gone with hiiu. Norway, See. Attempts were made by fervent
after being for many yeai-s under the j preachers of the newlv-tounded mendicant
rule of the Swedes and Danes, regained orders to carry the I'uiih among the Ma-
its independence thi-ough the courage hometans, and the Christian populations
and endurance of Olaf Haraldson (St. | under Mahometan rule in Asia Minor,
Olaf) in 1017. By a mixtui-e of force i Syria, &c. These ell'orts, owing to the
and persuasion Olaf brought over the
great majority of his countrj-men into
the pale of the Church. Grimkele, an
Englishman, was the first bishop of
Trondhiem.
The Slavs of Mecklenburg, among
■whom Christianity had been already
preached, but ineffectually, all embraced
the faith about 1050, under their prince,
Gotschalk.
Ttci lfth Ce^itury. — The conversion of
the Slavs went on. Boleslas, duke of
Poland, havin? conquered Pomerania,
sent for St. Otho; bi.?hop of Bamberg,
pride and invincible prejudice of the
Moslems, met with little success. The
Teutonic knights, uniting themselves to
the Order of the Sword founded in 1202,
carried on from 1237 a long and cruel
■war against the natives of East Pru-^sia.
These last had been found intractable and
ferocious, and their rejection over and
over again of the teaching of the mission-
aries was held to justify proceeding against
them by way of a crusade. The war
lasted fii'ty-three years, and ended in the
complete subjugation of Pru.ssia, over
which the Teutonic order then claimed
GtO MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN
to exercise sovereign rights. Prussians
who were willing to become Christians
were declared free men and enjoyed all
private rights, but those who chose to
remain in unbelief were made slaves to
the conquerors.
Fourteenth- Century. — TTiis was an
age of lamentable ri action. Crusades to
the Holy Land being now regarded as
impracticable, Christian princes turned
tlieir arms against one another. The
hundred years' war between England and
France bt-gan. The see of St. Peter
remained for seventy years at Avignon,
to the detriment of many religious
interests ; and soon after the return of
Gi-cgory XI. (1376) began the Oreat
Schism, which distracted and perplexed
all Christian nations for nearly forty
years.
The people of Lithuania (1386), at
the command of their duke, Jagellon,
accepted the Gospel, and were baptised
in vast numbers.
Fifteenth Century. — The maritime
nations, Spain and Portugal, while ex-
tending the limits of geography, were
full of zeal for the propagation of the
faith. Ihe people of the Canary and
Azore Islands were converted in this
age, and under Portuguese auspices three
Dominican friars (1491) opened a pro-
mising mission on the Congo, in Western
Africa. Immediately upon the discovery
of America (1492) the religious orders,
especially the Dominicans, Franciscans,
Augiistinians, and Trinitarians, hastened
to send labourers to the new field.
Sixteenth Century. — While some of
the European nations were being led
away by heretical teachers into revolt |
I'rom the Church, new populations were j
entering her fold in the Transatlantic
regions opened out by the energy of
Spain. Cortes, as soon as he had con-
quered Mexico, did all that be could to
make the people Christians. Franciscan
missioners appeared there in 1523, fol-
lowed by Dominicans and Jesuits. The
heroic virtue of Martin de Valenza, and
his zeal in preaching, converted great
numbers of the Mexicans. At the present
day but few of the people remain un-
converted ; the country is divided into
eleven sees, that of Mexico being metro-
politan.
In New Granada, Spanish missionaries
appeared very early ; the first see was
founded at Santa Marta in 1529. St. I
Louis Bertrand laboured here from 1561
to 1569, and is said to have converted
MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN
fifteen thousand of the Indians. ' St.
Peter Claver, sometimes called th»
Apostle of the Negroes, after extra-
ordinary labours and sufferings, died at
Cartagena in 1654. Before 1800 the
majority of the population, both Indian
and negro, had become Catholic.
In Venezuela the see of Caraccas was
founded in 1531. In 1 800 three-fourths
of the Indian population of the province
were computed to be Chi-istians.
The conquest of Peru by Pizarro was
I soon followed by the estalllishment of a
bishop's see at Lima (1539), raised to
metropolitan rank in lo4.'^. St. Turibius,
the tliird archbishop, is regarded as the
apostle of that region. The glorious St.
Rose of Lima, who died in 1617 at the
age of tliirtj-one, "bloomed in the Indies
in the flower of virginity and patience.'"^
Dominican, Franciscan, and Jesuit mis-
sioners combined their eH'orts, and by the
middle of the seventeenth century the
Iconversion of the Peruvian Indians,
\?ithin all the districts subject to Spain,
i was accomplished.
In Bolivia, Chiquisaca was erected
j into a bishop's see in 1551. Jesuit
missions made rapid progress in convert-
ing the Indians ; about a hundred years
later not less than 100,000 of them were
Christians.
In Chili, the see of Santiago dates
from 1561. Those of the native tribes
which submitted to the Spaniards soon
became Christians; but the nation of the
Araucanos and other tribes, preserving
their independence, retained along with
it their idolatry. To this day there are
many unconverted Indians in Chili.
The vast and fertile plains of Brazil
began to be occupied by the Portuguese
about 1500. The tirst missionaries were
Franciscans. The Jesuit Father, Nobrega,
was sent to Brazil by St. Ignatius in
1549. Father Anchieta joined him four
years later, and spent the rest of his life
in extending the faith among the Indians.
His sanctity was demonstrated by mira-
cles, and he is often called the Apostle
of Brazil. The first see was founded at
Bahia in 1561.
The first see in La Plata, now the
Argentine Republic, appears to have been
that of Cordova (1570), where the Jesuits
had in process of time a magnificent
college. St. Francis Solano preached to
the Indians of Tucuman'and the Chaco
1 See his Life, in Enslisli. rerently pub-
lished, by Father VVilbertorce, O.S.D.
- Collect for St. liose's feast, Aug. 30.
mSSIOXS TO THE heathen missions to the heathen 641
in loSO, and converted a great number of
them.
The faith was brought into Central
America by Franciscans. Alfonso de
Betanfos preached both to Spaniards and
Indians in Costa Rica with great fruit
from 1560 to his death in 1566. Other
friars laWired successfully in Guatemala
during the last thirty years of the centuiy.
Some Autrustinian friars, headed by
Alfonso Gutierrez, went out to the
Philippine Islands in 1575 at the request
of Philip II., and began to preach to the
natives. Three years later they were
joined by a party of Franciscans under
the B. Pedro de Alfaro. In nine years
250,000 natives had embraced Chris-
tianity. At the present day, out of a
population variously estimated at from
live to nine millions, the vast majority
are Catholics ; and they have learnt the
arts of civilised life, along with the
doctrines of salvation, beneath the foster-
ing wing of the Church. It is lamentable
to compare with this picture the miserable
condition of the Maorie.s of New Zealand.
Victimised by half a dozen Protestant
sects, and unable to decide for themselves
which of the Christianities offered to
them was the true one, this brave and
gifted people, divided still more than
when they were heathens by the very
influence which should have united them,
have been unable to resist the corrupting
effects of the civilisation which has en-
folded them within its toils, and are now
rapidly perishing.
The first see in the Philippine Islands
was founded at Manila in 1581. This
was made metropolitan in 1621, and
three other sees have been since erected.
The Portuguese established their
power firmly on the west coast of India
about the beginning of the century, and
a see was founded at Goa in 15;J4. St.
Francis Xavier arrived in India in 1542 ;
he preached on the Fishery Coast, and in
Cochin, Madura, and Travancore, and
made many thousands of converts. These
were chiefly of low caste, or of no casle
at all ; Brahmin exclusiveuess and Mus-
sulman rancour strongly barred the way
against the spread of Christianity among
the upper classes of Indian society.
Japan received St. Francis, when he
landed at Cangoxima in 1549, with open
arms. The progress of Christianity was
extremely rapid, and kings and princes
embraced the faith ; and it seemed as if a
national conversion, like those of which
eai-lier ages afforded so many examples,
, were about to be effected. Gregory XIH.
I in 1585 forbade any missionaries other
I than Jesuits to preach the Gospel in
• Japan. About the same time a Japanese
embassy visited Rome. The sequel will
be told in the next section.
Seventeenth Century. — Xavier had
desired to carry the Gospel into China,
but he died in the neighbouring isle of
Sancian (1552) without having set foot
in the empire. Towards 1600 some
Jesuit Fathers entered China, but little
effect was produced till after Father Ricci
had made his way to Pekin (1602) and
conciliated the goodwill of the emperor.
The scientific attainments of Ricci, and,
after him, of the Fathers Schall, Verbiest,
&c., were what won from the imperial
house respect for them, and some degree
of toleration for the Chinese converts.
There are said to have been 300,000
Catholics in China in 1663. But several
causes combined to overcloud this bright
prospect: (1) the dispute about the Chinese
ceremonies between the Jesuit and the
Dominican missiouers Xhixese Rites] ;
(2) the persecution, more or less connected
with this dispute, raised by the Govern-
ment against the Chriz^tians towards the
middle of the eighteenth centurv ; (3) the
suppression of the Society of Jesus ; and
(4) the French Revolution, which para-
lysed the missionary energy of the chief
Catholic nation for many yeiirs. Within
the last fifty years gi-eat etl'orts have been
made to regain the ground lost. China is
now divided into tliirty-six sees, under
vicars-apostolic, and the total number of
Catholics can be little less than a million.
Numerous conversions occur each year in
almost every one of the " Chretient^s,"
or Christian settlements, which are
planted thickly in every province of the
vast empire.
The Seminary "des Missions Etran-
geres," founded in 1663 in the Rue du
Bac, Paris, has carried on ever since,
chiefly in Eastern countries, a great work
of evangelisation.
In the course of this century mis-
sionaries belonging to various orders,
chiefiy Dominicans and Jesuits, carried
the Gospel to Tonquin, Cochin-China,
Camboja, Siam, Malaysia, and Burmah,
countries which all lie within the Indo-
Chinese peninsida. The later history of
these missions has been of the usual
chequered character. In Tonquin and
Cochiu-China there have been prolonged
persecutions and frequent martyrdoms.
At the present day these countries are
I T
■€42 MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN
governed by twelve vicars-apostolic, and
the number of Catholics contained in
them may be roughly estimated at
280,000.1
Canada and Acadia (Nova Scotia)
were colonised by France early in the
seventeenth century; the first bishop's
see was founded at Montreal in 1659.
The Jt'suit Fathers Brebeuf, Jogues,
Lallemant, and Daniel converted the
Hurons to Christianity. But the enemies
of France instigated the Iroquois to
attack the Hurons ; all the above-named
missionaries met with violent deaths, and
the Hurons were nearly exterminated.
Acadia was ceded to England in 1713,
and Canada in 1763. The French-speak-
ing:' pnpnlai ion of Lower Canada has
renin humI ( 'atlnilic, and the efforts of the
nii^siDiiarics Lave secured for the Chui'ch
the large floating half-caste population
of " voyageurs " and traders, besides con-
verting many of the Indian tribes which
roam over the surface of British North
America.
In India, the Jesuit Nobili (1606),
assuming the dress and customs of a
Brahmin, and not associating with
persons of inferior caste, made a con-
siderable impression. The B. John
de Britto, also a Jesuit, addressed him-
self to the lower castes, and is said to
have converted 8,000 idolators ; he gave
his life for the faith. The flourishing
Christianity of Ceylon, evangeliseil partly
by Franciscans, partly by tlip Yen. Jos(5 |
Yaz, of theGoaOi-atory,and othi^r Fathers |
of the same congregation, was injured and ■
retarded by the Dutch after 'they had
dislodo-ed (m.-.O) the Portuguese from
the island. Whm Ceylon fell into British
hands equity was better observed, and I
at the present day there are 400,000
Catholics, governed by an archbishop and
two bisliops.
The policy of British rule in India,
with other causes, has tended to keep
Clnistianity stationary, and at this day
the total number of Christians in British
India is said to be less than one million.
Of tliese, about 250,000 are believ.-d to lie
Europeans or Eurasians (half-cast es). Of
the remainder about 534,000 are found
in tlie Madras Presidency, and of these
about 4ir,,0f)0, or four-fifths nearly, are
"returned as Roman Catholics."^ In
the Native States the Christians number
about 700,000. Concerning these we
1 Duraiid, Missions Franfaises, ch. vii.
^ Parkmaii, The Jesuits in North America,
» £nc!/cl. Brit. 9th ed. « India."
MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN
have not met with creed returns, but
there is no doubt that the great majority
are Catholics.*
The Goa schism arose in the following
manner. When the see of Goa was
founded in 1534, a treaty was signed
between Portugal and the Holy See,
giving to the king of that country the
right of patronage over the churches of
India on certain conditions. After their
power on the Malabar coast liad been
displaced by that of the Dutch, and the
circumstances were consequently changed,
the Portuguese still refused to recog-
nise the action of the Holy See in en-
trusting ecclesiastical interests in those
regions to clergy of non-Portuguese
nationality. A long and painful history
is connected with these disputes, and the
schism is not entirely healed to this day.
The Indian missions were reorganised bv
Gregory XVI., who in 1840, Portugal
having notoriously failed or become
unable to fulfil its part of the contract,
suppressed the original bull of patronage.
In 1886 an Indian hierarchy was esta-
blished by Leo XIH., containing the
eight provinces of Goa, Colombo, Verapoh,
Pondich^ry, Madras, Bombay, Agra, and
Calcutta.
In Japan, where a considerable section
of the people had become Christians, the
Government took the alarm, and com-
menced to persecute about the end of the
sixteenth century. Xogim became tai-
cosama, or supreme temporal ruler, in
1615, and from that time to his death in
1650 pursued a settled plan of extermi-
nation. In this he was aided by the
selfish policy of the Dutch, who assisted
him in putting down the revolt of the
Christians of a large district, whom the
persecution had driven to despair. About
1650 there were but few professed Chris-
tians left. When, however, after Japan
was opened to Europeans a few years
ago, the Catholic missioners returned,
they found interesting proofs of the sur-
vival of a pure Christianity among a
considerable number of the people. A
hierarchy has lately heen established, con-
sisting of one archbishopric (Yeddo) and
three bishoprics. The number of Catho-
lics is about 50,000.
Eightceyith Century. — The celebrated
Jesuit missions, or "Reductions," in
Paraguay attained their greatest develop-
ment in the first half of this century.
' According to Werner {Orbit Terrarum
Catholicui, cap. xxiii.), the numlier of Catholics
in the whole of India is about l,.iO0,OOO.
MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN mSSIOXS TO THE HEATHEN 64-?
The Jesuits had obtained permission '
from the King of Spain to isolate their |
Indianconverts in the settlements founded
by them, and to manajre their aftairs i
independently of the colonial adminis-
tration. A group of theocratic com- [
munities was thus formed in the plains
of the Parana and Uruguay, in each of
which the clergy were at once the
spiritual and temporal rulers of their [
flocks ; in which crime was almost un-
kno-wn, and industry universal; and a
community of goods was established as |
in the Apostolic age. The Indians "in
medium quierebant " ; the crops which
they raised were thrown into a common
stock, and divided by the clergy among
the different households ; not that this
was regarded as a permanent arrange-
ment, but only as that most suitable for
the new Christians at the actual stage of
mental and moral development which
they had reached. The converts after a ;
time displayed an extraordinary talent \
for imitating any kind of handicraft, j
mechanism, or artistic workmanship.
The eyes of aU the philanthropists of
Europe were turned upon this new ex-
periment in human education. Unfortu- \
nately the hostility of the colonists, the
transfer of the territory of Uruguay from j
Spain to Portugal, the malignant policy \
of Pombal, and finally the suppression of '
the Society of Jesus, brought utter de-
struction on a work than which the whole ,
history of evangelic enterprise presents
nothing more suggestive and encouraging.
Xirtiteenth Coituri/.—ln 1822 the
" Work of the Propagation of the Faith "
was established at Lyons, with a view to
assisting in the establishment and support
of foreign missions. It was computed
that in the first fifty years of its existence
the Church had received, by the instru-
mentality of the missions connected with
this society, an accession of about 700,000
neophytes. It distributes at the present
time an income exceeding 200,000/. a
year.
By the exertions of the present Arch-
bishop of Westminster (Dr. Vaughan)
" St. Joseph's College of the Sacred Heart
for Foreign Missions," the chief object of
which is to educate missioners to preach to
the heathen, was foimded a few years ago
at Mill Hill, near London. Its mission-
aries already occupy important fields of
work in the Madras Presidency of India
and Borneo, besides the negro missions
in the United States.
Great efi'orts have been made in recent
years for the extension of the Gospel in
Africa. Besides the titular sees in Algeria
there are vicariates, administered by
bishops, which embrace the greater part;
of the seaboard all round the continent,
and also the newly-founded vicariate of
Central Africa, of which its bishop. Mgr.
Comboni, fixed the seat at El Obeid, in
Kordofan. ^See Afeicax CnnicH.]
In Oceania there are, besides twenty-
three flourishing dioceses, fourteen vicar-
iates-apostolic, most of which are of re-
cent creation. When the Catholic mis-
sionaries have not been interfered with
(as in the Gambier Islands, Easter Island,
and Marquesas Islands) the native popu-
lation has sometimes embraced Christian-
ity en masse ; but in numerous instances
the work has been, and is, made difiicult
by the opposition of Wesleyans, Baptists,
and other sectaries.
The supreme direction of all Catholic
missions rests with the Sacred Congrega-
tion of Propaganda "PKOrAGA^rDi].
It seems desirable to add a few lines
on the missionary labours of the last
few years, up to the commencement of
1892:
In Europe, we note the restoration of
an ofiScial and recognised Catholicism at
Geneva, where the Federal government
has allowed the see from which the late
Mgr. MermiUod was expelled to be re-
occupied by the present bishop. Mgr.
Deruaz.
The northern kingdoms have become
more favourable to Catholicism than has
been the case since the Eeformation. The
Catholic population of Copenhagen now
numbers several thousands. Members of
religious orders expelled from France and
Italy have been welcomed in Sweden,
Norway, and Denmark.
In North America, great progress has
been made in the various missions in the
conversion of the Indian tribes. Accord-
ing to a statement in the " Missions Catho-
liques '' of Lyons (quoted in " Illustrated
Catholic Missions for August 1890), the
number of Christians in British North
America, which was 137,000 at the be-
ginning of the century, exceeded two
millions in 1890.
In Asia, the record is of a mixed
nature ; with much that is cheering
there is joined much that is of a sadden-
ing and disquieting character. In China,
where Christianity is of so longstanding,
and is found in every province of the
empire, there has been, and is, much
persecution and hindrance, caused, not
X I 2
644 MISSIONS TO THE HEATHEN
MITRE
by the direct orders of the central go-
vernment (which, 80 far as words and
edicts go, is tolerant enough), but by
the open animosity of the literate class,
and the veiled hostility of the mandarins.
The literates, i.e. the educated middle
clasj, do not so much hate Christianity
on its own account, as in fear of the
foreign and Western influences associated
with it, by which they think their
national independence is threatened.
Such events as the destruction of the
ancient Burmese monarchy, and the
French annexation of Tonquin — both
countries being on the very borders of
China — natui-ally fill the Chinese, who
are thorough patriots in their way, with
a dread of Europe and all that comes
from Europe.
In Japan, Leo XUT. established in
1891 the ecclesiastical hierarchy, with
the archbishop of Tokio as metropolitan,
and the bishops of Niigasaki, Osaka, and
Hukodadi, as his sulFragans. But Catho-
licism has not the field to itself; the
various Protestant bodies, and the Rus-
sian church, are continually labouring to
add to their proselytes, and extend their
influence.
In India the movement towards Chris-
tianity, esi^ecially in Madura, and in the
districts (Chota Xagpore, Orissa, &c.)
round Calcutta, has been very decided
within the last few years. See "La
Mission Beige du Bengale Occidental,"
Brussels, lf>90. In Annam and Tonquin
the losses caused by persecution and
famine are being rapidly made good;
and when the French have put down the
brigandage which in Tonquin is still
powerful for mischief, it is probable that
the movement in favour of Christianity
wUl take a strong hold of the genersil
population.
In Africa the energy of Card. Lavi-
gerie, archbishop of Algiers, has founded
and supported a body of missioners,
known as the " White Fathers," for
carrj'ing the Gospel to the tribes of the
Sahara, the dark races of the Soudan,
and to nations still further South. These
missioners are settled on the shores and
islands of the Lakes Victoria Is yanza and
Tanganika, and elsewhere. Tlie "Brother-
hood of the Sahara," a lay institute, was
founded by the Cardin.'d, in order by
degrees to irrigate and cultivate the
Sahara, thus making the proceedings of
the slave traders more difficult.
The mission of the Lazarists to
Abyssinia, presided over by Mgr. Crouzet,
now numbers 30,000 Christiana. It ha«
a school at Keren, which turns out excel-
lent interpreters, the services of whom
are in great demand.
Mgr. Chausse, whose residence is
usually at Lagos, was consecrated last
year at Lyons for the Vicariate Apostolic
of Benin.
The Fathers of the Holy Ghost, from
their establishments at Bagamoyo, oppo-
site Zanzibar, continue to direct a great
converting and civilising work, the extent
and importance of which are ever in-
creasing.
The Congo, of which only the lower
course was known twenty years ago, has
missions now established on many points
of its vast stream. The Upper Congo is
in the hands of Belgian missioners : for
French Congo, governed by M. de Brazza,
a bishop has been lately appointed in the
person of Mgr. Augouard ; and the Lower
Congo has been formed into a Praefecture
Apostolic.
Another Praefecture is South Africa,
or Cimbebasia ; it includes Daiuaralaud
and Xamaqualand in the new German
protectorate, north of the Orange River,
Bechuanaland, a British protectorate, and
the Kalahari desert.
In Madagascar a cathedral was inau-
gurated at Tananarive, the capital, last
year.
According to the statement in " Lea
Missions Cath.,"' quoted above, the African
CathoUc missions, which contained 48,000
Christians in 1800, contained 362,000 in
1890.
[Henrion, "Hist, des Miss. Cath.";
Durand, " Miss. Cath. Fran^aises " ;
Wetzer and Welte, passim; Fleury,
"Hist. Eccl. "; "Dublin Review," Jan.
1879; "Illustrated Catholic Missions,"
1890-1-2 ; " Annals of the Propagation
of the Faith," 1887-1892; "Atlas des
. Missions," French ed., 188G, Friburg;
i this is a most useful publication, compiled
bv the Rev. Father Werner, S.J. ; " Orbis
; Terrarum Catholicus," 1890, by the
same.l
iviiTBE {Mitra, infula). A head-
dress worn by bishops, abbots, and in
certain cases by other distinguished
ecclesiastics. Mitra (jiirpa) is used in
Greek and Latin for the turban which
was worn by women, and among the
Asiatics, specially Phrygians, by men.
It had no connection with religious rites.
On the other hand, a band (infula)
was worn by heathen priests and by the
sacrificial victims. The Jewish priests
MITRE
MIXED MARRIAGES 045
•wore a cap (ny33p; KtBapis in the LXX)
of uucertaiu form, though the root points
to a round shape, and the high priest
& turhan (nSJ>'P), fiom a root meaning
" to wind " (in LXX, Ki'Sapts and fi'iTpa),
with a plate of gold on the front
; LXX, nernXov ; Vulg. " lamina "),
inscribed with the words " Holiness to
the Lord." The Vulgate uses "mitra"
for the high priest's head-dress (Ecclus.
xlv. 14), and for the priest's (Exod. xxix.
{) ; Levit. viii. 13). It is certain, however,
that the early Church did not adopt the
head-dress of the Jewi,sh priesthood and
transfer it to her own priests or chief
priests. Polycrates of Ephesus, indeed,
writing about 100 (apud Euseb. " H. E."
V. 24) sayt ot St. John the Evangelist
that he " became a priest, having worn the
plate (n-eVaXoi')," and Epiphauius (Haer.)
about 380, makes a similar statement
about St. James, except that he makes it
in St. James's case a mark of his Jewish,
not his Christian, priesthof d, for he says
he was allowed both to wear the niTaXov
and enter the Holy of Hohes. This
accovmt of Epiphanius is evidently legen-
dary, for on what possible ground could
the authorities of the Temple treat James
as high priest? Bishop l.ightfoot (see
also Routh, " Rell. Sacr." ii. p. 28) is pro-
bably justified in re^iardiiig the language
of Polycrates on St. John's "plate" as
metaphorical. But, in any case, such a
" plate " auswers to no vestment now in
use ; and even if we could translate it
" mitre " (as we cannot), this use by St.
John stands quite by itself. It would
have been his custom, not that of the
Church. *
Hefele, who treats the above notices
of St. John and St. James as mere legends,
contends, nevertheless, that there are
clear traces of mitres used as part of the
official ecclesiastical costume from the
fourth century. After carefully consider-
ing the proofs which he alleges, we can
see no reason for abandoning the judg-
ment of Menard, the learned Benedictine
editor of St. Gregory's Sacramentarj-, viz.
that for the first thousand years of her
history there was no general use of mitres
in the Church. All Hefele's references
can, we think, be explained as poetical or
metaphorical. And, on the other hand,
Hefele himself allows that no Sacramen-
tary or Ritual-book before 1000 a. d. men-
tions the mitre, much less the bishop's
investment with it at consecration, though,
in a Mass for Easter Sunday written
' before 980 the ornaments of a bishop are
enumerated. Again, liturgical writers,
such as Amalarius and Walafrid Strabo,
are silent on the subject. " It is not " —
we again quote from Hefele — "till the
eleventh century that representations
of popes, bishops, and abbots with the
mitre occur ; though from that time
onwards they are very numerous."
The use of the mitre seems to have
begun at Rome, and then to have spread
to other churches. Leo IX., in 1040,
gave the "Roman mitre" to the Arch-
bishop of Treves, and this is the earliest
instance known of such a concession.
Canons also, e.ff. at Bamberg, got leave
from Rome to wear the mitre on certain
feasts, and it was used by all cardinals
tiU, in 1245, the first Council of Lyons
sanctioned the cardinal's hat. According
to Gavantus (torn. i. 149), the first con-
cession of a mitre to an abbot was made
by Urban H. in 1091. The straight lines
and sharp point familiar to us in the
Gothic mitres first appear in works of
art of the thirteenth century. The
Italian mitre with its greater height and
curved hues came into use in the four-
teenth.
Bishops and abbots (if mitred) receive
the mitre from the consecrating bishop —
a ceremony, as Catalani shows, of late
introduction. The " Ca?rimoniale Epi-
scoporum " distinguishes the " precious
mitre," adorned with jewels and made of
gold or silver plate ; the " mitra auri-
phrygiata," without precious stones (it
may, however, be ornamented with
pearls) and of gold cloth {e.r tela aurea) :
the "plain mitre" (mitra simple.r) of silk
or linen and of white colour. The bishop
always uses the mitre if he carries the
pastoral staff. Inferior prelates who are
allowed a mitre must confine themselves
to the simple mitre, unless in case of
an express concession by the Pope
("Manuale Decret." 870). The Greeks
have no mitre. The Armenians have
adopted a kind of mitre for bishops and
a bonnet for priests since the eleventh
century. (Hefele, "Beitrage," vol. ii.;
Gavantus, Bona, "Rernm Lit." lib. i. ;
Catalani on the " Poutifiear' ; Menard on
St. Gregory's Sacrameutary. Innocent ITI.
gives mystical meanings to the mitre and
its parts — e.g. the two horns are the two
testaments ; the strings, the spirit and the
letter, &c.).
MIXED lUARRXACES are mar-
riages between persons of ditlerent reli-
gions. A marriage between a baptised
646 MIXED MAEEIAGES
MONK
and unbaptised person is invalid ; one
between a Catholic and a person of
another communion — e.g. a Protestant —
is valid, but, unless a dispensation has
been obtained from the Pope or his dele-
gate, unlawful. This explanation has
been already given in the article on the
iMrEDiMENTS OF Mareiage. But it will
be useful to say something here on the
legislation of the Church on marriages
between Catholics and other Christians
not Catholics.
(1) Benedict XIV. (Instruction on
Marriages in Holland, 1741. Encyclical,
" MagnsB nobis ") has declared the
Church's vehement repugnance to such
unions, on the ground that they are not
likely to be harmonious, that they ex-
pose the Catholic party and the children
to danger of perversion, that they are apt
to produce indifference, &c., &c.
(2) He says the Church has permitted
them for very grave reasons, and generally
in the case of royal personages ; but even
then on condition that the Catholic party
be free to practise his or her religion,
and that a promise be given that the
children of either sex be brought up
Catholics.
(3) Increasing intercourse between
Catholics and Protestants made such mar-
riages far more frequent, and the condi-
tions insisted on by Benedict XIV. were
neglected. In Silesia a law of the State
in 1803 required the children of mixed
marriages to be brought up in the religion
of the father. In England, till very
recent times, there was a common arrange-
ment by which the boys were brouglit up
in the father's, the girls in the mother's,
religion ; and neither in Silesia (see Her-
genrother, " Kirchengeschichte," vol. ii. p.
856 sey.) nor in England did the Catholic
clergy, as a rule, oppose this state of
things. An attempt was made by the
Prussian Government in ISi'S to intro-
duce the law which prevailed in Silesia
and the other Eastern provinces to the
Rhineland and Westphalia ; and this
order of the Cabinet was accepted by
Von Spiegel, archbishop of Cologne, and
also, though with some scruple, by the
Bishops of Paderborn, Miinster, and
Treves. This led Pius VIII. and Gregory
XVI. to declare a mixed marriage, when
it was not under,>-tood that the children
of either sex should be brought up
Catholics, contrary to the "natural and
divine law." Otherwise, the priest could
take no part in the celebration. In
extreme cases, and to avoid greater evils,
he might passively assist at the contract;,
but more the Pope himself could not
permit. Obedience to these Papal briefs
led to the imprisonment of Droste von
Vischering, the new archbishop of
Cologne, in 1837, and to that of the
Archbishop of Posen in 1839. The
bishops, even those who had once been of
a different mind, steadfastly adhered to the
Papal regulations. One exception, how-
ever, must be mentioned. The Prince-
Bishop of Breslau resigned his see in
1840 rather than submit, and became a
Protestant. He died in 1871. Under
the good king William IV. peace was
gradually restored between Church and
State.
(4) In England, as elsewhere, the fol-
lowing is the present law. If a Catholic
and Protestant desire to marry, they
must promise to comply with the condi-
tions given above. Then, if the bishop
is satisfied that some grave reason for the
marriage exists, he may grant a dispensa-
tion, and the marriage is then celebrated
in the Catholic Church. But the nuptial
benediction is not permitted. As the
Anglican clergy are no longer the obli-
gatory registrars for civil recognition, no
repetition of the ceremony in the Esta-
blished Church is now tolerated.
moKiN-xsivi. [See Grace.]
nxoxzM-os. [See Quietism.]
JVIONASTERXES, Suppression of.
[See Suppression.]
MOM-ASTER-s-. [See OoirvENT ;
Monk.]
ncoio'x (A.-S. munuc, through the
Lat. monachus, Gr. fxavaxos, "sohtary").
The ascetics of the first Christian age
have been already described [Ascet^].
They did not, as a rule, separate them-
selves from men, but in the world practised
a rigid mortification, and aimed at ful-
filling the counsels of perfection. Mona-
chism commenced in Egypt. In the
middle of the third century the persecu-
tion of Decius caused many fervent Chris-
tians to leave the cities and flee into the
deserts, there to find that freedom in the
divine service which human laws denied
them. For a long time they lived apart,
each in his own cell, supporting them-
selves by daily labour. The anchorites
or hermits [Hermits] were those who
specially desired solitude ; of these St.
Paul was the founder. St. Anthony,
whose life embraces more than a hundred
years (250-356), chose for a time absolute
solitude, but in his later years he allowed
a number of disciples to gather round
MONK
MONOPIIYSITES
(347
him, who, though living- each .apart, were
eager to profit by the depth and wisdom
of nis advice, and ready to practise what-
ever rules he might impose. Thus St.
Antony was the t'oiuuler of Monachism,
although the ca;nol>itic life, which has
hoen a characteristic of nearly all the
monks of later times, had not yet ap-
peared. Of this, St. Pachomiusisregarded
as the originator, who, about a.d. 315,
built monasteries in the Thebaid. It is
easy to conceive bow the common life
should appear, under given conditions,
more suitable as a road to perfection than
the separate life How one might pass
into the other may be seen from a passage
in the " Orations " of St. Gregory Nazian-
zen.' Speaking of St. Athanasius taking
refuge with the coutemplatives of Egypt,
who, "withdrawing themselves from the
world, and embracing the wildemes.", live
to God," he says that, of these, "some,
practising a life absolutely solitary and
unsocial, converse with themselves and
God alone, knowing no more of the world
than they can become acquainted with
in the desert ; others, loving the law of
charity by way of intercourse (Koirui'ia),
at once men of solitude and men of society,
while dead to all other men and to worldly
affairs in general . . . are a world to one
another, and by comparison and contact
shai-pen one another's virtue." Hilarion,
a disciple of St. Antony, is said to have
been the first to introduce communities
of monks in Palestine: Eustathius of
Sebaste, in Armenia ; St. Basil, in Cappa-
docia. St. Athanasius, by making known
at Rome the story of the wonderful life of
St. Antony, is said to have caused a great
movement towards monasticism ; in the
time of St. Jerome the city had many
monasteries both of monks and nuns.
St. Martin was a strenuous \ipholder of
the ccenobitic life ; two celebrated French
monasteries, Marmoutier, near Tours, and
Ligug^, near Poitiers, were of his founda-
tion. The rule of St. Au.stin was perhaps
rather dpsigned for regular clerks than
for monks, who for a long time after their
institution were all laymen. At first it
was nearly true that every monastery
followed its own rule; gradually, how-
ever, the rule of St. Basil [Basilians]
obtained a preference, and, after its trans-
lation into Latin by Rutinus of Aquileia,
was largely adopted in the West. Mona-
chism lantruisbed in Italy in the fifth
tentury, owing to the irruptions of the
1 Or. 21.
barbarians ; in the sixth (529^, the strong
but gentle hand of St. Benedict of Xursia
raised it to a pedestal from which it has
never since beeu aethroned. [Benedic-
tines.' The Benedictine rule gradually
swallowed up all the others, being found
more suitable than any to the conditions
of life in Western Europe. For several
centuries no other rule was heard of. In
the tenth and eleventh centuries, the
Orders of Cluny, Camaldoli, the Char-
treuse, and Giteaux branched ofi' from the
parent stem. In the thirteenth century
appeared the friars ; in the sixteenth, the
Jesuits, Theatines, and other regular
clerks ; followed down to our own day
by the various congregations of bot'li
sexes, the members of which, luider their
several institutes, devote themselves to
the glory of God and the good of their
neighbour.
"ivxoiroPHYSZTES. The early his-
tory of the Mouopbysites, who held that
there was but one nature in Christ, and
were condemned at the General Council
of Chalcedon, has been given in a separate
article. [Chalcedon.] For two years,
Eudocia, the widow of Theodosius II.,
was averse to the Confession of Chalcedon,
and the monks in Palestine, counting on
her protection, drove Juvenal, the Patri-
arch, from his see. In Egypt, Proterius,
the orthodox successor of Dioscorus, was
murdered in 457 by the fanatical popu-
lace, headed by Timothy the Cat and
Peter the Stammerer, of whom the former
usurped the patriarchate, till driven out
by the troops of the Emperor Leo I. In
Antioch, another monk, Peter the Fuller,
overthrew the lawful patriarch, on his
refusal to insert the words, " "WTio was
crucified for us," in the Trisagion.
Scarcely were these Monophysite leaders
removed, when their party found a pro-
tector in the usurping Emperor Basiliscus
(475-477). Timothy the Cat and Peter
the Fuller recovered their .sees, and the
decision of Chalcedon was set aside in an
Imperial Encyclical.
The Catholics might have looked for
triumph when Zeno came to the throne.
The Bishop of Constantinople, Acacius,
had been hitherto orthodox, and Zeno re-
stored an orthodox Patriarch at Alexan-
dria— viz. Timothy Salifaciolus, succeeded
by Talaja. But the latter offended the
court and Bishop of Constantinople, and
Acacius leagued with Peter the Stam-
merer, who on the death of Timothy
the Cat became leader of the Egyptian
Monophysites, and Zeno hit on a com-
648 MONOPHYSITES
MONOTHETJTES
promise meant to unite Catholics and
Monophysites. His " Henoticon " of 482
condemned Nestorius and renewed the
anathemas of St. Cyril but ignored the
Council of Chalcedon, ordered preachers
to avoid the points of controversy between
Monophysites and their opponents, and
bade the churches confine themselves to
the Niceue Creed with the additions
made to it at Constantinople. Peter
the Fuller at Antiocli, Peter the Stam-
merer in Egypt, on the one hand, Acacius
of Constantinople on the other, accepted
these terms. But Rome would hear
nothing of the "Henoticon," and there
was a schism between East and West
from 484 to 519. Even at Constantinople
a powerful party, headed by monks,
Ivuowu as the Accemeti, rejected the
" Henoticon," and again many Monophy-
sites in Egypt abhorred it, fell away
from Peter the Stammerer, and formed
a separate sect, that of the Acephali.
Justin I. acknowledged the authority of
Chalcedon, and the Church of Constanti-
nople was once more in communion with
that of Rome.
From this time the Monophysites split
up into numerous sects. The Phtharto-
latrffi, or Severiaiis, fought with Aph-
thartolatrffi, or Juliauists, on the corrup-
tible or incorrujitible nature of Christ's
body. A subdivision of the latter held
that Christ's body since its union with the
AVord was increate; the Ctistolatrie were
of the contrary opinion. The Themistians,
or Agnoetaj, held that the human element
in Christ before His resurrection was
subject to ignorance. A iMonophysite
Aristotelian, Philnponus (6G0), argued
that the three Persons of the Trinity
•were three distinct individuals, and his
followers were known as Tritheists.
Other Monophysite sects are mentioned
by Petavius.
In 536 Armenia became Persian ; in
640 the Saracens became masters of
Egyjit ; and in these countries the Mono-
physites were of course freed from Byzan-
tine persecution. In Syria and Mesopo-
tamia they were harassed by Justinian,
but their cause was nuiintaiued by the
zeal of the beL'gai -monk, Jacobus Zan-
galus, called 1^1 liaradai. In all these
countries Monopbysifechurches still exist.
Tiiey are re])resented (1 ) by the Armenian
National CIuutIi : CJ) by the Jacobite
Christians of Syria and Mesopotamia; (3)
the ( 'optic Church ; (4) the Abyssinian
Churcii. The Schismatic Christians of
Sf. Thomas are now connected with the
Jacobites. All these sects are described
under separate articles. (Hefele, "Con-
cil." vol. ii. For an elaborate account of
the Monophysite divisions, see Petavius,
"De Incarnat." I. cap. 16, 17.)
MOxroTHEXiZTES. A name given
to those who held that Christ had only
one will. "One will," "one operation,"
of the Word made Flesh, were t he watch-
words of their party. They argued, there
is but one Person in Christ, therefore a
single will, and a single operation. The
Catholic doctrine, on the other hand, is
that there are two natures, and therefore
two operations and two wills in Christ.
The will is a faculty of the nature, and
if Christ had no human will He caimot
have been true man. He remains for ever
God and Man, in two distinct natures;
each nature operates in the way proper to
itself, Nature being the principle of opera-
tion ; there are therefore two operations
and two wills in Christ, the one Divine,
the other humau, although these wills
are in perfect harmony with each other —
since the human will of Christ follows,
and is perfectly subject to, His Divine
will. That Christ had two wills is im-
plied in Luke xxii. 42, John v. 30, where
He distinguishes His own (human) will
from that of the Father, which is one
with Christ's Divine will. Thus, Pope
Agatho's synodal letter, accepted at the
Sixth General Council — the Third of
Constantinople — defines that Christ has
" two natural wills, without division,
change, partition, confusion, not contrary
to each other, but the human will fol-
lowing and subject to the Divine." We
may here add that Catholic theologians
distinguish three kinds of operation in
Christ ; those which are purely Divine —
e.;/. creation, preservation of His creatures,
&c. ; those which are purely humau, eat-
ing and drinking, weeping, &c. ; those in
which each nature acts — the Divine, as
the principal, the human, as the instru-
mental cause — e.</. raising the dead, giving
sight to the blind, &c. The last are
called theandric (d(6i,avr]p) actions. We
proceed to the history of the heresy.
Heraclius (610-041) naturally desired
the reconciliation of Monophysites and
Catholics, for the Persians had pressed
forward to the Hellespont, and there was
urgent need to unite the Christians of the
I'.mpire as one man against them. In
622, Heraclius, in an interview with Paul,
the head of the Armenian Monophysites,
suggested the form "one energy," as a
means of reconciling the contending
MONOTHELITES
MONTAXISTS 649
parties. He made use of the same ex-
pedient, taught him probably bv Sergius
of Constantinople, in 626, when he tried
to etiect a union between Cyrus, Catholic
bishop of Phasis, and Athanasius, the
Jacobite patriarch. When Cyrus became
Patriarch of Alexandria, he taught in
nine Ke(f>a\aia that Christ, because His
two natures were united in one Person,
^'performed Divine and human acts by
Cine theandric operation (i.e. by one opera-
tion at once Divine and human) according
to St. Dionysius " {i.e. Pseudo-Dionysius
the Are(^pagite). Sophronius, a monk of
Palestine, when at Alexandria, tried to
teep Cyrus from publishing these K((f>d-
Xaia, and also opposed the Monothelite
doctrine at Constantinople. Soon after,
Sophronius was raised to the patriarchate
of Jerusalem, and continued to oppose the
union which had been efi'ected with a
section of the Monophysites — viz. the
Theodosians. Cyrus and Sergius, occu-
pying the two great sees of Alexandria
and Constantinople, vigorously supported
the Monothelite compromise, and the
latter tried to enlist Pope Honorius on
the same side — with what measure of
success has been shown in a separate
article. 'See HoxoBirs.] On the other
hand, the" Catholic doctrine was clearly
formulated by the Synod of Jerusalem,
which met under Sophronius, in 634.
Three years later Jerusalem was taken
by the S;u-acens, and shortly afterwards ^
Sophronius died. In 638 Honorius, too, i
was gone, and a new phase of the con- I
troversy began.
In 638 Heraclius gave his imperial ,
authority to an Ecthesis or exposition of ,
tlie faith composed by Sergius. This
document forbade either phrase " one " or j
^'two energies," but affinned " one will" |
in Christ. The Ecthesis was supported
by Pyrrhus and Paul, successors of Sergius ,
at Constantinople, and by two councils j
held there iu 638 and 639; but it was [
o])i>osed throughout the West, and con- |
demned by the Popes John IV. and Theo-
dore, Paul of Constantinople being excom-
municated by the latter Pope. Moreover,
the orthodox doctrine found a powerful
champion in the abbot Maximus, formerly
secretary of Herachus, then abbot of
Chrysopolis, who was active in defence of
the Catliolic doctrine in Africa (the par-
ticular place is uncertain), where he held
a dispute with PyiThus, and at Rome.
The Emperor Constans IT. withdrew the j
Ecthesis and enforced upon the empire
under strict4|>enaltie8 another document, |
known ae the Type, which forbade aU
discussion of the number either of the
energies or the wills. But in the Lateran
synod of 649 Pope Martin I. condemned
both Type and Ecthesis, and anathema-
tised the Monothelite leaders. Martin
was seized, finally banished to the Cher-
sonnese, where, after enduring much
misery, he died in 655. Maximus also
died in banishment after cruel maltreat-
ment in 662. An approach to peace
between Rome and Constantinople was
made about this time, but it was not
concluded till Constantine Pogonatus
(66t-68o) in union with Pope Agatho
convoked the Third General Council of
Constantinople. It met in 680, detined
the existence of two wills in Christ and
anathematised Sergius, Cyrus, Honorius,
Pyrrhus, Paul, &c. The presiding Papal
legates signed the decrees, which were
confirmed by Pope Leo II. So ended the
last great dogmatic dispute in the East.
It was only in a comer of Asia — viz. in
the fastnesses of Lebanon — that the Mono-
thelite doctrine lingered. The adherents
of this doctrine gathered round the
monastery of St. Maro, acknowledged its
abbot as their head, and persevered in
their isolation till, during the Cru-ades,
they were reconciled to the Church.
[See Maeoitites." (Hefele, " ConcU."
vol. iii.)
inoK'STR.aNCE. From the Latin
monstrare, to show ; " the vessel in which
the Blessed Sacrament is exposed at
Benediction or carried in procession. It
has a large stem and base like a chalice,
and the upper portion is generally
fashioned to represent rays issuing from
the host as a central sun. At first it was
constructed like the turrets in which the
Blessed Sacrament was anciently exposed,
and various other designs are employed.
^Yhen F^nelon's quietism was condemned
by the Holy See he had a splendid
monstrance made, the lower part of
which represented angels trampling on
bad books, one of which bore the title of
Fenelon's own work, "Maxims of the
Saints." The origin of the monstrance is
traced back to the institution of the
festival of Corpus Christi (q. v.). It is
also called Ostessoeiitji, from the Latin
ostendere, and often, incorrectly, Eemon-
ttrance.
BKOM'TAM'XSTS. The earlier writers
call them the men of Phrygia " (oi koto
*pi'7aj) because Montanus belonged to
that cotmtry, and it was at Pepuza that
he and two women, Maximilla and Pris-
650 MOXTAXISTS
MORAL THEOLOGY
cilia, claimed to exercise prophetic gifts. !
The great importance of the movement is 1
shown by the facts that Tertullian, the
ablest of the Ante-Nicene Fathers except
Origen, was won over to Montanism ;
that Claudius Apollinaris, Miltiades, and
Rhodon exerted themselves against it; I
that the first councils of the Church were |
lield in the middle of the second century I
to stem its progress in Asia Minor ; and
that three bishops of Rome, Soter, Eleu-
therus, and (probably) Victor, pronounced
themselves against it — the last, according
to Tertullian, after some hesitation (Ter-
tuU. "Adv. Prax." 1). Montanus, if we
mny believe the report mentioned by
Euseb. (" H. E." V. Ki), hanged himself,
and so did iVJaximilla. The power of
Montanism did not outlast the second
century, but adherents of the sect are
mentioned even in edicts of Justinian and
Leo the Isaurian.
Montanism was a reaction against a
change which necessarily occurred as the
number of Christians increased, as the
extraordinary gifts, prophecy and the like,
became very rare, and there was no sign
of our Lord's coming to close at once the
fortunes of the world and the Churcli.
It was this speedy coming of Christ
which the new prophets announced ; it
was the belief in its nearness which they
endeavoured to revive, " After me," said
Maximilla (Epiphan. "Heer." xlviii. 2),
"there will be no longer a prophetess, but
the consummation." The prophets had
already seen a miraculous representation
of Christ's descent from heaven (Tertull.
"Adv. Marc." iii. 24). It was time, then,
for Christians to breakutterly with a world
which would ere long break with them.
The concessions which the Apostles even
had made to human weakness were to be
allowed no longer. The Paraclete liad
appeared in the prophets and inaugurated
tlie last and most perfect stage in the
development of the Church ("De Virg.
Veland." 1). The new discipline now in
force made second marriages unlawful
(Tertull. "Adv. Marc." i. 29, and "De
Monog." and " Exhort. Castit." through-
out) ; made the fasts of the Stations
obligatory, and prolonged the fast till the
evening, whereas with the Catholics it
ended at 3 p.m. (" De Jejun." 10); and
imposed two weeks (.Saturdays and Sun-
days excepted) of "xerophagy" — i.e. of
abstinence from flesh-meat, wine, dainties
of all sorts, and the bath {ib. 16). No
flight in persecution was lawful ("De
Fuga," 6). But the most serious djfi'er-
ence between Montanists and Catholics
arose from their diflerent views on abso-
lution. In the "De Pudicitia" Tertullian
combats the claim of the Roman bishop
to pardon grievous sinners and restore
them to the peace of the Church. He
argues that tliis power belonged to the
Apostles personally, just as the grace of
miracles did, but denies that it was trans-
mitted to their successors. God alone
could forgive sins, and though, no doubt,
He might declare His will through the
prophets, and enable the Church to ab-
solve from adultery, &c., as a matter of
fact the Paraclete had said through the
prophets, "The Church can pardon
crimes, but I will not do so, lest they
commit more crimes " (" Pudic." 21).
"Psychici," or "animal men," is the
name the Montanists gave to Catholics ;
" spiritual men " was the title they
claimed for themselves.
Except on the power of the Keys
there was no dogmatic difference between
Montanists and the Church. Tertullian
speaks of the Paraclete as inaugurating
new discipline, not new doctrine (" D&
Pud." 11), and the author of the " Philo-
sophumena " (viii. 19) expressly says the
Montanists held Catholic doctrine, and
only attributes Sabellian ' error to some
of them (rivis avroiv rrj raiv SorjTiavwv
alpecrei (Tvvridifxtvoi, (c.r.A.). As the
Gnostics undermined the dogma, so the
Montanists the discipline of the Church.
The one set individual wisdom and in-
tellect, the other individual holiness and
devotion, against the claim of ecclesias-
tical authority. And thus it is that
Gnostici.sm and Montanism are two great
factors in the development of the Catholic
Church. The opposition which they oc-
casioned led the Church to assert explicitly
her double claim — her claim to teach the
absolute truth on the one hand ; to try
the spirits and restore the sinner on the
other. [Schwegler's work on Montanism
— Tiibingen, 1841 — led to a more intel-
ligent appreciation of the subject. Baur
has given an interesting summary of his
views in his " Kirchengeschichte, p. 237
seq. But the best and most careful
account, so far as we know, is that of
Rit?chl, " Entstehung der Altkatholischen
Kirche," pp. 462 seq7\
MOHAI, THX:ox.oC7 is the science
1 "Patripnssian" would be more accurate. No
one could be more opposed to such an error than
Tertullian. The general orthodoxy of the
Montanists is further attested by Finiiilian, Ad
Cyp. and Epiphan, Haer. xlviii. 1.
MORAL THEOLOGY
MORAL THEOLOGY 651
of the laws which regulate duty. It is
distingui:«hed from moral philosophy, or
ethics, which is concerned with the
principles of right and wrong, and with
their application, so far only as they can
be discovered from the light of nature ;
whereas moral theology estimates the
moral character of actions by their con-
formity, or want of conformity, not only
to the natural standard of ethics, but also
to the Christian revelation and positive
law of the Church. It is different from
dogmatic theolojry, which investigates
the truths of revelation, their connection
with each other, and the conclusions
which may be drawn from them ; moral
theology, on the other hand, looks
primarily to duty and practice, not to
speculative truth ; it considers faith as a
moral obligation, and the truths of faith
as principles of conduct. But perhaps
we shall give a better, if a less scientific,
idea of moral theology by describing it
as the science of priests sitting in the
confessional, the science which enables
them to distinguish right from wrong,
mortal sin from venial sin, counsels of
perfection from strict obligation, and so
to administer the sacrament of Penance.
Indeed, it is because moral theology has
arisen from the wants and is adapted to
the needs of priests in the confessional,
Ijecause it is directed to the solution of
cases more or less likely to occur, that
treatises on the subject are mostly de-
ficient in scientific unity. They draw
from philosophers and dogmatic theolo-
gians, canon and civil law, ascetical and
liturgical authors, vtc.,the material which
a priest wants that he may know when
to give, when to refuse, absolution, what
conditions he is to exact from his peni-
tents, how he is to advise and exhort
them.
In the first centuries of the Church
{lublic penance was in force. This was
regulated by the canons : much less was
left to the judgment of the bishop or the
priest, and therefore there was no pressing
need for compendiums of moral theology.
The administration of the sacrament of
Penance was regulated by conciliar de-
cisions or by collections of penitential
canons, such as those attributed to St.
Gregory Thaumaturgiis, St. Peter of
Alexandria, St. Basil, and St. Gregory
Xyssen. From the seventh ' to the
thirteenth century the use of penitential
1 They were introduced rather earlier in
the East; see the article on Pexitentiai,
Books.
books prevailed in the Latin Church —
that is to say, from the whole body of
decrees, canons, and sentences, those
things which pertained to the sacrament
of Penance were gathered in one book,
known as " Extracts from the Canons of
the Fathers for the Healing of Souls,"
"On Remedies for Sins," or, simply,
"Penitential Book." In the thirteenth
century moral theology arose. Up to that
time the confessor had'to be guided purely
by his own reason and the authority of
ecclesiastical decisions contained in his
" Penitential Book." But now scholastic
theologians and canonists began to discu.s^
the sense of ecclesiastical decisions, to
harmonise them, to draw inferences from
them and from the principles of the
natural and revealed law. " Cases of
conscience " were considered and decided
on the private judgment of theologians,
and not merely, as before, by councils and
bishops, though the name of " casuist "
began, apparently, some centuries later.
Collections were made of the things
a confes.<or should know when he had
to decide cases and doubts proposed to
him.
Among the earliest works on moral
theology are the following, which belong
to the thirteenth centurv* : " Summa de
Casibus Penitentialibiis," by St. Raymund
of Pennafort (floruit 12_''^). Its foui-
books treat (1) of sins against God ; (2)
of sins against our neighbour; (.3) of
ecclesiastics, their rights, privileges,
duties ; (4) of marriage. It was printed
at Louvain, 1480; Cologne, 1495; Paris
1500. "Summa de Virtutibus " and
"Destructorium Vitiorum," are two works
attributed, on doubtful grounds, to
Alexander of Hales. The " Speculum
Morale," by Vincent of Beauvais. The
" Liber Penitentianim," by John of God,
written in 1247. Glosses on the
" Summa " of St. Raymund of Pennafort
were written by a Dominican, Gulielmus
Redonensis, about 1250, and widely circu-
lated under the name of "John of Frei-
burg." A little later came St. Bonaven-
ture's " Confessionale."
The chief productions of the fourteenth
century were : the " Summa Major " and
" Quastiones Casuales," by the Dominican,
John of Freiburg; the "Summa de
Casibus Conscientise," by a Franciscan,
Astesanus or Astensis ; " Summa Casuum
Conscieutiae," by Monaldus, another
Franciscan, who flourished about 1330 ;
" Summa Casuum Conscientise," by Bar-
tholomaeus a S. Concordia, a Dominican
652 MORAL THEOLOGY
MORAL THEOLOGY
of Pisa, vrho wrote in L338 : "Speculum
Ciiratorum/' by a Benedictine, Ranulphus
Higdenus (1357). But the most famous
book of this a<re appeared in 1385 from
the pen of Joannes de Burgro. It is en-
titled " Pupilla Oculi omnibus Sacer-
dotibus tarn Ciiratis, quam non Curatis,
suDime necessaria, in qua tractatur de
septem sacramentorum administratione,
de dtct-m prseceptis decnlogi, et de reliquis
ecclesiasticorum officiis."
iMany famous work> on moral theology
are due to author? of thp fifteenth century.
Gerson's " 0[>usculum Tripartitum de
pr.-efcpti^ (lecalngi, de confessione, de arte
moricndi," had so pr^at a reputation that
sevHiitt fii synod? ordfT'-d priests to use it
in . I" 'ii J thp Di t-alocTue, hearing
CO!;. • :■ d ^isiting the sick. Three
oni-<'i; : - , 111 I St. Benwrdine of Sienna
(" I'.- ( '.inle^sir.ne "), St. John Capistran
(" .'Speculum Conscientise," traetatus " De
Cniioiie Poeniteiitiali," "De Usuris," " De
Contractihu.?/' &c.), and St. Antoninus,
archbishop of Florence, wrote on moral
subjects. The "Summa Theologica et
Summa Confessionalis " of the last has
often been republished, and is still quoted.
Many other names might be given. Nor
niu,-t it be supposed that an idea can be
formed ofmedic'eval moral theology from
an account, even if an exhaustive one, of
boolcs exclusively devoted to this .science.
On the contrary, the greatest moral theo-
logian of the middle ages, and the one who
has had the most enduring influence, is
St. Thomas of Aquin. But he, especially
in the "Secunda Secundae, ' treats moral
theology in its organic connection with
dogmatic theology. His example has been
followed by many later -^Titers ;^ and this,
we venture to think, is the true* scientific
method, thougli far less convenient for
practical purposes. Scotus, on tlie other
hand, scarcely touched on moral questions;
perhaps because lie found the ground suffi-
ciently occupied by Alexander of Hales
and St. Thomas.
From the sixteenth century moral
theology has been treated with greater
completeness, and its order has been per-
fected for practical use. But the great
char)ge which has occurred con.sists in
this, that theories affecting the whole sv.s-
tem of moral theology arce, and divided
CHsui.sts into schools clearly separated
from and often bitterly hostile to each
other. Medina, a Spanish Dominican
(1528-1581) and professor at Salamanca,
first (in his " Exposition of St. Thomas ")
propounded the theory since known as
' Probabilism * in set terms, and kindled a
controversy which raged for two cen-
turies after his death, and is not yet quite
extinct.
A probable opinion is one which rests
on reasons which are good and solid, but
not so strong as to exclude all doubt.
Hence, in many matters of conscience
there may be a probable opinion according
to which I am fi-ee to choose a particular
course of action, and another opinion, also
probable, that 1 have no such Jibertv, the
law, human or divine, having already
decided the matter for me. Alter doing
my best to ascertain the real extent of
the obligation, I am still in doubt. The
opinion which favours the law and that
which favours my liberty both seem pro-
bable. In such cases, Probabi lists hold
that I am free to use my libei-ty. A
doubtful law, they urge, is not binding.
A man's conscience can be bound by a
law only so far as he knows of its exist-
ence ; and in this case I do not know for
certain the exi.stence of the law, nor have
I the means of doing so. Therefore I
may act with safety, because I am certain
that practically the law does not bind me.
l>ut several limitations must be made.
First, I must be sure that the opinion on
the side of liberty rests on a firm basis in
the reason of the thing, in the authors of
great name and weight who support it, or
in both. The proposition that I may
follow a probability, however slight, in
favour of liberty, belongs to lax, not to
Probabilist theologians, and was con-
demned by Innocent XI. (Prop. 3). Next,
if a man is under the obligation of attain-
ing to some definite external end, he is
bound to take all reasonable means of
securing that end, and may by no means
follow an opinion probable, or even more
probable, that the end will be secured.
He must take the most certain means
open to him. For example, a priest must
not confer the sacraments after a fashion
which leaves doubt as to their validity, if
a safer path is open to him. A man must
not pay a debl with money or a cheque
which he knows may prove worthle.ss,
though he has strong reasons for thinking
them good. A doctor must not use
doubtful remedies if he has better ones at
command. A man may not fire at game
I This is the account generally given.
Echard (Script. Dnminican. torn. ii. p. 257;
quoted by Billuart, JJe Act. Human.yi. I) tries
to sliiiw that Medina was not really a Pr.lja-
bilist, though he admits that he made way for
the thin end of the wedge.
MORAL THEOLOGY
MORAL THEOLOGY 653
if he knows there is even a slight danger
of wounding a fellow-creature. Such
opinions, again, are lax, not Probabilist,
and are contrary not onlr to the funda-
mental principles of Christianity, but also
to the natural conscience and common
sense of maukind.
Laxity manifests itself in many ways,
and the reader may form some idea of the
scandalous excesses into which it has run
by reading the list of propositions con-
demueil by the Popes, especially by
Innocent XI. We need not say more
about it here ; and, on the other side, we
may also dismiss the opinion of the
Rigorists, or Tutiorists, who held that
we must always take the safer way,
always sacrifice our freedom, howsTcr
small the probability that our freedom is
restrained by the law. This opinion was
proscribed by Alexander VHI. A kindred
opinion that we must not take advantage
of our liberty unless we can point to an
opiniou of the highest probability in its
favour may also be dismissed, for it never
found any considerable support among
theologians. Very ditferent is it with
another system of moral theology, known
as Prokibiliorism, for long the powerful
and even, for a time and in a certain de-
gree, the triumphant rival of Probabilism.
The Probabiliorists put no restraint on
liberty, where a man was convinced on
solid groimds that the bilance of evidence
was decidedly in favour of his liberty. Li
such a case, they said, he acted prudently
and as became a Christian. He was doing
his best to ascertain the truth, and, after
weighing the reasons, had decided that
he might do this or that without sin. He
judged according to the merits of the
case and decided according to the rules of
evidence, just as an honest judge would
do. He chose the way to which he was
inclined, not solely because of his inclina-
tion, but because of the prepoud'^^rating
evidence. On the other hand, a mau who
used his liberty wheu the prob;ibility of
the opinions for and agjiinst his right to
exercise it were evenly balanced, wantonly
exposed himself to danger of material
sin. If he acted against an opinion
which he himself allowed to be more
probable, alleging an opinion also probable
on his o^Ti side, he was judging against
the weii^ht of evidence, and therefore sin-
ning against the truth. If the Proba-
bilists quoted the maxim, "A doubtful
law does not bind," the Probabiliorists
retorted, "In doubtful matters choose the
safer side." If the Probabilists pleaded
that they acted with safe and sure con-
science, since, doubtful as they might bt
as to the absolute lawfulness of a particu-
lar action, they could be certain in prac-
tice that the action was lawful to them,
since the law was uncertain, and, not
being certain, had no binding force, the
Probabiliorists replied, " You cannot feel
certain of this without culpable presump-
tion. The reflex principle which you as-
sume to be morally certain and make the
basis of your conviction that in the par-
ticular case you are certainly free to act,
is, in fact, contested by all Probabiliorists
— i.e. by a vast number of grave and
learned theologians from all nations,
orders, and ranks in the Church. Yet, if
this reflex principle be doubtful; if your
argument, ' The law is uncertain, and
therefore I am certain it does not bind,'
is itself not absolutely and evidently co-
gent, then the question is at an end. You
yourselves admit the wickedness of act-
ing with a conscience practically doubt-
ful. '"Whatsoever is not of faith is of
sin.'"
From loSO till about 1650 Probabilism,
as even Billuart does not venture to deny,
held possession of the schools. The great
theologians prior to Medina's date did not
treat the question formally, and arequoted
on both sides. From about 1650 a power-
ful reaction set in. In France, Zaccaria
writes, Probabilism was hated as *'the
pest of morality," and in 17(.X) it was con-
demned in the Assembly-General of the
French clergy. The learned Benedictines
of St. Maur and St. Vannes and the
Fathers of the French Oratory were
notoriously hostile to it. Nor must it be
thought that this hostility was peculiar
to French ecclesiastics or to Galileans.
Most, according to Billuart. of the Do-
minicans, some distitiguished Jesuits (e.y.
Gonzalez, General of the Society), and
many Itahau writers (e.y. the Dominican
Concina, the brothers Peter and Jerome
Ballerini, Berti, Fag-nanus, many years
secretary of the Congregation of the
Council^ were in the hostile ranks. Bene-
dict XIV. made the moral theology of
the Jesuit Antoine (in the Roman edi-
tion of the Franciscan Carbognano), an
author rigid even among the Probabi-
liorists, the text-book at the Propaganda.
And it may j)erhaps be worth mention
that Bishop Mihier recommended Collet,
another Probabiliorist, for the use of his
clergy. It was the text-book at Oscott
within the memory of priests still alive.
Henno, a well-known Franciscan, calcu-
654 MORAL THEOLOGY
MOZZETTA
lated that -when he wrote — viz. in 1710 —
there were twenty Probnbiliin-ist? for one
Probabilist; while the Flt-mi.-h thedloo-ian
Billuart, in 1747, thdU'jht the prei)iMKler-
ance of number;^ on tb.e .<ide of Prolia-
biliorism had been douWed in the interval.
No faith can be placed even in the proxi-
mate accuracy of these estimates. Still,
they may be fairly accepted as evidence
that numbers were on the side of Proba-
biliorism.
The proportion is now reversed, and
Probabilism is the popular theory through-
out the Church. It may, indeed, be re-
garded as the only existent theory. Car-
riere (died ISG-l), a distinguished Sulpician,
who wrote "De Contractibus et Matri-
monio," is the only recent writer on moral
theology, so far as we know, who is not
a Probabilist. This chauo'e is due partly,
we think, to the force of reason, for we
cannot see that Probabiliorism is logical
and consistent, and the arguments ad-
duced by its advocates really tend to
Tutiorisni; partly to the disappearance of
the old French Chiu eli and many Catholic
universities wlirr..' the stricter doctrine on
morals had a .-tiniiii- hold; partly to the
great influence ol' St. Liguori's works on
moral theology. His " Theologia Moralis"
and "Homo Apostolicus" appeared about
the middle of last century, and have often
been republished. At present the Proba-
bihst theology of this writer is accepted
almost everywhere in the Church, and
the recent works ('fSeaviiii and (^ury are
little more than adajit ai imis d' St. Lii^uori
though, of course, thes'- aulhnrs dd nni
follow him blindly, and the .lesuit IJallc-
rini (in his notes to Gury) often dinars
from his conclusions. Moreover, the Con-
gregation of Rites, in a deei'ee confirmed
by 'the Pope in Iso;',. d..clar.'d that St.
Liguori's works conl.'iiui'il "nothing
worthy of censure." This, as Ileilig, the
Redeniptorist iMliiiir, ixp'ains. In' no
means implies that each >tati'ment of St.
Liguori is true, or even that none of them
will ever be condemned by the Church.
It only means that his works are free
from any "error alipmly rrt'ogniscd as
sucli by the Chureli." S.i, a-aiii, in ls.31,
the Sacred Penil eiitiar\ aniniu'd I hat a
coid'.-ssor nii-ht saf.'ly I'ollnw :dl St.
Liguori's (ipinii.iis nu aci-iaiiit of tlir judg-
menl i.fthr Ihily S.'ejii-I i|imled.a(idin-',
howrvrr, (hat 'til. 're' ^va^ no I'aiill in
adoi)ting llir niMiiioiis ui. liv othiT ap-
proved authors. The reei'iii .■levaliou of
St. Liguoi-i to the rank of Doctor of tlie
Church makes no formal difference in the
authority of bis system, though it is
clearly another mark of the Church's
approbation. The Pope would not have
made St. Liguori a Doctor of the Church
had he regarded the great literary work
of his life in defending and expounding
Probabilism as a mistake.
We passed over by design a subdivision
which exists among Probabilists them-
selves, .^qui-probabilists hold that a
man may use his Uberty, if the reasons in
favour of his right to do so are at least
equal in probabihty to those on the other
side, but not otherwise. Probabilists
pure and simple would allow a man to
take advantage of his liberty if he has
really probable grounds for thinking that
the law does not bind him, even if the
argument on the other side is more pro-
bable. This subdivision of Probabilists is
an old one, but it has attracted more
attention of late, now that Probabilists
are in possession of the field and have
time for disputes with each other. The
Redemptorist authors of the " Vindiciae
Alphonsianse " try, we believe, to show
that St. Liguori was an .Equi-probabilist.
The object of their book is to correct
Ballerini, who edited the Moral Theology
of his brother Jesuit Gury, with elaborate
notes, in which he not only assumes that
St. Liguori was a Probabilist jjure and
simple, but often defends the probability
of opinions which St. Liguori rejected.
In his thii-d edition Ballerini replies to
the eliargr- of laxity A\ liieli the Redemp-
toiists inaili' against him. A posthumous
worli on moral theology written by him
has lately (lSiJ2) been published.
(The historical part of this article is
drawn from Zaccaria's learned dissertation
prefixed to some editions of St. Liguori's
" Theologia Moralis.'' "We have said
nothing of the great moral theologians
who have written during the last three
centuries, De Lugo, Sporer, La Croix, &c.,
because a useful list of them is prefixed to
Gury's work, and is sure to be in the hands
of those whom the subject interests.)
nxoRTAl. siwr. [See Sin.]
TCORTAZAIN'. [See Will (2).]
MOZZETTA. (from mozzo, mntilus;
cf. j.uTv\iti and fxvTiXfis. curtailed). A short
ve.^tiuent. quite ojicn in front, which can,
hoMevt-r, be buttoned i_>\vi- tlir Ijreast,
covering the shouhlers, and w ith a little
hood behind. It is worn by the Pope,
by cardinals, bishops, abbots, and others
who do so by customer Papal privilege —
e.ff. in England by canons. A.« it is the
usual state dress of a bishop when he is
MUNDATORY
MYSTICAL TliEOLOGY G56
not saying Mass or performing other
sacred functions, bishops, Sec, are usually
painted with the mozzetta. The mozzetta
leaves the greater part of the rochet un-
covered, hence it is either not worn at all
or worn only over the mautelletta by car-
dinals, bishops, and others where they
have no juriiidiction. Thus the cardinals
wear the mozzetta and rochet only in
the churches from which they take their
titles ; but throughout Rome during a
vacancy of the Holy See, especially at
Conclaves.
Tlie Pope wears five different mozzetta.
In the liotler part of tlie year — viz. from
the first vesjiers of the Ascension to the
feast of St. Catliarine, his mozzetta is of
red satin e.xcept on vii^iis, ember days,
Masses of the dead, and other penitential
occasions, when it is of red serge or
camlet (" di saia ro,-sa o cammellotto.")
The other half of the year, he wears a
mozzetta of red velvet, except as a mark
of sorrow or penance in Advent, Septua-
gesima to the end of Lent, vi<iils, &c.,
when his mozzetta is of red woollen cloth
(j)anno rosso). On a feast, such as those
of the Annunciation and Conception, the
anniversary of his election and consecra-
tion, on visiting a church where the
Blessed Sacrament is exposed, &c., he
puts aside the mourning mozzetta even
during jienitential sea.sous. From Holy
Saturday till Saturday in Low Week, his
mozzetta is of white damask. The car-
dinals liave four mozzette — viz. of red
■or purple silk, violet silk, rose-coloured
silk, violet serge. (Moroni, " Dizionario
Istorico.")
IVXVN-OATORY or Purificatory. A
cloth of linen or hemp (S. C. R. May 18,
1819), u.xed for cleansing the chalice. It
has a small cross in the middle to distin-
guish it from the Lavabo towel. It is
mentioned in the " Cifiremoniale Epi-
scoporum," but its use is of recent date
and it is not blessed. The Greeks use a
sponge instead. (Benedict XIV. "De
Miss." i. v. o.)
MYSTXCAX. SENSE OF SCRZP-
TVRE. In the historical or literal sense
words signify things ; but sometimes God
ordained that the things signified by the
•words should signify other things, and so
we get the mystical or spiritual sen.se.
St. Paul, for example, tells us in the
Epistle to the Galatians that Ismael and
Isaac were types of .Jewish bondage and
Christian liberty. The mystical sense is
subdivided into the allegorical, where the
things of the old signify the mysteries of
the new law, the moral where they
signify moral precepts, the anagogical
where they signify future glory (St.
Thomas, 1. Qu. I. a. 10). The mystical
interpretation is by no means peculiar to
Christians. Philo, St. Paul's contem-
porary, found in the allegorical interpre-
tation of the Old Testament an easy
means of reconciling it with Greek phi-
losophy, and allegorical intei^jretation
has been systematised by the Rabbins.'
St. Paul's authority proves that there is a
mystical sense in Scripture; but common
sense warns us of the dangers attached
to such a method of intei-pretation. And
St. Thomas, following St. Augustine,
teaches that arguments can be drawn
from the literal sense alone {loc. cit.).
nivsTZCAi. THEOI.OCY. One
of the subdivisions of theology classed
under the more general division of Moral
Theology. It is sometimes identified
with Ascetical Theology, but it seems
more proper to confine its definition in
such a way as to distinguish it precisely
by its specific name of " Mystical," from
that which is more properly called " As-
cetical " (q. v.). According to this stricter
definition it is described as comprising
two parts — viz. the doctrinal and the ex-
perimental. The experimental is defined
as " a pure knowledge of God which the
soul ordinarily receives in a luminous
darkness or obscure light of sublime con-
templation, together with an experi-
mental love so intimate that the soul,
losing itself altogether, is united to God
and transformed into Him." This is
called Theology because it contains acts
proximately referred to God as their
object ; Mystical because acquired by a
secret operation known only to God and
the recipient of His Divine favom-s ; and
experimental, because it is only by per-
sonal spiritual experience that such a
knowledge of God can be gained. Doc-
trinal Mystical Theology is '■ a science
which considers the acts of the experi-
mental, and discusses their essence, pro-
perties, and efl'ects, according to the
authoi-ity of the Scriptures and the con-
templative saints, giving practical rules
for the guidance of those who have
' Tljey also recognise four modes of inter-
preting Scripture — viz. the literal (0^5), the
seeking of hints for laws, precepts, &c. (tp'^)!
the deduction of dogma and legal determina-
tions (cyTi), the interpretation of mystical
theology (nioV Hamburger, Real-Eicycl.
fur Bibel und Talmud ; art. " Exegese."
Co6 NA3IE, CHRISTIAI^, ETC.
NATIVITY OF THE B. V.
attained, or are in the way to attain, the
state of high contemplation."
The most eminent mystical writers
in the Catholic Church are Pseudo-
Diouysius the so-called Areopagite, St.
Bernard, St. Thomas, St. Anselm, St.
Buouaventura, Hugh and Richard of St.
Victor, Gerson, Ilui-phius, Tauler, St.
Teresa and St. John of the Cross, and
others. The great modern Doctor in
Mystical Theology, whose works are the
most complete and luminous, the most
sublime, and at the same time the most
philosophically exact and precise, and
whose authority is the highest which any
private theologian can have, is St. John
of the Cross. His works have been
translated into English in the best manner
by Mr. Lewis. A more unpretending
! but very solid and useful treatise is the
I " Sancta Sophia" of F. Baker, an English
Benedictine. As scientific and methodi-
cal treatises for the use of directors and
jirofessed theologians, the " Institutioues
Theologiie Mysticae" of F. Schram,
O.S.B., and the " Directorium Mysticum "
of F. Scaramelli, S.J., are in the highest
i repute.
N
ITAMZ:, CHRXSTZAir, ETC. [See
Baptismal Name.] |
WAiWE or TESTTS. [See Jesus.] I
xr.asxE OF nxART. [See Mary,
Feast of the Name.] i
XJ-ARTHEX (vdp6r]^, the giant -
fennel). In the ancient basilicas a long
narrow space, from which outer doors
led into the portico, and inner doors
into the body of the church, was known \
by this name. In it stood the Au-
dientes (penitents allowed to enter the
church, but only the part farthest from
the altar), the Possessed (xfifidC^'tJ-ei'oi),
and the Catechumeus, who had not yet
been biiptised. The oblong shape of this
space, which extended, the whole width
of the building, suggested the name.
(Smith and Cheetham ; Wetzer and
Welte.)
N-ATAI.S, NATAXXTZA. The day
on which a saint is bom into eternal life
— i.e. the day of his death. The Church
does not celebrate the natural birthday of
the saints because they were born in sin,
and the fact that she keeps the birthday
of St. John the Baptist is, as St. Augus-
tine points out, an exception which
proves the rule, for St. John was cleansed
from original sin before his birth.'
The use of Nnnile, Nutalitia, &c._, for
the day of a saint's death is very ancient.
' Apparently, however, even the heathen
Romans used "natale" as a euphemism for the
flay of death. This, at least, seems to follow
from Mommsen ( De Cnllegiis, p. 127), as f|Hot' d
bv Probst ( Kirchliche Disciplin der rlrei erslen
Jahrhunderte, p. 127). A quotation iciven
from Statutes of the Lanuvian Colleyiiim, with
lists of feasts for the " natalia " or days on
which the members had died.
Thus the Church of Smyrna says of their
bishop Polycarp, "We keep the birthday of
his martyrdom " (rfjv tov fxaprvpLov avTov
rjfxepav yevi6\iov) ("Mart. Polyc." 18),
and Tertullian speaks of the Mass said on
the feasts of martyrs as " oblationes pro
natalitiis " ("De Corona," 3). The Church
still retains the use of the word in her
collects. Thence Natale came to mean
a feast generally — e.g. " Natale Petri de
Cathedra" in the ancient Kalendarium
Becclerianum is the feast of St. Peter's
Chair. It was also used for the anniver-
sary of a bishop's consecration. (Probst,
loc. cit. ; Smith and Cheetham.)
HATZOSTAI. STXJOD. [See CotTN--
CIL.]
XO-ATZVZTT OF THE BX.ESSED
VZRCZxr. Nothing is known about the
place, date, or circumstances of the
Blessed Virgin's birth. Joachim and
Anne are believed to have been her
parents, and this belief, the earliest
authority for which is the " Protevan-
gelium Jacobi," an apocrjq)hal Gospel of
early date, was current in the East and
West during the eighth century. It is
recognised by St. John of Damascus and
.Tames, bishop of Edessa, while the " Liber
Pontificalis," mentions in the life of Pope
Leo III. that he had the history of St.
Joachim and St. Anne painted in the
Basilica of St. Paul. The feast of St.
Anne on July ^6, which is mentioned in
the Roman and other ^lartyrologies, was
sanctioned for the whole Church by
Gregory XIII. in 15^:4. Leo XIII. has
lately raised both feasts (St. Joachim and
St. Anue) to be doubles of the second
class.
NAVE
NESTORIAXS G57
It is very vmcertain when the feast of
the Blessed Virgin's nativity was intro-
duced. The Breviary lessons for the
feast, said to be taken from St. Augustine,
are of course spurious. The mention of
the feast in Sacramentaries of St. Leo
and St. Gregory proves little, considering
the changes and fretjuent recensions
which books of that sort, intended, as
they are, for practical purposes, are sure
to undergo. It is not mentioned by the
Council of Mayence in 813, though it
gives a list of the feasts then celebrated ;
nor again in the capitularies of Charle-
magne and Louis the Pious. On the
other hand, it is mentioned by Walter,
bishop of Orleans, in 871, and in a work
on the virginity of Mary ascribed to St.
Udefonsus, but really, as Dachery thinks,
written by Paschasius Radbertus, in the
middle of the ninth century. It is placed
in the list of holidays by the Emperor
Manuel Comnenus in the middle of the
twelfth century, and the Copts as well as
the Greeks have adopted it. Both Greeks
and Latins now keep it on September 8,
though at one time this was not every-
where the day fixed for the celebration.
The octave was added by Innocent IV.
'in consequence, it is said, of a vow made
by the cardinals at the election of Celes-
tine IV. The dissensions between the
Church and Frederic II. made it difficult
to secure the peace necessary for an
election, and in this extremity the Con-
clave begged the Blessed Virgin's prayers,
and promised, in case the favour was
granted, to have an octave added to the
feast of her nativity.
DTAVS. That portion of the church
reserved for the laity. Though the name
is said to have been derived from the
comparison of a church to a ship [see
CnrECH], and the use of the correspond-
ing words in French and other languages
seems to justify this derivation, yet many
make it to be from vaos, a temple. It
was variously called oratwium laicii,
fKKKrjata, and quadratum populi. In
English it was sometimes called nef.
iffECROIiOGir. A book containing
the names of the dead, especially of
bishops who had built the church to
which the necrology belonged, of bene-
factors, friends, &c., that they might be
prayed for. Such a book, as Meratus
shows, is mentioned by Bede ' (" II. E."
iv. 14). According to Mr. Maskell it
' " Quaerant in suis codicibus in quibus
defunctorum est annotata depositio." Bede, loc.
eit.
seems also to have been called Album or
" White Book," Obituarium, Mortilegium,
(Meratus on Gavantus, tom. II. § v. 21 ;
Maskell, " Monumenta Ritualia," cLcxvii.
seq.)
XTEOPBTTE (Gr. veo^vTos, newly
grown, of new nature). The term was
applied in the primitive Church to
converts newly baptised. They were
dressed in white garments, and continued
to wear them for eight days after their
baptism. Thus of the West Saxon king
Cedwalla, who, renouncing his crown,
went to Rome to be baptised, and died
soon after, we hear that he died while
still in his white garments, "in albis
adhuc positus.'" The Nicene Council
ordered (Can. 2) that neophytes should
not be hastily admitted to Holy Orders,
but should imdergo a probation of con-
siderable length. This canon was evi-
dently founded on the prohibition of
St. Paul (1 Tim. iii. 6), and occasioned
by the ill effects which had arisen from
neglecting it. In later times the neo-
phytes commonly met with, at least in
Europe, were converts from heresy,
Judaism, or Islam. For these Gregory
XIII. founded an ecclesiastical college.
The matrimonial relations between
spouses, of whom one has become a
neophyte but the other refuses to leave
bis or her original persuasion, give rise
to many difficult questions in canon law.
The Catholic missionaries still use the
term for their converts from the heathen,
whose fervour and steadfastness are often
found to equal anything recorded of the
primitive neophytes. (Ferraris, Neo-
phyti.)
ZTESTORZAirs. A name given to
the Christians who follow the doctrine
of Nestorius, and hold that there are two
persons as well as two natures in Jesus
Christ. These two distinct persons, the
person of God and that of man, were, he
said, bound together in Jesus Christ by
a merely moral union — i.e. there was a
conformity of will between the man
Christ and God the Word, who dwelt in
Him, and hence the properties of one
nature or person could not be ascribed
to the other. He rejected, e.g., such
expressions as " the Word suffered," on
the ground that it was the man Christ
and not God the Word who was capable
of suffering; "Mary is the mother of God,"
since Christ indeed had a mother, but
God had none (Petav. "De Incarnat."
I Bede, H. E. v.
668 KESTORIANS
NESTORIANS
i. 9). But a full account of the doctrine
and history of Nestorius has been given
in the article on the Council of Ephesus,
and we confine ourselves to the history
of the Nest()i-i;in Church.
The N'estorians had their original
home and ci'iitre in Chahhea and Meso-
potamia. Clirijtiaiiity, it is said, was
first preached there by Mar Addai and
Mar Mari, of the number of the Seventy.
The Bishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon
held the chief see in these parts, and
after the schism became independent of
Autioch.^ The famous school of Edessa
and the writiniis of Theodore of Mop-
suestia pre]iared the way for Nestorian-
ism, and when in 498 Babseus, whom
the metropolitan Barsumas of Nisibis
had won over to Xestorianism, ascended
the throne of Seleiicia-Ctesiphon, Catho-
lici>ni <li>a]i])eared almost entirely in
Me-M]hitaii)iii, The Persians for obvious
rea-(ai> encourag'ed the schism which
sepai-ated their Christian subjects from
the Greek (Jhurch of the Byzantine
empire. The Persian kingdom was the
reluoe of Xe.-tDriaiiism. Thence it spread
not only through Mesopotamia, Chaldtea,
and Persia, iiut al.~o to Arabia, Egypt,
Media, Baetria. Ilyrcania, India, and even
China. Tiie Ne>t(irian Patriarch in the
eleventh century had twenty-five metro-
politan,> uniler him: the Nestorian " com-
munion e.xteniled from China to Jerusa-
lem, and Its muubers, with those of the
Monopliysites, are said to have surpassed
those of t!ie (ire^di and Latin Churches
together ( .Xewuiun's " Arians," p. 425). [
Toward.- the end of the fourteenth
century lln- Xi->ioiian numbn-s fell
ra])idlv, o-,\ in:;- to tlie pi-oseeution )jv the
M.u,-nl km,. Timour. Later, the'Xes-
ton.iii- -u'l.-ivd from internal schism.
On iii;, a-iiai of a contested election to the
Patriarchate three bishops and many
priests appealed to Pope Julius IL, who !
in 1553 proclaimed Sidaka " Patriarch of
the Chaldeans," and thus began the series
of patriarchs for the ChaMeans or de-
scendants of Xestorians, who have re- [
nounced Nestorian doctrine and are in !
union with the Pope. In lo'^2 an arch- [
bi.«hop, Simeon, who had separated some j
years previously from the Nestorian
Patriarch, and called him.self Patriarch
of Kurdistan, also submitted to the Pope,
• Asstmani holds it for ceit.'un tliat till the
schism the Bishop of Seleucia was a mere
metropolitan subject to the Patriarch ot Antioch.
He ma^t, however, have been superior in e.*ti-
mation to the other metropolitans. j
and he too received from Rome the title
of Chaldean Patriarch. These re-unions
•with the Catholic Church did not last
long. But since the middle of the six-
teenth century there were two Nestorian
Patriarchs, one residing at Mosul, another
in Central Kurdistan, and the constant
intestine strife favoured the efi'orts of the
Roman missionaries. In '\7tiO the Nes-
torian Patriarch Mar Elias at Mosul
became a Catholic, and con.sequently it is
only by the Lake of Urumiah and among
the mountains of Kurdistan that Nes-
torians are found. The Christians in the
low countries by the banks of the Tigris
are Chaldeans — i.e. the descendants of
Nestorians, now re-united to the Cathohc
Church. The Nestorians proper call
themselves Suraya (Syrian) Christiane,
Meshihaye (Christians) Nestoraye, but
never Clialdeans, which name is ex-
clusively reserved to Catholics. It is
true the Nestorian Patriarch calls him-
self " Patriarch of the Chaldeans in the
East,'' but this title he only assumes in
Older to place himself on a level with the
Catholic Patriarch at Mosul, and to
avoid being regarded by the Latins as the
head of an heretical sect.
The Bishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon
received the title of Catholicos in the
fourth century — as representative in the
East of the Antiochene Patriarch. He
himself assumed the title of Patriarch
after the schism. Till the middle of the
fifteenth century he was chosen by the
metropohtans and other bishops. These
last assembled, with the archdeacon of
the former Patriarch and with the chief
laity, and chose the new Patriarch
unanimously. In ditficulty, recourse
was had to the lot, and from 98" the
secular power confirmed the election.
Since 1450 the Patriarch has been chosen
from one family, aud generally the ofiice
has descended from uncle to ne])hew.
The indispensable qualification for a
Patriarch is that his mother during her
pregnancy and while suckling her child,
and the new Patriarch himself tiU the
time of his election, should never have
tasted flesh-meat. The Patriarch con-
firms the election of bishops, translates
and deposes them. He alone consecrates
the holy oils ; no book can be published
without his approbation. He prescribes
the liturgical rules and his name is always
mentioned in the daily otHce. The
Patriarch also exercises civil jurisdiction
in cases where Nestorians only are con-
cerned, and though there is a right of
NESTOFJANS
NICENE COUNCILS Go<>
appeal to the Emir, it is seldom used.
In 872 the residence of the Patriarch was
transferred from Seleucia to Bagdad;
from 1258 onwards he resided in various
places; after 15()0 he lived in the neigh-
bourhood of Mosul. After Ellas XI., patri-
arch of Mosul, had been reconciled to the
Catholic Church in 1780, the Bishop of
Urumiah, who had assumed the title of
Patriarch long before, in 1582, became the
only Nestorian Patriarch. In 1590 he
withdrew to Kochanes, in Kurdistan.
In 1842 his residence was burnt by the I
Emir, Nurallah Beg; next year he was
driven by the Kurds to Mosul; but in
1848 he returned to Kochanes. (Badger,
vol. i. pp. 258, 374.) His income is got
from a poll-tax, levied every three years,
from coniinutation of excommunications
into fines, and from a tithe on the first-
fruits contributed for the support of the
churches.
The new bishops used to be chosen by
clergy and laity in the presence of the \
provincial bishops. At present the}- are j
chosen, if any suitable candidate can be
found in this way, from the relatives of
the former bishop. The bishop is conse-
crated by the Patriarch and sometimes by
the mrtropolitan ; but in the latter case
he mii>t re(fi\e the completion of the
rite, involving the confirmation of the
election, from the Patriarch himself.
Diocesan synods are to be held twice a
year, those of the metropolitan province
annually, those of the Patriarchate every
four years. Bishops in distant places
may, instead of personal appearance, send
an account of their dioceses and letters of
union to the Patriarch once every six
years. Married men or widowers cannot
become bishops, metropolitans, or patri-
archs. A law of the Patriarch Babseus
in 490 permitted the reiterated nuptials
even of the highest ecclesiastics ; but it
was repealed by the Patriarch Mar-Abas
in 514. Still, the letter of two canons
in the Sinhados assumes that bisliops may
be married (Badger, vol. ii. ch. 36, p.
180). The metropolitan {matron) has
no power over his suffragans, except that
of summoning them to synods and con-
secrating them. The usual title of the
bishop is " Abuna " (Father). He is
supported by an annual poll-tax, gifts in
kind at harvest-time, fees for ordination,
consecration of churches, dispensations
for marriage, &c. The diocese of the
Patriarch is in Central Kurdistan. There
are eight metropolitans with seven
bishops. The whole Nestorian popula-
tion amounts to about 70,000 (Silber-
nagl, p. 222). The archdeacon is the
bishop's vicar in spiritual and tem-
poral matters. The chorepiscopus {sauro
or visitor, corresponding to the Greek
Trepto^fVTrji) visits the country churches.
He instructs the country clergy in their
functions, sees that the episcopal dues are
collected, superintends the election of
parish-priests, See. His place is at the
bishop's left, that of the archdeacon at
his right. Next comes the arclipriest,
who is the chon piscopus of the city.
The parish priests, -who are married
and may even marry again after ordina-
tion, are cliosen by the people, the bishop
confirming the choice. An office peculiar
to the Nestorians is that of the Sciahara
or cleric who is responsible for the night-
hours of the Breviary office. He is only,
as a rule, a cantor {amura) by ordination,
although he is called deacon or priest.
The parish priests, though they have
great influence and are consulted in all
political and domestic affairs of import-
ance, get very little money and follow a
trade. There are two minor orders,
reader and subdeacon ; three higher,
deacon, priest, bishop. The tonsure is
given before the lectorate.
The monasteries, once numerous
among the Nestorians, are now extinct.
The only old monastery is in the hands
of the Chaldeans — i.e. Catholics of the
same rite, and no new ones have arisen.
The monastic profession declined after
the fourteenth century, when vows of
chastity were no longer regarded as
irrevocable. The canons, however, re-
quired monks and nuns who married to
do so privately and with the bishop's
leave. A monk and nun before their
marriage were subjected to penance.
Although there are now no nunneries,
there are women under temporary ' vows
of chastity who occupy themselves in
works of Christian charity (Badger, vol.
ii. p. 179).
[Assemani, " Bibl. Orient." P. ii.
cap. 1-6. Badger, " The Nestorians and
their Rituals," London, 1852. Silbernagl,
"Kirchen des Orients," pp. 202 xeg.']
nrzcEN-i: COTTIO'CZI.S. The main
history of the Nicene councils has been
already given — that of the former in the
articles Akius and Creeds, that of the
latter under Iconoclasts. Little need
be added here. For the convocation,
lit appears, however, to be very possible
to obtain release from these vows" (Badger
vol. ii. p. 179).
TJ u 2
660
NIMBUS
NORBERTINES
presidency, &c., of both, see the article
CoimciLs.
1. The First Niceue and First General
Council met in 325, after Constantine
had sent Hosius to Alexandria in order
to reconcile the Catholics and Arians,
and the mission had proved unsuccessful.
The bishops — according to Athanasius,
who was present — were 318 in number,
mostly from the East, though Hosius of
Cordova played a great part in the coun-
cil, and the Roman bishop was represented
by the priests Vitus aud Viiicentius.
Besides asserting the full and consub-
stantial divinity of the Son, the council
dealt with various matters of discipline,
especially the Paschal controvei-sy [see
Easter] and the Meletian schism. The
canons are twenty in number, for the
eighty Arabic canons are mostly of much
later date. Neophytes were not to be
ordained (Canon 2) ; clerics not to live
with subintroductce (3) ; the metropolitans
to confirm and superintend episcopal
elections (4) ; no bishop) to receive persons
excommunicated by another, but an ap-
peal might be made to the provincial
council (5) ; the patriarchal rights of
Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch were to
be maintained (6) ; decisions follow on
the rights of the Bishop of Jerusalem
[see Jerusalem] ; on the reconciliation
of the Cathari or Novatians (8) ; then
come penitential canons (9-14) ; canons
on usury, change of place by the clergy,
&c. (15-17) ; subjection of deacons to
priests (18) ; the disciples of Paul of
Sauiosata were to be rebaptised before
they were received into the Church (19) ;
prayer was to be made standing on Sun-
days and during Easter time. [See also
Celibacy.]
2. The Second Nicene Council, the
Seventh General, met in 787 under
Tarasius. Besides defining the venera-
tion due to holy images, the council pub-
lished twenty-two canons, in which the
so-called Apostolic Canons, and the
oecumenical character of the Council in
Trullo were recognised, clerics forbidden
to leave the church where they had been
stationed, the lives of bishops, the i-elations
oi' clerics and nuns regulated, double
monasteries forbidden, &c., &c. For the
position taken by Rome with reference
to some of these enactments, see Trullo,
Council in.
zrznxBVS. [See Aubbolb.]
M-ocTURM-. [See Bebviart.]
n'onxzM'iiTZOxr. One of the ways
by which the designation of a bishop to
a see may be efl'ected. The ordinary
mode is that of election by the chapter ;
this has been the rule ever since, in the
Empire, the Concordat of Worms (1122)
put an end to the abuse of the emperor's
inve.sting bishops by " ring and crosier,"
and since, in England, the Papal inter-
dict compelled King John to cease from
forcing his nominee upon the see of
Norwich. In France, by the Concordat
of 1515 [Concordat], the Holy See con-
ceded the nomination to bishoprics to the
Kings of France, but the persons chosen
were to be conHnned by the Pope, after
due inquiry into their canonical qualifi-
cations. Under the Concordat of 1802
the nomination, with a similar proviso,
continues to be in the hands of the French
Government. Not the King of France
only, but the Kings of Spain, Portugal,
and the Two Sicilies, and the House of
Austria, obtained this right of nomination.
It was extended even to the President of
Hayti, by a Concordat signed in 1860.
Yet, as Buss well remarks,' the monarch-
ical principle does not imply or require
such a right ; and if it be said that it is
part of that su?-veillance which a civil
ruler must exercise over all that passes
within his dominions, " one may answer
that it is solicitude for ecclesiastical inter-
ests which ought to determine the elec-
tion of a bishop, and that this solicitude
is more to be expected in an ecclesiastical
body than in the government."
NOTfLOCA-NON (uoixos, law ; Kavau,
rule). Collections of the canons of re-
cognised councils, and of such portions of
the civil law as refer to Church matters,
are called by this name. The earliest is
that of Fulgentius, a deacon of the Ohu rch
of Carthage in the sixth century. The
best known is that compiled in the ninth
century by the celebrated Photius, patri-
arch of Constantinople ; it contains the
ancient canons down to and including
those of the Seventh General Council, or
second of Nicaea (787), and the imperial
constitutions affecting the Church to the
same date. Balsamon, chartophylax at
Constantinople in the thirteenth century,
added a commentary to the work of Pho-
tius. The Nomocanon which goes under
the name of St. Wladimir, and is accepted
as the basis of canon law in Russia, con-
tains canons which are not recognised by
the Western Church.
HONS. [See Brbtiakt.]
WORBSRTZM'ES. [See Premon-
8XBATENSIANS.]
' Art. " Bishop," in Wetzer and Welte.
XOVATIAMSM
NOVICE, NOVITIATE GGl
NOVATZAM-xsm. Novatian, a
<Stoic philosopher, was delivered, as is
said, from demoniacal possession by the
«xorcisms of the Church, and became a
cateciuimen. In danger of death, he re-
ceived clinical baptism, and afterwards,
without being confirmed, was ordained
priest. During persecution he refused to
assist his brethren, but, later on, he pro-
tested against the laxity of the Roman
■clergy in receiving the lapsed to penance,
and led away many Roman priests.
Afterwards, he was a bitter opponent of
Pope Cornelius, on the ground that he
was a libelloticus; persuaded three country
bishops to consecrate him in the year 251,
and thus became, in Fleury's words, " the
first Anti-Pope " (Fleury, ii. p. 220). He
consecrated new bishops and sent them
as emissaries to various parts (Cyprian,
Ep. It.).
He added heresy to schism, for he
■denied the Church's power to absolve the
lapsed ' (Pacian, "Ad Symphor." Ep. 3).
He was condemned in councils at Rome
and Carthage, and by Diouysius of Alex-
andria. His sect, however, continued,
and won adherents in Constantinople,
Asia Minor, and especially Phrygia. Like
the Montanists, they condemned second
mari'iage, and they rebaptised Catholics
who joined them. They called themselves
''the pure" {Kadufjovs, Euseb. "H. E."
t'i. 43). Even at the Nicene Council,
Ascesius, a Novatian bishop, defended
these severer principles on penance
(Socrates, " H. E." i. 10).
A modern historian (Baur, "Kirchen-
^eschichte," i. p. 367) has said with
justice that the Cathari, or Novatians,
sacrificed the catholicity to the sanctity of
the Church. Undoubtedly, the full privi-
leges of the Church are for the pure, and
the pure alone. But the Church is the
steward of the Divine mysteries, and it is
her office, through the means of giace en-
trusted to her, to effect and to renew that
punty of heart which she requires from
her children. The Church has neither
the power nor the will to exclude those
who truly repent. Hatred of sin and
mercy to sinners is the double lesson
taught by her Divine Founder. If she
refused to receive sinners, she would
cease to be catholic ; if she received them
' It must be remembered how strict tlie
discipline of the Chiircli was in those days.
Thus Cyprian (Ep. 1 v.") tells us thnt some of the
Catholic bishops absolutely refused to accept
•the repentance of anyone who had committed
adultery : •' totum poeniteutife locum contra
«dulteria cluserunt."
I without true repentance, she would cease
to be holy.
[The principal authorities on the No-
vatian schism are Euseb. "H. E." vi.
43 seq. ; Cyprian's niunerous Epistles to
Cornelius. Pacian, Ep. 3, " Ad Sym-
phorian."' thus sums up the doctrine
of Novatian : " Quod mortale peccatum
i ecclesia donare non possit, imo quod ipsa
peccat recipiendo peccantes." For the
later history of the Novatians, see Socrat.
" H. E." V. 21, 22.]
xrovzcE, irovxTZATE (Lat. novi-
tius). The name uf '• novice " is given to
tho.se persons, whether men or women,
and whatever their age may be, who have
entered some religious house and desire to
embrace its rule. Upon entering, they
assume the habit of the order or congre-
gation, and follow the community life
and customs. The term of probation, or
" novitiate," is at least for one year ; '
sometimes it extends to two or three years.
During that period neither is the order
bound to the novice nor tlie novice to the
order. At the end of the term the order
is in no way bound to allow the novice to
make his profession, if he does not seem
to those in authority likely to adorn the
religious life ; and the novice, on the ol her
hand, may quit the order withoutcensure,
and retains, should he do so, the property
which he possessed at the time of his ad-
mission, or wliich he may have subse-
quently become possessed of. Nor can
he, while a novice, legally renounce such
property in favour of the oi'der, unless
with the licence of the bishop and within
the two months next preceding his pro-
fession.* But he may make a will in favour
of the order which he has joined, and for
this reason — because it is in his power
at any time, if he decides not to go on to
profession, to cancel his will. The fact of
his havlngmade it is therefore no restraint
upon his leaving the order if he thinks
himself unfit for it ; whereas, if he had
renounced his property altogether in
favour of the order, or his ])arents had
renounced it for him, this fact would tend
to restrain his freedom in the event of a
sudden reaction of feeling coming upon
him soon after his becoming a novice.
The earliest age at which profession L<j
allowable was fixed by the Council of
Trent at sixteen years.
1 Cone. Trid. sess. xxv. c 16, De Reg. et
Mon.
2 Cone. Trid. sess. xxv. cap. 16, De Reg. et
Man. But this veto upon renunciation does
not apply to novices in the Society of Jesus.
662
NUN
NUN
The uame " novitiate " is also some-
times given to the liouse, or separate
building, in which novices pass their time
of probation. (Ferraris, Xovitiiis.)
NVN (Lat. nonna. From the fifth
century nonnus and nonna occur pretty
frequently in relation to monks and nuns,
a sense of quasi-filial respect being
attached to the words. Comp. the Gr.
vavva, aunt, and the It. nonno and nonna,
grandfather and grandmother). A nun
is a maid or widow who has consecrated
herself to God by the three vows of
poverty, chastity, and obedience, and
bound herself to live in a convent under
a certain rule.
1. Historical. — H6lyot and other
French ecclesiastical writers of the last
century were of opinion that the founder
of the first nunnery was St. Syncletica of
Egypt, of whom an ancient life 'is extant,
written not later than the end of the
foui'th century.' This opinion was chielly
grounded on the belief that the author of
that life was St. Athanasius, who thus
would have been the biographer both of
the first monk (St. Antony) and of the
first nun. But the dillerence of style is
too great to allow us to ascribe the latter
work to St. Athanasius. No earlier
notice of a nunnery occurs than that
found in the saint's life of St. Antony,
who, wlicn he was renouncing the world
(about '270), placed his sister in a house
of viigins {naf)diva>v), and many years
afterwards rejoiced to find her persevering
in a chaste and holy life, and ruling other
virgins similarly minded. But long before
the institution of nunneries, and even
side by side with them long after their
first establisliment, the Church recog-
nised and encouraged several classes of
pious women, such as widows, deacon-
esses, hospitallers, canonesses {canonivce ;
their principal duty was the care of
funerals), ascetriee, and consecrated
virgins living with their parents.^ The
letters of St. Jerome' give us a clear
view of the austere and exalted life led
by these last. Towards the end of the
fourth century nunneries began to be
multiplied at Rome. St. Augustine
i'ciunded one at Hippo under his own
.sister as superior, and gave to it a rule
which is extant in his 100th Epistle.
St. Scholastica, the sister of St. Benedict,
' Alhaii Butler, Jan. 5; H%ot, Dissert.
Prelim. § 8.
- (Mali those, see Thomassin, Vetuset Nooa
Z>isc>/il. I. iii. 51-2.
5 " Ad Eustochium," "Ad Marcellam," &c.
j founded and governed a nunnery under
her brother's direction. The rule of
I enclosure [Enclosure] was gradually
j enforced on nunneries with more and
more of strictness. A French council
(755) says: ' — "Nuns must not go forth
out of their monastery ; but if any among
them have fallen into a fault, let her do
penance within the monastery under the
direction of the bishop." The chapter
Periculoso " of Boniface VIII. settled
the question irrevocably ; enclosure has
been since imposed on all nuns taking
solemn vows. Nevertheless some con-
vents have evaded the rigour of the rule,
and the Holy See has tolerated their
conduct.
The primitive practice in the Church
was, that virgins becoming nuns should
be veiled and consecrated by the bishop.
In process of time, " through oversight,
occasionally, but more frequently owing
to absence or pressure of occupation on
the part of the bishops " (Thomassin), the
ancient practice ceased to be strictly ob-
served, and great numbers were veiled by
the abbesses, or by simple priests. This
was strongly condemned as an abuse by
several French councils, and the right of
veiling virgins was reserved to the
bishops ; presbyters, however, might give
the veil to widows. Thomassin infers
from a canon of the Council of Tribur
(895), that the Fathers of that council
recognised two veils — one, that of pro-
bation, with which a young girl might
clothe herself as early as twelve years;
the other, the veil of consecration, to be
given by the bishop, and not to be as-
sumed till she was twentv-five years old.
The capitularies of Charlemagne and
his son order the suppression or consoli-
dation of small nunneries, in which it
was thought the rule could not be per-
fectly observed.
It may be stated as a general fact,
applicable to nearly all the great orders
of men, that, soon after the foundation of
each, an order or orders of women, sub-
ject to or in comiection with it, was
established, in which the rule and statutes
of the founder were, so far as the dirt'e-
rence of sex permitted, punctually ob-
served. Even the Society of Jesus is not
an exception, for although the founder
obtained a prohibition from the Pope
against the company's undertaking the
direction of nuns, the "Dames Anglaises,"
and several more recent institutes, though.
> Thomassui, I. iii. 47.
NUN
NUN
663
flot otherwise comiected with the Society,
follow the rule of St. Ig^natius.
If we coiijider the four principal
monastic rules separately, we find that —
a. The rule of St. Basil TBasiliaits]
was the busis of that framed by Albert,
patriarch of Jerusalem, for the order of
Mount Carmel [CARMELiTEs],andadopted
in its (irijjinal rigour by St. Teresa, for
the order of Discalced Carmelites, which
she founded in 1562.
b. The rule of St. Austin is followed
by communities of nuns annexed to every
congregation of Austin canons and
hermits; also by Dominican nuns and
the Ursulines. All, or nearly all, the
communities of women founded since the
Council of Trent follow the rule of St.
AugTistine, but have in addition a body
of constitutions or customs suited to their
special end and spirit, and, in some cases,
taken from the rule of St. Ignatius.
c. The rule of St. Benedict is followed
by the nuns of Camaldoli, Yallombrosa,
and Fontevrault. (See Hdlyot.)
d. The rule of St. Francis of Assisi is
embraced by the order of niuis called
Poor Clares, founded by St. Clare ; this
is the second order of St. Francis.
The nuns of St. Jerome follow a rule
found in the works of that doctor ; the
nuns of the Visitation (1610), one given
them by St. Francis de Sales : it is the
rule of St. Austin with a number of
slight modifications.
2. Riyhtt- and Obligations.— Oi the
numerous and minute regulations con-
tained in the canon law touching: the
rights, obligations, and privileges of
religious women, a few of the more im-
portant are here subjoined. The general
du-ection of all their houses is vested in
the Sacred Congi-egation of Bishops and
Regulars [Coxgrbgations, Homaii]. The
orders and congregations of recent origin
are usually under the ordinary jurisdic-
tion of the bishops ; of the older orders,
some are under the jurisdictionof regulars.
It is an exceptional case when, as with
the Brigittines, and the order of Fontev-
rault, the homes of the connected congre-
gation of men are (or were) under the
jurisdiction of the superior general of the
nuns. Nearly all nuns who are bound
by solemn vows are under the obhgation
of performing the divine ofhce in choir,
and tlii.s they must do for themselves;
their chaplains may not undertake it for
them. The bi^hop may control their
music. They use either the Roman
Breviary or that approved for some order
of men. They may solemnise, so it be
done moderately and discreetly, their
titular feast. The number of religious
who can be received in any convent is
determined according to the amount of
revenues, or of customary alms, available
for their support. Nuns are allowed to
receive young girls as boarders for edu-
cation, but upon many conditions — e.g.
the consent of the Sacred CongTegatiou
must be obtained; the boarders must
sleep in a separate building or wing ;
they must not be under seven or above
twentj-five years, and if any one of them
desires to bccnme a nun, she cannot do
so without being tirst interrogated by the
bishop or his deputy, so that no sincere
and voluntary charaeter of her wish may
be tested. Tlienovitiale, which ])o>tulant»
in early times often p.i-^ed bel'm-e they
took the habit, cannot now be jiassed in
a secular dress. Nuns cannot stand in
the relation of sponsors. While on the
one hand those are excommunicated who
attempt to force any virgin or widow to
become a nun against her will, those on
the other are visited with the same penalty
who, without just cause, hinder any
woman from assuming the religious habit
and taking vows.
Thecon^V•^sors of nunsmustbe selected
and approved by the bishop for convents
subject to him. For convents subject to
regidars the regular prelate appoints con-
fessors, subject to the approbation of the
bishop. In either case a confessor caimot
hear confessions in the same monastery
for a period exceeding three years.
3. Government, Mode of Life, the Veil,
^■c. — The superiors of nuns are elected in
chapter by secret voting ' [see Abbess],
in some cases for life, but generally for a
term of years. In every convent there is
a superior and a mistress of novices ; the
other offices vary. The bishop often ap-
points a canon, or an experienced priest,
to exercise his authority in regard to
the external government of the convent.
Nuns take their meals in common, but
each must have her separate cell. With
regard to diet, fasting, clothing, taking
the discipline, mode of saying office, Ac,
there is an infinite diversity of practice in
the diflerent orders and congregations.
In primitive times, when a virgin conse-
crated herself to God, her hair was cut
ott'; this is expresslj' mentioned in the
hves of St. Syncletica (fourth century)
and St. Gertrude of Nivelle (seventh cen-
1 Cone. Trid. sets. xxv. 6, De li^. et Mon
NUNCIO
OATH
tury).' The white veil of reception is
given to the postulant either by the bishop
or the superior ar the commencement of
her novitiate : the veil of profession (which
is black in some orders, white in others)
is given by the bishop at the end of it.
[See Peofessiox, Religious.] The veil
of a Christian nun symbolises continence
in tlesh and spirit, holiness to the Lord.
It signifies an espousal, not that har-
monious union of two unlike human
beings on which conjugal happiness
depends, but a far more perfect union of
two uulikes — viz. of the human soul and
Christ, ertected by means of prayer,
obedience, and the sacraments. (Fen-aris,
Moniales; Thomassin, " Vetus et Nova
Eccl. Disc." Part I.) [See Sistebhoods.]
TtVNCZO {/iiintitis, messenger). A
Legate a latere of the Roman see [Legate]
dischargesa commission directed to special
ends, and in its nature temporary ; a
Nuncio of the same see is its permanent
official representative at some foreigii
court. The diplomatic agen^^s of the
Pope are of three classes: nuncios, inter-
nimcios, and apo-tolic delegates. In 1800
there were nuncios at the Courts of
Vienna, Madrid, Lisbon, Munich, and
"Brussels, and to the republican govern-
ment in Paris; internuncios at Rio de
Janeiro and the Hague; and apostolic
delegates to the goveniments of Ecuador,
Bolivia, Peru, Colombia, San Domingo,
Hayti, and Venezuela. The Gerarciiia
Caitolica for 1891 includes Chili, the
I Alban Butler, Jan. 5, Mar. 17 ; Wetzer and
Welte, " Gertrude."
Argentine Republic, Uruguay and Para-
I giiay, Costa Rica, and Switzerland in the
j list, but does not give the names of any
I envoys to these States. In 18G5, besides
j the capitals named, there were nuncios at
i Mexico and Naples, and an internuncio at
Florence. Before the French Revolution
nuncios resided at Warsaw, Venice,
liuceme, Naples, Florence, Cologne, and
Brussels. To the last named Clement
VIII. committed the oversight of the
Dutch and English missions. A consti-
tution of Benedict XIV. enjoins all
nuncios to watch over the residence of
bishops within their dioceses.
Papal nuncios were formerly invested
with an extensive jurisdiction; their
triljunals were courts of appeal from the
ordinary ecclesiastical comts of the
countries in which they resided. From
the language of one of the Tridentine
decrees,' it would appear that they some-
times encroached on the rights of the
bishops, and tried causes in the first
instance. In (Germany, the Archbi.shops
of Mentz, Colog-ne, and Treves, who were
Electors of the empire and legati nati,
resented, and often thwarted, the exercise
of jurisdiction by the nuncios : and the
establishment of a nunciature at Munich
in 1785 by the Elector of Bavaria was
the signal for an acrimonious controversy.
The troubles arising out of the French
Revolution soon absorbed the attention of
the disputants ; and the Munich nuncia-
ture was abolished in 1799. (Ferraris,
NuntiuB.)
1 Sess. zxiv. 20, De Be£.
o
OATH. The calling on God to wit-
ness that the statement made is true or
to make the fulfilment of a promise bind
under a more solemn obligation. Oaths
were required on certain occasions in the
Hebrew law (see, e.g., Exod. xxii. 10, 11 ;
Deut. vi. 13, X. 20), and the prophets
{e.g. Amos, iv. 2 ; Is. xiv. 24 ; Jer. li. 14)
speaks of God Himself as swearing. Two
places (only two, as far as we remember)
in the O.T. seem at first sight to condemn
swearing — viz. Zach. v. 3 ; Ecclesiast. ix.
2 ; but it is clear from the context that
false and perhaps rash swearing is meant.
There is, however, much more diffi-
culty about our Lord's teaching on oaths,
and it is well known that some sects — e.g.
the "Waldeuses, the Hussites, the " Society
of Friends,'" have believed that oaths are
forbidden to Christians. In Matt. v.
33-37, Christ certainly seems to forbid
all oaths, whether direct — i.e. by the name
of God Himself — or indirect — i.e. by
objects related to God, such as the
temple, heaven, &c. " Let your word be
yea, yea, nay, nay, but what is beyond
this, is from the evil one." St. James's
words (v. 12) are to the same effect. On
the other hand, St. Paul, far from con-
tenting himself always with a simple
"yea," or "nay," most distinctly calls
God to -witness the truth of his assertions
OATir
DELATES
065
(RoDi. i. 9 ; 2 Cor. xi. 31 ; Gal. i. 20 ;
Philip, i. 8 ; and especially 2 Cor. i. 23),
and the fact seems to he that our Lord
desired a state of perfection in his fol-
lowers -which would make oaths unneces-
sary, and therefore wrong, so lono-, at
least, as they were a " little flock " known
to one another. A Christian's character
was to make his word as good as his oath.
In dealing, however, with the heathen
world, Christians could not expect their
word to be taken in this way, and the
presence of bad Christians in the Church
made its actual state very different from
that ideal which Christ set before his
disciples. Many who could not be
trusted to avoid the shameful sin of ly-
ing, might still shrink from the greater
sin and shame of perjury ; and hence the
Church not only maintained the obligation
of taking an oath when it was required
in civil courts, but also herself exacted
outbs on certain solemn occasions from
her children. She bus ever taught the
lawfulness of oaths, provided always that
they are taken with judgment — i.e. for a
grave cause : in justice — i.e. provided the
thing sworn be lawful ; and in truth — i.e.
provided the thing swoni be true (Jer. iv.
'2). (See the profession of faith imposed
by Innocent III. on converted AValdenses;
the Constitution of .John XXII. asraiust
the Fraticelli, anno 1318; Prop. 43
among the propositions of Wyclitfe con-
demned by Martin V. and the Council of
Constance, anno 1418.)
Although it is always wicked to swear
without a conviction that the thing sworn
is true, it is not always wrong to break
a promise made on oath. A promissory
oath to commit a crime is sinful, and to
keep the promise is an additional sin.
Again, notable change of circumstances
may excuse from the keeping of an oath.
Further, though, generally speaking, no
earthly power can dispense from keeping
an oath made in favour of another, still,
in other cases a dispensation may be valid.
Thus, a superior may dispen.se in an oath
concerning things subject to hisauthority,
because such an oath is unlawful, except
with an implied condition — viz. if the
person who has authority in the matter
consents. A parent, p.//., may annul the
promissory oaths of his children below
the age of puberty. So, again, an oath
against the common good, or an oath ex-
torted by fear or fraud, maybe dispensed
by tlie bishop or by tliose who have
(ju: si-ei)iscopal jurisdiction — e.g. by a
chapter in the vacancy of a see, or again
by confessors with power to dispense from
vows. (St. Liguori, " Theol. Moral." lib.
iv. tract. 2.)
Many solemn oaths ordered by the
Church are made more solemn by touch-
ing the Gospels ; and in the middle ages
persons swearing often touched the
Blessed Sacrnment, relics, the sacred
vessels, &c. Such an oath was called
" Corporal," a term which has nothing to
do with the " corporal," or Unen cloth on
which the Blessed Sacrament is laid, but
} simply refers to corporal or bodily contact
with the sacred object. (See Maskell,
" Monument. Rit." vol. ii. p. li. seq.)
OBESZEzrcE. [See Evakgelicax
COTIXSELS.]
OBI.ATES. Oblates of St. Charles.
This is a congregation of secular priests,
who " offer " themselves (whence the
j name) to the bishop, to be employed by
him in any part of the diocese he may
choose, and upon any work which he
may commit to them. St. Charles Bor-
roraeo, archbishop of Milan, having found
in his large diocese, parts of which were
greatly neglected or totally abandoned,
the need of a band of zealous self-sacri-
ficing labourers, who would be ready to
go and do at once whatever he com-
manded them to do, founded this congTe-
gation of " Oblates of the Blessed Virgin
and St. Ambrose" in 1578. He estab-
lished them in the church and presbyteiy
of the Holy Sepulchre at Milan. Dividing
the congregation into six " assemblies, '
he directed that two of these should
always remain in the community house
in the city, while the four others were at
work in other parts of the diocese. There
is a house of this congregation at Bays-
water, having several affiliations in other
parts of London.
Oblates of St. Frances of Rome. A
community of religious women, boimd
only bv simple vows, established at Rome
in i433.
Oblates of Italy. An association of
secular priests founded by some zealous
ecclesiastics at Turin in 1816. They have
the charge of the mission of Eastern
Bui-mah.
Oblates of Mary Immaculate. A
society of priests founded at Marseilles in
1815 by Charles de Mazenod, afterwards
bishop of the diocese. The superior-
[ general is elected for life by a special
general chapter. Their numbers have
increased greatly, and they have been of
inestimable service by placing themselves
at the disposal of the bishops to be em-
660
OBLATI
OFFERTORY
ployed on the mission in Canada, British I
India, and the United States. There are I
at present nine houses of these Oblates in
Great Britain — at Birkenhead, Jersey (2), '
Kilburn, Leeds, Leith, Liverpool, Sick-
lin^iiall, and Tower Hill: and two in
Ireland— at Ineliicore and Stillorgan. The
reformatories at Gleneree, near Dublin,
and Philipstown are also in their charge,
OSXiATX. Children dedicated in
their early years to the monastic state.
[See Br.xFDicTiNES; Schools.]
OBSiATi. A class of persons of
■whom ecclesiastical annals, especially in
the middle ajres, furnish frequent ex-
amjilcs, who "offered" and gave them-
selves and their property to a monastery
for the glory of God and their own
spiritual improvement. The father of
St. Hugh of Lincoln was an " oblatus "
in the monastery of the Great Chartreuse,
in which the saint himself was a monk,
and tenderly watched over his father's
old age. Benedict XIV. (" De Synodo
Dioeces." vi. 3) says, that although oblafi
are not religious, yet if they have trans-
ferred their entire property to the monas-
tery, retaining neither capital nor rent,
they are ecclesiastical persons, and enjoy
the privilegium fori, and immunity from
secular burdens. (Ferraris, Oblati Monas-
teriorum.)
OBSESSXOMT. [See Possession.]
O c T A. VARZ vra. The purpose of the
book is explained by its title, " Octava-
rium Romanum sive octavae festorum,
lectiones secundi scilicet et tertii nocturni
singulis diebus recitandae infra octavas
sanctorum titularium, &c." Mr. Maskell
knows of no edition prior to the seven-
teenth century. The use of the book is
not obligatory on those who have to say
the divine office, though it is sometimes
referred to in the Ordo.
OCTAVE. The Christian, following
the example of the Jewish, Church, cele-
brates certain feasts till the eighth or
octave day. The number eight is sup-
posed to represent perfection, for the
seven days of the week are taken as
figures of the ages of the world, and the
eighth of the eternal rest which is to
follow them.
Octaves are privileged or non-privi-
leged ; and the former, again, are sub-
divided into classes. In the octaves of
Easter and Pentecost, no other feast
may be kept and no commemoration
made, except of a simple, if it falls
after the first three days. In the octave
of Epiphany (not, however, on the
octave-^ay) the feast of the patron saint,
title, or dedication of the Church may
be kept. In the octave of Coi-pus Christi
doubles may be kept (only doubles, how-
ever, of the first and second class can be
transferred to this octave), but the octave
day only gives place to a double of the
first class. During non-privileged octaves
even semi-doubles are celebrated. Those
last, to which all octaves, except those
already enumerated, belong, are again
arranged in order of dignity, so that the
lesser gives way to the greater in case
of concurrence. (Gavantus, torn. ii. § 3,.
cap. 8.)
OFFERTORV. (I) An antiphon
which used to be sung by the choir
while the faithful made their ofieriiigs of
bread and wine for the Mass, of gifts for
the support of the clergy, &c. From
St. Augustine's time verses of the Psalms
were sung in North Africa during the pre-
sentation of the gifts, and the Ofi'ertory in
the Roman Missal has been in use from
ancient times, being found in the Anti-
phonary of St. Gregory, though the pre-
cise date at which it was introduced
is uncertain. The oblations of bread and
wine by the faithful began to fall into
disuse from about the year 1000, but the
antiphon and its name are still retained.
The Oflertoiy is said immediately after
the Creed.i (Le Brun, Benedict XIV.)
(2) The oblation of bread and wine
by the priest, made after the recitation
of the antiphon just mentioned. "The
Church does really offer bread and wine,
but not absolutely and in themselves;
for in the new covenant no oblation is
made of lifeless things : indeed, no obla-
tion is made other than that of Jesus
Christ; wherefore the breadand wine are
offered that He may make them his body
and blood." (Bossuet, "Explic. des Prieres
de la Messe.'") In the oblation the priest
speaks of the bread as "the spotless
victim," and of the chahce as the " chalice
of salvation" by anticipation — i.e. he looks
forward to the moment when they will
be changed into the body and blood of
Christ. All the ancient liturgies contain
an oblation of the gifts before consecra-
tion (see the comparative table in Ham-
mond's " Ancient Liturgies," p. xxvi. seq.) ;
but the five prayers with which the ob-
' Why does the priest say " Oremus " before
the offertory ? Prob.ibly because some prayer
like th.it " Super Sindonem " in the Ambrosiiin
Mass has lallen out. This is Mr. Hammond's
solution. See also "Oremus" in Smith and
Cheetham.
OFFICE
OLD CATHOLICS 667
lation is made — "Suscipe, Sancte Pater,"
"Ort'erimus tibi," "In spiritu humilitatis,"
"Veni, Sanctiticator," "Suscipe, Sancta
Trinitas," are of recent date, as ap-
pears " from the silence of Walafrid,
Amalarius, Rupert, and Innocent III."
concerning them (Benedict XIV. " De
Miss." II. X.). The incensation of the
oblata or gifts in solemn Masses seems to"
have been little known in the West till
the ninth century, when it was intro-
cluced in France. The ceremony occurs
in the Greek liturgies (Le Brun, torn. ii.
2 P. a. 7). The gi-eat oblation of Christ's
body and blood must be careful'.y distin-
guished from the Otlertory or anticipatory
oblations of bread and wine.
OPriCE. [See Beetiart.]
OZXiS, HOliT. There are three holy
■oils, consecrated by the bishop on Holy
Thursday, and received from him by the
priests who have charge of parishes and
districts.
(1) The oil of catechumens, used in
blessing fonts, in baptism, consecration of
churches, of altars whether fixed or port-
able, ordination of priests, blessing and
coronation of kings and queens.
(2) Chrism [see Coxtikmation], used
in blessing the font, in baptism and con-
firmation, consecration of a bishop, of
paten and chalice, and in the blessing of
bells.
(3) Oil of the sick, used in extreme
unction and the blessing of bells.
The Rituale Romanum requires these
oils to be kept in vessels of silver or
alloyed metal [stannum — properly a mix-
ture of silver and lead), in a decent place,
and under lock and key. The S. Cong.
Rit. strictly forbids the pastor to keep
them in his house, except in cases of
necessity. (See"Manuale Decret."2,670-
2). The oils of the past year must not
be used, but common oil, in lesser quan-
tity, may be added to the blessed oils if
neeessarj-. For the bisto^ of the use of
these oils, see Bai'tism, Co^TIE3IATIO^',
&c. .tc.
OZ.X> CA.Tnoi.XCS{Alt-Kat/)oh'ken).
A name assumed by various priests and
lay-people in Germany who protested
ag.-iiiist the Vatican definition of Papal
infallibility, and formed themselves into
a si'parate body.
Scarcely was the Vatican definition
issued, when Dr. DoUinger solemnly pro-
tested against it, as an innovation on
Catholic doctrine. He found large sup-
port in the universities. Nearly all
Catholics in the teaching body of Miinich
' (44 Docenten), professors from Freiburg,
Breslau, Prague, Miinster, and four pro-
fessors from Bonn, joined the opposition.
Some of them, such as Reusch, Langen,
, Friedrich, were men of considerable repu-
1 tation for ability, learning, and character.
Nothing of course need be said of Dol-
linger. The party looked for encourage-
ment to those German bishops who had
been opposed to the definition, but in
this they were disappointed The leaders
i of the protesting movement were excom-
■ munioatt-d.
j In 1871, at an Old Catholic Congress
I in ^Miinicli, but against the declared wish
I of Dolliiifrrr, the resolution of forming
Old Catholic congTegations was formed,
I and on Jiuie 4, 1873, Dr. Reinkens was
I consecrated bishop by Heydekamp,
[ Jansenist bishop of Deventer. The
bishop had a salary allotted him by the
Government (16,000 1 balers from Prussia,
2,000 from Baden): but his jurisdiction
over his adherents is very limited ; the
real power is vested in a synod of
Deputies from the congregations, of
whom the majority are laymen. In
many cases the Catholic churches were
made over to the Old Catholics by the
Government, a result which was accele-
j rated by a decree of Pius IX. forbidding
j Cathohc rites in all churches where
; partial possession had been granted to the
new body. The cause of " Old Catholic-
ism " enjoyed the special favour of the
i Government then engaged in a contest
' with the Church.
Facts, however, have proved that so
inconsistent a position could not be main-
tained. The first synod, in 1874, changed
, the Tridentine doctrine on am-icular
] confession, and made fasting and ab-
1 stinence voluntary ; the second, in 1875,
reduced the number of feasts, and set
aside nearly all the canonical impediments
I of marriage, except those recognised by
j the State ; the third, in 1876, permitted
I priests to marry and receive the nuptial
i blessing, but forbade them to officiate
after marriage ; the fifth, in 1878, allowed
, persons in holy orders to marry, and to
perfonn all the functions of the ministry.
This resolution was passed in spite of a pro-
test from the Jansenist Bishops of Holland.
Friedrich andtheBonnprofessors,Langen,
Menzel, and Reusch (previously vicar-
general to the Old Catholic bishop),
withdrew from their former associates.
Reusch continued to oHiciate at Bonn,
and thus formed a schism within a schism.
I There is no official census of the German
668
OLD CATHOLICS
ONTOLOGISM
Old Catliollcs, for in 1880 Dr. Reinkens
told his adherents to return themselves
simply as Catholics; but it maybe safely
said that their number in the whole
empire, to judge even by their ovm state-
ments, does not reach 50,000.
In Austria they are a very insignificant
body, though they have two men of
learning- among them— viz. the Canonists
Von Schulte and Maassen. In Switzer-
land only three priests refused submission
to the ^'atiean Council; but a "Christian-
Catholic '' Chiu-ch was formed, in great
part from the most disreputable elements,
under the auspices of the cantonal
governments. Edward Herzog was
consecrated bishop by Dr. Reinkens in
September, 1876. The "Christian-Catho-
lic " Cliurch has a married priesthood, a
vernacular liturgy, and has made con-
fession voluntary. This body is visibly
dwindling away. Attempts have been
made to erect schismatical churches by
the ex-Dominican Prota-Giurleo at
Naples, in Spain by the priest Aguazo, in
Mexico by eigliteen priests, in France by
the eloqui'iit ex-Carmelite Loyson (" Rec-
teur df l'I ]-li>-e Catholique Gallicane ") ;
but tliey do not deserve serious notice.
Since the above was written, Pope
Leo XIII. has brouglit the Culturkampf
to a happy end. In Prussia and Baden,
however, the laws in favour of the Old
Catholics remain unaltered, and the sect,
in pi inciple, enjoys the same protection
as before. The Catholics have re-obtained
possession, at the cost of great sacrifices
on their part, of a few of the churches
which the Prussian Government had
handed over to the Old Catholics, e.g. in
Neisse, Cochum, Wiesbaden. In Baden,
also, the sectaries were obliged to restore
several of the principal churches to their
legitimate owners, e.g. in Mundelfingen,
Thiengen, Siicklngen, Fiitzen, Kappel.
In Bavaria a ministerial decree dated
March 10, 1890, deprived the Old Catho-
lics of the Government protection they
. enjoyed; they are no longer treated as
members of the Church acknowledged by
the State, but as a purely private sect.
DoUinger, the author of tl'ie ( )ld ditliolic
movement in Germany, died .Tiinuaiy 10,
and Baron von Liitz, the Minister of
Worship, who all along had been its
staunchest supporter, retired from office
on May 31 and died September 3 of the
.same year, 1890. The few Old Catholics
still found in some Austrian towns
(Vienna, Ried, Warmsdorf) have never
been able either to elect a bishop or to
obtain support from the State. In Switzer-
land negotiations with the Holy See have
rendered the position of Catholics more
tolerable. In 1879 the Bishop of Fribourg,
Mgr. Marilley, resigned, Mgr. Casandy
succeeded him as Bishop of Fribourg,
Lausanne and Geneva, and in 1883 Mgr.
Mermillod was appointed in the room of
Mgr. Casandy. The Federal Council had
banished Mgr. Mermillod from the
country when he was vicar-apostolic of
Geneva; it allowed him to return aa
bishop, and left it to the several cantons
to acknowledge his new dignity. Geneva
alone refused the acknowledgment. In
189(» Mermillod was created cardinal
and received all the honours due to his
rank from those same authorities who a
few years before had sent him into exile.
Peace was likewise restored in Basle on
the resignation of Bishop Lachat. In
consequence of the activity of the Catho-
lics and of the falling away of its own
members, the Old Catholic sect in Switzer-
land lost much of their influence ; in many
parishes they had to give up their right
to use the Catholic churches for their
worship. A bill for the suppression of
the " Theological Faculty " at Bern was
indeed thrown out by the Council (1883),
but the Faculty is dying a natural death ;
in eleven years it had but 57 students.
Meanwhile a Cathohc university, sup-
ported by the State, has been founded at
Fribourg and is very prosperous. In
Italy, Spain, and Mexico the Old Catholic
movement never acquired the slightest
importance. There are no reliable statis-
tics of the present number of Old Catho-
lics. An almanack published by the sect
gives their number for 1891 in Germany
as 34,893, whereas, according to Schulte
("History of Old Catholicism," 1887), in
1879 they were 53,640. In Bavaria
there were 6,173 of them in 1883, against
11,388 in 1877 (Schulte, op. eit.). In
1891 they are estimated at about 5,000.
Outside of Germany a similar rapid
decrease has taken place.
[From the art. "Alt-Katholiken" in the
new edition of the " Kirchen-Lexikon,"
with additional information kindly sup-
plied by Dr. Wildt, the writer of the
article. See also Armexiaxs.]
OMOPHORXOM'. [See Pallium.]
Ol«rTOX.OCXSlVX. This is the name,
first given by Gioberti, which designates
a form of Platonic Mysticism whose
principles were inculcated by Marsiliua
Ficinus, systematically constructed by
Malebranche, and again recast by the
OXTOLOGISM
OXTOLOOIS.M
aboTe-mentioned Gioberti. The name |
deudtes that it is a first principle of the
theory of cognition which lies at the basis
of the system : that tlie order of intel-
lectual apiprehension follows the order of
real beius. The necessary, self-existing
being is tirr.t in the real order ; therefore
it is the first object of intellectual vision,
and is that in and by wliich every con-
tingent and created existence becomes
visible. Gioberti's theory was, for a
time, very attractive to many Catholics, j
and seemed likely to gain an i xtiiisive
sway. It was very vigi^roiijly ci intro- I
verted by Liberatore and others as con-
trary to'the doctrine of St. Tlioina-, us
rationally groundless, and as It aJiiiL;' loiri-
cally to consequences which are theo-
logically unsound and incompatible with
dogmas of faith. On account of this
dangerous theological tendency seven
propositions, embracing the fundamental
tenets of Ontologism, were censured by
the Holy See, as propositions which can-
not safely be taught, in a decree of the
Congregation of the Inquisition bearing
date September 18, 18f5l.
Prop. I. An immediate cognition of
God, at least habitual, is essential to the
human intellect, so that without this it
can have cognition of nothing, inasmuch
as it is the intellectual light itself
II. The lieing which we perceive by
the intellect in all things, and without
which we intellectually perceive nothing,
is the divine being.
in. Universals, considered a parte
rei, are not really distinguished from
God.
IV. The congenital knowledge of God
as being in the simple sense of the term,
involves in an eminent mode every other
cognition, so that by it we possess an
implicit cognition of every being under
every respect in which it is cognoscible.
V. All other ideas are nothing but
modifications of the idea in which God
is intelUctually perceived as being, in the
simple sense of the term.
VI. Created things are in God as a
part is in a whole, not indeed in a formal ]
whole, but in one which is infinite and
most simple, which places its quasi parts
outside of itself, without any di^rision or
diminution of itself.
VII. Creation can be thus explained :
God, in tlie special act in which He intel- j
lectually cognises and wills Himself as
distinct from any determinate creature—
e.ff. man— produces that creature.
Various attempts were made by par
tisans of Ontologism to maintain that this
censure of the Holy See was not directed
against this .system, but against another
species of Pantheistic Ontologism taught
in Germany. But one of their number,
M. Brancherau, having a conscientious
doubt on the subject, drew up a summary
of the doctrine contained in a text-book
which he had himself composed, com-
pri.-ed in fifteen theses, which he submitted
to the Uoman Congregation for judgnu'nt.
The decision was i^ixen in Septeniljer,
18G2, pronouncing till' .substantial identity
of these propositions with the se\eu
already disapproved, and declaring that
they fell under the same cen-ure, that
they consequently could not lie taught,
and that the text-book itself, which was
only a development of the same theses,
could not be placed in the hands of pupils.
On February '22, 1 S6(i, a decree of the
united Congi. -ations of the Inquisition
and of the Index, formally approved by
the Holy Father, censured the writings
of Prof. Ubaghs, of Louvain, another dis-
tinguished Ontologist, as containing the
same doctrine condemned in the seven
propositions. During the same year M.
Hugonin, who had bi en nominated to an
episcopal see in France, was required by
the Papal Nuncio at Paris, as a condition
of receiving the confirmation of his ap-
]iointment, to publish a retractatjon of
the doctfiiie ciiiitalned in his "Etudes
PhilofOjihiqi I. ^ : (Jntologie,"and to promise
to do all which depended on him in the
episcopal ofiice to prevent the teaching of
this same doctrine in the schools of
France. All these distingui.-hed persons
submitted with docility to the sentence
of Home. Since it has become manifest
that the Holy See did intend to condemn
as unsafe the fundamental doctrine of
Ontologism proper — viz. that the human
intellect has an immediate cognition of
God as its proper object and the principle
of all its cognitions — the system has
fallen dead, so far as Catholics are con-
cerned. It still lingers, imder various
modifications, by which the genuine idea
which lies at its basis is so far altered or
obscured as to be comparatively harmless,
and really or apparently exempt from
positive censure. In such shapes, how-
ever, it is no longer potent to attract
thoroughgoing thinkers, and is of smaU
moment.
( Kleutgen gives a brief but thorough
exposition of the seven propositions, with
a refutation of the errors contained in
them, in a work which in the French
C70 OrrS OrEL.ATUM
ORATORY, THE FREXGIl
translation i> -iiiitlt .1 ■■ ( intolcgisme jug6
par le Saint-^^irgr." Paris: Gaume
Freres et J. Duprev, 3 liiu- de rAbbave,
1867.] The works of Cardinal Deciiamps
■may also be consulted for information
concerning the controversy.)
OPVS OPSltiVTVlvi. A word used
by mediaeval theologians and adopted by
the Council of Trent (sess. vii. can. S)
to express the nature of the effects which
the sacraments produce. Man has the
power by the perversity of his will to stay
theetlicacy of the sacraments; and certain
dispositions — such as the love of God and
man, or, again, true repentance and sincere
pur]><i>e of amendment — are absolutely
necessary, in those who have the use of
reason, in order that they may derive
benefit from the sacraments. These
dispositions, however, are only conditions
without which the grace of the sacra-
ments cannot be received. The grace
itself comes not from them, but from the
institution of Christ.
Tile fdllowing clear explanation is
given by Jjellaruiine (" Pe Sacramentis,"
lib. ii. 1). In justification, he says, as
received throngh the sacraments, many
causes concur: on God's part, the will to
employ the sensible sign ; on Christ's part,
his Passion and merits; on the part of
the minister, power and intention; on
the part of the recipient, the will to
receive the sacrament, iaifli, and re-
pentance; on the part of the sacrament,
the a]iplieatiou of tlie sensible sign. " But
of all these, that which actively, proxi-
mately, and instrumentalh" eil'ects the
grace of justification, is only that external
act, called sacrament, and this is the
sense of ' Opus OiJeratuui,' the word
operatum being tahen passively, so that
when we say the sacrament confers grace
ex opere opcrato, our meaning is that
grace is conferred by virtue of the sacra-
mental act itself iii>iituted by God for
this end, not hy the merit of the minister
or the reei](ient."
ORAitiiTZH:. [See Stole.]
FKATRES, &.C. So the
addie.-s begins in which, after the Offer-
tory iind Lavabo, tli(> jiriest bids the
jjeojjle pray that liis sarrilici' and theirs
may be acceptable to God. Originally
the priest simply said "Orate," or "Orate
]>i'o me," "Orate pro me pecc;i1ore."
ilemi of Auxerre, in a.d. ^.--0, is the lirst
to give a fuller form, but lie a])])ends it
mei-ely as an explanation, " (Ji ate, fratres"
— i.i . " ut meum ac vestnim pariter sacri-
ficium acc(!ptum sit Domino." In tho
churches of Paris and Meaux down to
the seventeenth century, and in our own
Missals of Sarum, Bangor, and York, the
words ran, " Orate, Iratres et sorores,"
&c. The answer which the server makes
is " Suscipiat," &c. ; but the response is
given in a vast variety of forms by the
mediaeval Missals, and it still varies much
in the rites of different religious orders.
(Le Brun, torn, ii., iii. Part. art. x.
Maskell, " Ancient Liturgies.")
ORATORY. In the earliest times
Mass could only be said in private houses,
and after the erection of cimrches it was
still often said in private dwellings. The
growth of the parochial system led to a
shaiper distinction between parochial
churches and oratories or chapels. Thus
the Council of Agde, canon 24 (anno 506),
permits Mass to be said in oratories, but
not on the great feasts of Easter, Christ-
mas, &c. So the Council of Clermont,
can. 14 (anno 535). In the East, the
Synod in Trullo, can. 31 (anno 692), pro-
lubiti'd service in oratories without the
1 lishi ip's leave, and many AVestern councils
1 issued similar edicts.
I An oratory is public or private, ac-
' cording as it has or has not a door opening
into the public road. The older canon
law allowed Mass to be celebrated in
either with the bishop's leave. But the
1 Council of Trent limited episcopal powers
in the matter, and the following is the
! present state of the law.
A bishop may always permit Mass in
a public oratory, blessed and set apart for
divine service.
In the oratories of religious, seminaries,
hospitals, &c.
In his own palace.
In the house, wherever it may be, in
which he resides at the time. (This privi-
lege was taken away by Clemeut XL,
but restored by Innocent XIII.)
In private oratories for just cause and
for a time.
But a i)ernianeut privilege of celebrat-
ing in a private oratory can be granted
by the Pope alone. (Concil. Trident, i.
sess. xxii. ; Liguori, " Theol. Moral." lib.
vi. Tract .'), cap. .3, dub. 4.)
ORATORY, THE FRElfl-CH. A
society ol' pri!->ts founded ]>\ (Jardinal de
Berulie at Paris in i, with the advice
i.f Cesar de I'.us. the IV'ie Cotton, and
othfr eminent men, in order to strengthen
ecclesiast ieal discipline, which had been
weaiiened during tbe troubles of the
League. Bossuet says that Mons. de
B^rulle " preferred to give no other spirit
ORATORY, THE FRENCH
1o his company but the spirit of the
Church itself, no other rule than her
■canons, no other superiors than her
bishops, no other bond but charity, and
no vows but those of baptism and ordina-
tion." To deepen devotion, promote pro-
fessional studies, and spread an ecclesias-
tical spirit among' the st'cular clergy, that
through tliem the whole population might
be reached and influenced, were the prin-
cipal objects of tlie institute. In 1612 it
was declared a royal foundation. After
some hesitation Paul V. (1614) approved
the society, under the title of " Congre-
gation of the Oratory of our Lord Jesus
Christ in France." fn 1616 a residence,
with chapel annexed, was occupied in the
Rue St. Honors. The fathers paid much
attention to music, and wi-re called " les
peres du beau chant." The favourite
work of the founder was the institution
of seminaries for the training of priests ;
■of these he lived to see six — at Langres,
Nevers, &c. — in working orilt r. lie was
the friend and supporter of D' ^curtt s, and
the congi-egation alwaj's had the rejaita-
tion of being rather favourable to Car-
tesianism. The Cardinal died in lG:iO,
leaving fifty se-niinaries, colli'tres, and
houses of retreat in the erei-riiin of wliich
he had been instiumnital, all in full
activity. The saintly Teiv de Oondreu
•succeeded him in the government of the
congregation ; h*^ was followed by Bour-
goiiig, Senault, Sainte-]\Iarthe, and De la
Tour. Jansenism took a strong hold of
the congregation, and the bull " Unigeni-
tus " was long a bone of contention among
the members ; but the sounder portion at
last prevailed, and the bull was accepted
by the society in 1746. At the Revolu-
tion the educational functions discharged
by the congie_;at ion saved it for a time;
but the Fatheis tirmly resisted the Civil
Constitution of the Clergy, and when the
ceremony of consecrating the constitu-
tional bishops was appointed to take
flace in their church in the Rue St.
Ionor(5, they all refused to be present.
Later, a few gave way and took the oath.
The "Oratory of the Immaculate Con-
ception," founded at Paris in 1852 by
M. P(5tetot, cui6 of St. Roch, and the abb6
Gratry, adopted the rule of the ancient
«ociety.
Among the eminent men whom the
French t)rafory produced were Thomassin
(a name often (juotixl in these pages),
Lejeune, Richard Simon, Malebranche,
■Quesnel, Pouget, Massillon, Renaudot,
Jean Morin, commonly called Morinus,
ORATORY OF ST. PmT>IP NERI 671
I Le Brun, Lami, and Duhamel. ("En-
j cycl. du XIX"' Siecle," 1852, art. by
: Jules Sauzay.)
ORATORY OP ST. PHZX.ZP
NERX. Phihp Neri, a native of
Florence, remarkable from his childhood
upwards for the singular beauty and
purity of his character, came to reside at
Rome, at the age of eighteen, in 1538.
For some years he was tutor to the chil-
dren of a Florentine nobleman living in
Rome. His life was one of habitual self-
denial, penance, and prayer. A thirst for
doing good consumed him ; and by degrees
he gathered round him a number of men,
' young and old, whom he animated by his
discourses to a greater zeal for God and
hatred of evil, and to a more exact regu-
larity of life than they had known before.
This he did while still a layman ; but on
the advice of his confessor he received
holy orders, and was ordained priest in
1551. For a short time after his ordina-
tion he received in his own chamber those
whom he had won to God, and instructed
! them on spiritual things ; then, during
' seven years, in a larger room. Out of these
colloquies was gradually perfected the
plan of evening exercises which is to this
day practised by the congregation —
jilain sermons being preached, hymns
sung, and popular devotions used, in a
regular order, on every week-day evening
except Saturday. The numljer of persons
attending the exerci ses still increasing, he
obtained (lo5x) from the administration
j of the Church of St. Jerome leave to build
'] over one of the aisles of that church a
I chapel, to which he gave the modest name
of an " orator}'," whence arose the name
I of the congregation. About this time
many persons afterwards eminent in the
Church and the world joinedhim, amongst
whom were Caesar Baronius, the ecclesias-
tical historian, and Francis Maria Tarugi,
afterwards Cardinals, Lucci, Tassone, Sec.
Six years later, the Florentines living in
Rome having rei^uested him to underlake
I the charge of the Church of St. John the
i Baptist which they had just built, the
saint (1504) caused Baronius and others
I of his followers to remove thither and to
I receive ordination. From this date the
commencement of the congregation is
reckoned. Tlieir numbers inereasing, it
1 seemed desirable to the Fathers to have
a house of their own. The old church
of the Vallicella, situated in the heart of
Rome, was ceded to them in 1576; and
St. Philip at once caused the present
I magnificent church, called the " Chiesa
072 ORATOEY OF ST. PHILIP NERI
ORDER, HOLY
Xuova," to bo commenced on the site.
The Fathers removed to the Vallicellain
1577 on the completion of the church;
St. Philip joined them in IS-^S. Gregory
Xin. had approved and confirmed the
erection of the congregation in 1575. The
constitutions of the society — which St.
Philip desired should be composed of
simple priests, without vows, but agreeing
to a rule of life— were approved by Paul V.
in 1612. St. Philip died in 1595, was
beatified in 1615, and canonised iu 1622.
The rule of the congregation from the
first was that each house should be in-
dependent, the only exception being made
iu favour of certain Itahan oratories
(Naples, San Severino, and afterwards
Lanciano), which were at first adminis-
tered by the mother house at Rome.
The Oratory was introduced into
England in 1847 by Dr. (afterwards
Cardinal) Newman, who, during his long
sojourn in Rome following upon his con-
version, had studied closely the work of
the holy founder and become deeply im-
Inied with the spirit of his institute. The
first house was at Mary "Vale, i.e. Old
Oscott, and was transferred, after a tem-
porary sojourn at St. Wilfrid's, Staflbrd-
shirc, to Alcester Street, Birmingham, in
January, l^-l'.l A short time later a
hous.' was opened at King William Street,
Strand, Loudon, by F. Faber, with several
other fathers who belonged to the Birm-
ingham congregation, and were still sub-
ject to Father Newman. In October, 1850,
the London house was released from
obedience to Birmingham, and erected
into a congregation with a superior of its
own. It was finally transferred to
Brompton, where it has erected a large
domed church. The Oratory at Birming-
ham remained under the direction — even
after his elevation to the purple — of its
illustrious founder, and has become a
great centre for the midland counties of
Catholic preaching and education.
The followmg passage embodies a
portion of the Cardinal's conception of
St. Philip's work. " He was raised up,"
writes Cardinal Newman, " to do a work
almost peculiar in the Church." Instead
of combating like Ignatius, or being a
hunter of souls hke St. Cajetan, " Philip
preferred, as he expressed it, tranquilly to
cast iu his net to gain them ; he preferred
to yield to the stream and direct the
current — which he could not stop — of
science, literature, art, and fashion, and to
sweeten and sanctify what God had made
very good and man had spoilt. And so
he contemplated as the idea of his mis-
sion, not the propagation of the faith, nor
the exposition of doctrine, nor the cate-
chetical schools ; whatever was exact and
systematic pleased him not ; he put from
him monastic rule and authoritative
speech, as David refused the armour of
his king. No : he would be but an ordinary
individual priest as others; and his
weapons should be but unaffected humihty
and unpretending love. All he did was
to be done by the light, and fervour, and
convincing eloquence of his personal
character and his easy conversation. He
j came to the Eternal City and he sat him-
i self down there, and his home and his
family gradually grew up around him, by
the spontaneous accession of materials
from without. He did not so much seek
his own as draw them to him. He sat in
his small room, and they in their gay
worldly dresses, the rich and the well-
born as well as the simple and the
illiterate, crowded into it. . . . And they
who came remained gazing and listening
till, at length, first one and then another
threw ofi" their bravery, and took his poor
cassock and girdle instead ; or, if they
kept it, it was to put hair-cloth under it,
or to take on them a rule of life, while
to the world they looked as before." '
OROEAXi. [See Judicium Dei.]
ORDER, HOX.T. Holy Order, "ac-
cording to Catholic doctrine, is a sacra-
ment of the new law, by which spiritual
power is given and grace conferred for the
performance of sacred duties.
I. The Meaning of the Word " Ordo "
is explained by St. Thomas ("Suppl."
xxxii. 2, ad 4), and the investigation of
modern scholars has proved his view to
be substantially correct. " Ordo " means
"rank," whether high or low, but the
meaning was restricted, much as our own
word " rank " often is, to " eminent rank "
— i.e. the clerical position as distinct from
that of laymen. Salmasius suggested
(see Ritschl, "Entstehunff der Alt-
katholischen Kirche," p. 388) that the
earliest Christian writers in Latin bor-
rowed the word from the municipal con-
stitution of the Romans, so that •' ordo"
would mean " magistracy." But it is
much more likely that they adopted it as
a version of x'Xrjpos ; and, as the reader
will presently see, it was only by degrees
that it acquired the exclusive sense of
" eminent ' or " magisterial rank." Thus,
though TertuUian implies that the
• Scope and Nature of University KductUion.
Disc, viii.
ORDER, HOLY
ORDER, HOLT 678
" ecclesiae ordo " is distinct from the laity
("De Moaog." 7), though he speaks of
persons who " are chosen into the eccle-
siastical order'' (" De Idololatr." T\, and,
again, of "the priestly order" ("ordo
sacerdotalis," " De E.xlim t. Cast." 7) ; he
also recognises " widows " as an " order "
of the Church ("Ad Uxor." i. 7; and cf.
"ordines," in the plural, "De Monog."
12). Even Jerome uses " ordo " in its
•wide and, as we believe, original sense.
For (" In Jesaiam,"' Lib. V. cap. xix. 18)
he enumerates five " orders " of the
Church (" ecclesiiE ordiues") — viz. bishops,
presbyters, deacons, the faithful, cate-
chumens.
II. The Number of Orders. — In the
Latin Church the ecclesiastical orders
are those of bishops, priests, deacons,
sub-deacons, acolytes, exorcists, readers,
ostiarii, or door-keepers. The first three
are as old as the time of the Apostles ;
and all must be very ancient, for they
are mentioned incidentally by Cornelius,
bishop of Rome, in the middle of the
^hird century (apud Euseb. " H. E." vi.
43). Nor is there any reason to think
that their institution was recent even
then. Some canonists add another order,
that of the tonsure, but it is generally
regarded as a mere introduction to the
clerical state, and this view is consonant
to the language of the Council of Trent
(sess. xxiii. cap. 2). Apart from this,
very many theologians, among whom is
St. Thomas, do not regard the episcopate
as a separate order, but only as the com-
pletion and extension of the priesthood,
and hence reckon the number of the
orders as seven. The title of the Triden-
tine chapter already referred to, "De
Septem Ordinibus," favours this view;
but, according to the eminent canonist
Philips, it is not found in the earlier edi-
tions. The theory rests on the assump-
tion that all orders are referred to the
Eucharist, and thus the bishop has no
power which a simple priest has not also,
except that the former can, the latter
cannot, convey this power to others by
ordination. Those who hold the episco-
pate to be a distinct order not unnaturally
reject this exclusive reference of holy
order to the Eucharist as arbitrary, and
argue that the power of ordination and
confirmation suiliciently justifies the
position of the e})iscopate as separate
order. The orders of bishop, priest,
deacon, and (but only since the thirtecmth
century) subdeacon are called "sacred"
or "gi'eater," those of acolyte, &c.,
" minor " orders. In the Greek, Coptic,
and Nestorian Churches the orders re-
cognised are those of bishop, priest,
deacon, subdeacon, and reader, to which
that of " singer " {-^okTris) is sometimes
added. Great variety, however, has pre-
vailed in the East, both as to the number
and classification of the orders, and we
must refer the reader for fuller informa-
tion to Goar (" Euchologion ") ; to Denz-
inger (" Ritus Orientalium," vol. i. p.
116 seq.)\ and to the articles on the
individual orders in this work.
HI. Holy Order as a Sacrament. —
The Council of Trent defines (sess. xxii.
De Sacr. Ord. can. 3) that order is " truly
and properly a sacrament instituted by
Christ," and that by means of it the Holy
Ghost is given (Canon 4). Evidently, in
ordination there is an external sign, but
the question at issue between Catholics
and most Protestants turns on the grace
which, as Catholics believe, accompanies
the sign. A priest, as the Church teaches,
receives supernatural power in his ordin-
ation, an indelible character [see the
article on Cha.kacter], and, if rightly
disposed, grace to support him in the
exercise of his ministry. If this question
be settled, the rest of the contention fol-
lows. A sign which necessarily conveys
grace cannot have been instituted by
authority which is merely human, and
the external sign, grace given, institution
by our Lord, are the three constituents of
a sacrament.
That grace is given follows from the
clear statements of Scripture. Christ
"breathed on" his Apostles and said,
" Receive the Holy Ghost ; whosesoever
sins ye remit, they are remitted unto
them ; whomsoever sins»'ye retain, they
are retained" (John xx. 23). St. Paul
twice reminds St. Timothy of the grace
he had received at ordination. "Do not
neglect the grace which was given through
prophecy, with laying on of the hands of
the presbytery" (1 Tim. iv. 14) ; " I put
thee in mind to rekindle the grace [or
rather gift, xup'o-^a] of Go"!* which is in
thee through the laying on of my hands "
(2 Tiui. i. 6). St. Timothy was marked
out for his office by some one who had
the prophetic spirit, common in the early
Church, and the presbyters joined St.
Paul in the imposition of hands, just as
presbyters unite with our bishops in the
same way at the present time. But the
former was an accidental, the latter an
unessential circumstance, and hence St.
Paul omits the mention of both in the
X X
674 ORDER, HOLY
ORDER, HOLY
second passage. The grace was conveyed
by the imposition of Apostolic hands
(observe the contrast, " tcith," fxera, the
laying on of the hands of the presbytery,
and " through [St<i] the laying on of my
hands "), and the context leaves no doubt
that the grace given was for the right
administration of the ecclesiastical office.
St. Timothy is to remember the grace
received, and to let no one dc-pise his
youth, to be the example of the faithful,
&c. &c. ; he is to " rekindle it," for the
Spirit given is one of power, love, temper-
ance, &c., and he must not be ashamed
of the " testimony of the Lord." It is in
vain that an able writer (Hatch, " Orga-
nisation of the Early Christian Church,"
p. l-'io) urges that xap'o'^a has a latitude
of meaning, and may be rendered " talent."
This is not a fair account of its meaning
in the New Testament ; but if it were,
what then? Plainly Timothy did not
receive a natural " talent " by laying on
of hands. Nor was it merely the office
entrusted to him, for it would be sense-
less to speiik of " rekindling " an office.
It was, then, just what Mr. Hatch denies
that ordination can give — viz. an interior
quality, the fire of the Holy Ghost in the
heart, ever present to empower and
quicken St. Timothy in the exercise of
his duties. It did not come from man,
though man liad it in his power to " re-
kindle " and correspond to it. It is well
to notice tliut an interpretation substan-
tially identical with ours is given and
ju~tilic(l from the context by one of the
best Protestant cnmnientators on the
Pastui^il Ky\>\]r<{]lnt]H-i,ri,Uoc.). Fur-
thrr, ir, a- Ml-. IJatch ^i;])posos, the
clfri; >■ had licen originally mere rejire-
se'iitaii\'s ol' the people, deriving all
theii' ]i(i\\cr from them, and only doing
for thi- sakr (>r order and convenience
what laymen might do also, then indeed
it would be hard to believe in the sacra-
mental character of the rite. St. Paul,
ho\\e\ (M-, ,'-])eaks of eViVfcoTroi (the precise
meanMin ofllie word -does not concern us
here) .K- ilei.-i. whniii " the IIolyGhosthad
apiH,i,,ie.iiuien<llhernnircl)ofGodwhich
IJe a(.|inrea t l,r.„,ul, His own blood"
(Act.- x.v.l'-^). ir llie Holy (Jlinsla])pointS
tlio-e who are ordained' to tlieir .sacred
fuiii-l ion, 1 he jirojihecy or po]inhir election
whic.ii de>.^n.- them for the.-e functions
being a separable accident, then we are
not surprised to find St. Paul assuming
that the same Holy Ghost endowed them
with grace and power. It is quite true
that Jewish Rabbis were set apart by
imposition of hands,' and "Sir. Hatch has
collected many interesting and instructive
parallels to different parts of the ordina-
tion rite from the customs of the Roman
magistracy &c. These, however, in no
way affect the main question. No one
supposed that the imposition of hands
would of itself prove the grace of orders,
while the other rites to which Mr. Hatch
refers are allowed on all hands to be of
merely human institution. Our appeal
is to the grace which Scripture assures
us is attached to the imposition of hands
for holy orders, and we fail to see that
the appeal can be set aside on the grounds
which Mr. Hatch and so many other
learned Protestants allege.
Such is the value assigned to the
Sacrament of Holy Order in the Scripture,
and the burden of proof lies on our adver-
saries if they maintain that the clergy,
having first received their power from
God, sank after the ApostoUc age to mere
representatives of the congregation. As
a matter of fact. Christian antiquity is in
harmony with Scripture. Only, the ques-
tion of election or designation to office
must not be confused with the power
given in ordination to the office ; and
again, we must not expect full and dog-
matic statements on the nature of Holy
Order in the brief and occasional writings
of the early Fathers. Their main conten-
tion against heretics did not turn on the
question of their orders or want of orders —
in many cases heretics did possess true
orders— but on the fact that they were
outside the one Church. Still, St. Ignatius
speaks of the bishop as having " acquired
his ministry, not from himself, nor through
men" (Philad. i.). The bisliop is to be
regarded as "the Lord Himself" (Ephes.
vi.). "Let that be considered a vahd
Eucharist which is under the bishop or
one commissioned by him " (Smyrn. viii.)
— a rule, however, which in all Ukehhood
was meant as a warning against aU schis-
i See Buxtorf, Lexicon Chald. et Rabbin.
art. n2''PP ; 'I'^d for full information, with
aliundant i i l'erencesto the Talmud, Hamburger,
lhal-Enciicl. th:: Jiiihiilhums. art. "Ordina-
tion." The ordination was ^nven sduietimes on
the authoritv- of the Prince of the S.'inhedrim,
sometimes on the authority ef the Prinee ;inil
i Sanhedrim ooiijiiintly. The rite is as old, pro-
I bahh , us tlie Sanhedrim, and was the rule till
I the fifth century A.D. Instances of ordination
occurinuch later — e.j. one in the sixteenth. It
is remarkable that the O.T. books after the
Pentateucli (Num. xxvii. 11 ; Deut. xxxiv. 9)
contain no instance of ordination by imposition
of hands.
ORDER, HOLY
ORDER, HOLY
675
matical rites, even if celebrated by a '
priest, for the word 3e3«ia can scarcely be
pressed. True, Tertullian (" De Exhort.
Cast." 7, " Monog." 7, 12) holds very
ditVerent language, asserts the uuiversal
prie?thood of Christians, aud reduces the
diU'erence between clergy and laity to one
of ecclesiastical institution. But then
Tertullian was a bitter Montanist when
hi' thus wrote, and it was the character- j
istic of Montauism to set the claims of
individual piety against the claims of the
hierarchy. Aud, although he does cer-
tainly a^sume that his premiss — viz. that
all Christians are priests — w ill be accepted
by Catholics, it is quite in the manner of
ttis exaggerated writer to take the Catho-
lic and Scriptural doctrine that all Chris-
tians are priests in a sense, just as Israel
was in a sense a nation of priests, and to
distort it into the admission that even
Catholics made no essential ditlerence
between j.riest and layman. (See Dol-
linirer, •' Hippolytus and Callistus," Eng-
lish translation, p. o^Osfj.) His rec■kle^s
use of Scripture aud misrepieseutation
of fact, to enforce his Montanist views
(see e.g. " Exhort. Cast." 7 and 9), shows
how little he can be trusted. Nothing of
the sort can, so far as we are aware, be
found in a Catholic bishop who called
Tertullian his master; we mean Cyprian.
He speaks of the bishops as successors of
the Apostles (Ep. xliv. Ixvi. ; see also
Clarus a Mascula, " In Seutent. Episc."
70, and this bj- ordination, as he expressly
says); he derives the power of the
Episcopate (xxxiii.) not from the people
but from Christ's commission to Peter (i6.).
Just as much to the point is a passage of
Cyprian's contemporary- Fiimiliau, who
says the power of forgiving sins has been
bestowed on the Apostles, then on the
churches and the bishops, who have suc-
ceeded the Apostles by successive ordiua-
tiou {ordinntione vxcariii, inter " 0pp.
Cypr." Ep. Ixxv.). So again in the Apo-
stolic Constitution, whicb belongs to the
same period, we read, "Neither do we
permit laymen to perform any of the
priestly functions (I'e^arixo)!' Ipycof) — e.g.
sacrifice, baptism, onlination, blessing
great or small. For through the imposi-
*ion of the bishop's hands such dianutv is
given." (" Const. Ap." iii. 10.)" This
rule is attributed to the Apostles. The
Council of Nicjea forbade deacons to give
communion to presbyters, and this on the
ground, which is taken for granted, that
the former had no authority or power to
oti'er sacrifice. "Neither the rule nor
custom has handed down that those who
have no authority to offer (f.6. to offer
sacrifice, npoa-(f)(peiv, this principle being
assumed) should give the body of Christ
tu those who do offer."' (Can. 18.) Later
Fathers who treated of doctrine at greater
length furnish, as we should expect,
more explicit statemeuts. "Who gives,''
says the author of a work falsely attri-
buted to St. Ambrose/ "the episcopal
grace ? You answer without doubt,
God. But still God gives it through man.
Man imposes the hand, God gives the
grace." (•' De Saeenlot. Digii." cap. 5.)
St. Augustine ("Contr. Epist. Pai-men."'
ii. 13) compares the Sacrament of Order
to that of Baptism ; neither can be reite-
rated ; ordination, even when given by a
sehismaticiil bishop, is valid, and again
(" De Bono Conjugali," cap. 24), he
maintains the indelible character of order.
It is not lost if the flock is withdrawn
from the pastor; it abides in spite of the
pastor's crimes, though of course its per-
manence increases t'.ie culprit's guilt.
( " Sacramento domini semel imposito uou
carebit quamvis ad judicium perma-
neiite"). This indelible cbaiaeter of order
follows from the principle; I'or which we
have been contending. Man cannot take
away what he did not give. And further,
if a wicked or schismatical bishop ordain,
after all it is God who, in the words of
the author quoted above, " bestows the
gTUce."'
We will only add that the existence
of the sacrifice of the body and blood of
Christ natui-ally inclines us to believe in
the Sacrament of ( >rder. God, who in the
old law appointed a priesthood to ofier
sacrifices which could not take away sin,
did not surely leave the sacrifice in
which the "Word," as St. Irena?us says,
is "offered up "' to Him without appointed
ministers and guardians. Nor does Ca-
tholic belief foster priestly pride. Such an
abuse may and does occm-, for here, as
elsewhere, man's weakness and sin mar
the work of God. But the very fact that
bishops and priests hold a commission
frnm God and not from their flocks is a
preservation against the temptation to
please men at the expense of virtue and
truth. A man who holds his ^lace be-
cause of his popularity has tar more
temptation to vanit}' than a priest who
knows he is nothing except for a grace
• It is printed in all eilitions of the saint's
works, but the Bentilictiiies have shown it
cannot be his. Petavius quotes it as the work
ol St. Ambrose.
xx2
676 ORDER, HOLY
OFcDER, HOLY
he has received beyoud any mei it-i of bis,
and in common with multitudes of others;
that he can only use this grace in accord-
ance with laws which man cannot change,
and that it involves dread responsibilities.
It needs no great piety or humility to feel
the contrast between the trust reposed
in him and his own weakness. It is the
contrast between God and man, not be-
tween men, which is the true source of
humility ; and what is said of Christians
generally is specially applicable to priests.
" We have the treasure in earthen vessels,
that the excellence may be God's, and not
Jrom )is " (2 Cor. iv. 7). Priests and
jieople alike sink into nothing before
Iliui. " The eyes of man's pride shall
be humbled, and the loftiness of men
shall be bowed down, and the Lord
alone shall be e.xalted in that day " (Isa.
ii. 11).
IV. The Orders in which the Sacrament
is given. — St. Thomas (" Suppl." xxxvii.
a. ."j) holds that each order is a sacra-
ment, and this apparently was the common
o])iiiion in the middle ages. But historical
St udy and knowledge of the Eastern rites
do not favour this view, which is, we
believe, no longer common. Probably,
tlie orders lower than the diacouate are
only of ecclesiastical institution, and are
not, therefore, accom])anied by sacra-
meutiil grace. It is certain from tlie
prcjiifs gi\eu above and from t 'le Triilentine
fi"linition (sess. xxii. especially Ciiiions 4,
7), tliat the episcopate and priesthood
lire sacraments; and it is all but uni\er-
sally held (Durandus and Cajetan are
quoted on the other side) that the diaco-
n ite is so also. Indeed this seems to
be a clear consequence from Oanon 4,
just quoted, and Billuart calls this
opinion that the diaconate is a sacra-
ment " so common and certain that se-
veral theologians charge the contrary
sentiment of Durandus and Cajetan with
rashness " (Billuart, " De Ord." I. a. 3,
§ !)•
V. The Minister of Orders.— T\iq dis-
tinction by Divine right between bishops
and pre>1)yters has been sufficiently ex-
plained in the article on the former. Here
it is enough to say that the ordinary
inini>tei- of Millers is tlie bishop. Priests,
liowe\ er, lu.-iy, Ijy concession of the Pope
or Chiircli, i-onl'er minor orders, and
certain abbots exercise this privilege,
though the Council of Trent (sess. xxiii.
cap. 10, " De Reform.'") withdrew from
them the right of doing so, except in the
■case of their own subjects. Those who
hold the subdiaconate to be of merely
ecclesiastical institution would naturally
allow that the Pope might permit a
simple priest to give that order. It is
much harder to believe that the Pope
could empower a priest to ordain anyone
deacon. Theologians of name assert that
such a privilege was given in 1489 to a
Cistercian abbot, and used by the Cis-
tercian General at Rome in IQQ'l with
the Pope's knowledge, but the alleged
fact is disputed. (See Billuart, loc. at.
diss. ii. a. 1.) A bishop cannot lawfully
ordain any except those who belong to
his diocese by birth, domicile (see the
Article), possession of a benefice, or by
having lived in his house for three years.
In Ibis last case the bishop must at once
confer a benefice on the person ordained.
A bishop may give letters dimissorial,
enabling another bishop to ordain the
bearers of them, and if the see has beeu
vacant a whole year, then, but not till
then, the chapter may give such letters.
The superiors of Regulars must send
their subjects to the bishop of the diocese,
but in case he is absent, then the superior
may send his subjects with dimissorials
to any bishop. The dimissoiials must,
however, be accompanied with a certilicate
from the bishop's vicar-general, chancellor,
or secretary (Gury, "Theol. Moral." De
Ord. cap. 3). The episcopate may be
conferred on any Sunday or feast of an
Apostle, the other holy orders on Ember
Saturdays, Saturday before Passion Sun-
day and Holy Saturday. ]\Iinor orders
may be given on the days mentioned last,
and also, if the ordination is not a general
one, " on Smidays and other festivals "
(Liguori, "Theol. Moral." De Ord. § 7!»4).
'Tliese rules as to the time of ordination,
and in particular the greater freedom as
to the time allowed for consecration of
bishops and conferring minor orders, are
very ancient. The only change con.^ists
in this, that the ordinations used to be
held, not as now, in the morning of
Saturday, but on the evening of Saturday
or on Sunday morning. They were held
in the church in the presence of the people,
j As a rule, a bishop was consecrated in
I his own church or that of his metro-
1 politan. (Gbardon, " Hist, des Sacr."
tom. V. ch. vi.)
I We have seen that Augustine recog-
I nised the validity of heretical and schis-
matical ordinations, provided, of course,
the ordaining bishop had used the essen-
tial matter and form. Tlie same pruiciple
had been followed by the Council of
ORDER. HOLY
ORDER, HOLY 677
Nicfea in dealinjr witli tlie Meletians and
Novatians (see Hefele, " Concil." vol. i.
pp. .'553, 407 -leg.), and by Popes Leo I.,
Anaj?ta.<iiis II , and Innocent I. But in
the eighth and foUowincr centuries this
point of doctrine was ob.scured. The fact
that persons ordained in conscious scliism
could receive no sacramental grace, though
tliey did receive character and power,
that they had no jurisdiction, that they
were reconciled to the Church by an
imposition of hands, mistaken perhaps
for re-ordination, led to tlie error. The
deci.«ion of a Roman council in 7()9 against
the Anti-Pope Constantine has been
variously inteqireted. But in any case,
"after the denth of Pope Formosus, his
adversaries, Stephen ^^I. and SergiusIII.,
regarded the orders given by him as in-
valid.'" (The words are Cardinal Her-
genrother's, *' Kirchengescliichte," vol. i.
p. 712.) In the tenth century, persons
ordained by the Aiiti-Pope Leo VIII.
were required to say at their degradation
"My Father Leo had nothing to give,
and has given me nothing." In the
eleventh century, simony was known
as the " heresy of Simon," and many
maintained that ordination by bishops
siuioniacaUy elected was invalid (Hergen-
rother, ib.). St. Peter Damian defended
the true doctrine, but Peter Lombard
found the diversity of opinion on the
validity of heretical oi-dination so great
that he considered the question to be
almost insoluble. Even in the thirteenth
century William of Paris believed that
the Church could withdraw the character
of holy order by degnidatiou ; while others,
starting with the view that the episcopate
was a mere extension of the presbyterate,
suppo.sed that, although a degraded priest
could still say Mass, a degraded bishop
could not validly ordain. As a rule,
however, the great scholastics adhered to
the teaching of St. Augustine, which in
the end was accepted. (Hergenrother,
ib. p. 087 seq.)
VI. The Matter and Form of Holy
Order. — An account of the rite of ordi-
nation will be found under the different
articles, De.\con, Lector, &c. This, how-
ever, seems the fitting place to discuss the
theological question as to the essentinl
matter and form of the orders in which
the sacrament is undoubtedly given — viz.
the orders of bishop, priest, and deacon.
There are three opinions.
(a) " Nearly all the scholastics," says
Catalani ("Comm. in Pontif." torn. i. p.
107). " who discuss the matter and form
of the episcopate, make its form consist in
these words, ' Receive the Holy Ghost.'
which are uttered by the consecrating and
assisting bishops, touching the head of the
person to be consecrated, just as the book
of the Gospels is placed on his head."
Many scholastics hold that the mutter
and form of ordination to the priesthood
consists in the bishop's handing to the
new priest the paten and chalice — an act
commonly called the " tradition of the
instruments," and the form in the accom-
panying words. The scholastics i'At
special difficulty about the diaconate, but
some of them placed the matter and form
in the giving of the dalmatic, or else of
the book of the Gospels. (See Chardon,
tom. V. " De I'Ordre,'' ch. v.) And St.
Thomas (" Supp." xxxiv. a. 4, 5) im])lies
that he held one or other of these
theories.
(/3) We do not tliink any theologian
at the present day would defend the
theory just stated.' The objection to it
will presently appear, itany of the later
scholastics, however, hold a doctrine
which has some resemblance to it. They
suppose that Christ left the Church to
determine the specific matter and form of
holy order, and that this determination
has been different for different places.
According to them, the matter and form
for the West consist partly in the words
and rites just enumerated, partly in the
imposition of hands (for the ordination of
priests the third imposition in the Roman
Pontifical), and in the accompanying
words, \Yhicli ilenote the reception of the
Holy Ghost for the office given.
The following reasons tell, as we ven-
ture to think, with fatal effect against
either of these theories, the latter of
which has the additional defect of resting
on arbitrary assumption.
The words "Receive the Holy Ghost,"
cannot be the necessary form of episcopal
consecration. They are unknown in the
Greek and Syriac rites, and not only so,
but they are of recent introduction in the
West. "They do not occiu"," says Char-
don, writins: in 1745, " in Latin Rituals
which are older than 400 years, and they
are wanting even in several modem ones "'
1 Still, even the Cannelite Thomas a Jesu.
in his le.nrned work, De P'ocuranda salute
omnium Gentium (Antwerp, 1613 ; it is a i;"i'le
for missionaries, with special relpremv to
Oriental rites), says (lib. vii.) that Orient.il
orders, accordmi; to the truer opinion, are
invalid, because given wit boat b'adition of
instruments.
678 OEDKi;, HOLY
{loc. cit. cli. i.). Tlie tistimoiiy of Mori-
nus and Marteiie is suli-tantially tlu'
same. " None of (he English rontitieuls,
exce])t the Exeter, contain this form"
(Maskell, " Minumu'iit. Hit." vol. ii. p.
274). A^rain, the tradition i if instruments
for the ordination of jirie^ts is unknown
at this day to the (xreel;.-, and was un-
known to the Latins till the tenth (so
-Morinus) or eleventh (Chankm) century.
The last iinjiosition of liau<ls in the
Roman Pontifical, that after the commu-
nion, and also the words '■ Receive the
Holy (jhost, whose sins ye remit," kc,
were uuknowm, according to Morinus and
Chardon, even in the "West, for 1,L'(H)
years. Ajrain, Western Rituals previnu.^
to th(^ ninth century say nothing ahout
the placing of the Gospels in the hands of
the iJian to be ordained deacon, and, of
course, do not contain the firm of words
with which the hook of the Gospels i>
presented. The rite began in England
(Cliardon, ch. v. ; Maskell, p. 210), and is
not to be found in any Poutitical before
the tenth century, those of English use
alone excepted. Even in the tweil'ih
century, Latin writers who treat in detail
about the rite for ordination of deacims
are silent aluiut the iVirm ''Receive the
Holy Gho.-t, for stren-th," kc. It is
scarci'ly necessar\- to add that investing
of the deacon with the d.alniatic cannot
be traced beyond the nnddl- a-.'s. Th.'se
facts are, we beliexe, aci i pti'd by all the
most eminent critics, Morinus, Martene,
Chardon, &c. It is only in slight details —
e.g. as to the precise date of introduction — ■
that they differ, and thus we are led to
the third theory, wdiich we state chiefly
in tile words of Chardon.
(y) The Inrni need not be imperative —
"Receive the Holy Ghost," or the like:
no tradition of instrimients is needed for
validity. "The essential matt(>rand form
of iird.inatidU consist (inly in the inipdsitinn
of till' bisho])'s hands, joined to the invo-
cation of the Holy Sjiirit."' Moriinis
was led to adopt this opinion by the
Ivnowledge he gained when member of a
Roman congregation formed by Urban
YIII. to examine the Greek ]'Au;hologium.
It has been adopted, scarcely, as Chardon
asserts, by nearly all theologians of re-
pute, but certainly by nearly all critics
' Thus, in ,T ci rtain sense, (he necessary form
is iu'l' li riiiiiinte ; it iii:iy be precatory, iniper i-
(ivc, lint, .■i.cnrihiiLC (0 (liis (ii'iiuicm. (he
Churcli has uot (Ictcnniiied .■uul cannot clelcr-
niine, so far a.s concerns validity, what Christ
icft, indeterminate.
ORDER, HOLY
[ and .sclu liars. It is in h=irmony with the.
statements of Scriiiture, of the Fathers,,
and the ancient Ritual books. It in no
way contradicts the statements of the
Tri'dentine Council, as Morinus .shows,
nor the practice of the Church in re-
quiring those who have not touched the
instruments to be re-ordained condition-
ally. For, so long as there is no antlnu-i-
tative decision on the point, the Church
rightly insists that the safer course be
taken.
Thus the matter of the consecration of
a bishop would lie in the imposition of
hands v\ hen the (iospels are jilaced on his
lir.ad and ihf form in the invocation of
the Holy (Thost which is ])receded in the
present Latin rite by the words "Receive
the Holy Ghost." A priest is ordained
when the bishop, with the assistant
]iriHsts, imposes his hands and says,
"(Jremus, fratres,"&c., "Exaudi nos,quae-
sumus," &c. {i.e. when the second im-
l)osition is made). A iloacon is made by
the imposition of the Viislmp's right hand,
and the form lies in the prayer " Emitte
in eos, quresumus," Sec. But the other
ceremonies and ])rayers seem to determine
and sjieciticato the meaning of these
forms, and mark the .s]iecial pui-pose (the
ottii'e of a deacon, kc) for which the
Holy Ghost is invoked. Hence, though
these particidar rites are not absolutely
necessary, it by no means follows that if
1 all were omitted and nothing left in any
way corresponding to them, the grace of
orders would be conveyil. (( )n the
question of the matter and I'orm w-e have
followed Tournely, " Prelect. Theol.," De
Ordine.')
YII. The Subjects oi- Recipients of the
Sacrcnnent. — Any liaptised male capable
of intending to receive the sacrament
may do so validly. We make the limi-
tation as to intention on the authority of
Tournely {hic. cit. qu. iv. a. 4, " Aci lsi-
milius videtur"),aiid because it commends
itself to us on grounds of history and
reason. It is right, however, to say that
the Thoniists generally believe tliat an
infant, or those who are hopelessly mad,
might validly receive any order exce])t
the episcopate, to which last cure of souls
> Our own view would rather be that
whereas the form may be ci(her precatory or
imiK rative, the Latin Church has now adopted
an imperative form, " Accipe Spiritnm," in or-
dainiiiu- bishops .nid deacons. The chani;e in
the form ot .■liisohitiou wonld thus otter a com-
plete anilogy. But we have thought it safer
to follow a recogIli^ed authority.
ORDERS, RELIGIOUS
ORDERS, RELIGIOUS 679
is necpssarilv attached.' All admit that
in adults, \nth the exception just men-
tioned, intention is required.
To be ordiuned lawfully a person
must have the due age and knowledge ;
he must have observed the interstices: he
must be free from irregularity, suspension,
exeommuuication ; he must be of goiul
life, and have the signs of a call or vo-
cation from God. tor holy orders he
needs a title. For these re juisites we
refer to the articles devoted to them.
But the mention of interstices suggests
the questions raised on ordmations per
saltum — i.e. ordination to a higher order
of a person who has not received a lower
one.
The Church has always disapproved
such ordinations, except in rare cases,
and looked on the exercise of lower orders
as the best preparation for ascending
higher. Still, St. Cyprian was made
priest and bishop without passing throusrh
the lower grades ("Vita Pontii, ' cap. 3).
St. Augustine received the priesthood in
the same way (" Vita Possidii," cap. 4).
Moriims, a very high authority, denies
that antiquity furnishes any instance of
a person who was not abeady a priest
being consecrated bishop. But clear
cases are produced by Chardon (ch. v.),
and Martene ("De Antiq. Eccles." lib. i. ;
" Rit.'' cap. 8, a. 3).- The lower order is
contained in the higher, and Church
historj- records sudden elevations justified
by extraordinary merit and emergency,
just as secular history records sudden
elevations like that of Xanthippus the
Lacedaemonian in the first Punic war
(Polyb. " Hist." i. 32), or of Spinola to
the rank of general.
ORDERS, KEX.X6ZOnS. The
fimdameutal conceptions which lie at
the root of the religious life (in the
technical sense of the word "religion")
have been more or less examined in the
articles Ascet.d, HxRiiiTS, Mokk, and
NuiT. On the extemid development of
that life within the Church, since the
time when religious orders first arose, a
few general remarks will tind here their
appropriate place.
The conception of orders of monks did
I So St. Thomas, Suppl. xxxix. 2. But
Billiiart, diss. iii. a. 3, § 1, with some other
Thomists, will not admit this exception; and,
inderd. it cm scarcely be maintained.
- •• Ccrte .J».mnes S. Galli discipnlus,
diaconua ordinntu'J. episcopns Constantiensis
factns est, presbvteiatu non snscepto, ut satis
dare docet Strabo in Vit. S. Galli, c. 23."
Martene, loc. cit ; he gives other instances.
' not arise so long as every monastery was
an independent entity, managing its own
attairs without reference to any other
authority but the general law of the
Church. Beda speaks of monasterins
following the rule of St. Benedict, but he
never speaks of the order of St. Benedict.
I It was only when, commencing in the
I tenth century, separate communities such
as those of Climy, Citeaux, and the
I Chartreu>e. were formed within the great
Benedictine brotherhood, and these com-
mimities, however widely scattered, sub-
mitted to the ride of a single superior
(usually the abbot of the mother house),
and met periodically in order to settle
their common atl'airs, that the term
" order " came into use. A completely
new order — the Trinitarians — was founded
by St. John of Matha towards the close
of the twelfth century for the redemption
of Christians held in captivity by the
infidels. The institution of our Ladv of
Mercy, founded (1218) by Sc. Peter
Nolasco as an order of chivalry, but
afterwards transformed into a religious
order, had the same end in view. Early
in the thirteenth century the mendicant
orders — Franciscan, Dominican, and Car-
melite friars (see those articles)— were
either fotmded or came into distinct
prominence ; in the second half of the
century they were joined by the Augus-
tinian friars. These four orders, having
no landed property, but subsisting on
alms, preached in all parts of Europe,
but especially in cities, where luxury and
civic pride were beginning to show them-
I selves, the humbling and fortifying doc-
I trines of the Cross. The Servites, foimded
by seven merchants of Florence and pro-
; pagated by St. Philip Beniti, after a
struggling e.xistence of more than two
centuries, were recognised by Innocent
Vin. (1487) as a fifth mendicant order,
with privileges in all respects equal to
those of the other four. The Jeronymites
and Bridgittines were founded in the
fntirteenth century. The founder of the
3Iinims (1473), a filiation of the order
of St. Francis, was St. Francis of Paula.
The movement of the Reformation,
of which the mainspring was the rebellion
of man's lower, against the restraints
imposed upon it by his higher nature,
I was met on the Catholic side partly by
direct antagonism, partly by argument,
I and partly by the reassertion, under new
I forms adapted to the altered circum-
1 stances of the time, of the unchanging
] Christian ideal of the moral and religious.
ORDINATION
end of mail. And since the spirit of the
Church is most clearly seen in the re-
ligious orders, it ■w'as to be expected that
the conflict with Protestantism would
fall to a large extent into the hands of
men bound by the three vows. The
Society of Jesus (1540) opposed to the
indiscipline and licence of Protestantism
a more rigid and unquestioning obedience
to authority than had yet been known
in the Chui-eh. The Theatines (1524),
Capuchins (1528), and Barnabites (1533)
■were founded in order to wage war against
the corruption of morals which prevailed,
and to promote the religious education of
the i^eople. The Uiscalced Carmelites,
men and women (1580, 1563), practised
the full austerities prescribed by the
original rule. On the movement among
the Benedictines, see that article and
jMaxirists. In the following century an
austere reform of the Cistercian order
was established in the monastery of La
Trappe by Dom Armand de Rancy
(1062). [Trappists.]
In the middle ages, when the power
of law was still weak, and society was
often a<j-itated by unpunished acts of
turbulence and injustice, the sight of the
peaceful and orderly life of a monastery,
spent in a round of ceaseless prayer,
praise, and study, was by the very con-
trast deeply refreshing and stimulative
to the higher characters among the laity.
But M'hen in process of time the "reign
of law" was firmly estalilislunl, this C(Ui-
trast lost much of its slinr])iiess, and, so
far as ininiunitv from iUc-al vinlence was
ooncenied, cea>ed to exist. It was there-
fore fiti iiig that religious society, in order
to niaiiitalii its ground in advance of
civil, and imt only "allure to brighter
worlds." but also " lead the way," should
produce new manifestations of the old
endeavour after perfection. Coining forth
from the clmsti i- iiitn the world, but still
not of tlie world, the religious life has
sanctified and enilu-aced all those varied
activities which have the relief of human
suffering, and the dispelling of that ignor-
ance wliich is an obstacle to salvation, as
their end. Hence has arisini the multitude
of congregat ions which adorn the Catholic
Church of our own day. A few of these
are iioticecl in the article Conokugations,
Religious.
The opj)osition of the governing class
in nearly all the countries of Europe to
the religious orders — an opposition lately
carried in France to the length of an
'Cnoble persecution — is grounded not oil
' anything political, but on fundamental
divergence in moral and religious ideas.
The governing classes appear to think
that man has no hereafter, and that his
business is to get as much enjoyment out
of his short term of hfe here as he can.
j Religious men and women know that the
' case is far otherwise ; they cannot cease
j therefore to hold up the teaching of
Christ and the practice of the saints for
human instruction, in spite of any im-
pediments which statesmen may throw
in their way.
ORSHO-ARY, THE. By this name,
in the language of the Church, is denoted
the diocesan bishop, "who, in union with
the common Father of Christendom, in
virtue of the mission and the powers
which he holds from our Lord, as a law-
ful successor of the Apostles, is called of
common right, jure ordinai io, to accom-
plish the Divine work of the sanctification
of the faithful in the diocese over which
he presides."' The ordinary performs all
ecclesiastical functions — teaching, ad-
ministering the sacraments, governing the
flock of Christ — in his own right ; priests
perform them by virtue of the delegated
rigiit which they derive from their bishop.
[See Bishop, Sufieagan, and (^oad-
JUTOE.]
ORBZir ATZON-. The chief rules of
law concerning the collation of holy
orders, in relation to Persons, Times, and
Places, form the subject of the present
article.
I'er.tons. — Women are incapable of.
beino- validly ordained, inasmuch as both
the healthy nat ural instincts of mankind
and positive Apostolic injunction (1 Cor.
xiv. 34 ; 1 Tim. ii. 11) require that
women should be "silent in the churches."
When mention is made in the " Corpus
Juris," of the ordination of deaconesses,''
this is to be understood not of ordination
properly so called, but of a special bene-
diction in virtue of which, in convents of
women, those receiving it were em-
powered to read homilies or gospels
before the community.
To receive holy orders validly, it is
necessary to have been baptised and, at
least for adults, to be acting voluntarily.
To receive them licitly, it is necessary to
be in a state of grace, to have been con-
firmed,^ to take tliem in regular order and
not per saltum, not to be irregular [Ieee-
> Wetzer and Welte, art. by Permaneder.
* Cap. 23, caus. 27, quaest. 1.
5 Cone. Trid. pess. xxiii. 4, De Ref.
ORDINATION
ORGAN 681
evLAEiTT],' to have attained the canonical
age required, to be under no censure, to be
sutficiently educated,- to be ordained either
by one's own bishop, or, if otherwise, with
his licence and after the production of his
dimissorial letters [Dimissortals], and,
lastly, to have a legitimate and sufficient
title, by which is understood, either a
benefice, or a patrimony adequate to a
man's support, or religious poverty — i.e.
the poverty which religious men embrace
by vow. AU orders in the regular course
of things are confened by bishops ; but
abbots also have the power — in some
<:ases even before they have been blessed —
of conferring minor orders on their own
subjects (subditi).
Times. — The canonical age required
for the tonsure and the three lowest
grades of orders (ostiarius, lector, and
exorcist) is seven years completed ; for
the acolyteship, twelve years completed.
For the subdiacouate, the canonical age
is 22, for the diaconate 23, and for the
priesthood 25 ; in these three cases it is
the commenced not the completed year
that is meant. For the episcopate the
full ajre of 30 years is required.
The tonsure can be conferred on any
day, at any hour, and in any place.
Minor orders can be confen-ed at general
■ordinations, and also on any Sunday or
holiday,-' and not necessarily during Mass.
Sacred orders, according to the law, can
only be conferred on the Saturdays in
the four Ember weeks, on the fifth
Saturday in Lent, or on Holy Saturday,
.and always during Mass. But since tiie
plenitude of the Papal authority can dis-
pense with any positive law, it is to be
noted that orders are legally confen-ed on
the members of all those religious orders
which have received a special privilege of
snch a tenor from the Holy See at times
other than those named by the law. The
episcopate is conferred on a Sunday, or
on the festival of an Apostle, unless a
Papal indult has authorised the choice of
some other day.
Two grades of sacred orders — e.g. the
1 There are, however, certain cases of ir-
legularitv, incurred for no A-erv grave cause, in
which the bishop can give a dispensation, and
then ordain lioitly.
In the Corpus Juris Pope Gelasius says:
Let none presume to promote illiterate p rsons
to the clerical order, for one who is destitute of
learning cannot be fit for sacred functions."
See als'i Cone. Trid. sess. xxiii. 4, De Kef.
3 In dioceses where a special custom pre-
•vails to that efi'ect, minor orders can be given
«n Fridays or on an Ember Wednesday.
I diaconate and the subdiaconate — cannot
be conferred on the same day.
I On the intervals to be observed be-
tween the collation of the various grades,
see Inxekstices.
Place. — The Council of Trent enjoined
(sess. XXV. 8, De. Ref.) that sacred orders
should be publicly conferred in the cathe-
dral or in one of the principal churches of
the diocese in the presence of the canons.
Minor orders the bishop can confer in his
own palace. But notwithstanding the
injimction of the council, custom has long
sanctioned the collation of sacred orders
by the bishop in his own house or chapel,
if any reasonable cause can be shown for
the non-compliance with the law. (Fer-
raris, Ordo, Ordinare.)
ORSO RonXAifVS. Certain ancient
collections of ritual prescriptions, or
rubrics, as observed in the Roman Church,
bear this name. They are represented at
the present day by the Ceremoniale and
the Pontificale Romanum (q.v.). The
first of these collections which appeared
in print was the "Ordo Vulgatus" (1559)
of Melchior Hittorp. Towards the end
of the seventeenth century Mabillon, in
his "Museum Italicum," edited fifteen
" Ordines," the first ten ' of which are of
great but uncertain antiquity ; of the last
five the authors and dates are known.
The rubrics and directions which they
contain relate, some to ordinary, others
to extraordinary ceremonies. Of the
former class are the Papal Mass, the Epi-
scopal Mass, the celebration of Baptism
and Extreme Unction, Ordinations, the
Communion of the sick, the ceremonial of
the last three days of Holy Week, Papal
and cardinalitiai functions during the
offices of the whole year, sacerdotal fimc-
tions on all ferias, benedictions, kc, &c.
Of the second class are the election
and consecration of a Pope, the corona-
tion of the emperor and of kings, the
creation of cardinals, the nomination of
legates, cannnisatidn, &c. (Wetzer and
Welte, art. by Kober.)
ORG AN (opyavov, organum) is used
in the LXX for instruments of any kind,
but especially of musical instruments.
It occurs not only as the rendering of
3J!|y, the "pipe" or "flute," but also
of "1133 and ^33, which were stringed in-
struments (Ps. cl. 4, cxxxvii. 2 ; Amos
V. 23, vi. 5). Our Latin psalms naturally
' The first ten are at least older than the
ninth century, for they are mentioned by
Amalarius.
682 ORGAN
ORGAN
conform to the Septuagint use ; but the
Vulgate, so far as it is Jerome's indepen-
dent work, employs the word much
more carefulh'. There " organum " never
means a stringed instrument. It occurs
fourteen times in Jerome's rendering of
the Hebrew text ; three times it repre-
sents 33-iy, a " pipe " (Gen. iv. 21 ; Job
xxi. 12, XXX. 31) ; in the other places it
is the generic word for instruments of all
kinds, a very accurate rendering of the
Hebrew wbj, to which in this latter case
it always answers. (So 1 Paral. xv. 16 ;
xvi. 5, 42 ; xxiii. 5 ; 2 Paral. v. 13 ; vii.
6; xxiii. 13; xxix. 20, 27; xxx. 27;
xxxiv. 12). Aquila, so far as we have
observed, anticipated Jerome in accuracy
on this point, for he did not fall into the
blunder of mistaking with the LXX the
"pipe" of Job xxi. 12 for a harp (see
Field, " Hexapl. Orig." tom. ii. p. 80).
Nor, again, does he in Amos v. 23 and
Ps. cxxxvii. 2, use opyava for the stringed
instruments mentioned there (Field, tom.
ii. pp. 974, 2it0). Jerome not unfrequently
imitated Aquila, and he may have done
so in this case.
The organ, then, in the Vulgate, so far
as it means a definite instrument at all, is
equivalent to pipe. But in St. Augus-
tine's time, as appears from his com-
mentary on Ps. Ivi. (Heb. Ivii.), it was
already used in its modern sense. He
speaks of it as a large instrument in
which the wind was supplied from
bellows. It arose from a development of
the syrinx, or set of pipes bound together.
First these pipes were placed in a box
and sounded by means of a slide which
opened the hole with which the pipe was
connected. The invention of this per-
forated slide is attributed to Ctesibius.
Then, as the breath of the musician was
not enough to play so many pipes, wind
was supplied by bellows worked by the
hand or by water. Such an hydraulic
organ (" organum hydraulicum ") is de-
scribed by TertuUian (" De Anima," 14^,
who attributes the invention to Archi-
medes; and there is also a well-known
account of an organ with a bellows
of bull's hide in an epigram by Julian
the Apostate. The hydraulic organ is
also mentioned by Talmudical writers,
who retain the word v8pav\it (dSqIIN),
and the legend adds that it was not
allowed in the temple because ils soft
tones spoilt the singing (Hamburger,
" Real-Encycl. fiir Bibel and Talmud,"
p. 886). In 757 the Byzantine Emperor
Constantine Copronymus sent an organ
to Pepin, and another was sent to Charle-
magne by Constantine Michael (references
in Ducange, sub voc. " Organum "). A
little later Pope John VIII. begged Anno,
bishop of Freising, to send him an organ,
with someone able to manage it (Mausi,
" Concil." tom. xvii. col. 245). The de-
velopment of the instrument does not
concern us here. We only observe that
keys were introduced in the eleventh cen-
tury and pedals invented in the fifteenth,
by Bernard, a German in the service of
the Doge of Venice, and pass on to the
ecclesiastical use of the organ.
It has never been adopted among the
Greeks or Orientals. Chrysostom in (Ps.
cl.) speaks of musical instruments gene-
rally as only " permitted " in Jewish
worship " on account of their weakness."
Theodoret (in Ps. cl. 5 and 6) holds
much the same language, while the author
of " Qurest. et Respons. ad Orthodox.,"
once attributed to Justin Martyr, but
certainly written after the conversion of
the empire, says expressly that, whereas
instruments were allowed in the temple,
singing only without instruments is per-
mitted in Christian Churches ("Respons.
ad Qusest." 107). The Greeks and Rus-
sians at this day rigidly follow the same
rule.
As to the "West, we may at once put
aside the fables that the organ was intro-
duced into the churches by Pope Vitalian
or even Pope Damasus. There is little
doubt that it was the presents of organs
made to Pepin and Charlemagne which
led to the church use of the instruments.
For Walafrid Strabo in the middle of the
ninth century gives an account of the
organ in the church at Aix-la-Chapelle,
probably the very organ sent to Charle-
magne from Constantinople. Its tunes
were so sweet and powerful, according to
this writer, that they caused a woman to
faint and die (Walafr. Strabo, " Carm.
de Apparatu Eccles. Aquisgranensis").
Further, it has been shown from ancient
charters that there was an organ in the
church of Verona in Charlemagne's time,
(Ughelli, "Italia Sacra," tom. v. pp. 604,
GlO.) A great organ with fourteen bellows
and 400 pipes was built by Elfeg, bishop
of Winchester, for the Benedictine abbey
there (Mabillon, " Aunal. Benedict." torn,
vi. p. 0.30), and another at Ramsey is
mentioned in the life of Oswald, arch-
bishop of York. (Mab. ib. p. 727.)
From the eleventh and twelfth centuries
organs were usual in cathedral and mon-
ORIGINAL SIN
ORIGINAL SIN 688
astic churches, and Bingham's assertion
("Antiq." vii. 7, § 14) that they were
unknown there till after the time of St.
Thomas Aquinas is quite erroneous.
True it is, however, that protests were
occasionally made against the u.se of
organs. " "Whence," says Aelred (" Spe-
culum Caritatis," ii. 23), " whence, now
that types and figures are over, so many
organs and cymbals in the church?
AVberefore that horrible sound of bellows,
more like thunder than the sweetness of
the voice?" More remarkable still is the
opinion of St. Thomas (2* 2*, xci. 2).
lie is answering the objection that as
^'the Church does not use musical in-
struments for the praise of God, lest it
should seem to Judaise, so by parity of
reasoning " it should not permit singing.
He replies, "musical instruments,"' such
as pipes, harps, &c., " minister to de-
light and do not promote virtue, and
were only permitted to the Jews because
of their cai-nal dispositions ; whereas
siugiiii: ilin's help devotion." It is evi-
dent that he did not approve of instru-
mental music. In the Papal chapel it has
never been employed. At Trent elForts
were made to banish all music from
Mass, but the majority of the bishops,
especially the Sjiaiii.-ads. opposed this
measure (Tallax i. ino, -'Istoria del Concil.
di Treuto," xviii. G), and the Council
(sess. xxii. Decret. de Observ. in Celebr.
3Iiss.) simply reijuired that the music
should be grave and devout. Similar
injunctions were made by Benedict XIV.
in 1749.
The use of the organ is rejected in
orthodox synagogues. The Protestants
were divided ou the matter; the Luther-
ans and Anglicans retaining, the "Re-
formed" at first rejecting it. Thus, it
was not till the close of the last century
that organs were introduced at Berne, and
they are still absent in most of the Scotch
Presbvterian churches, thoujjh even there
a chan-e lias l.-iiu.
11 -l'a;i . -Hid the articles in Wetzer
iind \\ lii . Shiith and Cbeetham, Mr.
Grove's "iJictmuary of Music," have been
consulted. But we have found by far
the most fuU and accurate information
in Ersch and Griiber, "Conversations-
lexicon," article On/el.]
ORXCZSrAX. SZI4- is the sin which
we inherit by natural descent from Adam,
our first father. The Council of Trent
(sess. V. Decret. de Peccato Orig.) defines,
as of faith, that Adam lost original
justice not only for himself but also for
us; that he "poured sin, which is the
death of the soul, into the whole human
race," and that this sin comes, not by
imitation of Adam's transgression, but by
propagation from him. Further, the
couijcil teaches that original sin does not
consist in those desires and temptations
which are common to our fallen nature,
because the}- remain even after baptism,
which takes away original sin ; and the
conned condemns the error of Lutherans
and others who supposed that original sin
destroyed free will and made man in-
capable of good actions. The Fathers of
Trent, as Pallavicino informs us, carefully
abstained from interfering in the scholastic
disputes on this point. They appeal to
St. Paul, particularly in Romans v. 12
seq., and do not go beyond the plain
statements of Scripture. But it will be
well to draw out the common teaching of
theologians, putting aside for the present
points on which they differ.
God made Adam the representative of
all who were to descend from him by
natural generation. " God, who had made
him our beginning, had made all depend
on him for himself and us. . . . In sin-
ning he lost all, as well for himself as for
us." (Bossuet, "D(5fense de la Tradition,"
p. ii. liv. ix. ch. 12). Had he persevered, we
should have been bom in original justice.
As it is, we are conceived and born in sin
and the children of wrath. Oar nature
and faculties remain entire and we are
still capable of natural good, but we are
left without grace, and therefore without
the means of reaching that supernatural
end to which God has ordered us. " The
remission of this sin consists in being
ti'ansplanted into Jesus Christ as the Just
One, and the Author of all justice." Thus
St. Thomas places the essence of original
sin in " the privation of original jus-
tice," the privation, not the mere nega-
tion, because the gifts of grace are
absolutely necessary for us in order that
we may prepare ibr heaven. Concu-
piscence, or the rebellion of the senses,
though not original sin, or in itself a sin
at all, is still a consequence of the fall.
Such is the common teaching of Catho-
lic theologians, for the opinion of Gregory
of Rimini and others,' that it consists in
a morbid quality transmitted by Adam, is
universally rejected ; while, on the other
hand, the views held by Gatharinus and
' "Nullo modo dofcndi potest," Bellarmine
s.avs ; but he admits it was hold by Peter Lom-
bard, Heiiricus. (Ircsoryof Rimini, and Diiedo.
Bellarm. De Amiss. Grat, lib. v. cap. 1£
684 ORIGINAL SIN
ORIGINAL SIN
Pighius,' that it is merely the actual sin
of Adam imputed to us, does not seem to
satisfy the requirements of the Triden-
tiue definition. And so understood, the
Catholic doctrine, mysterious though it
is, does not, like that of the Reformers,
present insuperable difficulties to the
moral sense.
For, whereas it would have been im-
iust had God deprived us of the gifts
proper to our nature, without actual guilt
on our part, Catholics hold that He did
nothing of the sort. Grace is in no way
a part of, or due to human nature. It is
God's free gift. He gives it and with-
draws it according to His own will. We
have no claims to possess it, no ground
of complaint if it is taken away. Our
natural faculties enable us to know and
love God as our Creator and constant
Benefactor, and to order our Uves aright.
"\Ve have no title to more.
It may be objected that God has
ordered us to a supernatural end, that we
camiot choose one which is simply natural,
and that gTace is our only means of
escaping utter misery. This is true.
But God condemns none to misery be-
cause of original sin. He deprives us of
original justice to which we had no title,
and then He gives all abundant oppor-
tunity of recovering grace and entering
heaven by the merits of Jesus Christ, by
becoming new men in Him. God ordered
us, tirst of all, to an end infinitely above
our nature, and gave us by His free gift
original justice to attain it. Adam for-
feited the original gift, and then God,
still ordering us to a supernatural end,
and ha\ ing no will to impose impossible
commands, gave us the grace of our
Redeemer as the means of reaching it.
The only exception occurs in the case of
infants who die without baptism ; and
they, according to the belief now uni-
versally received, far from being miser-
able, attain natural happiness in the next
world. [See Limbo.]
The doctrine, then, of original sin is
mysterious, but by no means cruel or
unreasonable. We cannot fully under-
stand the manner in which it is trans-
mitted, for the soul comes directly from
God, not from the parents. But here,
too, the Catholic doctrine that original
sin is a mere privation, not a positive
quality, comes to our help. God cannot
be the author of sin, nor can He stain
the soul which comes from Him. But
> See Bellarm. loc. cit. cap. 16.
He can and does infuse souls deprived of
original justice ; and since the infusion
follows by a natural law on the generation
of the body, in that sense natural propa-
gation may be rightly called the cause of
original sin.
Theologians differ widely on the con-
sequences of original sin. Undoubtedly
concupiscence flows from the depriva-
tion of original justice. Had Adam
persevered, our bodily appetites would
have been in perfect subjection to reason,
our reason itself to God. But according
to the stricter Thomists, by the rebeUion
of the flesh consequent on original sin,
man sinks below his natural state.
Thomas de Lemos ("Panopl. Grat." tract,
de Leesione Lib. Arbitr.) insists that,
although after the fall nature remains
entire " as to its essence and faculties, it
is not so with respect to the natural in-
clination to good." (So also Alvarez, "De
Auxil. Grat." hb. vi. disp. 45.) Both
these quotations are from Kuhn(" Dog-
mat ik: Lehreder Gnade," i. p. 269). Other
great theologians, and, as we think, more
reasonably, look on man's ignorance, the
rebelUon of his appetites, &c., as con-
natural to his finite and composite nature.
In Adam, an extraordinary grace perfectly
restrained appetites which reverted after
the fall to their natural condition. This
' opposite theory is well put by Bellarmine.
j When, he says, the supernatural gift was
removed, " human nature, left to itself,
1 began to experience that struggle between
the lower and higher part, which would
have been natural — i.e. would have fol-
lowed from the condition of matter, had
I not God conferred on man the gift of
justice over and above." Human nature,
I he continues, " does not sufi'er more from
! ignorance and infirmity than it would do
had it been created in a purely natural
state." And he concludes, " The corrup-
tion of nature does not come from the
want of any natural gift, or from the
accession of any evd quahty, but simply
from the loss of a supernatural gift on
account of Adam's sin." ("De Gratia
Primi Hominis," apud Mohler "Sym-
bohk," p. 64.)
The Doctrine in Scripture.— The Old
Testament never asserts that we sinned
in Adam, or even inherited sinfuhiess
from him. But Ps. h. (1.) 7, "Behold, in
guilt I was brouglit forth, and in sin my
mother conceived me," " contains the
basis of the doctrine, inasmuch as it re-
gards sinfulness as something inborn, and
80 not as resulting from the abuse of free-
OIUGIXAL SIN
ORIGLS AL SIN 685
don: * (Hupfeld, nd loc). Job expresses
the same idea, though less distinctly.
" Who can bring pure from unclean ? Not
one'' (xiv. 4'>. In Wisdom ii. 23, 24,
death is said to have entered into the
world "by the envy of the devil,"' and
the Rabbins' developed the doctrine that
aU had sinned and incurred death because
represented by Adam, and so implicated
in his sin. Even this, however, is less
than the doctrine of original sin.
In St. Paul we have the first explicit
etatement of the doctrine. " As through
one man sin came into the world, and
death by sin, and so death penetrated to
all men, because - all sinned. [The con-
struction breaks oft' here.] For until the
law, sin was in the world, but sin is not
reckoned if there is no law; but sin
reigned from Adam to Moses, even on
those who did not sin after tlie likeness of
the transgression of Adam, who is a type
of the one to come. But not as the
trespass, so also the gift of grace. For if
by the trespass of one the many died,
much more the grace and the gift in
the grace of the one man Jesus Christ
aboiuided to the many,"
It may safely be maintained that
Pelagius and many other writers ancient
and modern, who understand St. Paul to
speak only of actual sin by which men
imitate Adam, distort the STammar and
sense of the passage. For (<i) St. Paul
describes a momentary act of sin " because
all sinned" (rjfiapTov) — i.e. in Adam. Not
" have sinned, or were sinning." (jS) It is
not true that death is universal because all
have actually sinned. Millions have died
before they were capable of sin. (y) The
1 The Rabbinical n-imes for original sin are
"the sin of the first man" NUH
pSJ'Sin), '"the pollution of the serpent " (X!2nT
K'nj ^l^)- The Tari;um on Ruth iv.
alleges that Davitl's father, having no .s.nof his
own, died on account of the counsel given to Eve
bv the si-rpeut, for which all the :;enerations of
the earth wpre condemned to death. Levy,
Chatdaisches Worterhiich, sub voc. }{^<y, quote
a similar statement from Baha Bathra, 17 a,
respecting Benjamin. .Vnirani. father of Moses,
Jesse, father of David, and Kilab, David's son.
These four were personally sinless, and died for
th>- counsel of the serpent.
- Itp' ^ cannot mean in qitn,'-in whont " (iv
as the \ ulgate renders it. But the Vulgate
rendfriii_' does not alter the dogmatic sense.
li*tius defends the Vulgate rendering on insuf-
ticient grounds, but with great moderation.
" Tolerari potest " is his verdict on our render-
ing. Bossuet (/oc. cit. liv. vii. ch. 12 seq.) is
far more sevei-e.
parallel between the two Adams would
be destroyed on the Pelagian interpreta-
tion. Not, in the first insta' ce, by the
imitation of Christ, hut by the reconcilia-
tion (see V. 11) which Christ's death
eff'ected, we are saved; just so, not by fol-
lowing Adam's example, but by an act
external to us on the part of the former
Adam, we were lost. (S) St. Paul argues
that there could be no trespass against
hiw — i.e. law externally promulgated —
between Adam and Moses, because no such
law was given except to a few. Men
in that interval did not sin like Adam
by actual transgression of positive law.
Yet they died because they sinned in
Adam their head.
The Tradition of the Church. — The
forcible teaching of St. Paul was, as
everybody knows, fully appreciated by
St. Augustine. It is useless to multiply
citations, but we may give one passage
("Enchirid." cap. 10) which fairly repre-
sents the form in which he constantly
expresses the doctrine. "He [Adam],
exiled after sin, bound his ofi'spring also,
which by sinning he had corrupted as it
were in the root, under the penalty of
death and condemnation, so that all
progeny born of himself and his wife
the occasion of his sin and partner of
his condemnation by concupiscence of the
flesh, in which concupiscence his dis-
obedience met a punishment like itself,
should draw to itself original sin, and
thence be drawii through diverse errors
and pains to that last and endless torture
with the angels who deserted and cor-
rupted [others], and with those who
inherit and share in their portion.''
Here we have the doctrine distinctly
formulated that all men sinned in Adam,
and that we are condemned because of him,
and it is very hard to produce testimonies
which touch this, the central point at
issue, from Ante-Nicene Fathers. Iren-
aeus (ii. 22, 4) speaks of " infants " as
bom again to God, and of Christ as
" sanctii'yinar infants." Clement of Alex-
andria (" Strom." iii. 9, p. 540) connects
the fact of physical death with Adam's
sin. Tertullian holds that Adam not only
imparted death to his descendants, but
also infected all who sprang from him
with lust, and generally with a morbid
inclination to sin (" Testimon. An." 3 ;
"De Pud." 6; " De Jejim." 3; "Adv.
Marc." i. 22, v. 17). Urigen admits a
natural inclination to sin (irdvres fiev
ol ilvdpoJTToi Trpos T6Ap.apTav(ivn(<^vKafi(v)
j "C. Cels." iii. 62-64, iv. 40 (where see
ORTHODOX CHURCH
PALLA
a catena of passages from Ante-Nicene I
Fathers in Spencer's note) ; and, " In
Levit." Horn. viii. wliich only exists
in the Latin version, lie infers from the
custom of baptising infants tlieir need
of purification. " In Levit." xii. 4, he
attributes the corruption of nature to the
fact that men derive their bodies from
their parents by natural generation. Cy-
prian, like Tertullian, traces sin and death
to the Fall (" De Bono Patient." 17 ; cf.
"Testimon." iii. 54), but he goes in one
passage far beyond Tertullian. Adults,
he says, be their sins ever so great, are
not to be deterred from baptism, much
less infants, who " have committed no
sin,'" but only "by carnal descent from
Adam have contracted the infection of
ancient death." and, in whose case, "not
their own sins, but those of another, are
remitted (" remittuntur non propria sed
aliena peccata," Ep. Ixiv.).
The above account has been made
fi-om private notes, and the conclusion to
which it leads is confirmed by the greatest
historical authorities. Petavius ("De Li-
carnat." xiv. 2) says the Greek Fathers
speak little, and then not clearly, about
original sin, and that Augustine was the
first among the Latins to treat the matter
accurately. Cardinal Newman is of the
same mind, and he quotes Petavius,
Jansenius, Walch, "men of such different
schools that we may surely take their
agreement as a proof of the fact." (" De-
velopmont," p. 22.) Bossuet, indeed {loc.
cit. liv. viii.), argues vigorously, but with
small success, on the other side. It is
enough for Catholics to show, as they
certainly can, that their belief in the
doctrine is due, not to St. Augustine, but
to St. Paul.
ORTHODOX CHURCH. [See
Geeek Schismatic Chuech.]
ORTHODOXT, FEAST OF. [See
Iconoclasts.]
osTExrsoRziTM. [See Moirs-
TEANCE.]
osTZARZxrs, or Doorkeeper, holds
the lowest of the minor orders in the
Latin Church. His office was more im-
portant in ancient times before the con-
version of the Roman Empire. He had
to prevent the heathen from entering and
disturbing the service, to keep the laity
separate from the clergy, men from
women, and to see generally that decorum
was maintained. He had to guard the
church and all that it contained, to open
the church and sacristy at certain hours,
to open the book for the preacher, &c.
(Chardon, "Hist, des Sacr." torn. v.
ch. 2.)
The office is mentioned by Pope
Cornelius in the middle of the third cen-
tury (Euseb. " H. E." vi. 43), and in the
very ancient collection of canons com-
monly but wrongly attributed to the
Fourth Council of Carthage, in 398. The
lite of ordination is the same as that in
the Roman Pontifical. The bishop gives
the keys to the persons ordained, saving,
" Go act, as having to render God an
account of the things locked by these
keys." In the present rite the ostiarius
is led by the archdeacon to the church
doors ; he locks and opens them and rings
the bells. Neither of these two ceremonies
is mentioned in the Carthaginian canons
or in the Gelasian Sacramcntary. The
former, however (the opening of the
doors), is very ancient, being given in
the Gregorian Sacramentary and in some
very ancient I\ISS. Of the latter (ringing
the bells) no trace is found in ancient
Pontificals. In the time of Charlemagne
and Amalarius (a.d. 820), it was the
priest's business to ring the bells.
PAKEA. Certain canons in the De-
cretum in (Ti-atian [C.vnon Law], about
fifty in numljcr, have the superscription
" Palea." Some have considered this to
be a part of the word " Pauco])alea," the
name of one of Gratian's disciples; others
have thought that these canons (which in
the MSS. of the Decretum usually appear
in the margin), as treating of matters
of slight importance, were hence called
"palea." chaff. But as many of these
canons refer to matters of the highest
importance, this derivation appears inad-
missible. Whatever be the origin of the
name, it is certain that in the oldest
MSS. of the Decretum the Palese are few,
that in those of later date they become
numerous, and that in practice they are
of equal authority with the canons known
to have been compiled by Gratian himself.
PAlb&A. A small cloth of linen
used to cover the chalice, and usuallv
PALLIUM
PALLIUM 687
stiffened with cardboard, &c. The upper
part may be covered with silk (S.C.K.,
January 10, 18o->). Part of the corporal
used to be employed for the covering of
the chalice, but Innocent TIL mentions
the palla as distinct from the corporal.
(Benedict XIV. « De Miss." L v. 0.)
PAI.&ZVM. A band of white wool
worn on the shoulders. It has two
strinffs of the same material and four
purple crosses worked on it. It is worn
by the Pojie and sent by him to patriarchs,
primates, archbishops, and sometimes,
though rarely, to bishops as a token
that they possess the " fulness of the
episcopal office." Two lambs are brought
annually to the Church of St. Agnes at
Rome by the Apostolic subdeacons while
the " Ag-nus Dei " is being sung. These
lambs are ])resented at the altar and re-
ceived by two canons of the Lateran
Cliurch. From this wool the palha are
made by the nuns of Torro; de' Spocchi.
The subdeacons lay the pnllin nn tlie tomb
of S*". Peter, where they rennim nil niu'lit.
Abishop cannot, strictly speak liiir, assume
the title of patriarch, archbislioj), &c.,
cannot convoke a council, consecrate
bishops, ordain clerics, consecrate chrism
or churches, till he has received the pall.
He is bf)und, if he is elected to a see of
met ro po 1 1 1 an or h i gh er ra n k, t o beg t li e pal-
lium from the Pope, '-iiistanter, instautius,
instantissme," within three months after
his consecration or from his confirmation,
if he was already a bishop and has come
to the metropoiitan see by translation.
Meanwhile, he can di'pute anotlier bishop
to consecrate if he has in due time ap-
plied for the pallium. Tie receives it
from the hands of anotlier bishop, dele-
gated by the Pope after taking an oath
of obedience to the latter, and wears it on
certain great feasts, a hst of which is
given in the Pontifical. He cannot trans-
mit it to his successor or wear it out of
his own patriarchate, province, &c. If
translated, he must beg for another
pallium. The pallium or palha, if he
has received more than one, are buried
with the bishop to whom they were given.
The early history of the pallium is
involved in hopeless obscurity, ^^'e take
the following facts from Cliardon ("Hist,
des Sacr." torn. v. De I'Ordre, ch. ix.).
Pallium is the Latin name for the
IfidTiou or loose upper garment of the
Greeks ' Among the Romans, the use
1 It was tucked round the neck in running
or other active exercise. Hence perhaps the
origin of the present form.
I of the pallium was specially affected by
philosophers, and afterwards by Christian
ascetics (see Tertuliian's treatise " De
Pallio"). Two great critics — viz. De
•■ Marca and Baluze — believed that the pal-
lium was first given to bishops as a mark
of special dignity by the emperors. It is
true Pope Vigilius would not grant the
pallium to Auxanius and Aureliau, arch-
bishops of Aries, without the emperor's
j consent. Griyory the Great took the
same precaution in granting it to Syagrius,
bishop of Aiitun. ]3ut this deference to
the imperial will arose from the difficult
circumstani^i's of the time, and De Marca
admits that 'ireirory, before he had been
calumniated to Maurice, gave the pallium
to Vigilius of Aj'les without consulting
the emperor.*
We may dismiss the doubtful state-
ment of Anastasius (^ninth century) that
the Pope Marcus (d. 3:M>) gave the pal-
lium to the Bishop of Ostia, and the
mention of the pallium iu the spurious
donation of Constantine. In all proba-
bihty the pallium was at first an orna-
ment of ])relates (probably of metro-
])olitans), and had no special connection
with liome. See the synod of Macon
(anno o81), cation H, which forbids arch-
bishops to say Mass without the pallium,
though it is certain that then the French
metropolitans, as such, did not get their
pallia from Home.
The Pope then wore the palhum as a
mark of his own authority, and an ex-
amination of the Liber Diurnus makes it
])robable that he sent it to snburbican
bishops — i.e. bishops in the provinces near
Ivome, over whom the Pope exercised a
.s])ecially imiriediate authority. The send-
ing of it marked the special dependence of
these bishops on the Pope. Next, the
Popes granted the Roman pallium to
vicars-apostolic — i.e. to their representa-
tives in distant provinces. The first certain
example of such a concession is the grant
of a pallium to St. Cffisarius of Aries by
Pope Symmachus in 51S. Thus the
Roman pallium came to be regarded as a
special mark of honour, and was eagerly
coveted by ))isliops. (4regory the (ireat
granted it "to Syagrius of Ant un, to the two
metropohtan bishops in I'.ngland (Canter-
bury and York), &c. This Chardon calls
" the third degree in the fortunes of the
I A decree of Valentinian IIL (anno 432 )
grants the dignity of nrclilii.shop and himor
pallii to the prelate holding the see of Ravenna.
Baronius and IJona deny the authenticitj' of
this decree
688 PALM SUNDAY
PARACLETE
pallium." Kext a rule was made at a
general synod of Franks under St. Boni-
face in 747, that metropolitans must ask
the pallium from Rome. This law was
not always regarded. It was enforced,
however, in a capitulary of Charlemagne,
and after that always or nearly always
observed in the Fnaikish Empire.
In 877,' the great synod of Ravenna
under John VIII., representing aU Italy,
required (cap. i.) metropohtans to de-
mand the Roman pallium personally or
hy deputy within three months of their
consecration. Otherwise, they could not
consecrate other bishops, and were liable,
after three monitions, to deposition. The
Pope insisted on this rule being kept in
France. The rule was soon afterwards es-
tabli>hed throughout the West, except in
Ireland, where the pallium was uukuowu
even in St. Malachi's time, as appears
from St. Bernard's life of that s^aint.
Innocent III. forbade even the assump-
tion of the name of archbishop till the
pallium had been obtained, and the decree
forms part of the " Corpus Juris."
In the East, the patriarchs gave a
sort of paUium (M^o<p6fiiov) to their
metropolitans. After the time of the
Cru.-aties, the Fourth Lateran Council
(^canon 5) required even patriarchs to
receive the pallium from the Pope.
To sum up, the pallium was an orna-
ment of metropolitans, given to them
perhaps from early times by the patri-
archs and by the Pope in that compara-
tively narrow district which was under
his most immediate supervision. Then
the I'ope gave it to his vicars in distant
parts, then as a mark of special honour
to some bishops, then he reqxured all
Western metropohtans to ask it from
liim before exercising their functions as
archbishops, and tinally the rule was
extended even to patriarchs.
PAZ.nx STTsrSAV. The Sunday
before Easter, on which the Church cele-
brates Christ's entry into Jerusalem. The
name. " Palm Sunday " (" Dominica in
Palmis," or "ad Palmas," ^at<iiv eopTrj),
is ancient, for it occurs in the "Life of
Euthymius" (died 47i!), and is spoken
of as a great day by Isidore of Seville.
According to our present rite, palms or
olive-branches are blessed by the celebrant
before Ma,ss, and distributed to the faith-
ful ; the clergy walk in procession through
the church and pass outside. Then can-
tors enter the church, leaving the rest
■ Nicholas I had made a still more stringent
rule, but only for Bulgaria.
without ; the hynm " Gloria, laus, et
honor " is sung, both parties, those within
and those without, taking part. At last
the subdeacon knocks at the door with
the shaft of the processional cross, and
the whole body march up the church.
The Greeks have a procession with palms
at matins.
Martene denies that any trace of :ha
procession can be found before the eighth
century, and he seems to be perfectly right,
in spite of Merati's elaborate attempt
(Tom. II. pars. iv. tit. 7) to produce
earlier testimonies. Merati shows that
the name Palm Sunday occurs in an
ancient Roman Calendar pubUshed by
Martene himself in his " Anecdota," and
dating from the fourth or fifth century ;
that St. Adhelm (709) mentions the
singing of the " Ozanna " ; and that in a
prayer in the most ancient MS. of the
Greguriau Sacramentary (tenth centurj-)
there is an allusion to the practice the
faithful had of coming to the church with
palms. These instances clearly are not to
the point. In an "order" observed in
a German monastery, and ascribed by
MabiUon to the year 800 circ, the pro-
cession is mentioned, and so in Pseudo-
Alcuin (tenth century).
In ancient times those who were to be
baptised ou Holy Saturday, called " com-
petentes," heard the whole Creed ex-
plained on this Sunday. Hence its old
name, " Pascha petitum s. competen-
tium."
PA.HABOX.AN'Z (Gr. napa^aWea-Bai,
" to expose oneself to danger." The word
" parabolani," with its Latin suffix, was
evidently formed from -rrapaiioKoi, " dare-
devils," the men who for money fought
with wild beasts in the amphitheatre).
The "parabolani," a class of lay assistants
to the clergy, principally engaged in
looking after the sick and attending to
funerals, are frequently mentioned by
writers of the fourth, fifth, and sixth
centuries. Gibbon describes them as a
charitable corporation originally founded
in the time of the Emperor Gallienus.'
They were very numerous at Alexandria,
and seem to have formed a kind of body-
guard to the patriarch Cyril at the time
of his contest with the prefect.
P ABACI.ETE (jrapaKkrjTos). A word
used four times in St. John's Gospel (xiv.
10, 26; XV. 26; xvi. 7) as a name of
the Holy Ghost, once in his first Epistle
(ii. 1) of Christ. It is found nowhere
else in the N.T. and nowhere in the LXX.
» Decline and Fall, ch. xlvii.
PAUALUSE
PARISH 689
The "Vulgate rendering in the Gospel is
Paracletus, in the Epistle Advocatus ; and
Paraclete (usually Paraclitus) is a common
title of the Holy Ghost in the Breviary.
The Rhemish follows the Latin.
Aquila gives irapuKKriToi as a rendering
of "comforters" (D'pnjp), Job xvi. 2,
where the LXX more riglitly has Trapa-
KXijropey. Origen, " De Princip." ii. 4,
in the version of Rufinus, says the word
when used of the Holy Ghost means
comforter (" a consolatione dicitur, Para-
clesis enim Latine consolatio dicitur").
This interpretation, though widely adopted
by Greek and Latin Fathers, is surely
erroneous. The word means " one called
in," an advocate or pleader. This appears
from the passive form, the constant
classical use, the undoubted sense in
1 John ii. 1 (though even there the
Greek Fathers take it as " comforter "),
and the use of the word in Rabbinical
writers (see t3*^p"1D in Buxtori).' The
Holy Ghost pleads the Christian cause
against the world (John xv. 8), and
Christ's with the Christian (xiv. 26 ; xv.
26 ; xvi. 14).
PARADISE (Dll^). An old Persian
word adopted at an early date by the
Hebrews. It only occurs three times in
the Old Testament, and always means
simply " a park " (Cant. iv. 13 • Neb. ii.
8 ; Eccl. ii. 5). In the LXX (Gen. ii. 8)
and Peshito it is used for that par-
ticular garden or park in which Adam
and Eve were placed ; and in the later
Jewish theology for that part of Hades
which was inhabited by the souls of the
just, and which we call "Limbo." In
this sense it occurs in Luke xxiii. 43.
Lastly, in 2 Cor. xii. 4 ; Apoc. ii. 7, it
means " heaven," or ** a part of heaven."
[See Hewkx, and Limbo.]
PARASCEVE [TTapaa-Kfvrj), " pre-
paration''— i.e. for the Sabbath and so
equivalent to Friday. It is retained in
the Mis!;al as a name for Good Friday.
PARISH [See CiJEE OP Souls,
Patkox, Pateonage, Tithes]. During
the first three Christian centuries country
and town parishes as now understood,
each with its settled incumbent, can
scarcely be said to have existed in the
Church. " In the earliest times there
1 He quotes, e.t/., a gloss on the Pirke Avoth
ii. ; "A pnraclete is a gond mediator for a man
to a king "; " If he has good paracletes he will
be delivered "; "Penance and good works are
a man's paracletes in the heavenly judgment,"
&c.
were no churches, no presbyters, except
in cities, and with the bishop" (Thomassin).
The diocese was then called irapoiKia,
parcecia ; it was the rrapoiKia both of the
bishop and of the presbyters and deacon<
surrounding him. No other name than
this for the episcopal district occurs
in the Apostolic Canons or Constitutions.
The ground notion was, either that
Christians were TiapoiKoij ju.rtahabitnntes,
dwellers among the non-Christian masses,
or that they were " sojourners," without
any fixed abode in this life, passing on-
wards towards a better. The word
parcBcia was gradually supplanted by the
barbarous form parocMa, still meaning a
diocese. Thus in the eighth century St.
Boniface writes to Pope Zachary, " Pro-
vinciam iu tres parochias discrevimus "
(We have divided the province into three
dioceses); and Zachary often uses the word
in the same sense.
Separate parishes or districts within
the diocese, to which the bishop appointed
resident presbyters, removable at his
pleasure, began to be common in the
fourth century. The change is attributed
by Anastasius, in his "Lives of the Roman
Pontiffs," to Dionysius, who was Pope
from 261 to 272. "This Pope," says
Anastasius, "assigned churches to the
presbyters, and established cemeteries,
parishes {parochias), and dioceses." In
the northern countries of Europe, the
difficulties of communication being greater
than in the south, and the population
more sparse, the plan of separate parishes,
each with its own priest responsible for
the souls of all persons living within the
limits, necessarily prevailed over the
earlier state of things. The zeal of lay-
men [Patkon, Patronage] did much to
spread a network of subordinate centres
of religion and civilisation over each
Christian country. A parish in the
modern sense is "a defined district of
territory, the boundaries of which are
settled by the Pope or by the bishop of
the diocese, having one fixed rector, with
power to rule and judge the people living
within it, and to administer to them the
sacraments and other divine things"
(Ferraris).
Parishes are properly conferrible on
secular priests ; if regulars hold them
they are removable by the bishop, or by the
superiorof the order to which they belong.
There is an exception to this rule in the
case of the regular canons of Pr^montr^
(see Peemonsthatensians, note).
Parishes in lay patronage are treated
X X
690 PARISH PRIEST
PARISH PRIEST
tenderly by the canon law; thus the
Council of Trent (sess. xxiv. cap. 18)
orders that the presentees of lay patrons,
after due examination, be admitted by
the bishop without concursus, if found
"idonei" (Ducange, Parochia; Ferraris,
Parnchia ; Soglia, Instit. Canon, ii. 8,
§§ 84-87).
PARISH PRISST. The word
parocJius, for parish priest, is of late
introduction ; it has nothing to do with
the ancient pa?-ochi, or purveyors men-
tioned by Horace : —
Proxima Campano ponti quse villula tectum
Prabuit ; et parochi, qua debent, ligna salem-
que. — Serm. I. v. 46.
See also Cic. ad Att, xiii. 2. 2.
Early in tlie fifteenth century, Gerson,
Chancellor of the University of Paris,
taught that parish priests were of divine
iubtitution, and were the successors of
the seventy-two disciples; he also held
that they were members of the hierarchy
and had a right to vote in councils. His
opinions were adopted by the Sorbonne,
and long afterwards by the Jansenists,
such as S. Cyian, Richer, Bailly, and
Van l^spen. But it is now acknowledged
that there were no country parishes until
the fourth century, and that there were
none in cathedral cities (except perhaps
in Rome and Alexandria) until the begin-
ning of the eleventh century [see Paeish],
The Council of Trent teaches that the
hierarchy consists of bishops, priests, and
ministers — making no mention of parish
priests as such. As to the right of voting
in councils, the bull Auctorem jidei,
directed against the synod of Pistoja,
condemns the doctrine whereby parish
jiriests and other priests in synod as-
.sembled are declared to be, together with
the bishops, judges of faith, and whereby
it is insinuated that judgment belongs to
them of their own right conferred by
ordination — as false, rash, subversive of
the hierarchy, &c., &c.
Tlie true definition of a parish priest,
according to Bouix (De Parocho, p. 1H4),
" is a person lawfully deputed and bound
to minister in his own name the word of
God and the sacraments to certain
members of a diocese, who in their tm-n
are to a certain extent bound to receive
them from him." Hence from the very
fact that a man is instituted as parish
priest he has ordinary jurisdiction in foro
interno, and, it' he is a priest, can give
absolution. Vacant parishes are to be
tilled by competitive examination (Cone.
Trid. Sees. xxiv. De Ref. c. 18). The
method to be observed, as laid down by
the council and modified by subsequent
papal enactments, is as follows: — The
bishop must give public notice of the
examination. Candidates should have
reached their twenty-fifth year, and should
excel in virtue and learning. The ex-
amination should be conducted by three
examiners in the presence of the bishop
or vicar-general. The same questions
should be put to each candidate, and the
same text of Scripture given for the
sermon to be written by each. The
candidate who, in the opinion of the
bishop, has passed the best examination
should receive the parish. There are
many exceptions to the rule of examina-
tion, e.ff. when the parish has a lay
patron. The new parish priest is bound
to make a profession of faith within two
months of obtaining possession of his
parish. His duties are to reside among
his flock and to feed them, that is, to
ofier the sacrifice of the Mass for them on
all Sundays and days of obligation ( festtg
de prcBcepto), to preach and to administer
the Sacraments to them. The chief rights
of the parish priest are : (1) the reserva-
tion of the holy oils; (2) to confer the
nuptial blessing, the blessing of women
after childbirth, and the blessing of houses
j on Holy Saturday ; (3) to administer
i Communion at Easter ; (4) to administer
the last sacraments, i.e. Viaticum and
ExtremeUnction ; (5) to perform the burial
service for his parishioners. He has also
the right to tithes and funeral dues.
Wherever the decree of the Coimcil of
Trent concerning clandestinity has been
published, no marriage is valid unless
celebrated in the presence of the parish
priest, or his delegate, or superior. It
should be noted that some parish priests
are removable at the will of the bishop
(ad riutum amovihiles) ; while others, who
are styled " perpetui et inamovibiles," can
be removed only for some grave, notorious
crime.
For a long time before the Reforma-
tion parish priests in England were
called persones or parsons, because they
were personcB eeclesice, the representatives
of the Church in the parish. The word
was not in use before the Conquest;
but persona, as equivalent to rector
ecclesiee, occurs frequently in the treatise
of Bracton, wi-iting in the reign of
Henry III. From the law courts it
probably passed into the speech of the
people, and Chaucer naturally speaks of
the parish priest, introduced into the
PASCHAL CANDLE
PASSIONISTS G91
"Caiitevburv Tales," as "a poore persoun
of a toiui."
The " parish priest," or " parson," of
England nnd Ireland, corresponds to the
cure of France, the Pfairer of Germany,
the paroco of Italy, the pastoor of Hol-
land, and the pdrroco of Spain and Por-
tugal. (See Ferraris, Parockm; Bouix,
"De Parocho"; Craisson, "Manuale Juris
Canonici," nn. 1287-1514.)
PASCBA.X. CAUOi.li. [See Holy
"Week."
PASCBAXi COWTHOVERST. [See
Eastek."
PASCKAI. FRECSPT. [See COM-
PASSXOxr svnOATT. The Sunday
before Palm Sunday. "With Passion Sun-
day tlie move solemn part of Lent begins ;
the imaires are veiled with violet at the
first vespers; the Judica psalm and the
Gloria Patri are omitted at the Introit
&c. The name Passion Sunday is ancient,
but we liave been able to find no ancient
or even medireval author who mentions
the veiling of the images. None is quoted
by Gavantus or Meratus. It is said to
refer to the last words of the Gospel for
the day. " Jesus autem abscond it se et
exivit a templo."
PASSIONISTS. Their full title is,
" Congregation of the Discalced Clerks
of the most holy Cross and Passion of
our Lord Jesus Christ." Their founder,
St. Paul of the Cross, born near Genoa
in 1694, put on the habit of the order in
1720, with the sanction of the Bishop of
Alessandria, Monsignor Gattinara. In
1721, having compiled the constitutions
which he wished his followers to observe,
Paul went to Rome in order to obtain
sanction for his proceedings. This sanc-
tion was withheld for many years, in the
course of which Paul was ordained priest
and employed on various works of charity
in Rome. All obstacles being at length
removed, he established the first monastery
of his congregation at Monte Argentaro,
near Orbitello, in 1737. Tlie rules of the
society were confirmed by Benedict XIV.
in 1746. Clement XIV. showed the
Fathers marked favour, and conferred on
them the house and church of SS. Giovanni
e Paolo on the Ccelian Hill. Here the
holy founder took up his abode, and here
(1775) he died. In 1867 he was canon-
ised by Pius IX. The con^egation
rapidly extended itself after his death,
but for some time within the limits of
Italy only. But Paul's most settled pur-
pose, and the subject of his impassioned
longing, had been to work and pray foi*
the conversion of England. His desire
was in part fultilled when, in 1842, his
followers obtained a footing in this
country. There are now eight Pas-sioiiist
houses in England — at Highgnte, Broad-
way, Carmarthen, "Wareham, Herne Bay,
Harbome, Sutton, and St. Helen's ; two
in Ireland — Mount Argus, near Dublin,
and Belfast ; and one in Scotland — Glas-
gow.
The whole order comprises nine pro-
vinces, of which three are in Italy, one
in France, one in England and Ireland,
one in America, one in Spain, one in
Mexico and Buenos Ayres, and one in
Bulgaria and Wallachia. This last pro-
vince is governed by a Passionist bishop,
under the jurisdiction of the Propaganda.
Altogether there are about 70 houses,
and between 800 and 900 religious.
The life of a Passionist is very austere.
They fast three days in every week,
besides Advent and Lent ; they wear
nothing on their feet but sandals; they
rise at night to say Matins, and, indeed,
recite the office in choir at all the canoni-
cal hours. They divide their time between
contemplation and action ; being inde-
fatigable in giving missions and retreats,
especially to persons living in community.
Besides the three usual vows, they make
a fourth — that they will do their utmost
to keep alive in the hearts of the faithful
the memory of our Lord's passion. On
the day of their profession they make a
vow of perseverance in the congregation.
Nevertheless, they only take simple vows.
(H^lyot, " Contin.")
T/ie Passiomsts in America. — Aji
American correspondent has furnished us
with the following account of the intro-
duction of the order into the United
States, and of its present condition
there : —
" The Passionists were introduced
into the United States in 1852 by the
Right Rev. Michael O'Connor, bishop of
Pittsburg. The first colony consisted of
three priests and one brother. The
superior was Father Anthony Calandri,
who died April 27. 1 87S. A retreat was
soon built in a suitable location on a hill
to the south of Pittsburg, which is still
the novitiate of the order in the United
States. Applications for admission were
not wanting, and in 1859 the Fathers
were able to establish a second house in
Dunkirk, diocese of Buffalo, N.Y. In
1861 a third foundation was made in West
Hoboken. N.J., which has since become-
Y T 2
693
PASTOR
PATER NOSTER
the residence of the provincial. These
three houses were erected into a province
in 1863, with Father Dominic Tarlattini
as fii-st provincial. Since then three more
retreats were added — one near Baltimore,
Md. ; another in Cincinnati, O. ; the third
near Louisville, Ky.; to say nothing of the
foundations in Mexico and Buenos Ayres.
The American Province of St. Paul of the
Cross numbers, at present (1883), about
150 religious — viz. 70 priests, 40 clerical
students, and 40 lay brothers.
" Although missions and spiritual re-
treats are the principal external works
for the good of souls prescribed by the
rule of the Passionist Fathers, still the
necessities of the faithful and the scarcity
of priests in this country compelled them
at first to undertake the spiritual charge
of the Catholics living in the vicinity of
their foundations, who otherwise would
have had no one to minister to their
spiritual wants. But as the population
increased and priests became more nu-
merous, most of these charges were
gradually relinquished, and at present
the Passionist Fathers retain only a few
parishes. Calls for missions and retreats,
on the other hand, have become very
frequent, and during the greater part ot
the year several bands of missionaries are
at work simultaneously in different locali-
ties. Their method in conducting missions
is substantially the same as that f )llowed
by other missionaries, but the prominence
given in their preaching to the mysteries
of our Lord's passion is found to be
singularly effective in rousing the negli-
gent and stimulating the devout to still
greater fervour."
PASTOK. Jesus Christ, who, in the
Preface for Festivals of the Apostles, is
called "Pastor seteruus," communicates
the characteristics of a good shepherd of
souls to all those who faithfully discbarge
the office of governing in his Churcli.
This communication is pre-eminently
made to the Roman Pontiff, who, in the
collect " pro Papa" is described as "pastor
ecclesiae " ; it also appt-rtains in lesser
degTees to bishops and priests, upon each
one of whom it devolves to lead, feed,
and gently rule, like a shepherd, the flock
committed to him.
PATEK. A plate used from the earli-
est times to receive the IIr)st consecrated at
Mass. Larger patens, called ministeriales,
were used for the ccunmunion of the
people. It is consecrated with chrism by
the bishop, and this rite of consecration
is meutioued in a Gallican Sacrameutary
as old as the eighth century, published by
Mabillon in the " Museum Italicum."
PATER irosTER. The prayer
taught by our Lord to His disciples. It-
occurs in all the ancient liturgies, with one
notable exception — that of the so-called
Clementine liturgy — given in the Apo-
stolic Constitutions. Its absence there
has never been satisfactorily explained.
In all the chief liturgies it occurs much
in the same place — i.e. shortly before the
Communion. In most of the Greek, in
the Blozarabic and the Ambrosian litur-
gies, the Canon was followed by the
Fraction of the Host ; then came the Pater.
St. Gregory settled finally the place of
the Pater in the Roman Mass, placing it
w-here it now stands, immediately after
the Canon and before the Fraction. This
,«eems to be the sense of Gregory's words
when he says (Lib. 7, Indict. 2, Epist.
04, quoted by Le Brun) that the Sicilians
taunted him with following the use of
Constantinople and reciting the Pater,
" mox post canonem," "immediately after
the Canon," and so they .are understood hy
Le Brun, torn. iii. Diss. ii. ; Benedict XIV.
" De Miss." ii. 19 ; Probst, " Lit. der
ersten drei Jahrhund." p. 356 ; Ham-
mond, "Ancient Lit." bcxii. The other
view — viz. that the Pater was introduced
into the Roman liturgy by Gregory, is
maintained by Mr. Scudamore in his
article on the Lord's Prayer in Smith and
Cheetham. The Pope also tells us that,
whereas in the East (and also in the
Gallican rite) the Pater was said by
priest and people, at Rome it was recited
by the priest alone. In nearly all the
ancient liturgies the Pater is introduced
by a preface, like the exhortation in the
Mass, "Prseceptis salutaribus," &C.'
The Pater occurs in all the Breviary
hours at the beginning and end, and
sometimes in the course of the hour
itself. But whereas in the Mass it is said
aloud, in the Breviary it is said ,«ecretly,
or at most only the first and concluding
words are said audibly. The reason is
that at the part of the Mass where the
Pater occurs the fnithful only were present,
while catechumens &c. were admitted to
the hours. (So Benedict XIV. loc. at.)
The addition to the Lord's Prayer,
"For thine is the kingdom," is wanting in
the best ancient authorities. It pmbably
arose from the embolismus [see the article]
1 The f2tliiopic liturgy is an exception. But
the introduction to the Pater is generally in
the form of a prayer — not a statement as in
the Roman and Ambrosian Mass.
PATERINES
PATRON, PATRONAGE GO-'!
of tlie liturgy used iu the Syrian Church.
<See "Westcott and Hort, N.T. vol. ii.
Notes on Matt. vi. 13.)
PATERXXTES. A Manichsean sect
which first came into notice under this
name in Italy about 1040. when a number
of them were convicted of heresy by
Heribert, archbishop of Jlilau, and burnt
at the stake. They taught that matter
was essentially evil, condemned marriage,
and set at nought Church authority.
The Lombard married clergy, when
(1057) they were attacked* on the score
of incontinence by Anselm of Badagio
and Ariald, taunted their assailants with
being Paterines. Mohler^ identifies them
with the Boni Homines who were con-
demned by the Council of Lombers in
1176. They appear again among the
heretical sects that infested Languedoc at
the end of the twelfth century, and are
then identified with the Cathari or Puri-
tiins. Innocent III. spoke of " impii
Manichici, qui se Catharos vel Patarinos
appellant."^ The oiigiu of the name is
unknown. [Albigenses; Boni Homines;
Bulgarians.]
PATRIARCH, PATRIARCHATE.
The dignity of Patriarch — the Primacy of
St. Peter being considered as standing
apart — is the highest grade in the hier-
archy of jurisdiction. Immediately next to
the rank of Patriarch may come that of
" Primate "; metropolitans or archbishops
follow ; under each metropolitan are
ranged his suflragau bishops. In the fifth
century the Exarchate [Exarch] was an
intermediate grade between the patriar-
chate and the rank of metropolitan.
The Sixth Canon of the first Nicene
Council recognises an ancient, customary,
and legitimate authority in the Bishops of
the three sees of Alexandria, Pi,ome, and
Antioch (named in this order) over their
respective provinces. The title of "Pa-
triarch," however, is not given; the thing
is recognised, but not the word. The
title came into use in the fifth century, at
least iu its present sense, for it had earlier
been used loosely for any great see. From
the latter part of tue fourth centur}-,
Constantinople gradually came to occupy
the position of a fourth Patriarchate.
That of Jerusalem, after a struggle for
precedence between it and Ca!#area, be-
;ame the fifth. For the history of each
of these Patriarchates, excluding Rome,
see Alexandria, Church of; Antioch ;
Constantinople, Pateiarch-vie op ;
' Kirchengeschichte, ii. ch. v. § 3.
2 Wetzer and Welte, art. " Patariner."
Jerusalem, Patriarchate of. Since the
misfortunes which overtook the Ea.-tern
Church (Monopliysite heresy, Mus.^uluiaii
domination, Greek schism, &c.) severed
' all these four sees from Catholic unity,
the Popes have continued to nominate
bishops to the lost Patriarchates ; but these
bishops have resided at Rome, except
lately in the case of Jerusalem, the Patri-
arch of which, Monsignor Valerga, com-
menced to reside at his see in 1847. Be-
sides the Latin Patriarch of Antioch, the
Holy See admits a Maronite, a Melchite,
and a Syrian Patriarch of the same see, a
Patriarch of Cilicia of the Armenian, and
a Patriarch of Babylon of the Chaldaic,
rite.
There are also three minor Patriarchs
in the Western Church — the Patriarch of
the Indies, who is the prelate of highest
rank in the Church of Spain ; the Pati'iarch
of Lisbon ; and the Patriarch of Venice.
PATRinXOirY OF ST. PETER.
[See States op the Church.]
PATRiPASSXATfS. [See Sabel-
lianish.]
PATROW, PATROITAGE. The
word jKitronus is used in three senses
in canon law; it signifies (I) an advocate
or barrister ; (2) the former master of a
manumitted slave, to whom under the
Roman law a certain control over his
freedman was reserved ; (3) a person
having the right to present to a benefice.
The third sense only is here in question.
The subject of patronage is of little
practical interest to English Catholics, for,
from the great spoliation of the sixteenth
century down to the present day, an
English benefice in Catholic hands has
been a phenomenon rarely met with.
However, it seems desirable to give a
brief sketch of the principal provisions of
the law on this subject.
Patronage (jm patronatus) is defined
to be " the right or power of nominating
or presenting a clerk for preferment to a
vacant ecclesiastical benefice." It may be
usefully considered from three points of
view, according as (1) its acquisition, (2)
its transfer, and (.3) its prominent incidents
are taken into account.
I. The right of patronage is acquired
in one of three principal ways — by founda-
tion, or building, or endowment — accord-
ing to the memorial line :
Patronum fnciunt dos, sedificatio, fundus.
If one person founds a church by giving
the ground, a second builds it, and a third
endows it, the right of patronage belongs
694 PATRON, PATEONAGE
PATRON AND TITULAR
to the three jointly. The consent of the
bishop is, of course, always necessary.
An endowment, in order to convey a right
of patronage, must be sufficient — i.e. it
must be ample enough to provide a decent
maintenance for those serving the church,
and to meet the annual expense of lights
and other church requisites. Otherwise
it is not an endowment, but a benefaction,
and as such carries no right of patronage.
Patronage acquired by Papal privilege,
conceded at any date anterior to the
Council of Trent, was abolished by a
decree of that council ; ' hence anyone
now claiming it on that ground must show
that such privilege was conceded since the
council, with a clause expresslyderogating
from its decree. Patronage can also be
acquired by prescription if multiplied
unopposed presentations can be proved.
'2. The transfer of patronage ordinarily
takes place in one of four ways — by suc-
cession, donation, sale, or exchange. By
succession — as when, on the death of a
patron, the right passes to his heirs,
whether at law or under settlement or
devise. When the patronage passes by
donation, the consent of the bishop is
usually, but not in all cases, necessary.
With regard to the third mode — sale —
it is instructive to compare the provisions
of the canon law with the law and prac-
tice of the Anglican communion as regards
the sale of advowsons.'^ In England an
advowson can be sold separately, and for
the best price. The sole condition is that
the benefice be not actually vacant at the
time of sale ; otherwise no distinction is
made between advowsons and any other
kind of property. The canon law does
not permit an advowson { jiis patronafus)
to be sold separately at all. It can only
be sold indirectly — i.e. through being in-
separablj' annexed to some other property
which is susceptible of legal sale. Thus,
if a man sell his whole estate, and to this
estate an advowson be annexed, the latter
passes to the purchaser along with the
other property. Or even if the sale be
not of a man's whole estate, but only of a
particular piece of property — a palace, a
farm, a field, &c. — to wliich a riglit of
patronage is inseparably annexed, that
right is transferred to the purchaser by
the sale. Piut in all such cases canon law
exacts the condition that the price given
be not enhanced on account of the an-
nexed patronage. Any simoniacal attempt
Sess. XXV. De Ref. c. 9.
'An advowson is the perpetual right of
presentation to a benefice.
to sell the patronage as such is visited by
the law with severe penalties.
3. The chief incidents of patronage
are four — presentation, honour, defence,
maintenance in case of poverty. (Ij The
tirst-named is so strictly inherent in a
patron that if he present a qualified clerk
for a benefice, the bishop is bound to accept
him, even though he may know of one
more worthy. But the presentation must
be made wdthln four months if the patron
be a layman, within six if he be a clergy-
man ; otherwise it passes for that time to
the bishop. The law is more tender of lay
than of ecclesiastical patronage, because
interference with the former would tend
to discourage rich laymen from building
churches and extending Christianity.
Women are capable of presenting to
benefices equally with men. No patron
can present himself to any benefice in his
gift, although he may ask the bishop to
confer it upon him, and the bishop may,
at his discretion, legally do so. (2) By
" honour " are understood the precedence
and respect which a patron may justly
claim in a church founded by him or his
ancestor. (3) "Defence" refers to the
right and duty of the patron to watch
over the beneficiary property, and prevent
its waste or dilapidation. (4) " Mainten-
ance in poverty " is the claim which the
patron has, should misfortune overtake
him and reduce him to want, to receive a
decent maintenance (and this applies to
his wife and children also) out of the
revenues of the benefice in his gift. (Fer-
raris, Jms patronatus.)
PATROSr AN-S TZTXrX.A.R OP
CHVRCH, PX.ACE, &.C. The title of
a church is the name it bears — e.g. of the
Trinity, St. Augustine, St. Mary, St.
Saviour, &c. The patron saint is that
saint under whose special protection it has
been placed. Thus the titular is a wider
term comprehending the persons of the
Trinity, mysteries {e.g. Corpus Chrisfi),
and saints ; the patron of a church can
only be a saint or angel. Of churches
with the title of St. ^lary, the patronal
feast is the Assumption. Only a canonised
(not a beatified) saint can be chosen as
patron. (S. C. R. 23 Martii, 1630.)
The patron of a church is chosen by the
foimders (" ex fundatorum beneplacito,"
Merat. § iii. 12, 1). Usually only one
patron is chosen, or else two patrons
whose feast falls on the same day. The
feast of the principal titular or patron is
a double of the first class with an octave.
This holds good even of churches not yet
PAUL OF SAMOSATA
PAX
695
cons, 'crated. The rule, however, does not
apply to chapels of seminaries, Sec. &c.
The "rules for churches which have more
than one patron with independent fea^t
are the same as those given below for
lociil patrons.
The patron of a place is chosen by the
people with the consent of the clerav.
(Decret. Urban. VIII., 23 Mart. 1630.)
A place may have several patrons, prin-
cipal and less principal, but not more
than one principal patron except by im-
memorial custom or Apostolic indult.
The feast of the principal patron is a
double of the first class with an octave
(so also, if tliere are several chief patron.s) ;
of a "less principal," a greater double
when celebrated solemnly, otherwise a
lesser double.
The feast of the chief or titular patron
of the Ciithedral church is kept through-
out the diocese even by regulars, who,
however, are not obliged to celebrate the
octave. (S. V. R. 27 Mail, 1628.)
The constitution of Urban VIII.
(Const, clxi. " Universa," § 2) requires
that only two patroual feasts be imposed
in any one place as holidays of obligation
— one the feast of a chief patron of the
kingdom or province, the other that of a
chief patron of the city, town, village. Sec.
PATTX. or SABXOSATA. [See
AlOGI."
PAiri.xcxAM'S. In the fancy of
Gibbon Decline and Fall," ch.liv.), this
Manicliean or quasi-Manichean sect, after
its banishment from Asia, " scattered over
the West the seeds of reformation." By
"reformation" can only be meant revolt;
a common fury of negation and destruc-
tion may easily have induced the Pro-
testants of the sixteenth century to accept
the Paulicians as the ancient exponents of
their own principles ; but negation is no
permanent bond; and when the positive
doctrines of the sect are calmly examined,
they appear to be such as no moderate
Protestant would endorse. The Paulicians
rejected or minimised the Sacraments,
abhorred images, and condemned the in-
vocation of the saints; while reverencing
some books of Holy Scripture, they re-
pudiated Church tradition and the doctrine
of a visible Church ; in their eyes relics
were rubbish, miracles impostures, and
the Blessed Virgin not the mother of
God. So far all is plain sailing ; and a
zealous Presbyterian might recognise in
the Paulicians the theological ancestors of
his own " Nullifiers." But the Paulicians
also believed in two Powers, one good,
I the other evil, dividing the universe
I between them ; and they held the earth
and all things sensible to have been created
by the spirit of evil. The good God, tliey
said, created tlie soul of man ; the wicked
power, or Demiurgus, created his body.
! Instead of sin in the body beiuir an
offence against the " temple of the Holy
Ghost," on this view it was the natural
outcome of the bodily constitution ; there-
fore, of course, inculpable. They rejected
the Old Testament as the work of the
Deiniuri^us. Jesus Christ, they said, did
, not take his liodyfrom Mary, but brought
i it down with Ilini from heaven. Tliey
admitted neither of St. Peter's Epistles ;
most of them rejected also the Acts.
Such was the sect which, according to
Gibbon, "scattered over the West the
seeds of reformntinn " !
The origin of the name " Paulician " is
1 uncertain ; one theory derives it from a
certain I'aul, who, with his brother John,
founded a society near Samosata early in
the seventh century ; another — which
Gibbon prefers — sees in it merely an evi-
dence of the high value which they set on
the life and writings of St. Paul. They
first come prominently into notice in the
seventh century, when they were organised
by Constant ine, a native of a village near
Samosata, who took the name of Silvanus.
Other eminent leaders among them were
Simeon, Sergius, Chrysocheir, and Baanes.
They became very numerous in Armenia,
j and, being persecuted by the imperial
officers, rose in revolt ; nor was their
subjugation entirely effected till the
tenth century. For their later history
see the article Bulgarians. (Wetzer
and Welte, art. by Kerker ; Phot ins,
"Contra Manichseos ; " Petrus Siculus,
JUisf. Manicli. in " Bibl. Patrum," vol. xvi.)
PAVI.ISTS. The Institute of the
Missionary Priests of St. Paul the Apostle
was founded in New York by the 17ev.
I. T. Ilecker and several associates in tlio
year 18'-)>^. Its members are engagnl in
ordinary parochial work, in giving mis-
sions, in the education of their scholastics,
and in literary labour. The monthly
magazine, the " Catholic World," is under
their direction, and they have published
several volumes of sermons as well as
other works (ui ditlerent topics connected
with the Catholic religion.
PAX. The Kiss of Peace in the ^Mass
has been described under that heading.
The Pax here intended is that which wns
given to the people to kiss at Mass. It was
introduced in England about the middle
696 PAX YOBTS
PELAGTATvTSM
of the thirteenth century, and widely
used. It is called " osculatorium " (Syn.
Constit. of York, 1250 and 1252) ; "oscu-
latorium paci? " (Statutes of Canterbury,
about 1281) : "a-sst-r ad pacem " (Council
of Oxford, in 1287); "tabula pacis "
(Council of Merton, atjout 1300) ; " mar-
mor deosculandum " (Synod of Bayeux,
about the same date). It was adopted in
France, Italy, Spain, and Germany. But
the use was almost extinct in Le Brun's
time, on account of the absurd contentions
for precedency to which it gave rise ;
though it was presented in some cases to
communicants, «S:c. We have been refer-
ring to the use at Mass. It is still used
in communities, confi'aternities, &c., at
times of ordinary prayer. (From Le
Brun, Tom. II. jjart v. art. 7. See also
Ma>kell, " Ancient Lit." p. 50.)
PAX VOBIS is said by bishops after
the "Gloria in Excelsis." K the "Gloria"
be not said, then the bishop's salutation is
the same as the priest's — viz. " Dominus
vobiscum." The fact that " Pax vobis "
was our Lord's Eastt^r gTeeting to the
Apostles made it unsuitable for penitential
days. (Benedict XIV. "De Miss.")
PECTORA.I. CROSS. Asmallcross
of precious metal worn on the breast by
bishops and abbots as a marlcof theiroffice,
and sometimes also by canons, &c., who
have obtained the privilege from Itome.
(l)ecr. S.C.i; . ] 7 Sf-pt. 1 828). Innocent III.
is the tiisl author who clearly mentions
the pectoral cross as one of the episcopal
insignia. (Gavant. P. I. tit. 2.)
PECULiuni CXiERZCZ. The pro-
perty ot which an ecclesiastic can be in
posse.-?ii)ii is (lividi'd into }ieculimii benefi-
ciale, or ca /r.^iafificum, andpeculiujupafri-
tiwniale, OT qiaisi-patrimoniale. The former
consists (1) of the annual profits of his
benefice or liciietices ; (2) of the dues
which he receives in the discharge of his
clericnl functinn.. Tlie latter con.M-ts (1)
of property \\ liicli has come to him by
inheritance, donation, or l.)ei|Ui\<t : (2) of
that which he has acquired lur lum-i lf —
e.g. by writing. Over i)ii)j)eiiy of the
former class he has no power of testa-
mentary disposition; that of the latter
class he can freely dispose of.
PEliAGZATTZSnx was an extreme
reaction from the Gnostic and Maniehean
doctrine that men were necessarily deter-
mined to good or evil. According to
Pelagius (1) Adam's sin injured himself
only, so that his posterity are born inno-
cent. Infants were baptised that they
might be united to Christ and enter the
kingdom of heaven ; not that they might
be purged from original sin (Concil.
Carthag. anno 411, can. 2, 3). (2) It
was possible to Uve altogether without
sin ( " hominem posse esse sine peccato,"
Pelag. apud August. "De Gratia Cliristi,"
cap. iv.). (3) Grace, as Catholics under-
stand the term, was not necessary or even
possible. Pelagius made grace consist
simply in the gift of nature, and especially
of free-will. When pressed by his adver-
saries, he admitted the need of exterior
grace — viz. "law and teaching," "the
I example of Christ," &c. Nay, some think
I he allowed that God, by interior grace,
enlightened the understanding (Anaust.
op. cit. 7, 10, 40 : Petav. " De Pelag.
et Semi-Pelag. User." cap. iv.).* But the
essence of his heresy remained, for he
never granted that the will must be moved
and aided by God's grace before we can
take one step towards life eternal; and
even if Pelagius admitted the possibility
of interior illumination of the understand-
ing, he certainly did not hold such a grace
to be necessary.
Pelagius, who was a monk or ascete,
and is said to have been born in Britain
(Bretagne?), preached at Eome (400-410)
with great applause. Here he was joined
by Celestius, also a monk. Pelagius at-
tacked the doctrine of original sin in his
fourteen books on St. Paul's Epistles.
Thej- still exist, but with serious altera-
tions in a Catholic sense, and are edited
by "\^allarsi in his edition of St. Jerome.
His letter to Demetrius (anno 411), and
his "Libellus fidei ad Innocentium" (anno
417) are also t;iveu there. St. Augustine
("De Grat. Christi, Peccat. Orig. Xat. et
Grat.") has preserved fragments of fovtr
books by Pelagius on " Free-will." The
strife on original sin began at Rome in
410. Celestius was condemned by a
synod of r' .i-fli ,_'.\ whither he had gone
in 411. 1 - .i appears in Pales-
tine, whilli. 1 I '1 -111- pursued him at the
request of .\ugustine, who had ah'eady
written three anti-Pelagian works — viz.
" De Spiritu et Littera," " De Peccatoriim
Meritis et Remissione," " De Perfectione
Justi Hominis." Jerome also attacked
Pelagius in an "Epistle to Ctesiphon" and
a dialogue against the heresy in three
books. A synod at Jerusalem in 415
tried Pelagius, but came to no decision;
another at Diospolis, late in the same
year, acquitted him. St. Augustine at-
tacked Pelagius again in his work " De
1 We cannot see that the references given by
Petavius prove this.
PENANCE, SACRAMENT OF PENANCE, SACRAMENT OF 697
Gestis Pelagii." Tbeodore of Mopsuestia
defended him in a lost work {npos tovs
Xf'yon-ay <pv(T€i Koi ftf) yvafxrj TTToifiv tovs
av6p<i>Trovs) ; the Africans, again, con-
demned the heresy in the Councils of
Carthao-e and Mileve (41G). Both parties
had recourse to Pope Innocent, who de-
clared the doctrine of Pelagius erroneous,
but died before the case could be fully
judged. Zosimus (417-18) was deceived
by a profession of faith which Celestius
niade, and declared both Celestius and
Pelagius innocent. More condemnations
of Pelagianism followed in the Cartha-
ginian Councils of 417 and 418, and in
the latter year Zosimus reinvestigated
the matter, anathematised Pelagius and
Celestius, and uotitied this step in an
" epistola tractoria " to the bishops.
Eighteen Italian bishops who refused to
subscribe this epistle were deposed, among
them the learned Julianus of Eclanum,
against whom St. Augustine wrote
(" Contra Duas Epist. ad Bonifac." anno
420 ; " Contr. Julian." lib. vi. anno 421 ;
later still, the "Opus Imperfect, contr.
secundam Julian. Respons.''). Pelagius
and Celestius now found an asylum with
Nestorius of Constantinople, and along
with him they were condemned in the
Third General Council — that of Ephesus
— in 431. This result was due in gTeat
measure to the energy of Augustine and
the efforts of Marius Mercator, a Western
layman living at Constantinople.
PEM-AM-CE, SACRAMEM-T OF.
The Latin word jiosnitcntia (from
punire in an archaic form pcenire)
means sorrow or regret, and answers to
the Greek iierdvoia, change of mind or
heart. As a theological term, penance is
tirst the name of a virtue which inclines
sinners to detest their sins because thej-
are an offence against God. Then penance
came to mean the outward acts by which
sorrow for sin is sho\^■n, and the word was
su])posed by St. Augustine to come from
" poena," and by others — e.g. Peter Lom-
bard— from " pa;nam tenere." The Greek
word ' ficTavoia has wandered further
still from its original sense, for in the
Greek liturgies it means simply a prostra-
tion. Thus in the otlice for ordination of
deacons the rubric runs, "The priest de-
1 The Rabbinical term is ^2■1t^'n'
"conversion " ; and the Syrian Christians have
the same word in the Syriac or Chaldee form —
viz. This word is the translation
of fiiTiivoia in the Peshito, and is still retained,
t.g., by the Marocites (see Morinus, i. 7.)
I parts with the deacon and they make three
bows {noioiKTi ixeravolas rpcis) to the icon
of the Lord Christ." (See Morinus, " De
I Pcen." lib. i. cap. 1.) In a more restricted
sense still, penance is used for the peni-
tential discipline of the Church, or even
for the third station of public penitents
(so, e.g., I. Concil. Tolet. canon 2), and
again for the satisfaction which the priest
imposes on the penitent before absolving
him from his sins. Lastly, penance is a
sacrament of the new law instituted by
Christ for the remission of sin committed
after baptism.
So understood, penance is defined as a
" sacrament instituted by Christ in the
; form of a judgment for the remission of
sin done after baptism, this remission
being effected by the absolution of the
priest, jouied to true supernatural soitow,
true pm-pose of amendment, and sincere
confession on the part of the sinner." The
Council of Trent (Sess. xiv.) defines that
priests have real power to remit and retain
sins, that persons are bound by the law of
: God to confess before the priest each and
' every mortal sin committed after baptism,
so far as the memory can recall it, and
also such circumstances as change the
nature of these sins, and that the sacra-
ment of penance is absolutely necessary
for the foro-iveness of post-baptismal sin.
It is true that perfect sorrow for sin whicli
has offended so good a God at once and
without the addition of any external rite
1 blots out the stain and restores the peace
! and love of God in the soul. " There is
I no condemnation to those who are in
I Christ Jesus, who walk not after the flesh,
but after the spirit." But this perfect
sorrow involves in a well-instructed
j Catholic the intention of fulfilling Christ's
I precept and receiving the sacrament of
I penance when opportunity occurs. This
i implicit desire of confession and absolu-
I tion may exist in many Protestants who
I reject the Catholic doctrine on this point,
i They desire the sacrament of penance m
' this sufficient sense, that they earnestly
wish to fulfil Chi-ist's law, so far as they
can learn what it is. In this sense the
1 sacrament is necessary for the salvation
of those who have fallen into mortal sin
after baptism. They must receive it
actually or by desire, this desire being
either explicit or implicit. This point is
of capital importance for the apprehension
of Catholic doctrine. We in no way
deny that God is ready to forgive the sins
of non-Catholics who are in good faith and
who turn to Him with loving sorrow.
698 PEXAXCE, SACRAMENT OF
PENANCE, SACHAMENT OF
But the Higli Church doctrine that con- I
t'ession of mortal sin is not an absolute
duty imposed by the law of Christ, or
that absolution is a benefit which the
penitent is not absohitely bound to seek,
is in the sharpest antagonism to the
Catholic faith as defined at Trent. The
Council also teaches that satisfaction must
be made for the temporal punishment
which may be due even to pardoned sin,
and that confession, contrition, absolution,
and satisfaction are the four parts of
penance. The minister, and the only
possible minister, of the sacrament is a
priest with ordinary or delegated power
to absolve. The form consists in the
words, "I absolve thee from thy sins,'
&c. Mortal or venial sins (for it is of
faith that venial sins may be confessed,
though there is no obhgation of doing so) '
supply the place of matter. The Council
speaks of sins as the "quasi materia,'' for
though Thomists and many other theo-
logians hold that sorrowful confession of
sins is the proximate matter of the sacra-
ment, Scotists maintain that absolution is
both matter and form, and the Council
abstained from interfering in this scho-
lastic dispute. In the articles on Con-
fession, Absolution, &c., many details
relating to this sacrament have been
iven, so that we may content ourselves
ere with an elucidation of the main
principles.
1. Priests have received power from
Christ to forgive sins in His name and
according to His law — i.e. in the case of
true repentance. God alone can remit
sins, but He has been pleased to make
the priest's absolution the means by
which His grace is conveyed. He said to
His Apostles, " Receive the Holy Ghost ;
whosesoever sins ye remit, they are re-
mitted [i.e. become remitted] unto them,
and whosesoever sms ye retain, they have
been retained" [i.e. continue to be retained
before God], (John xx. 23). This wonder-
ful power must have been intended for the
successors of the Apostles, as well as for
the Apostles themselves, for it is incredible
that this means of pardon was conferred
only for a short period of the Church's
life. While sin lasted, the stream of
grace and mercy must continue to flow.
History proves the correctness of this in-
i'erence, for in all ages the power of abso-
lution has been used and recognised.
» Morinns (lib. ii. cap. 3) believes he has
proved that the confession of venial sins was
common in the Church during the lifetime of
Tertullian.
Thus Cyprian urges the sinner to repent
"while confession may be made, M-hile
satisfaction and remission through the
bishops {sacerdutes) are accepted before
God." ("De Laps." 29; the remission
included, no doubt, absolution from cen-
sures.) In this, says St, Chrysostom
("De Sacerdot." iii. 5, 6), the priests of
the Gospel excel those of the Jewish
Church, that, whereas Jewish priests
could merely declare a man clean of
leprosy, the Christian priests "have re-
ceived power," not with regard to the
leprosy of the body, but " the impurity of
the soul," a power which consists not in
declaring that the uucleanness is re-
moved but in actually " removing it
entirely " (dTraXXdrreii/ TratTfXcoy eXa^ov
f^ovcriav). He proves this sacerdotal
power by an express appeal to the words
in St. John, " Whose sins ye remit," &c.
So again the author of an ancient homily,
printed among the works of St. Athanasius
(Migne, "Patrol." iv. p. 183. The Bene-
dictines place it among the dubia, but say
it is found " in ancient MSS."), says,.
" K thy bonds are not loosed, entrust
thyself to the disciples of Jesus. Those
are to be found who can loose us, having
received this power from the Saviour"
(i^ovalav TaVTrji/ ciKrjcjioTes irapa tov
Swr^poy), " whose sins ye remit," &c.
Morinus (lib. viii. cap. 1) quotes from Leo,
Ep. 91, "Ad Theodor.": "Very useful
and necessary is it that the guilt of sin
should be loosed before the last day by
the judgment of the priest." Augustine,
Ep. 180, " Ad Honorat." (apud Morin.
ibidem), urges the clergy not to flee in
persecution, because their presence will be
ui-gently required for " the administration
(confecf ionem) of the sacraments." " If
the ministers are wanting, what ruin will
come on those who depart this life un-
regenerate [i.e. unbaptised] or bound,
[i.e. unabsolved] ! " The value of these
testimonies lies partly in the fact that
they do not argue for the priestly power
of absolution, but assume it, partly in
their connection with the strong utter-
ances of Scripture on the one hand, the
penitential di.-^cipline of the Church on the
other. It must have required a strong
belief in the power of absolution to make
men undergo long years of rigorous
penance in order to obtain it. It may be
well here to answer two objections.
Morinus (lib. viii. 8, 10, 11) has shown,
and indeed demonstrated, that down to
the twelfth century absolution was always
given among the Latins in a precatorjr
PENANCE, SACRAMENT OF
PENANCE, SACEAMENT OF 609
form. And it is evident from Gear and j
Renaudot (in the "PerpetuitiSdelaFoi") |
that the Greeks, the .Jacobites, and Nes-
toriaus still preserve this ))recatory form.
This, however, cannot fairly be alleged
against our belief that the priest exercises
judgment in the sacrament of penance,
and does really bind or loose. No one
will deny that the bishop in absolving an
excoiumunicato person and restoring him
to Chm-ch commuuion exercised judicial
power and authoritatively remitted eccle-
siastical censures. Yet here, too, as well
as in sacramental absolution, the form was
precatory even as late as the time of
Burchard, bishop of Worms, who lived at
the close of the tenth century. (See the
quotation in Chardon, " Hist, des Sacr."
tom. iv. §§ 4, 7.) Further, it may be said
that absolution was sometimes given by a
deacon, and Cyprian (Ep. xviii.), writing
in the summer of 250, does certainly re-
quire the la])sed in danger of death to
make confe.ssion (exomologesis) and re-
ceive imposition of hands from a deacon,
if a presbyter cannot be found. But it is
clear that he is speaking of absolution
from censures, and indulgence granted
through the intercession of the martyrs,
and the distinctions ah-eady made in the
article on AnsoLriiox are sufficient to
meet this difficulty.'
2. Absolution is invalid unless given
by a priest with ordinary or delegated
jurisdiction over the penitent. This fol-
lows from the fact, attested by Scripture,
that the priest in penance exercises judg-
ment. A magistrate cannot biud or loose
a man charged with theft imless the law
subjects that man to his authority, or
unless he has received special power from
the Crown to try the case. The tribunals
of the Church are not less carefully regu-
lated than those of the State, since God
is a God of order and not of confusion.
The fundamental power to absolve is given
at ordination, but its exercise depends j
absolutely on ecclesiastical authority. In
earliest times absolution was given by the
bishop alone, or b\- the bishop in union
with the presbyters. After the rise of
the Novatian heresy, the office of peni-
tentiary priest was instituted. Later,
• It is plain, hDwever, from many decrees of
sviiods, that deacons did hear confessions in
ca-es of necessity, though, of course, they had
no power to absolve. This practice lasted till
late in the middle ai,'es. Many .ilso confessed
to laymen at the hour of de.itli, if a cleric was
not to be found, and great scholastic doctors re-
commended this act of humiliation (Chardon,
t. ii. § 7, ch. 2);
parishes were established first in the large
towns and then in the country, and from
that time the accepted principh' ajjpnix ed
by the Fourth Lateran Council was, that
parishioners were bound to confcs.-, to i ln-ir
own priest or to another prieat with his
permission. Chardon reports a case i'rom
the twelfth century in which St. AiK rt,
monk of the abbey of Crespin in llaiiiaut,
received power from Paschal II. and
Innocent II. to hear the confessions of all
who came to him. In 1227, Gregory IX.
gave the Dominicans authority to hear
confessions everywhere, and the same
privileges, which led to bitter opposition,
lasting for centui i'-, on the part of the
seculars, were extended to the other
mendicant friars and confirmed by many
Popes. They were limited by the Council
of Trent, as has been shown in the articles
on Absolution and Confessiox. (See
Chardon, tom. iii. § 8, ch. 2.) In all these
disputes, the principle that absolution
could only be given by a priest with juris-
diction was fully acknowledged, for the
mendicants had of course jurisdiction,
though it was extraordinary — i.e. not
attached to their office, but directly con-
ferred by the Pope. The Orientals also
regard absolution as a judicial act, and do
not dream that it can be given by any
priest. Confession, according to an Ori-
ental document, probably Coptic (cited
by Denzinger, " Rit. Orient." tom. i. p.
100), "cannot be made save to a priest,
whether secular or religious, &c., who
must have received this authority from
the Patriarch or from his own bishop,
with the consent of the clergy and chiefs
of the people."
3. The necessity of confe.isiiiff all
mortal sins after baptism also follows
from the \ery nature of the absolving
power. Christ gave His Apostles autho-
rity to bind and loose, but they cannot
exercise this discretion till the sins, as
they are in the conscience of the penitent,
have been submitted to their judgment.
It is only in the case of mortal sins that
this necessity arises — thou;;h, as a rule, it
is expedient to confess venial «jns like-
wise— for venial sin does not biLd the soul
over to evU and destroy the grace of God
within it, or exclude absolutely from the
kingdom of heaven, so that here there can
be no strict necessity for absolution. It is
needless to prove that certain mortal sins
of a very aggravated character had to be
confessed in the primitive Church, for this
no instructed person wiU deny, and the
writer of the article on Penitence in the
TOO PEXAXCE, SACRAMEXT OF
PEXAXCE, SACRAMEXT OF
" Dictionary of Cliristian Antiquities."
edited by Smith and Cheetham, admits
that tliii; coiit't'<si(iii (if the three "mortalia
peccata '' was oblit;atory, even if the sin
had been secret. Possibly St. James may
be alluding to the jmblic confession when
he says, " Confess your sins one to
another " ; for, as Bollinger (" First Age
of the Church," p. 326) points out, this
confession is mentioned in immediate con-
nection witli extreme unction. " ' Con-
fess to one another ' refers to the priests
called in to anoint the sick man and to
pray for him, and to whom he is to
confess his sins." Whatever may be
thought of this intei-jiretation, we have
early evidence that confession much more
extensive than that of the three great
mortal sins (viz. murder, idolatry, and
adultery) was known to the early Church.
Orip'U (Horn, in Ps. xxxvii. n. 6) thus
exb' lit s the sinner: " Look round diligently
for one to whom you should confess your
sins." lie is to find a physician " learned
and merciful " who will judffe if his sick-
ness is of such a nature that "it ought to
be I'Xpnsod in the nicetinff of the whole
Chuivli;"' aii.l a-^iin ( Horn, in Luc. xvii.),
"if ^^■e reveal our sins not only to God
but also to those who can heal our sins
and wounds, our sins will be blotted out
by Him who says, 'Behold, I will blot out
hke a cloud,' '" &c. Basil's words are ex-
press. " It is necessary to confess our
sins to those who are entrusted with
the dispensation of the mysteries of
God ' {ufayKoiov roly TTfrrtoxeu/xtVois njf
otKoi'Ofiiav Tu)v fjLvaTrjpKov rov Qfov Ta
nanpTTjuriTa f'^opoXoye'iadai. " Reg. Brev.
Tract. Itespons. in Interr." 288). Further,
what followed on the cessation of pubhc
penance is well worth consideration.
This, in the ca.se of secret sins, came to
an end in the Church of Constantinople
soon after the abolition of the presbyter
fVi Ti)i fxeTai'olas, ov penitentiary, at the
clo-e of the fourth century. It came to
an end because it was of human institu-
tion. But sacramental confession, being
of divine origin, lasted -when the peni-
tential di.scipline had been changed, and
continues to this day among the Greeks
and Oriental sects.' So again, Leo, in a
letter to the Bisliops of Campania (Ep.
clxviii., ed. Ballerini), desired the abroga-
tion of public penance because of its
deterrent eflect, and because it was not
• Exception, however, must be made of the
Copts and Kthiopians, with whom coufession
seems to have died out in the middle ages.
(Chardon, tom. ii. § 2, ch. 5.)
I of Apostolic institution ; but he adds,
" Since it is enough that the guilt of
' consciences should be manifested to the
' priests alone by secret confession." An
opinion, however, did prevail to some
extent in the middle ages, even among
j Catholics, that confession to God alone
I sufficed. The Council of Chalons in 81S
j (canon 33) says : " Some assert that we
should confess our sins to God alone, but
some think {percense7)f) that they should
be confessed to the priests, each of which
practices is followed not without great
fruit in Holy Church .... Confession
made to God purges sins, but that made
to the priest teaches how they are to be
purged." This former opinion is also
mentioned without reprobation by Peter
Lombard ("In Sentent. Lib. IV." dist.
17). St. Thomas, in his commentary on
the Sentences, says that what had once
been a mere opinion was, in his time, on
account of the decision of the Church,
under Innocent HI., to be accounted
heresy, and (" Suppl." qu. vi. a. 3) he
maintains that the necessity of confessing
mortal sins after baptism exists by divine,
I and not merely by church, law.
4. We say nothing here of the sorrow
for sin and pui-pose of amendment requi-
site in the sacrament, referring the reader
for an explanation of this point to the
article on Coxtritioit, and we pass to
satisfaction, which is the fourth and last
part of penance. It is defined by Billu-
art ("Pcen." diss. ix. 1) as a payment
of the temporal punishment due to sin
through works which are good and penal
and are imposed by the confessor."
" Catholics," says Bossuet (" Expos,
de la Foi Cath." viii.), " teach unanimou.sly
that only Jesus Christ, who is both God
and man, was capable, through the infinite
dignity of His person, of offering to God
sufficient satisftiction for our sins. But,
having satisfied superabundantly. He was
able to apply this satisfaction in two ways,
either by granting entire remission with-
out letting any penalty remain, or, on
the other hand, by commuting a greater
into a lesser penalty— i.e. eternal into
temporal puishment. As that former
I fashion is more complete and in better
harmony with His goodness, He employs
[ it in baptism ; but we believe that He
employs the second way in the case of
those who fall back into sin after baptism,
' being, as it were, constrained to do so by
i the ingratitude of those who have abused
, His first gifts so that they have to suffer
' some punishment, although the eternal
PENANCE, SACRAMENT OF
PENANCE, SAORAMF.NT OF 7Ul
one is remitted. From this we must not
infer that Jesus Christ has failed to make
entire satisfaction for us ; but, on the con-
trary, that, having acijuired an absolute
rij.'ht over us by the infinite price He has
offered for our salvation, lie grants us
pardon on the conditions, under the laws,
and with the reserves which seem good to
Him." He proceeds to argue that Pro-
testants, who allege that Christ could not
have satisfied fully for actual sin, if He
left us subject to temporal punishment,
might as well say that Christ has not
satisfied for original sin because He has
left us subject to death and to other in-
firmities of the soul and body which are
consequences of the Fall. " Similarly, we
should not marvel that He who showed
Himself so merciful to us in bajitism
should display gTeater severity when once
we have broki u our holy promises. It is
just, nay, it is for our own good, that He,
when Fie remits [the guilt of] sin along
with the eternal punishment, should exact
some temporal punishment from us in
order to bind us to duty."
Scripture proves that God inflicts
temporal punishment for pardoned sin,
for Nathan said to David after he had
acknowledged his double crime, " The
Lord also has caus^ed thy sin to pass
away; thou shalt not die. Only because
thou hast so made the enemies of the
Lord to blaspheme through this matter,
even the son that is born to thee shall
surely die " (2 Reg. or Sam. xii. 14).
Dan." iv. 24 (so Heb. LXX and Vulg.,
" Authorised,'' iv. 27) is the classical
passage for the doctrine that man has the
power of making satisfaction for sin by
good works. " Therefore, 0 king, let my
counsel please thee, and redeem thy sins !
by justice, and thy perversities by show- ^
ing kindness to tlie poor."' Here, as in all
other articles on dogma, we have given a
literal translation from the origin;.!, and j
our version of this text is justified, while •
that of the "Authorised Version "("break
off") is excluded, both by the laws of the
language and by the judgment of the
best Protestant and .Jewish scholars. We
append our reasons in a note.^ The
I The words occur in the Chaldoe portion of
Daniel, and the ninin que.<tion is, Docs the
Chaldeo word pin mean " redeem " or " break
off"? It can only mean " redeem." (l)The
word is found once only in that small portion of
the Bible which is -written in C'haldee, but it is
of very frequent occurrence in the Chaldce
literature. It is used by C)nkeIos (K.xod. .\xi.
8) of "redoeminjc" a slave: a '■ lield " (Lev.
xxv.25i ; intheother Tar-nm^ for the redenip-
I penitential discipline of the early Cliiiivh
witnesses to the belief that satisfaction
by penitential works is necessary in it-
I self, and is required as a part of the
sacrament of penance. Nor did t lie early
j Christians coii-iiilrr satisfaction merely as
means of dei'pep.inu repentance, re]iairiiig
scandal, :ni(l awakening salutary S'lnow.
Cyprian ("De Laps." -'i-j, 30) exhorts the
lapsed " to be forward in good works by
which sins are purged, to give fretnient
alms by which souls are freed from death,"
"to induce the Lord to ]iaidon sin l)y
perseverance in good worlis." Calvin
himself acknowledL'-es that all Christian
antiquity admitted the necessity of peni-
tential satisl'action. "I .-ira little moved,"
he writes, " by pas>iiee~ which every-
where occur in the writings of the
ancients concerning ?ati>t'action. I see
that some of them, I will say frankly
nearly all whose works are extant, went
wrong in this matter, or spoke too
severely and harshly." ("Instit." iii.
cap. 4,"§ 38, quoted by Billuart.)
It is to be noted, however, that satis-
faction is in theological language an
integral but not an essential part of the
sacrament. In other vrords, the priest,
tion of the soul — '-who hast redeemed my soul
from evory afflio;ion '" (2 Sam. iv. 9). Levy,
in his Clialilce I)). ;i,.;;;irv, j;ives numerous in-
stancos ..f thr us.' ei rlic voih in Peal from the
Taruunis. In .ill, exioiir ene, it must mean
'■to buy b.ick." •■ nili eiii. " I've; it never once
bears the sense txwcn it in the rrntc^taat
version. (2) Syriac. which is scarcely a dis-
tinct languai^c from Chaldee, li.is the same
word, t-O;^. It occurs pretty often in the
['eshito version of the X.T.. and •• redemit " is
the tirst renclerim;- uiven b\- Seha.if in his
Syriac Lexi.'on. Thus it is' use,l to leiulor
('ppvaaTO (C<>\">^- i- i;^''.'":uvl ro.leenieil us iVom
the power ot dnrkne-s." S iiu tini^ s it means
"t.. n<. awav- ; never - m l.ieakolV." (oVriie
Vul.uate reii.leriu_, ■• re(linie." i> support.',! by
the LXX A;)Tf)a>irai. ( I) It i> ail^pted, smneliuies
even without a notice of the icndei iiiL;- uiven in
the •' Aullu>ri>e.l " :)n<\ Lutlieran N ersion>. by
De Wette in his revi>ion of Lul be--'^ liil'le; bv
Ewald (l'ro/,/„t,„. vol, iii. ).. .icr, ,_-l<ise
dein.' Siindeu .lurch ( lereehl i- luit .in"; Itilzi:^
{Cdtiim. ill! Jhiiiic!. \: lIT ), wh.i justly remarks
that til' rMi'liij ••break otf " is contrary to
the I \ i. !! ) I 'iti.>n, and has '• no analoiry
to sup ' It , iipl by Geseniiis. To those
Proti^i . lit aiii ii- I ii ii'S we may add another,
Lvrthetiu. an.l ilu K ibbins. l':b,Mi E/.T-.x and
Saadia (. ited l.v IIii/,m i, aiul a n...,lern Jewish
scholar, l- iir^t. 'in hi^ Hebrew tin. 1 I 'ht.l.l.'el'on-
cordai.ee and in his I )i. tioiiary. Were the pas-
saL'C in Daniel Hei.rew. the lenderini; "• break
otf" eovil.l be supii.iitel Oy a comparison of
Gen. xxvii. 40 ; but it is dial. Ice, and c.uniiion
sense reip ires us to interpret a Chal.iee word
by Chaldee, n. t Hebrew, usage.
702 PEXAXCE, SACRAMENT OF
PEXITENTLIL DISCIPLINE
liotli as judge and physician of the soul,
is bound to impose a penance; nud the
penitent, if it is reasonable, is bound to
accept it. Even if the penance is un-
reasonable, he must seek another penance
and absolution fi-om another priest. But
whereas true supernatural sorrow with
purpose of amendment, absolution, and,
according to the common opinion, some
outward confession of sin by word or
sign, are always and in all circumstances
necessary for the validity of the sacra-
ment, still, in the case, e.g., of a man La
his agony, the priest may give absolution
without imposing a penance. (Billuart,
Diss. ix. a. 2.) In the ancient Chirrch
part at least of the penance was usually
performed before absolution ; at present
the priest in most cases imposes the
penance, and, if he judges that the peni-
tent is well disposed, gives absolution.
The difference is one of discipUne and not
of principle, for, with the exception given
above, absolution is not given even now
unless there is the resolution on the part
of the sinner to perform the penance
imposed upon him.
Many Protestant objections to the
sacrament of penance, as administered
among us, arise from misunderstanding.
Confession to the priest tends to deepen
and not to replace shame and sorrow for
the offence done to God. It protects the
sinner against self-delusion — for no man
is a good judge in his own cause — and the
priest is able to insist upon the duty of
restoring ill-gotten goods, reconciliation
with enemies, forgiveness of injuries,
avoiding occasions of sins, retracting
calumny, &c., in many cases when the
sinner might be blinded by his own pas-
sions or interests. At the same time the
prie.-'t affords the best protection against
despair or indiscrtet zi'al. There is little
in the laborious work of the confessional
to satisfy cui'iosiiy, for the priest learns
nothing except the nuniber and species of
sins committed, and he is bound under
the most sacred obligations to abstain
from all unnecessary questions, particu-
larly from all such as might convey
knowledge of sins previously unknown to
the penitent. lie has to decide accord-
ing to the principles of an elaborate
casuistry which he hsis studied for years,
and in which he has been examined by
his superiors, bel^ve he enters the con-
fessional. Then' is little room for tyranny
on his part, for the faithful know well
that they may have recourse to any
approved confessor. Here, as elsewhere,
holj- things may be profaned. But tl\e
Church deprives a priest of the power to
absolve an accomplice, rigorously punish-
ing any attempt to do so ; and were a
priest so miserable as to abuse the con-
fessional for bad ends, then the person to
whom he had spoken wrongly could not
be absolved even by another priest till he
or she had communicated the name of
the criminous clerk to the bishop of the
diocese. Such cases are necessarily of
very rare occuiTence ; for sin of this kind
would involve almost inevitable ruin to
the priest. Of all pastoral ministrations
we firmly believe there is none which in-
volves a more self-denying devotion to a
monotonous duty, none where the good
eftects are so plaLa and visible, and very
few which are more seldom marred by
human weakness and sin.
[The work of Morinus is a storehouse
of learning. Much historical information
will be found in Chardon's " Hist, dea
Sacr.'' The writer of this article only
knows Denys de Ste. Marthe, " Traits de
la Confession," Paris, 1685, by Chardon's
quotations.]
PEXriTEirTIAIi DZSCXPIiXirE
AXTD BOOKS. The right of punishing
members for offences against its laws, and
depriving them altogether or for a time
of its privileges, belongs to any well-
constituted society. It was exercised by
the Synagogue (Luke xvi. 2 ; John vi. 2) ;
Christ sanctioned the use of it in ffis
Church (Matt, xviii. 15-17) ; and in 1 Cor.
V. 1-5 we see St. Paul enforcing the
penitential law of the Church against a
notorious offender. Of course, this peni-
tential discipline in the Christian Church,
though analogous to the procedure of
i human societies, claims a higher origin
and is of a much more serious nature.
! The power of inQicti:;;.' spiritual penalties
j has been put into the hands of the Church
by Christ Himself ; it is exercised in His
name ; it may involve deprivation of the
sacraments, which are the great appointed
means of grace; and, on the other hand,
it is the object of penitential discipline,
not only to preserve the hoUuess of the
Churc'.i, but also to awaken wholesome
fear and sorrow in the heart of the off ender
while there is yet time, " that his soul
; may be saved in the day of the Lord."
' Obviously, the Church must use this
power in the way most likely at the time
to benefit souls, and her |)enitential canons
have varied much at dilferent periods aud
in different places. Still, on the whole,
I it is possible to distinguish three distinct
PENITENTIAL DISCIPLINE PENITENTIAL DISCIPLINE 703
Eeriods in the history of penance — the
rst extending from the beginning of the
Church to tiie ri?e of the Novatian heresy
in the middle of the third century (Mori-
nus, lib. iv.), the second reaching to about
the year 700 after Christ {ib. lib. vi,), the
third to the eleventh century {ib. lib. vii.).
Of these periods, the first represents peni-
tential discijiline in its initial stage ; the
fiecond,in its full developmentand vigour;
the third, in its deCiiy. Most of -what we
have to say is taken from the great work
of Morinus, " De Disciplina in Adminis-
tratione Saciamenti PcenitentiaB," in the
Venetian edition of 1702.
First Ptriod. — The sins for which
public penance was inflicted were the
three " mortal crimes " ' {crimina jnor-
talia, Cyprian, " De Bono Patient." c. 14)
of idolatry, murder, and adultery, com-
mitted after baptism. Tertutlian adds
"fraud " to the list of " graver and fatal
crimes which cannot be forgiven '' ("Pu-
dic.'" 19) ; but, generally speaking, it was
only the various forms of the tliree great
sins which reduced a man to the rank of
a penitent. TertuUian ("De Poenit." c.
9) has left us a vivid picture of penance
as he was accustomed to .*ee it practised.
He describes penance, which was gener-
ally known, even among the Latins, as
" exomol-'ge.^is," because it involved open
confession of sins, as a " discipline by
which a man was prostrated and humili-
ated.' He speaks of the penitents as
lying on sackcloth and ashes, of the un-
wa.^hed body, the feeding on bread and
water, the fasting and praN-er, the grovel-
ling at the feet of the presbyters and
others who had a name for sanctity, the
groans and tears. As yet there was no
formal division of penitents into grades,
and penance, though severe, did not
always last long. The Apostolic Consti-
tutions (ii l(i), in a passage which may
be fairly taken as a picture of the peni-
tential discipline in the first period, orders
a great sinner to be excluded altogether
from the Church; then the deacons are
to admonish him and introduce him to
the congregation ; then penance is to be
inflicted ((m3&)o-ar avTov) " in proportion
to his sin, for two, three, five, or seven
weeks,"" at the end of which period the '
bishop is to receive him into communion, j
with imposition of hands (ib. 18 : X"P°" I
6(Trj(Tai avTov ea Xotvov tivai iv rm
noiixvim), accompanied by the prayers i
1 We have used such expressions as "mortal
crimes," " offence?," &c., to prevent confusion
■with " mortal sin in the modem sense.
I of the faithful. Here we see the germs
I of the later and more formal system,
though the penalty contemplated is
slight. Cyprian (Ep. Ivii.) announces
: his intention of admitting to communion
those who luid fallen into idolatry in a
former persecution and had done penance
since. His reason for this indulgence
was that fresh persecution was at hand.
But while penance was comparatively
light, admission to it was often hard to
obtain. For in this early period penance
was looked on rather as a grace shown to
sinners than as a penalty which they had
to bear. It was in the difficulty of being
admitted to penance, not in the penance
itself, that the severity of the early Church
appears. For a brief period, even the
Eoman Church refused absolution utterly
and altogether in the case of the three
'• mortal crimes." This absolution was
granted till the middle of the second
century (" Pastor Herm." Mandat. iv. 1),
but it must have been withdrawn pro-
bably shortly after the " Shepherd ' of
Hermas was -n-ritten (this is evident from
the first chapter of TertuUian, " De
Pudic." Compare also the words of Her-
mas, loc. cit., " Servis Dei pcenitentia una
est," with Visio, ii. 2, where it is said that
soon the opportunity of performing pen-
ance will expire). Zephyrinus (202-219)
relaxed this severity in the case of adul-
terers (see the " De Pudic"), and his suc-
cessor, CaUixtus (219-222), admitted all
sinners to communion after penance
(" Philosophnm.'" ix. 12), and this milder
discipline became established. (See the
" Epistle of the Roman Clergy,'" Cyprian,
Fp. .30.) In Africa, too, the discipline
had become milder, for Cyprian (Ep. Iv.
No. 21) mentions the opinion of bishops
in his province that " peace was not to be
granted to adulterers " as a thing of the
past. The Spanish Church continued to
be more severe, for even after our period
the Synod of Elvira, in 306, excluded
great sinners from all hope of communion
(see, e.ff., canons 1,6, 8). Moreover, in no
part of the Church was communion given
to those who had fallen a second time
after baptism into mortal crime. It was
Pope Siricius (Ep. I, " Ad Ilimer." c. 5),
towards the close of the fourth century,
who insisted on a more indulgent course.
So, again, it was the ordinary practice to
refuse communion to the dying if they
had been previously excommunicated and
had not done penance in health. We
must remember, however, that sacramen-
tal absolution from guilt, canonical abso-
704 PENITENTIAL DISCIPLINE
p;:nitential discipline
lutionfroni ppnitential discipline, censures,
&c., and giving communion, are three
distinct things, and the refusal of tlie
first does not follow from that of the
second or third. Ilefele (" Concil." i. p.
loo) and Frank (" Bussdiscipliu," &c.,
]8i>7) believe that though canonical abso-
lution and communion often were, sacra-
mental absolution never was, refused to
any skinner.
Spcond Period. — After the rise of the
Novatian heresy, the penitential system
Avas fully organised The Nicene Coun-
cil, can. 13, established tlie principle that
communion was to be given in the hour
of death to penitents, however great their
previous crime. We have seen that Pope
Siricius extended this lenity even to re-
la])sed penitents. St. Chrysostom, it is
said (Socrates, "H. E." vi. 21), received
penitents again and again, however fre-
quent their relapses, and the Third Coun-
cil of Toledo, in 5.s'.i, speaks in canon 11
of a lax practice which permitted men to
sin as often as they pleased, and present
themselves anew to the priest for recon-
ciliation. (See Hefele's note, " Concil."
iii. p. 51.)
On the other hand, the list of " mortal
oflences " was enlarged. We find traces
of such increase in the list of sins which
subjected to penance, in the canons
ascribed to Gregory of Nyssa and Basil.
" Many Fathers," says Morinus (lib. v.
cap. v.), "who wrote after Augustine's
time, extended this [the necessity of pub-
lic penance] to all crimes which the
civil law punished with death, exile, or
other grave corporal penalty " ; and he
proves this by many quotations — e.g. from
Popes Pelagins II. and Gregory I. Fur-
ther, in the East certain grades of
penance caiiii' to be recognised. The three
higher ;;railcs are mentioned or alluded
to in the canonical epistle of Gregory
Thauniaturgus (can. 1, 8, 9; on the last,
in which the grade of crufrra'iTej, or con-
.thtentes is alluded to but not mentioned
by name, see the extract from the
commentary of Zonaras in Ronth, "Rell.
Sacr." tom. iii. p. 279). The eleventh
canon, which enumerates wW four grades,
is certainly spurious, and is much later
than Gregory's time. (See Routh, loc.
p. 28L) 'Still, from llu- Fourth cen-
tury onwards, tlic h/istci-n ( 'luirch divided
pciiitnits into four , b,-sr<. They are
thus described iii the i li x.nfh canon of
Gregory in words w liii-li arc i(uite accu-
rate, and were pr()b;il)ly added as a gloss
to the authentic canons "Weeping"
(the npoa-KKaiovTfs, or Rentes, were the
lowest class) " takes place outside the
door of tlie church, where the sinner
must stand and beg the prayers of the
faithful as they go in. Hearing " (the
aKpoQ}fi€voi, or audientes, were the second
class) " is performed within the gate in
the porch, where the sinner must stand
while the catechumens are present, and
then go out. For hearing the Scripture,"
he says, " and the instruction, let him be
expelled, and not be admitted to the
prayer. Prostration" (the state of the
vTTorr'nvTovTts, substrati, the third class)
" requires the sinner to stand within the
church door, and to go out with the
catechumens." (Before going, they pro-
strated themselves to receive the imposi-
tion of the bishop's hands with prayer,
hence their name.) The consistentes (the
last class— o-vorai'Tes, consistentes) " stand
together with the faithful, and do not go
out with the catechumens. Last comes
participation in the sacraments (ayiair-
I ^laTo>v)." The two lower grades were
little known in the West, and the Latin
Fathers generally mean by "penitents"
the substrnti, or VTTonLTTTovrei. A severe
course of life — fasts, shaving of the head,
wearing a peculiar dress, abstinence from
the enjoyment, and even sometimes from
the business of life, were the hardships
which penitents (under which term we
do not include the consistentes) had to
undergo. The penance lasted long years
— e.g. the Canons of Basil, which repre-
sent the discipline of the whole East,
impose fifteen years of penance for adul-
tery, seven for fornication. Many canons
of Councils speak of clerics as subjected
to penance {e.g. Neoca3S. can. 1 ; lUib.
76 ; I. Araus. 4 ; I. Arel. 29) ; but some-
times the degradation of a cleric was
considered equivalent to the penance of
a layman, and it was felt to be unfair
that he should incur a double penalty for
one crime. (So, e.g. Can. Apost. 25 ; and
the letter of Pope Siricius to Himerius,
" PdL'nitentiam agere cuiquam non con-
ceditur clericorum." Mansi, " Concil."
tom. iii. col. 660.) With regard to the
sick and dying, the rule varied at different
times and in dilferent churches. Cvprian
(Ep. Iv. 2.'>) lays down the principle that
great and notorious offenders, who had
done no penance before tlieir sickness,
"were to be excluded entirely {omnino
prohibendos) from the hope of communion
and peace." The Synod of Aries (anno
314), which represented the whole of the
Western Church, also debarred death-bed
I'EXITEXTIAL DISCIPLINE PENITEXTIAL DISCIPLINE :0>
penitents from communion (can. 22) :
but the Council of Nicaea Ccan. 13) re-
laxed this stringent rule. Still le.=s was
communion refused to secret sinners who
sought penance on their death-beds, or to
such as were actually doing penance
when sickness overtook them. After the
organisation of the grades or stations of
penance, a pt-nitent who had received
communion in dangerous sickness was
usually sent back to do penance in case
of recovery. Sometimes he returned to
the grade in which he had been before ;
sometimes he was placed among the eon-
sistenteji.
Third Period, from the Seventh till the
Eleventh Century — Before this time the
laws of public penance had been altered
very seriously in the East. The office of
penitentiary had been abolished at the
close of the fourth century at Constanti-
nople (Socrates, "H. E." vii. 16; Sozo-
men " H. E." v. 19), and this led to the
cessation of public confession and public
penance for secret sins. The stations of
penance are mentioned at the end of the
seventh century in canou 87 of the Coun-
cil in TruUo. But the Greek liturgies,
except perhaps that of St. James and one
used by the Abyssinians, contain no
reference to the dismissal of penitents
from the assembly of the faithful. About
the beginning of the seventh century, as
Morinus (lib. vii. 1) proves by citations
fromBede, Egbert, Rabanus Maurus, &c.,
it was received as an axiom throughout
the West that public penance was to be
done only for public sins.
It must not be supposed, however,
that the rigour of public penance had
abated among the Latins. True, even
Sublic penitents no longer received the
aily imposition of the bishop's hands,
and they were no longer shut out from
the very sight of the sacred mysteries.
But all through this period a vast number
of persons were to be seen in the churches
"distinguished from [the rest of] the
faithful by their dress, place [in the
church", mourning, and whole manner of
life" (Morinus, vii. 2|. Some of them
witnessed Mass at a distance from a spot
inside the church; others took their place
in a .separate part of the church ; a third
class mixed with the rest of the congre-
gation, but were forbidden to communi-
cate {ib. 7). The bishop prescribed this
penance, and the civil law compelled the
offender to undergo it. Very often a
man was forced to appear as a public
penitent, though for one reason or other
he had not been condemned or even tried
by the civil court. It was enough if the
ecclesiastical authorities had juridical
proof of his guilt. In the earh- part of
this period, the beginning of Lent, the
"caput jejunii," as it was called, was
looked on as the most fitting, though not
the only time, for the solemn imposition
of public penance {ib. vii. 19). Nor was
private penance less severe. It differed
from public penance only inasmuch as it
could be imposed by a priest, whereas
public penance was inflicted by the
bishop or a priest specially empowered
by him, and inasmuch as the solemn
rites of public were omitted in private
penance. The same long fasts and other
austerities, the same long abstinence from
communion, were the penalties of secret
sin. Every priest who heard confession
was bound to use a "penitential book " —
i.e. a book which contained the penalties
attached to particular sins by the canons.
Popes, Fathers, or custom, along with
the forms to be observed in confession,
absolution, and the rest. The Roman
Penitential, and those of Theodore, arch-
bishop of Canterbury, and Bede, were
those which had the highest repute in
the West, but there were many (ithers.
These books were the guides of confessors
down to the thirteenth century. A
glance at the " Summary of Penitentials "
given in Zaccaria's essav prefixed to the
"Moral Theology" of St. Liguori will
easily convince the reader of the severity
which then prevailed. From the latter
part of the tenth century flogging was
added to the other penitential exercises,
and at an earlier part of our period exile
(mentioned in the Penitentials of Bede
and in that known as the Roman) and
perpetual retirement to a monastery were
imposed as penances.
Fourth Period, Twelfth and Thirteenth
Centuries (Morinus, lib. x. cap. \Qseq.). —
During this period the rigour of penance
was greatly relaxed ; public penance,
except in certain cases, especially in that
of heresy, almost disappeared, and on
the whole we may note a transition to
modem practice. The following were
the chief causes of the change : —
(a) The Redemption of Sins. — Long
before this time the practice had arisen
of procuring exemption from canonical
penance by giving alm«, &c. This cus-
tom, indeed, is mentioned and condemned
by an English council held in 747, and it
was generally recognised in the ninth
I century. But such redemptions were at
706 PENITENTIAL DISCIPLINE
PENITENTIAL PSALMS
first partial, and only allowed when part
of the penance had been done. This
accorded with the spirit of the primitive
Church, which remitted part of the
penance to sinners who showed extra-
ordinary sorrow and zeal. But from the
end of the tenth or opening of the eleventh
century penances due to sins were arith-
metically computed — i.e. if seven years
of penance were assigned for committing
a sin once, twenty-oue years were reckoned
as the penalty due for committing it three
times, and large alms, flagellation, reci-
tations of the Psalter, were accepted as
redemption of penauce. Thus St. Peter
Damiiiu tells the story of a man who by
cruel flagellation and frequent recitations
of the Psalter accompUshed a hundred
years of penance in six days. The arith-
metical computation of penance had made
its performance in the old way impossible.
(/3) Remissions of penance were freely
granted for zvorks of piety — e.ff. contribu-
tions to aid in the building of churches,
or even works of pubUc utiUty, such as
building bridges or the like. As a rule,
those indulgences were partial, but a
complete remission of penance was often
obtained by performing several good
works. Maurice, who succeeded Peter
Lombard in the see of Paris, built his
great cathedral and four abbeys by means
of indulgences. It is right to add that
the Fourth Lateran Council protested
against the reckless freedom with which
these indulgences were given.
(y) The Crusades did more than any-
thing else to relax penitential rigour, and
this, in the opLoion of Fleury, was the
most important effect they produced.
As early as 1087 Pope Victor II. ofiered
a general remission of penance to those
who took up arms against the Saracens
of Africa, after they had spoiled the abbey
of Monte Cassino. In 1095 Urban II.
oflered the same reward to those who
joined in the crusade. Secret as well as
public sinners availed themselves of the
opportunity ; and when for two hundred
years penance had been remitted to vast
multitudes who took part directly or in-
directly in those wars, it became out of
the question to think of restoring the
ancient rigour. It is curious to observe
that bearing arms was just one of the
things which penitents in ancient times
were strictly forbidden to do. But it was
supposed that the prohibition only applied
to war between Christians.
(S) The Scholastics developed the
opinion that absolution might be granted
before the performance of penance, that
the canonical penalties were arbitrary, or
in any case might be remitted by the
confessor, and not merely, as in former
days, by the bishop.
(e) The mendicant friars, who were
constantly passing from place to place,
became the favourite confessors, and it
was impossible for them to defer absolu-
tion and stay to watch the progress of the
penitent.
The Pontifical stUl contains an office
for the expulsion of penitents from the
church by the bishop on Ash Wednesday.
The penitents are to approach in peni-
tential garb, bare feet, &c. ; ashes are to be
I placed on their beads, and the doors of
the church shut against them till Holy
Thursday. Such public ignominy is to
be inflicted only for enormous crimes,
and by the authority of the bishop, peni-
tentiary, or other official to whom the
power has been delegated. The Council
of Trent, however (seas. xxiv. cap. 8),
desires that public (but not solemn)
penance be inflicted on public sinners,
unless the bishop judge it to be inex-
pedient. St. Charles enforced this rule
in his synods. But solemn or even
public penance is now scarcely knovm.
Still, in an English book published at
Douay as late as 1743 with ecclesiastical
approbation (" The Good Confessor," &c.,
by Samuel Marley, D.D., p. 522 seq.), the
imposition of public penauce for public
sin is strictly enjoined upon the confessor.
It is suggested, e.g., that the penitent
kneel at the church door during the chief
Mass, with a light in his hands, and beg
j pardon of the congi-egation. Drunkenness
^ is given as an example of a sin which
should be expiated in this way. It is
evident from the whole chapter that
j penances of this kind were still frequently
I imposed. [Morinus is the great authority
on the subject. Chardon, "Hist, des
. Sacr." tom. iii. iv., gives a clear and use-
ful summary of the facts. A much
shorter but very interesting summary
will be found in Fleury, Discours iv. and
vi. The writer has also read the articles
in Kraus, " Real-Encycl.," and in Smith
and Cheetham, but without finding much
that had not akeady been given by
Morinus. The work of Wasserschleben,
I " Bussordnungen der abendlandischen
Kirche," Halle, 1851, is only known to
him from the references in Smith and
Cheetham.]
PENZTEXTTZAK PSAZ.»IS. A
name given to seven psalms which ex-
PENSIONS
PENTECOST 707
press sorrow for sin and desire of pardon.
The psalms are 6, 31, 37, 50, 101, 129,
142 (in the Latin numeration). Innocent
III. ordered their recitation in Lent ;
Pius V. fixed the Fridays in Lent after
lauds as the time at which they should
be said, but they are not said on Good
Friday or on a feast of nine lessons. There
is no obligation of saying them in the
private recitation of the" Breviary, though
those who do so may gain an indulgence
of fifty days. The name and arrangement
of the Penitential Psalms is verj' ancient.
Possidius tells us that St. Augustine,
when dying, caused the penitential psalms,
which are few in number, to be fixed on
the wall opposite his bed. Probably our
penitential psalms are meant. Cassio-
dorus (d. 5(>5) gives a mystical reason
for the number seven — viz. that sin is
remitted by baptism, martyrdom, alms,
forgiving others, converting others, abund-
ance of charity, and penance. They are
also mentioned in the oldest Eoman
Ordines ( Gavantus, tom. ii. § ix. cap. 4).
The antiphon " Ne reminiscaris " from
Tobias iii. 3, now attached to these
psalms in the Roman Breviary, seems to
have been added in the sixteenth centuiy.
(Maskell, " Monumenta Rit." vol. iii.
p. 82.)
PEN-szoirs. At the Ck)uncn of
Chalcedon, Maximus, who had a short
time before been substituted for Domnus
as bishop of Antiocb, requested the
sanction of the Fathers to his assigning
a pension out of the revenues of the see
sufficient for the support of Domnus.
The legates of Pope Leo, the other patri-
archs, the entire synod, and the imperial
judges assented to the request in prin-
ciple, leaving it to Maximus to arrange
the details according to his judgment of
what was necessary.
Gregory the Great used to send clerks
convicted of incontinence to various
monasteries for penance, but required
that the churches to which they belonged
should supply them with adequate pen-
sions, so that they should not be a burden
on the monasteries.
An ecclesiastical pension is not canoni-
cal or permitted except under the follow-
ing conditions : 1. The receiver must bs
an ecclesiastic, free from censure and
irregularity; 2. The pension must be
founded on a just cause; 3. He who
creates the pension must have the faculty
to do so, and such faculties are granted
by the Pope, and may be, as some theo-
logians think, by the bishops also ; 4. The
I enjoyment of the pension ceases with the
! natural or civil death of the pensioner
(Thomassin, " Vet. et Nova Eccl. Disc."
! iii. 2, 29-31 ; Moroni, Permone Ecclesias-
tica.)
PEIJ-TECOST.' The feast of Weeks
(niy^i;' JO) was one of the three great
feasts of the Jewish law. It was the
feast of the in-gathered harvest, and the
later Jews regarded it as a solemn com-
memoration of the Mosaic legislation in
j the third month (Exod. xix. 1) ; but
i there is no trace of such a view in the
, Bible, or even in Josephus and Philo. It
j was kept on the fiftieth day after the
first day of the Passover, Nisan 16, the
second day of the Paschal least being
reckoned as the first of the fifty davs
(Lev. xxiii. 15, 16; cf. Ew. ""AlteV-
thum," p. 309 seq ). Hence the Greek
name nft^rjKoaTr], originally an adjective
with rjfjLtpa understood, and then treated
as an independent substantive (ev Tjj
TTfVTrjKonTr) iopTrj t] ivTiv ayia eirra
e38ofj.aliwv, Tob. ii. 1. There is nothing
answering to this in the Chaldee or
Hebrew versions as given by Neubauer,
or in the Vulgate ; but Sabatier's "Itala"
has " in Penrt'costen festo nostro qui est
sanctus a septem annis' ). To Christians
the day became specially sacred, for on it
at the third hour (i.e. about nine o'clock)
the Holy Ghost descended miraculously
on the Apostles. The ancient tradition
that this Pentecost fell on a Sunday is
confirmed by John xviii. 28, for if the
Friday on which Christ died was the
eve of the Passover, i.e. Nisan 14, then
the 16th, the first of the fifty days, and
the fiftieth day itself must both have been
Sundays.
Pentecost was kept as a Christian
festival from very early times. The word
was used both for Whitsunday and for
the whole period of fifty days after
Easter. Irenaeus in a lost work on the
Pasch is said to have mentioned the
custom of praying erect during this season
(see the work falsely attributed to Justin
Martyr, "Quaest. et Respons." 115, tom.
iii. P. 2, p. 180, in Otto's edition) ; and
Origen, the "Apostolic Constitutions"
V. 20), as well as the Council of Elvira
anno SOG, can. 43), speak of the feast on
the day itself. There was no fasting
during the whole period, for even the
fast on the vigil was not known in the
early Church ; indeed, Quesnel thinks
' For the derivation of the word Whiisun-
dav, see that article.
z z 2
708
PERJURY
PERPETUAL ADORATION
the custom in the Roman Church is not
older than the twelfth century, though
Meralus and Benedict XIV. (" Ue Festis,"
615) believe its introduction must be
placed much earlier. The Vifjil of Pente-
cost was one of the two days on which
solemn baptism was conferred, and hence
the Missal prescribes a form for the bless-
ing of the font on that day [see Whit-
SuNDAX.] Benedict XIV. also mentions
as customs which prevailed in some
places the blessing of the candle, for
which a form is given by Marteue (" De
Aiitiq. Ecclesiae Rit."), the blowing of
trumpets at the Veni, Sancte Spiritus, in
the Mass of Whitsunday, the discharge
of fire from the roof, the letting doves
loose in the church, and the scattering of
roses. The vSundays which follow till
Advent are dated from Pentecost in the
Roman Calendar.
PERTURY. A lie confirmed with an
oath. To call God as a witness of what
is false implies either that He does not
know the truth or that He would testily \
to what is false. It is therefore a j
grievous sin against the virtue of religion.
(See Oath ; St. Thomas 2'' 2», qu. xcviii.) I
PERFETVAXi ADORATZOIT OF
THE BXiESSES SACRAnXEM-T. In
very aucieni limes perpetual adoration of
God by psalm and prayer was maintained
by communities of monks, e.t/. by the
dKolfiijToi in the East, and in the monas-
teries of Agaunum, founded by King Sigis-
mund in 522, by the monks of Habendum
in Lorraine, St. Denis and St. Germain
in Paris, of Corbie, Dijon, St. Martin in
Tours, St. iSIt^dard, St. Mary in Soissons,
&e. Abbot Augilbert of St. Riquier in
Picardy, who died in 814, left special
directions for this perpetual adoration, j
When it died out in Gaul, and whether |
it ever spread into other lands, is not
known (Falle, Ew. Anbct. im MUtdalter,
in the " Katholik " for 1868, ii. 228-32).
It was in France also that the per-
petual adoration of the Eucharist begau.
Anne of Austria asked her confes^^or,
M. Picott6, a priest of St. Sulpice, to make a
vow in her name to God for the deliverance
of France from the scourge of war. M.
Picott(3 resolved to found a convent of
nuns for the perpetual adoration of the
Blessed Sacrament, and chose Mother
Mechtilde of the Holy Sacrament to
carry out his intention. She was born ki
1614, at St. Di(5 in Lorraine, and was
known in the world as Catherine de Bar. I
She became a nun of the order of the
Ammnciation, and afterwards, when her I
community had been scattered by war,
she was a nun and then an abbess in
the order of St. Benedict. The troubles
of the time had driven her from place to
place. She was at Paris at the time
when M. Picott^ was seeking to found
his convent, and having ever since her
fourteenth year intended to devote her
life to the honour of the Blessed Sacra-
ment, she entered readily iuto the priest's
design. A little house was bought in
the Rue F^ron, and here Mother Mech-
tilde with her sisters begau the perpetual
adoration on March 25, 1654. The sisters
observe the primitive rule of St. Benedict
in all its rigour. One or more of them
is always kneeling before the altar, and
on Fridays a sister kneels there with a
rope round her neck and a lighted torch
in her hand from prime to vespers, to do
penance for sinners. The feast of the
Annuuci;ition is ob.^erved by them as the
feast of their foundation. Special con-
stitutions were added to the 13enedictiue
rule. These were examined at Rome,
amended, done into Latin, and printed by
the Camera Apostolica in 1705. Soon new
houses were founded and old Benedictine
convents incorporated. At present the
order has fifteen houses in France, one
in Alsace, one in Poland, four in Holland,
all of which last are occupied by exiled
nuns from Germany.
A similar order is that of the Mona-
chette del Corpus Domini, founded in the
Papal States by Hyacintha of Bossi in
1683. The nuns are tertiaries of St.
Dominic.
In 1701 the Abbess of the Convent
of Notre Dame de Valdorne in Cham-
pagne established a convent for perpetual
adoration at Charenton, near Paris. The
rule is that of St. Benedict with relaxa-
tions. A convent of Augustinians was
devoted to the same purpose at Marseilles
by Father Le Quien. At Rome a con-
gregation of Franciscan tertiaries (en-
closed), united for this purpose, was
established in 1807 by Mary Magdalene
of the Incarnation. They received spe-
cial constitutions in 1818. Their first
church was that of SS. Joachim and
Anna by the Quattro Fontaue : later,
Gregory XVI. gave them the church and
spacious convent of St. Mary .Magdalene
on the Qu/-" Jial, which they still occupy.
They have also houses at Naples and
Innsbruck.
Tlie example of these orders has been
followed by many other communities of
men and women in various orders, who
PERSECUTIONS
PERSECUTIOXS 709
keep up the perpetual adoration. There
are twelve such communities in Switzer-
land. In France the devotion is followed
hy several male and feuiale communities
of the confrrep:al ion of Picpus, by the
Peres du Tres-Saint Sacremeut at Paris,
founded by Father Eudes, by the Dames
R^paratrices in the Rue d'Ulm at Paris
and at Lisle ; in Belgium by the Dames
du St. Sacrenient, instituted at Brussels
by the Jesuit Father Boone, and by the
Dames Reparatrices at Liege, who were
founded by the Countess d'Outremont,
and have a novitiiits at Brussels ; in
Germany by the Servite Nuns at Munich
and the Franciscan nuns at Mayence ; in
England by at least two or three convents
of Benedictine nuns. Lastly, various lay
confi-atemitifs have endeavoured, so far as
possible, to carry out the perpetual adora-
tion. Some or them are affiliated as a
kind of third order to the institute of
Mother Mechtilde. (Kaulen, in the new
edition of " Kirchenlexikon.")
PERSECVTXON-S (during the first
six centuries). An exhaustive essay,
" Christenverfolgungen," &c. on this sub-
ject has lately appeared in the " Real-
Encyklopadie of Christian Antiquities,"
edited by Dr. Kraus. The limits of the
present work penuit us only to give a
brief general outline of the principal
facts.
During the first century Christianity
was to a great extent confounded with
Judaism in the eyes of the Roman
officials, and since the latter was a
reliyio licita, the former shared the same
privilege. The persecutions under Nero
and Domitian were local and occasional ;
no systematic design of extirpating Chris-
tianity dictated them. Gradually, partly
because the Jews took pains to sever
their cause from that of the Christians,
partly because, in proportion as Chris-
tianity was better understood, the uni-
versality of its claim on human thought
and conduct, and its e.*sential incompati-
bility with pagan ideas, came out into
stronger relief, the antagonism gi-ew
sharper, and the purpose of repression
more settled. Charges, various in their
nature, were brought against the Chris-
tians ; they were trea.sonablt; men (majes-
tatis rei) who denied to the emperors a
portion of their attributes and dignity;
they were atheist.^, who, so far from
honouring the gods of the empire, declared
that they were devils ; they were dealers
in magic ; lastly, they practised a foreign
and unlawful religion (religiv pereyrina
iUii-ita). Posse.«.-;ed by such conceptions,
a high Roman official, especially if lie were
a man of arbitrary or brutal character,
or if Christians were indiscreet, could not
lack pretext in abundance for persecution,
even before any general edict of proscrip-
tion had appeared. The rescript of Tra-
jan (98-117) directed the policy of the
government for a hundred years. " Search,"
he said, "is not to be made for Christians;
if they are arrested and accused before the
tribunals, then if any one of them^enies
that he is a Christian, and proves it by
offering sacrifice to our gods, he is to be
pardoned." The implication was, of
course, that those who avowed their
Christianity and refused to sacrifice were
to be executed, as the adherents of an
unlawful religion. All through the
second century, the popular sentiment,
whenever a Christian was put on his trial,
raged against the accused ; the mob, still
for the most part pagan, believed every
wild and monstrous calumny that was
afloat against the sect. " If the Tiber
overflows," says Tertullian, " if the Nile
does not overflow, if there is a drought,
an earthquake, a sciircity, or a pestilence,
straightway the people cry, 'The Chris-
tians to the lions." " This popular aver-
sion is noticed in the reports of the per-
secution in Asia Minor, in which St.
j Poly carp suSered (probably about 155,
! under Antoninus Pius), and of the terrible
slaughter of Christians at Lyons and
Vienne under Marcus Aurelius. In 202
Severus issued a formal edict forbidding
' conversions either to the Jewish or the
Christian religion under heavy penalties.
The persecution which ensued lasted ten
or eleven years ; but from about 212 to
the reign of Decius (249-251) was a time
of comparative peace, and Christians
multiplied in every direction. Even upon
the general population an impression was
by this time made; and the attitude of the
mob, in the persecutions of Cbri^tians
which happened after the middle oi the
third century, was at first apathetic, then
respectful, finally even compassionate.
Under Decius, who was an enthusiast for
the ancient glories of the republic and
empire, the systematic general persecu-
tions began, which aimed at stamping out
Christianity altogether. Fabian, the
bishop of Rome, and St. Agatha in Sicily,
were among the victims of the Decian
storm. Fortunately it was short ; but
when it had passed over, the number of
the lapsi, or those who in various degi-ces
had given way under the pressure, was
710
PERSECUTIONS
found to be very great. Under Gallus
there was peace, but Valerian (257) re-
newed the persecution. The martyrdoms
of St. La-m-ence, St. Cyprian, and St.
Fructuosus of Tarragona, date from about
this time. Again, from 260 (in which
year an edict of Gallienus declared Chris-
tianity to be a legal religion), to 300, the
gOTemment left the Christians undis-
turbed except for a few months (270)
under Aurelian. In 303, the terrible
persecution of Diocletian was ushered in
by the destruction of the great church at
Nicomedia. On the next day appeared an
edict, ordering that all buildings used for
religious worship by the Christians should
be destroyed, and that their sacred books
should be given up to the authorities and
burnt. Christians themselves were de-
clared to be outlawed and civilly dead ;
they were to have no remedy in the
courts against those who did them wrong;
and they were to be subject, in every
rank, to torture. A second edict ordered
that all bishops and priests should be
imprisoned ; a third, that such prisoners
should be compelled by every possible
means to ofler sacrifice to the gods. The
extreme violence of this persecution did
not last beyond two years ; but in that
time the blood of martyrs flowed abund-
antly in Palestine, Italy, Gaul, Spain, and
Britain. A detailed account of the suf-
ferings of the Christians in Palestine
may be read in the Ecclesiastical Histoiy
of Eusebius. For some years after the
abdication of Diocletian (305) civil war
desolated the empire ; but, after the full
of Maxentius, Constantine and Licinius,
about the beginning of 313, published the
famous edict of Milan, by which complete
toleration was given to the Christians, and
Christianity was placed on a footing of
perfect e<]uality with what had been till
now the State religion. This edict was
published .«ome months later at Nico-
media, so that both in East and West
the period of martyrdom was closed.
The persecution of Julian (361-3) —
although martyrdoms were not wanting,
e.g. those of SS. John and Paul — consisted
rather in a studied exclusion of Christians
from the favour of the coiurt and govern-
ment, together with a prohibition of
teaching rhetoric, literature, and philo-
sophy, than in actual measures of coer-
cion.
For a notice of the prolonged perse-
cution of the Christians in Persia under
the Sassanides, see Missions (fifth cen-
tury).
PETEll'S CHAINS, FEAST OF
The cruel persecution of the Catholics
in Africa by their Vandal conquerors,
under (4eiseric {Gemeric), Hunneric, and
his suceessoi-s (439-523), was motived
partly by the hatred and contempt which
these Teutons bore to all of Roman blood
or nurture, partly by the inevitable
antagonism between the Arian heresy
which they professed and the Catholic
creed, and partly by the policy of hum-
bling and weakening those whom they
could not hope to attach sincerely to
their government.
The persecutions of the Spanish
Catholics by the Arian Visigothic kings
Euric and Leovigild, in the filth and sixth
centuries, were of no great intensity.
PERSOSr. [See Trinity.]
PETER'S CHAINS, FEAST OF.
From the beginning of the seventh cen-
tury, and how long before that it is
impossible to determine, the festival of
St. Peter ad Vincula was celebrated at
Rome on August 1. The Greeks keep
the corresponding feast on January 16;
the Armenians on January 22. One of
the lessons in the Roman Breviary for the
day relates that the Empress Eudocia,
wife of Theod'isius the Younger, having
obtained during a visit to Jerusalem the
j chains with which the Apostle had been
bound by Herod's order, and from which
he was miraculously set free (Acts xii.),
brought them to Constantinople (439)
and having deposited one of them in the
church of St. Peter in that city, sent the
other to Rome as a present to her daughter
Eudoxia, who had married Valentinian
III. Papebroch the Bollandist, who has
a long dissertation on St. Peter's chains,
under date June 29, and Baronius (a. 4-39),
are both inclined to accept this story.
There seems no means of fixing the date
at which it first foimd its way into the
Breviary. *
But, besides these Palestinian chains,
a very early tradition knew of other
chains borne by St. Peter, those, namely,
with which he was bound in the Mamer-
tine prison at Rome during the Neronian
persecution. The Acts of Pope Alex-
ander, bishop of Rome, between 121 and
l.')2, are believed by Papebroch to be
genuine, and to have been compiled before
250. In these Acts a certain St. Balbina
is spoken of as having sought and found
the chains of St . Peter, which she gave
in charge to Theodora, sifter of Hermes,
the Pnefectus Urbis. These must have
been the Neronian chains, for neither
tradition nor probability permits th&
PETEK C5 PEXCE
PETEK'S PENCE 711
supposition of a trausl'er of the Pales-
tinian chains to Rome at that remote
date.
In a sermon "De Vinculis," attributed
to Beda, it is said that this Pope Alexander
instituted a feast on August 1 in honour
of St. Peter, and built the church called
ad Vincula, in which his chains were
wont to be kissed by a devout people.
Filings of the chains of St. Peter were
Irom a very early period enclosed b}- Popes
in rings or keys, and sent to friends or
correspondents to whom it was desired to
show special favour. To this practice, in
the opinion of Papebroch, St. Augustine
refers when he says that, "deservedly,
through aU the churches of Christ, the
iron of those penal chains is esteemed
more precious than gold." '
No Greek writer speaks of the re-
moval of one of the chains to Rome, nor
mentions Eudocia in connection with
them. There is, however, a Greek ora-
tion, extant in MS. in several Italian
libraries, on St. Peter's chains. Though
commonly attributed to St. John Chry-
sostom, it is of uncertain date and author-
ship ; Baronius would assign it to Proclus
or Germanus, patriarchs of Constanti-
nople in the seventh century ; Papebroch
sees no reason why it should not really
have been written by Chrysostom. In
this oration it is merely stated that the
first Christian emperors brought a chain
(not chains) from Jerusalem to Con-
stantinople, and placed it in the church
of St. Peter.
Two Roman churches at the present
day recall the bonds of St. Peter ; one,
S. Pietro in Vincoli, is on the Esquiline
Hill, the other, .S. Pietro in Carcere, on
the Capitol. In the former is preserved
the chain said to have been given to
Eudoxia;^ the latter is on or near the
site of the prison in which the Apostle
was incarcerated.
The feast of this day was called by
our Saxon ancestors Lammas — i.e. Loaf-
Mass ; * solemn thanksgiving being made
on it for the fruits of the earth, and offer-
ings presented.
FSTER'S PEircx: (denarius S.
Petri, liom-gesceot. Rom-scot). An an-
' Serm. 39, De Sanctis.
2 In one form of the martyrology of Dsuard
(Ada Sancturum, June, vol. vii.) there is a
Icfjend to the eflect that when the chain sent to
Eudoxia from Constantinople was brought in
contact with the Xeronian chain, the two
miraculously cohered. See also the lesson for
the day in the Roman breviary.
5 A.-S. IHaf-Maesse.
I nual tax of one penny for every house in
England, collected at Midsummer, and
j paid to the Holy See. It was extended
I to Ireland under the bull granted by
Pope Adrian to Henry H.^ The earliest
documentary mention of it seems to be
the letter of Canute (1031), sent from
Rome to the English clergy and laity.*
Among the " dues which we owe to God
according to ancient law," the King
names "the pennies which we owe to
Rome at St. Peter's " (denarii quos Roma
ad Sanctum Petrum debemus), " whether
from towns or vills." It may hence be
considered certain that the tax was
deemed one of ancient standing in the
time of Canute, but its exact origin is
variously related. West Saxon writers
ascribe the honour (for it was regarded
as an honour by our forefathers) of its
institution to kings of Wessex ; Matthew
Paris, who i-epresents Mercian traditions,
gives it to Olla, king of Mercia. Malmes-
bury makes Ethelwulf, the father of
Alfred, the founder; so that the same
king who instituted tithes would on this
view have established "Peter's Pence."
But a writer very little later than Malmes-
bury — Henry of Huntingdon — attributes
the grant to Otia, king of Mercia, who
"gave to the Vicar of St. Peter, the
Bishop of Rome, a fixed rent for every
house in his kingdom for ever." Matthew
Paris, in his " Two Offas " (printed by
Wats), gives the Mercian tradition in an
expanded form. OtI'a, visiting Rome in
great state, besides other munificent
offerings, burdens his kingdom with tlie
" Rom-scot,'' which is to be paid to the
Roman Church for the support of the
English school and hostel at Rome. It
was to be one silver penny {argenteus)
for every family occupying land worth
thirty pence a year. On the other hand,
Layamon, the poet (writing about 1209,
among ^^'est Saxon traditions), ascribes
the institution to Ina, a king of Wessex.
No certain conclusion can be arrived at ;
but, on the whole, it seems probable that
the " Rom-scot " owed its louiulation to
Otia, with whose prosperous and success-
ful reign the initiation of the thing
would be more in keeping than with the
troubled times of Ethelwulf, although
the latter may well have consented to
extend that which had been before only a
1 Matth. Paris, ed. Wats, p. 95. But, as is
well known, the genuineness of this bull is now
disputed (see the last volume of the Analecta
Ponlijicia).
Flor. of Wore. a. 1031.
712 PETROBRUSIAKS
PHILOSOPHY
Mercian impost to the West Saxon part
of his dominions.
The " alms," ' sent by Alfred to Pope
Mariniis, who then " freed " the English
school at Rome, were probably nothing
more than arrears of Peter's pence, the
receipt of which made it possible for the
Pope to free the inhabitants in the Eng-
lish quarter, and the pilgrims resorting
to it for hospitality, from all tax and toll.
Geoflrey Gaimar ^ is responsible for the
cui-ious statement that, in consideration
of the Peter's pence (the "dener de la
meison") given by Canute, the Pope
made him his legate, and ordered that no
Englishman charged with crime should
be imprisoned abroad, or exiled, but
should "purge himself in his own land."
It is probable that there was at all
times great irregularity in the payment of
the Rom-scot. It is recorded (Sax. Ohr.)
to have been sent to Rome in 1095, by
the hands of the Papal nuncio, after an
intermission of many years. Again, we
read (ih.) of a legate coming into England
in 1123,3 after the Rom-scot. From 1534
it ceased to be rendered.
The tribute, or cess, of 1,000 marks
(700 for England, 300 for Ireland),
which King John bound himself and his
heirs to pay to the Roman see, in recog-
nition of the feudal dependence of his
kingdom, was of course wholly distinct
ft-om the Peter's pence. After being
paid by Henry III. and Edward II., but
withheld by Edward I. and Edward HI.,
it was formally claimed with arrears, in
1366, by Urban V. The Holy See was
then at Avignon, and the fear that
money sent it from England would be
used in some way for the advantage of
France, was what chiefly caused the
rejection of the claim. (See Lewis's
"Lifeof Wyclif,"p. 849.)
PETROBRVSZAsrs. An heretical
sect of the twelfth century; the leaders
of which, Peter de Bruys and Henricus,
in 80 far as they attacked the hierarchy
and preached simplicity of life, may be
regarded as the forerunners of Arnold of
Brescia. A letier of Peter the Vener-
able,^ abbot of Cluny, is the chief source
of information respecting th^m. Bruys
propagated his opinions in Languedoc in
the first twenty years of the twelfth cen-
tury; he perished at the stake, through
a movement of popular exasperation, in
I Sax. dir. 883.
* See Moil. Hist. Brit. p. 821.
S Sax: Chron.
* Miiriie, Patrol, vol. 189.
1124. Henricus (who may perhaps be
identified with the " Henricus haereticus "
mentioned by Matthew Paris under the
year 1151), after a long career of success,
partly in Maine, but chiefly in Southern
France, was tried at the council held at
Rheims, by Eugenius III., in 1148, and
sentenced to perpetual imprisonment.
He died in the following year. Tlie
following abstract of the Petrobrusiau
tenets is given by a Protestant writer : '
"They were strongly opposed to infant
baptism, saying that you could wash a
young child's skin, but you could not
cleanse his mind at that early age. They
objected to the building and using of
churches, declaring that God could hear
us whether we prayed in a tavern or a
church, in a market-place or in a temple,
before an altar or before a stall. They
maintained that crosses, instead of ))eing
held in reverence, should be destroyed and
cast away ; that the instrument by which
Christ had suflered such agonies ought
not to be made an object of veneration
but of execration. They denied the Real
Presence in the Eucharist. Prayers and
Masses for the dead they utterly ridi-
culed, and said that God was insulted by
church singing; as He took pleasure
only in holy aflections, shrill voices and
musical strains could neither win nor
appease Him."
PHZXiOSOPH'S'. We are compelled
from want of space to forego any attempt
at a history of philosophy as pursued within
the Church, and must confine oiu-selves to
the accepted definition of philosophy, a
brief sketch of its development, and a few
words on its relation to faith. There was
really no systematic philosophy in the
Church ^ tiU the twelfth and thirteenth
t J. C. Morison, in his Life and Times of
St. Bernard ; not a very wise book, but never
consciously imfair.
- Ntir.'of course, in the New Testament,
where philosophy is onlv mentioned once, and
then in a bad sense (Coi. ii. 8). On the other
liand, Kreat attention has 'Deen given bv recent
scholars — e.ff. Ewald and 1 )elitzsch in Germany ;
Hookyas, Kuenen, and Tiele in Holland — to the
"wisdom "of the 0. T. writers. The "wise"
men, or sages, were undoubtedly a recognised
class among the Hebrews. distinct from the priests
on the one hand and the prophets on the other
(see e.g Jer. xviii. 18). Now, in the Hebrew
Bible — specially in Proverbs, Job, and Eccle-
siastes — we have the remains of this " wisdom
literature," and it has this marked characteristic.
The Jewish law, all the national prerogatives
and peculiarities of Israel, tail into the back-
ground. So, on the other hand, does )>ropbetic
revelation (only once alluded to in Prov. — viz.
xxix. 18). The wisdom is natural, and not
PHILOSOPHY
PHILOSOPHY 715
centuries, -when tlie physical and meta-
physical works of Aristotle became known
in translations. Some of the Fathers
condemned philosophy altogether (so, e.g.,
Irenajus, " Adv. Haer." ii. 14, 2 ; ii. 25, 5 ;
ii. 14, 5; TertuUian, " Praescr." 7 ; the
author of the "Philosophiimena," vii. 19).
Tatian and Hermias, among the Apolo-
gists, are equally bitter. Theophilus ("Ad
Autol." ii. 8, 12; iii. 3, 7, 17) qualifies
blame with faint praise. St. Athanasius
professes his ignorance of a common
philosophical term, and Basil his dislike of
philosophy in general (see Newman's note
in the "Oxford Athanasius," p. 52).
Aristotle was regarded with special aver-
sion (Iren. ii. 14, 5; Tertull. " Prsescr."
7 ; " Philosophum." vii. 19). Others
found in the heathen philosophers an
acknowledgment of Christian mysteries,
and looked on philosophy as a jireparation
for Christ (so Justin, of the Stoics and
Heraclitus, " Ap." 2, 8 : of Socrates, ib.
10; Clem. Al. "Strom." i. 5, p. 331, 3-33;
with reference to Plato,v.l3, p. G96; vi.15,
p. 802; V.13, p. 697; v. 14, p. 714; Ori-
gen, e.g."C Cels." vi. 8, where he quotes
a spurious passage of Plato to show that
he knew the " Son of God "). Now, both
these views, in spite of their opposition
to each other, agree in this, that they
conceive of philosophy as external to
Christianity. To Clement and those who
think with him, philosophy is a friendly
power which, partly from the " light
which lightens every man," partly by bor-
rowing from the Hebrew Scriptures, leads
men to Christ ; to Irenaeus and others it is
a dangerous rival of the Church. The
views are not really far apart, and the
adherents of neither ever reached the
scholastic theory that philosophy and
theology are two independent sciences,
each of which has a province of its own ;
dogmatic ; cosmopolitan, not Israelite. Its
main object is to regulate life by the d.itii of
experience. For this reason the prophets pro-
test afiainst some manifestations of this " wis-
dom." as being godless (Isa. v. 24 ; xxix. 14 ;
Jer. iv. 2-1 ; viii. 9 ; ix. -23), while they show
at the saiiii.- time the iiillm nee of this ■' wi>dom,"
or giiniiiic, litoralurc- (heir own style (see,
espeeiallv, Is.'i. xxviii. L'.S--.';)). So f.ir, then,
Proverbs ..Inb. Kr.. ..ccupy the |iositiou of
philosophy ; liul llu' Hebrew wisdom " is not
specula I ivi, l>iu pr.iel ical. The Helirew ■' sages"
con-csiioiid, noi to the Greek philosophers, but
to the Greel; "sages," the wise men who pre-
ceded the iihilosophere. Sensible remarks on
the whole sul>ject are made by Kucnen —
Ondcizmh, vol. iii. p. 88 — and Tiel'e haB treated
the matter admirably — Egypt, en Metopotam.
Godsditnsten, p 629 seq.
Augustine, even, has no formal and com-
plete system of philosophy ; and though
at the close of the patristic period logic
was zealously cultivated, a philosophy in
the strict sense had not begun to be. In
the latter part of the eleventh century
speculations on the nature of universal
ideas began to excite attention in the
Church, though the dispute was conducted
in great measure with reference tc the
mysteries of the Trinity and Incarnation,
so that it was half-theological, half-philo-
sophical. Roscelin, canon of Compiegne
(about 1089), propounded the Nominalist
view that universals are mere abstractions
from individual things ; he was a Tritheist
in theology, was condemned at Soissons
in 1092, and opposed by the Realists
William of Champeaux (d. 1121) and
Anselm of Canterbury (d. 1109). Up to
this time only a few of Aristotle's logical
works were known in the West ("Cat eg."
"De Interpret." besides Porphyry's " Isa-
goge"; after 1128, Aristotle's " Analytica "
and "Topica"). About 1200, tran.slations
of Aristotle's metaphysical and physical
writings appeared, and the influence of
the great Arabic commentators on Ari-
stotle (Avicenna, b. 980 ; the Pantheist
Averroes, 1113-1198) began to tell.
These metaphysical studie.s met with great
opposition. A council of Paris in 1210
ordered Aristotle's metaphysical works to
be burnt (Fleury, "H. E." Ixxvii. 59);
and the Papal legate, Robert of Cour^on,
in 1215 forbade the use of Aristotle's
physical or metaphysical works, and this
by order of Pope Innocent III. (Fleury,
Ixxvii. 39). This decree was modified
by Gregory IX., and practicallj- abrogated
by Urban V., and soon the Aristotelian
philosophy became supreme in the AVest.
The Franciscan Alexander of Hales, bom
in Gloucestershire (d. 1245^, was the first
scholastic who was acquamted with all
the works of Aristotle and knew some-
thing of the Arabian commentators.
Albert the Great (1193-1280), St. Thomas
of Aquin (1225 or 7-1274), Duns Scotus
(d. 1308), difi'ering as they did on many
points, philosophical and theological, were
all Aristotelians. All distinguished be-
tween the provinces of faith and reason,
accepted the decisions of the Climcli as
supreme in the former, and followed
Aristotle as the great repiTscntative of
human reason. A much iVerr ])o>iti(iu
with respect to Aristotle was niaintainfd
by the later Nominalists. Tlie tirst areat
leader of this school was the Franciscan
Occam (provincial in England, theologian
7U PHILOSOPHY
PHILOSOPHY
to Louis of Bavaria, d. 1347), who aban-
doned the Scotism of his order. He was
followed by some Dominic-aiis — e.(j. bv the
Englishman Robert Iloli-ott, liy tlu> i:;reat
Frenchmen Peter d'Aillv and Gerson (d.
14-^9), and by Gabriel Biel (d. 14U5), tlie
last great Nominalist. The Aristotelian
philosophy, on the whole, held its own
within the Chnrch till the time of De.s-
cartes. Jesuits like Suarez choose, indeed,
Ijetween St. Thomas and Scotus, but they
are professed Aristotelians.
To the Scholasticsgenerally philosophy
is the " science of things through their
ultimate causes, so far as such .science is
attainable by the light of nature." We
say by " ultimate causes," for, whereas
lower sciences, such as mechanics, chem-
istry, &c., borrow principles from other
seience.s, philosophy borrows from no
other science : it considers " being as
being," the nature of things in their
widest aspect. It either deals with
" being" in itself or with " being" as the
object of and as ordered by reasoning, or
with " being " as the object of and ordered
by the will. The two latter classes {ens
rationale and morale) are the subject-
matter of two subdivisions of philosophy
• — viz. of logic and ethics. "Being" in
itself — i.e. as ordered by God — may be
considered as liable to sensible motion,
and then it is the subject-matter of
physics; or, again, we may consider
" being " like tliat of God or the angels,
which is superior to such motion, or, in
our consideration of " being," abstract
from sensible motion, then we get meta-
physics (so Goudin, " Philosophia D.
Thomse"). Logic, metaphysics, physics,
and ethics, therefore, are the four sub-
divisions of philosophy, psychology ' being
merely a branch of physics. Next, philo-
sophy reasons only from the light of
nature, and has no direct connection with
revelation. It proves, e.g., the " being "
of God, which can be done from His
works ; it does not investigate the doc-
trine of the Trinity, which is wholly
beyond reason. Hence the marked dif-
ference between the scholastic philosophy
and many modern systems, which latter
claim to be a substitute for revelation,
and to give, in the form of reason, that,
6o far as it is reasonable, wliich the un-
instructed lidieve. Further, the Schol-
astics taught that philosophy is the
handmaid of faith : first, because it pre-
pares the way for faith by establishing,
> So, e.g., Goudin and the older writers
generally.
I e.g., the spiritual nature of the soul, th©
existence of God, &c. ; next, because,
! tliinigh it cannot prove revealed truths,
' it can show that they are not evidently
j contrary to reason ; thirdly, because,
1 whenever the pro\iuces of philosophy
and theology toucli, the philosopher
must, if need arise, correct his conclusions
by the higher and more certain truth of
1 faith. It is a Scholastic axiom that
j nothing can be true in philosophy which
is false in theology. ( )bserve, the Church
does not teach jihilosdpliy ; tliat is not
her province. She merely declares a
philosophy which rejects, e.g., the primary
truths of morals or religion, to be false.
The correction of the false reasoning sho
leaves, and must leave, to others.
After Descartes there was an increas-
ing defection from scholastic philosophy
araoTii: ( 'a f holies. The philosophy of
Mal.'liraiK he (d. 1715), bitterly opposed
as it wa> b\ Bossuet ("Lettre 171, a un
Disciple du P. Malebranche "), became
very popular in France. The representa-
tives of other Catholic schools of phdo-
sophy among Cathohcs hold a far lower
place in the history of speculation. Such,
during this centuiy, were the Ontologists
and Traditionalists in France ; Hermes,
Baader, Giinther in Germany. Their
systems were condemned on theological
grounds by ecclesiastical authority, and
are now all but forgotten. On the other
hand, the philosophical works of the
Spanish priest Balmes still enjoy high
repute.
A great revival of the Scholastic, or
rather of the Thomist, philosophy began
some forty years ago. Protestants them-
selves showed a more generous apprecia-
tion of the Schoolmen, and Catholics
reverted to their teaching, partly from
impatience at the instability of modern
systems, partly because of the close con-
nection between the Scholastic philosophy
and the language used in the definitions
of the later Church, partly because of the
security felt in adopting a philosophy
which was in proved harmony with
Catholic doctrine. The philosophical
works of Liberatore and Sanseverino are
perhaps the best known among those of
the "New Scholastics;" and a man of
muchhigher ability, the Jesuit F.Kleutgen
(" Philosophie der Vorzeit," 1^60), has
written an elaborate defence of Thomist
principles. The Thomist philosophy is now
taught in almost every seminary, and the
present Pope, in the Encyclical " ^Eterni
Patris," has approved and urged the
PHOTINUS
PICPUS, CONGrtEGATION OF 715
teaching ol the philosophy of St. Thomas.
It must be remembered, however, that
the physics of the Schoolmen, which no
one thinks of defendin", are yet an in-
tegral part of their philosophy. And,
however hijili St. Thomas may rank as a
philosopher, it is none the less true that
a person who accepts his theories because
they are his, thereby renounces the study
of philosophy altogether and confuses the
methods of philosophy with those of faith.
It is fair to say that Kleutgen is very
far from such unreasonable exaggeration,
and the late Dr. Ward confesses himself
utterly unable to understand the reason-
ing of persons who speak as if the most
intellectually dutiful sons of the Church
were those who accept every " philo-
sophical proposition current among the
Scholastics (" Essays on the Church's
Doctrinal Authority,"' p. 541). [The best
account of the history of the Scholastic
philosophy will be found in Ueberweg's
" History of Philosophy." It has been
translated.]
PHOTXN1TS. A disciple of Marcel-
lus of Ancyra and bishop of Sirmium, in
Pannonia. He began to teach his heresy
as early at least as .■344, when he was con-
demned by an Antiochene synod. He
distinguished between the Word and the
Son. The foi-mer, in the strict sense
(the \6yoi dvaTaros), was not a Person,
but the immanent reason of God. The
Holy Ghost was merely the energy of
God, and Christ no more than a man
bom miraculously of a virgin (so Hefele,
" Concil." i. p. 6-i5 ; but this is not cer-
tain), who could be called "Son" only
in an improper sense, because the Word
of God wrought in Him with special
power. His opinions were very much
those of modern Socinians, and for this
reason Petavius speaks of the latter as
" Photiniani." Photinus was condemned
both by Semi-Arians and Catholics, but
there has been grt-at difference of opinion
among Catholic sc liolars as to the number
and dates of the synods which condemned
him. Petavius and Sirmond disputed at
length on the matter. Some account of
the controversy will be found in Hefele
("Concil." vol. i. p. 634 seq.). Photi-
rianism was rejected as a heresy in the
General Council at Constantinople in 381
PHOTZUS. [See Greek Church.]
PZARZSTS. By this name are
known the regular clerks of the Scuole
Pie (religious schooLs), an institute of
secondary education founded at Rome by
St. Joseph Calasanctius in the last years
of the sixteenth century. This founda-
tion was sanctioned as a congregation
under simple vows by Paul Y. in 1617,
and as a religious order four vears later
by Gregory XV. The first children
taught in the schools were collected from
the streets, and the founder was content,
after their religious education had been
well provided for, to have them instructed
in reading and writing only; but by
degrees the programme was extended
mitil, besides all the subjects of a good
modern education, it embraced Latin and
Greek and philosophy. Houses of the
order were soon planted in various Italian
towns, and in 16.'31 the Cardinal Bishop
of Olmiitz introduced the Fathers into
IMoravia. Alexander VII. in 1650 in-
sisted that they should return to the
status under which they could only take
simple vows; but, thirteen years later,
Clement IX. reinstated them in the full
privileges of a religious order. The
Piarists appear to have never entered
France or Great Britain, or any country
outside the limits of Europe. The chief
centres of their activity have been, and
are, Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Spain
About 1870 they numbered some i^.OOO
religious. (H^lyot; "Wetzerand Welte.)
PXCPVS, COIirCREGA.TZOIir OF.
A deacon in the seminary of Poitiers,
Pierre Coudrin by name, when the infidel
government of France dispersed (17!i2)
all students under training in the episco-
pal seminaries, resolving not to be false
to his vocation, and hearing that the
Bishop of Clermont was in hiding some-
where in Paris, went there, found him
out, and received priest's orders at his
hands. During the ten years of persecu-
tion which followed, Coudrin, who was
of course one of the pretres non asser-
menUs, exercised his ministry in the miHst
of danger, hardship, and poverty, in the
dioceses of Poitiers and Tours. Gradually
he matured the plan of a new congTt <ra-
tion which, while protesting in the most
direct way against the prevalent unbelief
by maintaining the Perpetual Adoration
of the Blessed Sacrament, should under-
take the preparation of candidates for the
priesthood, and also the work of preach-
ing the Gospel to the heathen. The
Bishop of Mende, whose household he
entered, .sympathised in his projects and
aided him to realise them. With the
bishop's help Coudrin instituted (1805)
his congregation in the buildings known
as of Picpus, in the Faubourg St. Antoine,
Paris. The approbation of the Holy See
716 PILGRIM, PILGRIMAGE
PILGRIM, PILGRIMAGE
was given in 1817. Seminaries in various
parts of France were confided to the
Fathers of Picpus ; and in 1825 the third
fundamental aim of the institute began
to be realised, when Leo XII. sent six of
its members to preach the faith in the
islands of the Pacific. From that time
the missionary activity of the congrega-
tion has gone on with an ever-increasing
development, chiefly in the regions of
South America, Australasia, and Oceania.
The history of the earlier congregation of
Picpus, a reform of the third order of St.
Francis founded by Vincent Mussart at
Franconville in 1594, is given at con-
siderable length by H^lyot, who was
himself a member of it.
PZX.GRznx, PZI.GRXM ACE {pere-
r/rinui-, perer/rinatio ; It. pellegrino ; Fr.
pelerin.) The well-known line, "Coelum
non animum mutant qui trans mure
currunt,'' contains but a half-truth, for
universal experience attests the stimula-
ting, recreative, and enlightening power
which mere change of scene often exerts
on the mind of man. These effects are
likely to be enhanced when the change
has a moral motive. " Movemur enim,"
says Cicero, " nescio quo pacto locis ipsis
in quibus eorum, quos diligimus aut
admiramur, adsunt vestigia " (we are inly
stirred by the very spots where the traces
exist of those whom we love and admire).
The pilgrimages of the Jews to Jeru-
salem at the time of the great festivals
were matter of precept and obligation.
The pilgrimages to Pagan shrines (of
Jupiter Tyrius, or Melcarth, at Gades, of
Jupiter Capitolinus at Rome, of Apollo
at Delphi, Diana at Ephesus, &c.), and
those fiockings of innumerable worship-
pers to shrines of Rama and Crishna
which take place in our own day, usually
proceed on the assumption that the power
of the divinity whose help is sought is
locally circumscribed, but that within the
limits of his own jurisdiction it is indefi-
nitely great. The Christian creed, accord-
ing to which "God is a spirit " to be
sought and found not specially " on this
mountain, nor yet at Jerusalem," but
wherever the true worshippers approach
Him in spirit and in truth, might seem
at first sight to afford little encourage-
ment to pilgrimages. For, as St. Jerome *
says — and other Fathers hold similar
language— Christians "dare not confine
the omnipotence of God to one narrow
corner of the world. . . . From Jerusa-
' Cited by Mr. Scudatuore, in the article
noticed below.
lem and from Britain the court, of heaven
is equally open." Nevertheless, so certain
is it that religious impressions, blunted
and weakened by the daily business of
the market-place and the street, require
in most minds to be often graven afresh
(and that by means of impulses coming
from without, for it would be vain to
trust to the sufficiency of those coming
from within), that the Church has from
the first — while admitting the danger of
abuses, and taking measures to prevent
them — approved the use of pilgrimage to
holy places as a very potent help and
incentive to a devout life. She also
favours the practice, because she recog-
nises the undoubted fact that God has
often granted, and still grants, interior
and exterior favours, graces, and miracles,
at particular places or shrines, to honour
certain mysteries, saints, &c.
A Protestant writer^ in the "Dic-
tionary of Christian Antiquities" (Smith
and Ciieetham) has collected with praise-
worthy industry a midtitude of facts
bearing on the conditions under which
pilgrimages were made in the first eight
centuries. It would appear from the
letters of Paula and Eustochium (in-
cluded among those of St. .lerome) that
from the date of the Ascension to their
own day a continued stream of pilgrims
had resorted to the Holy Places. The
first recorded pilgrim is St. Alexander
(third cent.), who is said to have visited
Jerusalem in fulfilment of a vow. Of the
devout journey of Helena, the motiier of
Oonstantine, whose faith and zeal are
said to have been rewarded by the dis-
covery of the true cross, we have a full
relation from the pen of Eusebius. The
French bishop Arculfus visited Jerusa-
lem in the seventh century, and after his
return told his story to Adamnan, abbot
of lona, who embodied the narrative in
his tract, "De Locis Sanctis." In the
eleventh century, Palestine having fallen
into the hands of the Seljukian Turks,
Christian pilgrims were subjected to
many indignities, the report of which in
Europe led eventually to the first Crusade.
The usual motives for a pilgrimage
were: (1) the desire to realise the objects
of faith and quicken religious feeling in
the soul ; (2) the fulfilment of a vow; (.'J)
some special benefit — as when Chaucer's
pilgrims went to Canterbury —
The holy blissful martir for to sake.
That hem hath holpen whan that thei were
seke ;
■ Mr. Scadamore.
PISA, COUNCIL OF
PISA, (^OUXCIL OF 717
(4) the execution of some penitential task,
•whether self-imposed or enjoined by the
clergy.
The more celebrated shrines, towards
which the currents of pilgi-image have
set strongly, are: (1) those of our Lord,
in other "words, the Holy Places in
Palestine [see Holt Places] ; > (2) those
of the Blessed Virgin ; (3) those of angels
and saints. Among the sanctuaries of
our Lady, which have been, or are,
thronged by the resort of pilgrims, may
be mentioned "Walsingham (on the pil-
gi-image to which Erasmus wrote a tract),
Einsiedeln in Switzerland, Chartres and
Fourvi- res in France, Maria Zell in Cu-\-
many, Loreto in Italy, and Guadaloupe
and Montserrat in Spain. The grotto of
Lourdes, since the event of 1858, has
become the centre of attraction to an
immense concourse of pilgrims. Among
the sanctuaries of angels and saints may
be named the " limina Apostolorum," or
the tombs of SS. Peter and Paul on the
Vatican Hill, St. James of Compostella,
the church of St. Michael on Monte Gar-
gano (tlie devotion of Norman pilgrims
to which led to the Norman conquest of
Naples), and the shrine of our own St.
Thomas of Canterbury, a pilgrimage to
which is the apt setting of the well-
known " Tales " of Chaucer.
FXSA., COVTS-CXI. OF. Gregory
XII. (Angelo Corrario) had been elected
Pope in 1406, the Antipope Benedict
XIII. (Peter de Luna) in 1305, and
Europe was divided between the two
" obediences." Alter much negotiation,
both Gregory and Benedict were induced
to promise to adopt the way of cession,
in pursuance of which each would have
withdrawn his claim to the pontificate.
But misunderstandings arose, and the
promises were not kept. The schism
had now lasted thirty years, producing
confusion and bewilderment throughout
the Christian world. The leading car-
dinals on both ."-ides, in view of this
disastrous state of things, met together,
and agreed, since no other way of restor-
ing unity seemed feasible, to ignore the
claims of both rivals, and themselves
summon a general council, to meet at
Pisa on March 20, 1409. The coimcil
met on the day appointed ; its twenty-
third and last session was held on August
7 following. From first to last, twenty-
four cardinals, four patriarchs, eighty
I These have been, i-ince the fifteenth cen-
tury, in the guardianship of the Franciscan
order.
bishops, a hundred and two proctors of
bishops, eighty-seven abbots, two hun-
dred delegates of abbots, besides a great
number of generals of orders, dortors,
deputies of universities, and amt>a^-ailors,
attended the council. "Within little
more than four months the synod finished
the business for which it was convened.
It first cited the rival claimants to
appear; on their failing to do so, it
declared itself to be the lawful represen-
tative of the L^niversal Church, and to
have power to judire all pontifical preten-
sions; it decreed that all Christians
ought to withdraw their obedience both
from Gre-nrv and I'^'nedict; it enter-
tained an act of accusation against them ;
after heariiiii- r\ idfiice, it pronounced the
sentence of (l. ])osition against them both,
and declared the Holy See to be vacant ;
it rejected the claim of Robert, Gregory's
supporter, to the imperial throne, and re-
coguised Wenzel ; lastly, it arranged for
the holding of a conclave from which
Card, riiilargi came lorth as Pope, and
took the name of Alexander V.
Ilefele says of this council, " Neither
ecclesiastical authority nor the most
trustworthy theologians have ever num-
bered it among the oecumenical councils."
S" Cone." Introd.) Its unfortunate issue
Gregory and Benedict both refusing to
yield, and there being thus three cluim-
i ants for the papacy, down to the time of
I the Council of Constance) he attributes
partly to the perversity of the temporal
princes, but chietly to the council itself;
! to the erroneous theory on which they
based the deposition of (iregory XII. and
Benedict XIII. — viz. that by their con-
duct they were heretical against the
article " Unam Snnctam Cath. Eccle-
siam" — a theory which no one believed
in, and again to their violence and pre-
cipitation in resorting to extreme mea-
sures. ("Coiicilien^t sell." vi. 901.)
Nevertheless Bellarmine calls it a
General Council, and looks upon it as
" neither clearly approved nor clearly
rejected." ' Not the former ; for Martin
V. would not absolutely call Alexander
V. Pope, though recognising the validity
of some of his acts ; and St. Antoninus
will not allow that either he or his suc-
cessor was a true Pope. Not the latter ;
for many good theologians {e.p. Natalis
.■Alexander, Raynaldus and Ballerini)
affirm that both the Council and the
Pope whom it created were legitimate ;
nor would Alexander VI. have taken
1 Be Cone, et Eccl i. 8.
718
PISOIXA
PLAIN CHANT
tliat title if it had been generally believed
that Alexander V. -was no true Pope.
So far from tlint, " it may almost be
called the common opinion," proceeds
Bellarniiue, " that both Alexander and
John his successor were true Popes."
An English prelate, Robert Hallam,
bishop of Salisbury, acted a conspicuous
part in the proceedings at Pisa. [Anti-
ronos.] (Wetzer and Welte, art. bv
Hefele.)
PISCXSTA. The word, which signified
originally " a fish-pond," came to mean in
classical writers of the silver age a basin,
or bath. In the early Latin Church it
was employed as an equivalent for koXv/i-
^;/f/)a, the Greek word for the baptismal
font. In the middle ages it was the
common term for the small niche in the
wall on the Epistle side of the altar
containing a perforated basin of stone,
through which the water used iu washing
the priest's hands was poured. Earlier in
the middle ages the ablations were also
poured down the piscina. Examples of
mediaaval piscina? al)ound in old English
churches. They are sometimes to be seen
in modern Catholic churches.
PXSTOXA, SYNOD OF. Leopold,
grand duke of Tuscany and brother of
the Emperor Joseph II. began in 17>n to
introduce many changes in the discipline,
worship, &c., of the Tuscan Cliureh. Tn
1782 he suppressed the Inquisiti' >n nnd
he also interfered in doctrinal matters,
recommended the " doctrine of St. Augus-
tine" and the liiblical commentary ol' the
learned Jansenist Quesnel. His chosen
ally was Scipio Ricci, bishop of Pistoia
and Prato, formerly vicar-general to
Incontri, archbishop of Florence. In
1786 Leopold laid before the Epi.scopate
of the Duchy fii'tv-seveu articles for the
"reform of the Clinrch " in the Jansenist
and Febronian si iisi^. Oul\ t!u-.'ebishn])s,
of whom Ricci '>nr, ;n-.-r]ite(l thi^m.
That same year fS..],t.-inl,..v IS), tie-
SyiK.'l <if ri-loia met. T.-.nil.uriiii was
the pniumtor and 'J'-'ii ]ini\--t s were pre-
sent. The ,]a7is(;nist doctiines on grace
were a]jproved. But besides this the
principles of a spiritual democracy w re
asserted. God, it was said, had given
])ower to the Church, and it was the
Church which comnumicated it to the
pastor.s, including even the Pope. Bishops
were to be ])ract ieally independent of the
Pope, the priiv-ts ill (lioci'-an synods were
to be judges of faith an.! (ll-cl])line, &c.,
&c. Lastly, a multitude of decrees were
passed condemning practices common in
I the Church — e.g. devotion to the Sacred
I Heart, missions, use of Latin in the Mass,
the influence of Scholastic theology,
multiplication of religious orders, feasts,
&c., &c.
The destruction of altars, images, &c.,
under Ricci's direction, set the Tuscan
populace in an uproar : they stormed his
palace in 1787, and he had to resign his
see. The bishops, vsdth scarcely an ex-
ception, were fimily opposed to the Pis-
toian decree.s, from which eiglity-five
propositions were condemned by Piiis Yl.
in the bull " Auctorem fidei " of 1794.
Solari, bishop of Noli, in the Genoese
territory, was the only prelate found
publicly to oppose the bull. Ricci him-
self in 180.5 made a recantation, and was
reconciled to Pius VII., though it appears
from the bishop's letters that his senti-
ments were not really changed. Solari
joined himself to the Constitutional
bishops in France. [From Cardinal Her-
genrother's " Kirchengeschichte," Szc.
The acts of the synod were printed at
Pistoia, also at Pavia 1780. Lnibacli 1701,
Bamberg 1794. The " Auctorem fidei "
may bereadinDenzintrer's" l-ju hiridion."
Gelli edited the "Memorie" ot Ricci
"with documents,'' Florence, 180-5 J
PXACET REGZirivx. [See Canon-
Law : EXEQTJATUE.'
PI.AZM- CKAN-T (cantus Jinnus),
liuown also as Gregorian, or Romau, or
Choral Chant, is the distinctive song of
the Church. It has been defined to be a
gra\-e. diatonic, unison melody, set to the
rhythm of the words, without strictly
measured time, and used by the Church
in her sacred functions (Habiud's " ^lagis-
ter Choralis,"' translated by Donnelly,
Ratisbon, 1877). This is perhaps as good
a definition as can be assigned to a subject
which, from its free spiritual nature, is
hardly definable, however much we may
describe certain of its leading characters,
its structure, and purpose. It is, in
brief, the Chureli's song, the interpreter
in melody of her spiritual prayer. And
as prayer is an utterance by the believing
heart of the word of faith. aceordiuLr to
the maxim le.r su/i/il/r/rmli Ir.r crnlnuU.s-o
the chant, which i.^ tlieinoi'M solemn mode
of liturL'ical prayer, ow es to the faith its
creation, its power, ami just inter]iretalion.
j Only when imbued witli tie- faitli will the
I human mind delight in it, and in propor-
j tiou as it rids itself of the just govern-
' ment of the faith will it discard it.
Its leading characteristics concern (1)
Melody ; (2) Tone or Mode ; (3) Rhythm.
PLAIN CHANT
PLAIN CHANT 71 P
(1) The Cliurch authorises in her
liturgy no other music than pure melody,
which it assigns respectively to the offi-
ciant, to the "cantors, and to the choir.
This last consists of a trained body of
clerics, or of youths or men habited as
clerics, occupying the choir or presby-
teriura, and having an integral part in all
solemn rites and functions. The choir, as
& part of the edidce. is normally in front
of the altar and in face of the people, and
those -who occupy it are divided into two
parts for alternate singing, one occupying
the Epistle side, the other the Gospel side.
In the act of singing the alternate choirs
face each other, and lxith by position and
training an? the leaders of the congrega-
tion. ^Miether the two choirs sing alter-
nately or simultaneously, they sing always
in unison or at the Siime pitch. Voices
differing in pitch but singing concordantly,
however beautiful the etl'ect, are in so far
departing from the strict ecclesiastical
chant ; and even the accompaniment of
the organ does not enter into the Church's
conception of her song, or of ritual
solemnity. To restrict the free melody of
the choir by harmonic chords, whether of
the voiee or or-ran. however powerful on
the feelings the etl'ect m-iy be, has in lier
conception some element of incongruity
■with the just ideal of spiritual worship ;
and whatever toleration or tacit approval
she extends to instrumental or vocal har-
monies is subject to the condition that
her own chant is not thereby despoiled
of its supremacy of place and honour.
As to the character of her melody, it is at
the same time recitative and meditative.
It recites the word of the text and medi-
tates upon it. Siunetimes it proceeds
with great despatch, as in the psalms and
sequences, assigning for the most part one
note to each syllable ; at othei-s, as in her
antiphons, it lingers upon the word, pour-
ing out its meaning in rich melodies,
based rhythmically upon its syllables.
In this way the Church preserves the
balance of her offices, accommodating her-
self to the time and the spirit of the time ;
now, according to her spiritual mood,
dwelling on the sacred word in sustained
meditation, now carried forward in a
rapid current of melodious praise. In her
offices there is never indecent hurry,
never loss of time.
(2) Tone or Mode. — In its tones the
ecclesiastical chant is distinguished by
great variety and adaptability. It was
created for the purpose of " being the
vehicle of the Church's manifold prayer —
manifold in the spiritual affections of her
soul. Spiritual adoration, thanksgiving,
supplication, sorrow, joy, peace, hope,
triumph —such triumph, that is, as is just
in this valley of tear? — tind in her tones
the apparatus provided for their soltmn
expression. But however varied the
tones, she is very simple and constant in
her mode of using them. When once
she has determined the tone which is
suited to the mood of her spirit, she
delivers the whole antiphon, psalm,
hymn, or other form of prayer, in that
tone. The melody accommodates itself,
indeed, to the word and phrase, but is
always restrained by the tone from any
mere word-painting or distraction of her
spirit from its leading affection. Compare
with this the absence of any predominant
tone in many of the compositions of
figured music, and the intention and
practice of the Church will be the more
apparent. In the " Gloria," for instance,
the Church conceives of it as one whole —
as one act of praise; in the "Credo" it
conceives of it as one act of faith. The
mode once determined, the soug of praise
or faith hastens on in its tirst intention
with grave beauty and undeviating path
to its accomplishment. But in many of
the figured compositions on the same
themes the " Gloria " and " Credo " are
divided into parts so differently conceived,
with such an absence of unity of tone, or
such a blankness of tone, that no incon-
gruity would be felt, or indeed is felt, in
])iecing together a " Gloria " or " Credo '"
from different authors. This is foreign
to the Church's spirit. She is various in
her tones, but constant to a tone once
chosen as a leadinsr feature of her chant.
(3) Rhijthm. — The rhythm of the
chant is the rhythm of eloquence — free,
and not to be "reduced to any artificial
measiu-e. There is a rhythm which is
natural to the human voice. The accent
of words is the outcome of it, and the
charm of eloquence depends on it. Even
the measured numbers of poetry are no
substitute for it ; for poetry itself, to be
eloquently declaimed, must forget its own
measures to some degree, and yield itself
to the natural accent, phrasing, and
intonation of the speaker. "\Vere anyone,
in declaiming the verses of a poet, to make
the measures of the syllables prominent
instead of following the rhythm of voice
suggested by the sense, he would be en-
slaving the poetic idea to mere numbers
—turning the master into the slave. It
is this rhythm of eloquent pronunciation,
720 PLAIN CHANT
PLAIN CHANT
depending on the accent of the word, the
balance of its syllables, the phrasing of
the sentence, and the adjustment of sen-
tences into one delireiy of the whole
intention of the soul, which is the basis
of the rhythm of the chant. The longer
meditative melodies are assigned to the
accented syllables — as is just, for on them
is delivered the force of the word. The
very derivation of the word " accent '' {nd
- " to," and cantus = " chant ") teaches
how just this is. It is the syllable on
which falls the rhythmical ictus or stroke
of the voice, which is inseparable from
speech, and grows in intensity and musical
quality as the voice is raised into elo-
quence. The rhythm of phrase is pre-
served in plain chant by accommodating
the separate breathings of the voice to tho
phrasing of the sentence, the end of the
sentence being indicated by the pause of
the melody on the final or one of the chief
continals, while the close of the whole
chant, according to a fixed canon, carries
the voice back to its final or fundamental
note. By all this it is by no means
imjjlied that vocal sound has not a natural
rhythm of its own. As soon as the voice
is kindled into the melody of song it is
rhythmical, even though no intelligible
word is uttered, the rhythm then depend-
ing on the rise and fall and turns of the
melody, the pulsation of the breath, and
the guidance of that sense of numbers
which is ours by natural gift. Hence the
prolonged pneumata or melodious breaths,
which for the most part hang upon the
accented syllable, must be rhythmically
rendered. Sometimes these neunies or
breathings are hung to the last syllable,
when they do not so much lend force to
the word as express the lingering delight
of the soul once attuned to a divine
thought. Wherever they occur, they
must be interpreted rhythmically.
Structure. — The modes or tones are all
founded on the diatonic scale, or natural
succession of seven notes completed by
the octave. It consists of two tetrachords
or series of four notes, placed one above
the other at the interval of a tone, each
comprising two full tones and a half-tone,
so that the whole scale comprises five tones
and two semitones. According to this use
of the term, " tone " no longer signifies I
a mode of chant, but simply one full step
of the voice up or down the natural scale
or ladder of sound, which scale, because
it proceeds chiefly by tones, is called
"diatonic," to distinguish it from the
highly embellished or chromatic scale,
which proceeds by semitones. Calling
the seven diflerent notes by the names
ordinarily in use, the diatonic scale may
therefore be represented thus -.do ... .
re . . . . mi .. fa .... sol .... la
. . , . gi . . do. But whereas the natural
octave or succession of eight notea begins
with do, the first mode or tone of the
Church begins on re, and consists of the
octave from re to re ; and we have only
to sing this scale from re to re, keeping
the half-tone between mi and fa and si
and do, to discover something of the prac-
tical meaning of an ecclesiastical mode.
It will be at once apparent that the posi-
tion of the semitones in the octave of
sound has a determining power upon its
character. It is this relative position of
the semitones which is the first constituent
cause of tone or mode.
The octave of sound, moreover,
divides itself naturally into a perfect fifth
(three tones and a half) and a perfect
fourth (two tones and a half), and the
observance of this is the second con-
stituent cause of mode. The first mode
has its fifth from re to la, and its fourth
from la to re, being constructed thus : re
.... 7m .. fa .... sol ... . la, la
. ... si .. do .... re. In this scale
re is the fundamental note, and because a
complete descant within the mode natu-
rally ends on it, it is called the final.
The note second in importance to the
final, but bearing more of the burden of
the melody, is the dominant or ruling
note. In the authentic modes it is the
fifth above the final, and in the first mode
is therefore la. On this note all mere
recitation is made, and it may on this
account be called the reciting note. It is
prominent in the modulation of the
melody, and in its power is found the
third constituent of mode. There are
also confinal notes, on which by prefer-
ence each mode finishes the different
phrasings of the melody, and these, there-
fore, are a fourth constituent of mode.
The second tone is closely related to
the first, but with a very distinct cha-
racter. It is constructed on the same final
re, by reversing the relation as to pitch
of the fifth and fourth, and changing the
dominant to the third below the domi-
nant of the first. It is therefore con-
structed thus: la .... si .. do ... .
7-e, re ... . mi .. fa .... sol ... ,
la, and has for its dominant fa. The
close relation between the first and
second modes is at once apparent. How-
ever different in character, they form ai>
PLAIN CHAOT
PLAIN CHANT 721
allied pair, and transition from one to the
other is natural. Sometimes a chant
comprises both, using the fourth ahove as
-veil as the fourth helow the fifth, and is
then said to be in the mixed tone of the
first and second. This will suffice to
show what is the construction of all the
modes, or tones, for they run in pairs,
similarly formed and allied, both as re-
gards final, dominant, and the relation as
to pitch iif the fifth and fourth. For just
as the first and second are constructed
on )e, the third and fourth are con-
structed on mi, the fifth and sixth on fa,
the seventh and eighth on sol. These four
pairs, of which the first of each is called the
authentic, the second the plagal, make up
the eight grand tones of the Church.
The others — namely the ninth and tenth
constructed on la, the eleventh and
twelfth on si (existing perhaps only
theoretically because their fifth and
fourth are not perfect), aud the thirteenth
and fourteenth on do — are of later intro-
duction.
It need only be observed, further,
that where the dominant or reciting note,
according to the canon stated ahove,
would be si, namely in the third and
eighth tones, the actual dominant is do,
because si is an uncertain note, as being
liable to be depressed a semitone. Of
this changeable character of *t one word
must be said. It is not by any accidental
or fanciful change that the depression
takes place, but by a natural necessity of
avoiding the tritone or augmented fourth
from fa to si. When depressed it is
called sa or za, and the change is indicated
by the sign termed a Jliit. This sign
has enabled the transcriijers and printers
of liturgical books to make an apparent
transposition of the ninth and tenth modes
to the first and second, and of the thir-
teenth and fourteenth (otherwise called
the eleventh and twelfth) to the fifth and
sixth. But this is no more than a con-
A-enience; the modes remain distinct be-
cause the relative position of the semitones
remains unaltered.
Let this suffice abbut the structure of
the modes. It must not be supposed,
however, that the full character of plain
chant is to be learnt by the study of its
structure alone. The mode of treatment
of the several tones has been handed
down in the Church from time imme-
morial in melodies which have sprung
from the minds of saints, not idly exer-
cising themselves in songs, but sinsing
from the inspiration of the Spirit of God.
Notation. — The next point to be con-
sidered is notation. The admirable sys-
tem of writing music now in use was
originated in the study of plain chant.
By a happy invention the ladder or scale
of sound is represented to the eye by
a pictorial ladder of four rounds or steps,
which are indefinitely prolonged. The
three spaces enclosed make with the four
parallel lines seven grades, corresponding
in number to the seven different notes of
the octave, and if any one of tliese is
defined by having assigned to it the pitch
and name of one of the sounds of the
octave, forthwith all the rest have re-
ceived their pitch and name. This is
done by means of two signs, called clefs —
(i.e. keys) — namely and ' the former
of which represents do, the latter /«. It
is evident that the ground for selecting
for indication these two sounds, and
leaving the rest to be inferred from them,
is that they point out the semitones, the
position of which is the distinguishing
character of the modes. They are used
one at a time, according as it is more
convenient to the mode to point out the
upper or lower semitone ; and they are
sufficient for this purpose -^vithout any
other sign, because they may be affixed to
one or another line according to the com-
pass of the melody. "When the repre-
sentative power of the grades of the
ladder or stave has been thus determined,
the succession of notes in the melody can
be indicated by setting each note in its
own grade.
The signs of these notes are three : a
square note ■, which is called the brems,
breve, or short note ; a square note with
a tail which is called longa, or the long
note ; and a diamond-shaped note 4, which
is called thes^wH'Zi;-eyis,orsemibreve. They
have no measured value ; the sense of the
words and the spirit of the office and the
season, or other reasons, now suggesting
that the current of the melody should be
brisk, now prolonged. They have only a
relative value, and that not so fixed as to
be measurable. The only law that can
be given is that the breve has the value
its o^vn syllable has when rhetorically
pronounced ; that the long note is longer
than the breve, and the semibreve shorter.
This la.st is especially used in the de-
scending series of short notes, called
passing notes, which bind together the
difterent limbs of the prolonged breath-
ings or neumes. These are the only
notes used; but besides these a very
722 PLAIN CHANT
PLAIN CHANT
valuable aid is given to the singer by
writing compactly together the notes
which belong to one syllable, and another
by marking off the phrases of the melody
by perpendicular bars.
History.— To know the history of the
chaut is a powerful help to understand its
value.
It is impossible not to believe that
there is a continuity of song from the
liturgy of the Church of the Old Testa-
ment to that of the New. The Apostles
sang the psalms, both as members of the
Jewish Church and founders of the
Christian Church, and with the text the
chant must have been preserved. As,
moreover, the psalms are bound up with
every part of the liturgy of the Catholic
Church, we may safely argue that the
ancient psalm chants are interwoven in
its melodies. Moreover, psalms and
antiphons make up the greater part
of liturgical song, forming a consider-
able part even of the chant of the Mass,
and as they form one whole, it would
seem that the higlily modulated anti-
phon is second in order of origin to the
simpler melodies of the psalms.
As soon as the Church was free from
the Roman persecutions, we find her
occupied in establishing due form and
uniformity in the liturgy. Pope Dama-
sus (366-384) ordained that the psalms
f-liould be chanted by alternate choirs,
and that to each should be added the
Gloria Patri. St. Ambrose, bishop of
Milan (.374-397), shares with St. Gregory
the glory of being the founder of the
system of Church melody. To him are
due the four authentic modes, which he
adapted to the needs of the liturgy from
the system of tetrachords used by the
Greeks. To him also is due a mode of
chanting known in history as the Am-
brosian Chant, to which St. Augustine
alludes in his " Confessions." " The hymns
and songs, 0 my God, and the sweet
chant of Thy Church stirred and pene-
trated my being. The voices streamed
upon my ears and caused truth to flow
into my lieart ; from whose fount the
feelings came welling up. I ended at
last in a flood of tears. But it is St.
Gregory the Great, Pope from a.d. 590 '
to 604, who is regarded as the author of
the system of ecclesiastical chant. He
so developed and perfected it that from
his time it has borne the name Gregorian.
To him is ascribed the discovery of the
octave as the naturally complete succes-
sion of sounds. Of the fifteen notes used ,
by the Greeks as the basis of their
system of tetrachords, he saw that after
the first seven they were only repetitious
of the preceding at a higher pitch, and
by calling these seven by the tirst seven
letters of the alphabet, repeating the
letters for the next seven, he fixed for
ever the true groundwork of all music.
He perfected the work of St. Ambrose
by adding to each of the authentic modes
the allied mode which runs side by side
with it, and is therefore called plagal.
He adopted a simplified manner of nota-
tion, consisting of dots, curves, strokes,
and combinations of them, placed above
the words at various distances, called
Neumata or Nota Romana. To us the
system is exceedingly complex, no less
than twenty-eight of these easily con-
founded signs being enumerated and ex-
plained in " Die Sangerschule S. Gallens "
( Einsiedeln, 1858), taken from the famous
3IS. at S. Gall, reputed to be a copy of
St. Gregory's"Antiphonarium"; and only
a persistent tradition and constant teach-
ing could have preserved the Gregorian
chants till the advent of a better notation.
This " Antiphouarium " was St. Gregory's
great work m this field. It was the first
publication under the authority of Rome
of the Catholic liturgical chant, and was
chained to the altar of St. Peter's, that
it might be referred to on all occasions as
the true exemplar. It consisted of a
collection of the existing chants, corrected
and improved by St. Gregory, many new
ones of his own inspiration, and the
method of using them. John the Deacon,
writing in the ninth century, tells us
that St. Gregory "examined the tones,
measures, moods, and notes most suitable
to the majesty of the Church, and formed
that ecclesiastical music, so grave and
edifying, which at present is called
Gregorian." It was in the latter part of
the eighth and beginning of the ninth
century that the modes founded on la and
do were introduced. Charlemagne, who
laboured for the diffusion of the Roman
chant throughout the West, would not at
first admit of them, but after questioning
and discussion they obtained a liturgical
place. With these the system of Gre-
gorian Chant was complete as we now
have it. But in spite of the constancy of
traditional teaching, the notation was too
indefinite to pre.^erve it in its integrity,
and the sense of this gradually led to the
formation of the stave. The introduction
of one line is due to Hucbald, a Flemish
monk of St. Amand, who died about
PLaIN chaxt
PLAIN CHANT 723
930 A.D. A second was shortly added,
perhaps indeed by the same hand. Of
these one represented /r/, and was coloured
red, the other do, and was coloured
yellow. How much these would facili-
tate the interpretation of the newnata of
St. Greprory is apparent. But it was
reserved for Guide d'Arezzo, a Benedic-
tine monk of the convent of Pomposa,
near Ravenna, to perfect the notation.
He framed the stave of four lines with
its movable clefs as we have it now, and
proved the immense utility of the inven-
tion by teaching Pope John XIX. (1024-
1033)" to sinf( a chant before unknown
to him in one lesson. He also has the
credit of having originated our present
names for the first six notes of the octave,
namely uf, re, mi, fa, sol, la. Si was
added aftei-wards, and some countries,
following the Itahans, have substituted
do for ut. These names are taken from
the Vesper hymn of the Feast of St. John
the Baptist,
Ut queant laxis resonare fibris
J/tra gestorum /amuli taorum,
Solve polluti /abii reatum,
Sancte Joannes,
being the first syllables of the words
commencing each half- verse, and rising in
pitch gradually accordmg to the natural
ascent of the octave.
Guido, however, departed from the
principles of the tetrachord and octave for
a system of hexachords, or series of six
notes, using for his system the variable
character of si before explained, and
introducing a note lower than the A of
the preceding system. This note he
called gamma, and as it represented ut
in his hexachord system of mutations,
the word Gamut arose. His system
happily did not endure, but after St.
Gregory there is no name in higher
honour for services rendered to the chant
than that of Guido d'Arezzo. From his
time there was no fear that the Gregorian
melodies would pass into oblivion by
forgetfulness, because the pitch of each
note could be precisely written down,
whatever their shape. The shape of the
notes now in use is of later origin. This,
in brief, is the history of the chant till
the time when it was complete in struc-
tural development, notation, and theory.
Thencefoi-ward the spirit of the legislation
of the Church in respect of it has been to
preserve it in its integrity. By the six-
teenth century it had shared in the
common relaxation and disfigurement, the
causes of the evil being (1) the use of
measured rhythm, depending on the beat
of hand or toot; (2) the introduction of
counterpoint or harmony with its seduc-
tive beauty ; (3) the mingling in the
liturgy of popular worldly music, both
vocal and instrumental. Li these ways
its melodic simplicity and spiritual power
were diminished, and the Church as-
sembled at Trent, for the purpose, among
others, of the reformation of discipline,
was sensible of the need of it in her
chant. The necessary genius was pro-
vided by Providence in Palestriua and
his pupil Guidetti, and in 1582 appeared
the first printed monument of this work of
reform — namely, the " Directorium Chori
of Guidetti. Its greatest monument, the
" Graduale Romanum," printed by com-
mand of Paul V. at the Medicean press
in 1614, is an abiding memorial of Pales-
trina's Christian fame, though issued
twenty years after his death. To him
belongs the double glory of restoring the
chant to its former grand and simple
beauty, and of exhibiting contrapuntal
or harmonised music as the vehicle of
Christian thought in such marvellous
power as to secure for it toleration in the
liturgy. In the liturgical reform set on
foot by Pius IX. for the establishment
of uniformity in the Roman chant, and
being continued under the present
Supreme Pontiff Leo XHI., the com-
mission to whom the work of re\-ision
was assigned republished after matured
labours the Medicean edition of the
" Gradual," adding the chants of the
new offices instituted since its first
issue. These new chants are due tc
the Rev. Francis Xavier Haberl, blaster
of the Cathedral Choir of Ratisbon.
The printer deputed by the Holy
See is Pustet of Ratisbon, who, acting
under the Sacred Congregation of Rites
and the aforesaid commission, is engaged
in the publication of the many diffe-
rent books of the chant. It is an im-
mense work, admirably executed under
high commendations from PiuS IX. and
Leo XIII. (See Decree of the Sacred
Congregation, April 10, 18>!3.)
It remains to distinguish plain chant
from modern figm-ed mu>ic.
The Church's duty is to reform and
spiritualise the natural faculties, the
musical as much as any other. The dis-
covery of the natural octave belongs to
her, but her use of it is most significant.
The most natural succession of notes is in
her thirteenth tone, but this is the last
724 PLAIN CHANT
PLAIN CHANT
she adopted, and then onlj' with reluc- |
tance, and the affection for this tone !
marks the transition of the musical art 1
to the modern secular style, in which
this tone is almost exclusively used. It '
is the major mode of modern music. Its
minor mode, wliich is used integrally
only in the descending scale, is the ninth
tone of the Church, which again was
admitted to liturgical rank only with
reluctance. And it would seem that a
divine instinct was the cause of her
Dii>igiving, for the work she continually
has ill hand to keep the liturgical chaut
pure is owing to the intrusion into the
choir of a music repugnant to her spirit,
but springing out of these latest of her
tones.
But the chief difference of modern
or tigured music from plain chant lies in
the rhythm. It is called Cantus menmra-
bilis, because the rhythm of the word
is abandoned for an external standard
capable of exact measurement. The
regular beat of the hand or foot is sub-
stituted for the free pulsations of the
intelligent and eloquent voice; and, speak-
ing for the present only of melody, it i.s
clear that this means a subordination of
the word to a music conceived indepen-
dently of it. The bars no longer point
out the pauses suited to the eloquent
pronunciation of the word, but indicate
the close of one set of beats. In conse-
quence, not only the melody but the word
sung is made subservient to an external
standard, and the singer must give his
first attention to this instead of following
his inward sense. Hence it would be
repugnant to the lowest Catholic intelli-
gence that a priest in the Mass, when he
should be in the highest mood of prayer,
should sing a music thus reducible to a
measure of beats. And even in secular
nmsic it is recognised that the highest
exponents of the authors mind must
exercise a certain freedom of interpre-
tation as to measure. Music, indeed,
founded on an external standard cannot
be distinctly spiritual. But it may be
sentimental and imaginative, and herein
lies its distinctive difl'erence. In its
influence over the sensible feelings, and
in the appeal it makes to the imagination
is its power, and by this should be
estimated its due place in the liturgy.
While, for instance, the Church, with
directne.^is of aim, makes a spiritual act
of faith in the crucifixion, passion, death,
and burial of our Lord, merely fixing the
tone and building the melody on the
rhythm of the word, figured music
makes elaborate pictures in music of the
sadness, darkness, horror, or other sensible
adjunct of the scene of the crucifixion.
How far and in what way the sentiment
and imagination may be justly used in
music for religious purposes is matter for
discussion. But, arguing from our Lord's
use of them in speech, it seems sound to
conclude that they are at best a prepara-
tion for the spiritual, and that adequate
interpretation of the word of faith, which
is essentially spiritual, cannot be made
through them.
That constituent of figured music on
which its title Jiyured depends, is the use
of counterpoint or harmony. Tliis has a
powerful effect upon the sentiment, and
certainly has not the same repugnance to
the spu'itual as the measured beat has.
But it must, unless it were of the simplest
kind, restrict the free course of the melody
by the necessity of allowing other voices
of difleriug sound to keep up concord-
antly with it, and the Church shows no
disposition to admit that it is any help
to the interpretation of her spiritual
word. Even to a sldlled organist, where
there is only question of instrumental har-
monies, it is no easy task to accompany
the chant when rendered with free and
intelligent delivery by a trained choir,
and to endeavour to harmonise through-
out is only to oppress the voice and
hamper the melody.
Plain chant, then, to be rightly judged,
must be regarded as the vehicle in song
of the spiritual mind of the Church,
having been itself spiritually conceived
and developed, and having a severe and
chaste beauty all its own. Though not
ordained by the Church to the exclusion
of figured chant, it forms her canon of
judgment in respect of it, and, as the
interpretative song of her liturgical prayer,
i.s supreme in its own domain. Figured
chant is, by origin, theory, and legitimate
use, supplementary to it, and in its highest
forms aims, as in Palestrina's compositions,
at weaving together in harmonic beauty
different threads of melody, employing
the measured beat just so far as is neces-
sary to keep the voices in concordant ad-
vance. Rightly understood in their due
relations, the two modes of chant mutually
sustain and explain each other ; but to
arrive at this understanding it would be
well that the voice of Rome should be
heard, for in spiritual things which are
one in intention but diverse in manner
her voice is the only co-ordinating power.
PLURALITY OF BENEFICES
PCKJR CLARES 726
PXiTTSAX.XT-r OP BBITEPICES.
Among the canons of the Council of
Chalcedon (451) is one forbidding the
cumulation of two or more benefices in
the same hands. The Council of Trent,'
decrees that, whereas there are many
who, " deceiving not God but them-
selves," seek by fraud or collusion to hold
several benefices at once, no one for the
future, whatever his rank in the hier-
archy, shall be appointed to more than
one ecclesiastical Ijenefice, provided
always such benefice be sufficient for his
support. If it be not so, he may lawfully
hold another along with it, provided the
two be not inrimpntible. The incompati-
bility of benefices is a wide and intricate
subject ; for the purjKjse of this article it
is sufficient to say that one chief cause
of incompatibility is the eidstence of an
obligation to continuous personal resi-
dence in regard to both benefices, as in
the case of two bishoprics, two parishes,
two canonri'-s, &c.
Nothwithstanding what has been said,
the instances of Papal dispensations,
authorising' the same person to receive,
and even to hold, several benefices to-
gether, are undoubtedly numerous. This
is explained by Navarrus ' in the follow-
ing manner : — " If,"" he says, " his Holi-
ness grants to one holding several bene-
fices others in addition, it is not that he
has the intention of dispensing in con-
travention of the decree aforesaid, but
because he believe* that all the benefices
are necessary' for the suitable maintenance
of the petitioner, and that otherwise his
confessor will not give him absolution,
unless first he shall have resigned, or
have the firm intention of resigning, such
of the benefices as are not necessary for
his suitable maintenance. There are,
however, special cases, as to which canon-
ists are agreed that, if the good of the
Church so require, the Pope may grant a
dispensation for validly holding two or
more benefices, even though they are
per se incompatible."
Important decrees against plurality
were passed by the Third Council of
Lateran (1179), and also by the Fourth
Council C121o). (Ferraris, Beneficium,
art. vi.V
POZ.TGAIVI7. [See Maeeiige.]
PON'TIFZCA^. A book containing
the rites, some of which can be performed
by a bishop only, othei^ only by priests
specially empowered by the bishop. Such
1 Sees. xxiv. c. 17. De Bef.
• Ferraris, " Beneficinm," art. vi.
j books were compiled in the middle ages
I from the old Sacramentarieo and Ordines
I by bishops for their own use and that of
' their successors. Pontificals probably
S came into use during the eighth century,
i the earliest extant being that of Egbert,
archbishop of York from 732 to 7G6.
The copy in the National Library at
Paris seems to have been written in
Egbert's life-time.' Ordinarium was
another name for the Pontifical. It
occurs in the gloss on the " Clementina
Unica [of Clement ^^-l Jurejurando,''
and in a necrolog}- of Paris, both quoted
by Catalani. Zaccaria (" Biblioth. Rit.")
gives a list of MS. Pontificals of French
and German dioceses. According to Mr.
Maskell, there is an imperfect Bangor
Pontifical (thirteenth century) in the pos-
session of the dean and chapter, a perfect
Pontifical of the Sarum use, and an im-
perfect Pontifical from Winchester in
the Cambridge Library, three or four
imperfect Pontificals in the British Mu-
seum, an Exeter Pontifical (twelfth cen-
tury) in the cathedral there. It will be
seen how ver\- rare English MS. Ponti-
ficals are. Neither the Bodleian nor the
British Museum has one perfect copy.
MS. Pontificals were of course not multi-
plied like Missals or Breviaries.
The first printed edition of the Roman
Pontifical was edited by A. P. Piccolo-
mini, Episcopus Picentinus, in 1485.
Albertus Castellanus dedicated another
edition, in which, he says, he had made
many changes, to Leo X. It was revised
under Clement \TTI., again corrected
under Urban YIIL, and the bulls of these
Popes (1596 and 1644) require all bishops,
&c., strictly to conform to the Roman
Pontifical so revised. This must be un-
derstood of bishops belonging to the
Latin Church, for the Catholic Greeks,
Maronites, &c., have their own Ponti-
ficals, of which Zaccaria give* a list.
There is a learned commentary on the
Roman Pontifical in three volumes by
Catalani. This article has been compiled
from the Prolegomena to Catalani's
edition, from Zaccaria's " Bibliotheca
Ritualis," and from Maskell's " Monu-
menta Ritualia."
POOS CZ.AHES. This is the second
order of St. Francis, called the Povere
Donne, or, in French, Clarisses. Their
' So Mr. Soudamore (art. "Pontifical." in
Smith and Cheetham). But Mr. Maskell
{Mon. Bit. vol. i. p. 1.32) says the MS. was
written about the beginning of the tenth
centurj-.
726 POOR CLARES
POPE
founder was the virgin St. Clare, born at
Assisi, of which St. Francis also was a
native. When very young she heard of
the seraphic life led by St. Francis in his
little convent of the Portiuncula, and
aspired to imitate it. Against much
opposition she renounced the world, and
was received by St. Francis at the Porti-
uncula in 1212. Her sister Agnes soon
joined her; the church of St. Damian
was assigned to them ; and in a short
time she had no lack of followers.
Within eight years the order had si)read
into both France and Spain. The Cai-dinal
Ugolino, who was protector of the whole
order of St. Francis, placed St. Clare and
her nuns temporarily under the rule of
St. Benedict, adding some constitutions
of great austerity. Under these they ob-
served a perpetual fast, and on three days
of the week in Lent fasted on bread and
water ; they lay on boards ; their habit
was rough and of coarse material ; and
they could not speak to one another at
any time without the superior's leave.
In 1224 St. Francis gave a written rule
to St. Clare, which contained several
mitigatious of that which they had
hitherto observed ; they were now not to
fast on Christmas Day, nor ever on bread
and water ; moreover, the silence imposed
was contiued to certain hours of the day.
Like the friars, they were not to possess
any landed property. This rule was ap-
proved by Innocent IV. in 1246.
A Bohemian princess renounced the
world in 1234 in order to serve God in
this order, which by her means was pro-
pagated in Bohemia and in the German
countries adjoining it. St. Clare died in
the odour of sanctity in 1253. Various
modifications of the rule given by St.
Francis having found their way into
several convents. Cardinal Cajetan, with
the approbation of Urban IV., drew up in
1204 a rule, substantially agreemg with,
but somevehat mitigated from that given
by St, Francis, which was adopted by
the great majority of the daugliters of
St. Clare. Some, however, particularly
in Spain and Italy, preferred to follow
the unmitigated rule. The order was
thus divided into two branches, the larger
beinjr known by the name of Urbanists,
the latter bv that of Clarisses.
The reform of St. Colette (1436)
consisted in bringing back a number
of convents in France and Flanders to
the exact observance of the rule of St.
Francis.
The first monastery of Franciscan
nuns or Minoresses founded in England
(1293) was outside Aldgate, to the East
of London ; the house soon came to be
called " the Minories," a name which the
locality still retains. At the dissolution,
besides this house, there were two other
convents of Poor Clares, at Brusyard, in
Suffolk, and Denny, in Cambridgeshire.
The government and direction of the
order, being divided between a Cardinal
Protector and the superiors of the Fran-
ciscans, were for a long time a subject of
controversy and difficulty ; until, early in
the sixteenth century, Juhus II. placed
the Poor Clares entirely under the juris-
diction of the general and provincials of
the Friars Minors.
In the time of Helyot this order pos-
sessed 900 convents, with more than
2,500 religious. The French Revolution
swept most of their houses away ; but five
or six have been restored in France, and
a rather larger number exist in Austria.
In England there are seven convents,'
five of which (Baddesley, Bullingham,
Comwall Road, York and Levenshulme)
follow the reform of St. Colette ; in Ire-
land six, at Ballyjamesdufl', Galway,
Harold's Cross, near Dublin, Keady, near
Armagh, Kenmare, and Newry.
POOR IWETT OP X.TON-S. [See
Valdexses.j
POPE. The word (Tramrai 01 irdnas,
originally a childish word for father, Lat.
papa) was given at first as a title of re-
spect to ecclesiastics generally. Among
the Greeks at this day it is used of all
priests, and was used, as late at least as
the middle ages, of inferior clerics. In
the West it seems to have become veiy
early a special title of bishops. Thus the
Roman clergy (Cyprian, Ep. viii. 1) speak
of the Bishop of Carthage as "the blessed
Pope " (" Benedictum Papatem "). Even
as late as the sixth century the title of
Pope was sometimes given to metropo-
litans in the West, (See Uefele, " Concil."
iii. p. 20 seq.) Gradiuilly, however, the
title was limited to the Bishop of Rome,
and we find a synod of Pavia in 998
1 (Ilefele, iv. p. 653) rebuking an arch-
bishop of Milan for calling himself Pope.
Gregory VII., in a Roman Council of the
year 1073, formally prohibited the as-
sumption of the title by any other than
the Roman Bishop. It is of course in this
last and most restricted sense that we use
the word here. By the Pope we mean
1 Baddesley dienr VVarwick), Bullingham
(near Hereford), Darlington, l.evenshulme,
York, Arundel, London (Comwall Road).
POPE
POPE
727
the Bishop of Rome, who is, accordijig
to Catholic doctrine, the successor of
St. Peier, aud as such the vicar of Christ,
the visible head of the Church, the doctor
aud teacher of all the faithlul. We pro-
pose to give some accoxmt (1) of the
place St. Peter occupies in Scripture ;
(2) of the position of the Pope in the Ante-
Nicene age ; (3) of tlijj testimonies of
later Fathys and councils ; (4) to sketch
the position of the Pope in the Church of
the present time. Obviously, in a subject
so vast we cannot do more than direct
attention to the chief points.
(1) The Position of Peter in the Xeiv
Testament. — Peter was first brought to
Christ by his brother Andrew. " And
Jesus, looking at him, said. Thou art
Simon [i.e. "hearer"], the son of John
riaxivov is the reading best supported],
thou shalt be called Cephas," which is
interpreted Peter — i.e. stone or rock.
The three synoptic evangelists agree in
putting Peter's name first in the list of
the Apostles, and all note the change
of his name from Simon to Peter (•• He
confeiTed on Simon the name of Peter,"
Mark iii. 16 ; " Simon, whom also He
named Peter," Luke vi. 14 ; "first Simon,
who is called Peter," Matt. x. 2), and
later the reason for the cl.aiige of name
appeared. The change of name in itself
must have been strange and significant in
the ears of a pious Jew. He could
scarcely fail to remember the depth of
meaning which had lain in the change
of Abram's name to Abraham, or how
Jacob had won the glorious name of
Israel, which was the pride and the joy
of his descendants. And besides, " Rock " '
was one of the most familiar names for
that God who was at once the strength
of His people, their impregnable fortress
and refuge, their shelter in the noon-day
heat of persecution. Christ Himself ex-
plained the reason for which He had
changed Simon's name to Peter. Hitherto
He iiad been the visible head of that
society which He had gathered roimd
1 '• Rock " ("ViX) constantly used as a
title of God (see, e.g., Deut. xxxii. 4, •' The
rock — perfect is his work " : 1 Sam. ii. 2 ; Isa.
XXX. 29 ; Ps. xviii. 32 (and so v^d). Once
only is God called a "stone" (j^S)— ^iz- in
Gen. xlix. 24, "the shepherd, the stone of
Israel." But probably we should point, with
Ew.-ikl. Dillroan, and others, njTl " the shep-
herd of the stone of Israel," with reference to
Gen. xxviii. 18 seq.; xxxv. 14, &c. Keil,
Kalisch, &c., maintain the Masoretic reading.
Him and He needed no vicar. But soon
His disciples were to see Him on earth
no more, and He promised to provide His
visible Church, after He had gone to
Heaven, with a visible head. Peter had
confessed that his Master was "the
Christ the Son of the living God." Christ
accepted aud rewarded this confession,
which sprang from divine faith. Peter
had .<aid Christ was the Son of God,
" And I,"" Christ replied, " say to thee
that thou art Peter [or rock],' and on
this rock I will build my Church, and
the gates of Hades sha'll not prevail
against it. And I will give to thee the
keys uf the kingdom of heaven, and
whatsoever thou sli;ilt bind on earth will
be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou
shalt loose on earth wiU be loosed in
heaven " (Matt. xvi. 18-19).
Four promises to Peter "of power
and pre-eminence in the Church" are con-
tained in these words. In a sense all the
Apostles became the foimdation-stoues of
Chrisfs Church (Ephes. ii. 19, 20 ; Apoc.
xsi. 14). But Peter was to be its cliief
foundation-stone. He is not to derive his
strength from the Church; but, on the
contrary, Peter is to draw his strength
from Christ, and the Church from Peter.
Xext, the Church built on Peter cannot
fail. The gates of the invisible world,
1 It has often been ursred that Peter does
not mean " rock," bat '• stone." wirpa bciiiir the
word for "rock." Sound schoUrship will nut
support this distinction or the inference drawn
from it. Chri~t calls Simon nirpos. not irerpo,
simply because werpo could nor stand as a man's
name. This is fully admitted by Mevf-r, one of
the most eminent X.T. scholars — perhaps the most
eminent who has appeared in our nwn time.
He quotes, to .■'how how commonly xerpos cccurs
in the classics with the meanini:"'- rock," Plato,
Ax. p. .S71 ; Soph. PhU. 272 ; 0. C. 19, 1591 ;
Pind. Kem. iv. 46, x. 126. Christ," be says,
•• declares Peter a rock because of his stronjj
faith in Him " ; and again, "The evasion ofteu
taken advanta_e of iii controversy w^itTi Koiiie
— viz. that the 'rock' means, not Peter himself,
but the firm faith and the confession of it on
the part of the Apostle — is incorrect, since the
demonstrative expression, 'on this rock,' can
only mean the A| ostle himself." We may add
that Cephas ({<3'2) 's a common word in
the Chaldee Targuuis for "rock" — e.g. "in the
shadow of the rock " (Tarfr. on Isa. xxxii. 2.
Oihc r insiances in Levy, Chaidai^ches fi'drter-
biich). In the Syriac form it occurs very fre-
quentlv in the Peshito, where it mean-", (1)
••rock"; (2) "stone"; (3) " Peter." Thus,
in the text before us (Matt,' xvi. 18) we have
the very same word for IlfTpos and ireTpa:
"Thou art Cephas and on this Cephas
I will budd my Church."
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strong as they are, will not enclose and
so prevail against the Church ; nay, they
themselves will at last be broken and will
give up their dt>ad : but the Church built
on Peter will endure till death is " swal-
lowed up in victory " (1 Cor. xv. 54),
and even then the Church will not cease
to be ; only the Church which fights and
struggles here will be changed into the
Church which triumphs and reigns in
heaven. Thirdly, while the Church lasts,
Peter (and his successors) will hold its
ieys. Christ, who has the " key of the
house of David," Christ, who opens and no
man shuts, shuts and no man opens, con-
tinues to be the Master of the house ; but
Peter is the steward to whom the keys
are committed. He admits to and ex-
cludes from the Chm-ch in his Master's
nauie. In other words, he is the centre of
the Church's unity. All, from the great
Apostle of the Gentiles down to the most
obscure of the Church's children, hold
their place and exercise their functions in
subordination to Peter. Fourthly, what
he binds and looses on earth is bound and
loosed in heaven — i.e. he is the ultimate
earthly judge of what is lawful and un-
lawful. He is to lay down the laws and
conditions on which communion with the
Church and participation in its privileges
depend, and the decisions of his tribunal
here will be ratified in the heavenly
court.'
Once more before His Passion Christ
made a promise to Peter which brought
the strength he was to have for his future
office, and by virtue of Christ's help, into
.sharp contrast with his sin and frailty as
a man. He was to deny his Master three
times, but this denial was not to involve
the loss of faith or to deprive him of his
supernatural strength as the future rock
of the Church. " Satan has sought for
you [plural — i.e. tho Apostles] to sift you
as wheat, but I Iiavc jirayeil for tliee
[.singular — i.e. for Peter] that thy faith
may not fail, and thou, being once con-
verted [when thou hast once turned to
Me], strengthen thy brethren " (Lidve
xxii. 31, o2). No intelligent reader cah
fail to notice the significant change of
number here. Temptation is common to
> Usually, "binding" .and "lonsini;" nip
taken to mean " retaining " and " romidinu
sins. But •' bind " and "loose '■ wen- tin- te ch-
nical words with the Rabbis (see "I^Hn
in Buxtorf, Lex. C/iald. et Rabb.) for "proliil)!-
tion and permission '' ; and it is very bard to
see how Christ's words could have conveyed
«ny other sense to His hearers.
Peter with the other Apostles. Satan
has " asked for " them all, that he may
sift them by temptation and separate
them like chalF from the wheat. But it
is for Peter specially that Christ prays,
because on him, the man of rock, on him
and him alone, the faith of the Church
depends. It is his peculiar office to
strengthen his brethren Even so deter-
mined a Protestant as Bengel admits that
" this whole speech of our Lord presup-
poses that Peter is the first of the Apo-
stles, on whose stability or fall the less or
greater danger of the others depended
(quo stante aid cadente cateri aiit yrmius
aid magis periclitarentur).'"
After the resurrection Christ graciously
allowed St. Peter to atone for his threefold
denial by a threefold declaration of love,
and again, under a new metaphor, Christ
committed to him the fulness of jurisdic-
tion. Christ was, and ever is, the Good
Shepherd, but in a few days His visible
presence was to he withdrawn, and on earth
Peter was to he chief shepherd of Christ's
iiock. "Feed My lambs." "Be the shep-
herd of My sheep" (perhaps "little sliee]),"
TTpo^iaTui). " Feed My sheep " (perhaps
Trpol^aTia again). The Church w.is still
Christ's tiock (" my lambs," " my sheep "),
but Peter is entrusted by Christ with the
office of feeding both the old and the little
ones of the flock. The duty of ieeding
the young and " the watchful care and
rule over maturer Christians" (Westcntt,
ad loc.) are alike laid upon him. The
gift of the Holy Ghost, the power of
remitting and retaining sins, are bestowed
on the other Apostles as well as upon St.
Peter. But Peter alone receives the keys
of the Church; he alone is the reck on
which the Church is built ; on the faith
of him alone the faith even of the other
Apostles depends ; he alone is made the
shepherd of the whole flock.
This primacy of Peter after Christ's
a.scension clearly manifests itself even m
the scanty records of the New Testament,
though it must not be forgotten that the
personal inspiration of the other Apostles
and the fact that they were free to extend
their missionaij conquests throughout the
earth made their relation to Peter very
different from that between the Pope and
bisliops of later times, who have no gift of
inspiration and whose jurisdiction is con-
fined to the limits of a particular diocese.
Still, as has been said, the subordination
of the other Apostles to Peter does evi-
dently appear. At his instigation stp])?
were "taken to fill up the vacancy in the
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Apostolic collef^e, and he laid down the
rules of the election. " The punishment of
Ananias and Sapphira, the anathema on
Simon Magus, the first heretic, the first
visiting and coiitirming the churches suf-
fering under persecution, were all his acts.
If he was sent with St. John by the
Apostolic College to the new converts at
Samaria, he was himself member and
president of that college. So the Jews
sent their high-priest Ismael to Nero : and
St. Ignatius (' Philad.' 10) says that the
neiglilinuriiifi- churches in Asia had sent,
sometlieir bishops, some their priests and
deacons (DoUinger, " First Age of the
Church "). He was indeed the Apostle
of the Circumcision, in this following
Christ, who had said, " I am not sent but
unto the lost sheep of the house of
Israel" (Matt. xv. 24), while St. Paul
was the Apostle of the Gentiles (Gal. ii.
7). This, however, involved no more
than a division of labour, and in no way
derogated from St. Peter's position as
chief of the Apostles and head of the
whole Church. On the contrary, it was
St. Peter who was taught by revelation
"to call no man common or unclean,"
and who first publicly and solemnly
opened the gates of the Church to the
Gentiles by the baptism of Cornelius
(Acts X.). St. Paul did not enter upon
his peculiar oflice of preaching to the
Gentiles till after his fifteen days' con-
ference with St. Peter (Gal. i. 16), and
this though he constantly insists on the
fact that his doctrine and Apostolic
authority came to him direct from heaven.
About A.D. 51 an Apostolic council was
held at Jerusalem to decide the contro-
versy with the Judai.'^ers. " Certain men
coming down [to Antioch] from Judaea
kept teaching the brethren, ' Unless ye
are circumcised accordijig to the custom
of Moses, ye cannot be saved.'" It is
often alleged that St. James's position in
the assembly is quite inconsistent with
St. Peter's primacy. The very contrary
seems to be the case. No doubt St.
James says (Acts xv. 19), "I judge " — i.e.
" I give a decision for myself and my
brother Apostles." But we cannot under-
stand the history till we observe that
there were two questions before the
council : one a question of doctrine — viz.
Is circumcision necessary for salvation P
and then a question of expediency —
"What disciplinary decree will be most
likely to promote peace between Jewish
and Gfc utile converts? On the former
question St. Peter pronounces authori-
tatively. He is the first to speak. He
tells the assembly that God had ordained
that the Gentiles should hear the Gospel
" through my mouth," that God had
" puiified their hearts by faith," that He
had made no difl'erence between Jew and
Gentile, that both were to be saved by
the gi-ace of Christ. Thereupon "the
whole multitude was silent," and heard
Paul and Barnabas recount their mission-
ary experience (v. 12). St. James refers
to and accepts St. Peter's doctrinal deci-
sion (v. 14), and proceeds to give his own
judgment on the practical rules to be
laid down — viz. abstinence from things
offered to idols, things strangled, blood,
&c. It was natural, on Catholic prin-
ciples, that St. Peter should pronounce
the doctrinal decision ; it was also natural
and fitting, in the circumstances, that
St. James should give his judgment on
the practical rules, for St. Peter and St.
Paul were both parties in the dispute,
already committed to the cause of freedom
and spirituality; while, on the other
hand, St. James, the head of the chief
Jewish church, was just the man likely
to conciliate the Pharisaic party. Further,
in a famous passage (Gal. ii. 11), St. Paul
says of himself that he " withstood Peter
to the face, because he was condemned "
{KaTcyvcoafjievns — i.e. " his conduct carried
its own condemnation with it," Lightfoot,
ad loc). But there was no question of
error in faith. St. Peter, when he went
to Antioch, withdrew from eating with
the Gentile converts and acted against
the principles of Gospel liberty he had
maintained at Jerusalem shortly before.
This proves, no doubt, that St. Peter was
capable of error in judgment and of
vacillation. It is no argument against
his primacy, nor does it show that he
could teach the Church false doctrine, or
cease to be the rock on which its faith is
built. In short, the Gospels in plain and
unmistakeable terms recount tlie divine
institution of the Petrine primacy. There
is nothing to contradict and something
to confirm the Gospel view of Peter's
primacy in the Apostolic rex;ords, and the
natural exposition of Christ's words
remains in its rights.
(2) T/ic Pope in the Antc-Nicene Age.
— It is the constant tradition of the
earliest Christian writers that Peter held
the first place among the Apustles. Ter-
tullian ("Pr.iBScr." l'l' : " .Monog." 8)
asserts that Peter is the rock on which
the Church was built, and, again, that
Christ left the keys to him and " through
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liini to the Church" (" Scorp." 10), which
last words exactly tally -with the Catholic
doctrine that Peter is the fountain-head
of all spiritual rule and jurisdiction.
Clement of Alexandria (" Qiiis Dives," c.
xxi. p. 947) speaks of Peter as " the elect,
the chosen one, the first of the disciples."
Origen dcclavt-s that Peter was "the
great fMni<latirm of tlie Church, tlie most
solid rock oTi ^v'.iich Christ founded" it.
that lie was -'tli.' prince of the Apo.-tU s "
(" In Kxod." Hoin. v.; "In Luc."' Horn,
xvii.).' It is impossible to give in full
all or nearly all the passages in yt.
Cyprian which express his belief in St.
Peters primacy, for he is never weary of
asserting it. \\e may quote, however,
the following words : " Peter, on wlioni
the Church had been built" (Ep. lix. 7) :
" One Church founded on Peter " (Ep.
Ixs. 3); "P.-ter, to whom the Lord >'n-
trusted tlie feeding and the care of ilU
sheep, on whom He set and founded His
Church" ("De Habit. Yirg.' lO); "One
is the Church and founded on one, who
also received its keys" (Ep. Ixxiii. 11);
"Peter, on whom lie built His Church
and from whom He instituted and showfd
the origin of unity" (Ep. Ixxiii. 7).
C\'prian has been sometimes understood
to" mean that St. Peter received hispower
as the representative of all ; that he
merely stood for the Apostles, who were
all one in dignity and jurisdiction, liut
the words in-t cit.^d l;o far Ijcyond tliis.
Christ, aciordiii- to Cyprian,' did not
men ly jhow tbo unity ly giving the keys
to Peter alone, but He '■ in.-tituted " the
unity of tbe Cliurcb from Peter — i.e. He
made the Cliurcli one by giving it one
visible head. We may also refer to Ep.
Ixvi. 8; "Ad Fortunat." II; Ep. xhii.
5. It is true that in one of his letters
(Ep. Ixxi. 3) Cyprian argues that the
controversy on tbe validity of heretical
baptism mu>t li. docided "by reason, not
custom," and urgo< that even Peter,
" whom the Lord chose as the first [qiiem
primum elegit; Peter, of course, was not
cliosen first in order of time], and on
whom He built His Church, when after-
wards Paul disputed with him about the
circumcision, made no arrogant claim or
insolent assumption, so as to say that he
held the primacy and that those who
were new and had come later sliould
rather give way to him; nor did he
' For the passages in which Origen seems,
but only seems, to hold a contrary view on the
title " rock," see the note of Huetius on Origen,
"In Matt." torn. 12.
despise Paul hecause he had been pre-
viously a persecutor of the Church, but
he admitted the counsel of truth and
easily agreed to the good reason which
Paid asserted." But St. Cyprian here
is not denying St. Peter's ]iriinacy; on
the contrary, he implies his Ix lief "in it.
AVliat lie says is that 8t. Peter did not
a^M'rt liis authority on tliat occasion, and
-inijile statement of fact v.-.)uld be
accipdd by all. Cyprians worlis (" Sen-
tent. I->pisc." 17) supply us with anotlier
t> stimony from one of his contemporaries
and fclli'W-bisliops to the general belief
that Christ "built the Church on Peter."
\\'r conclude with anotlier illustration,
which has an intert'^t of its own. The-
'• Homilies" I'al-ely ascribed to Clement
of liome betriy their .Judaising and here-
tical cliaracter in tliis anion^^ otlier ways,
tliat tliev exalt the dignitv of St. James,,
'•the bi'^li.ip of l,i-liop~," and of the
.Motlier Chureli of Jerusalem. Yet even
there we find St. Peter called " tlie foun-
dation of the Church " (p. 10, ed. Ures.-el :
p. 6, ed. Lagarde), " the firm rock which
is the fouiulation of the Church" (Ilom.
xvii. 19; >ee also viii. 5).
St. Peter's connection with the Roman
Cliurcli a- its tVuuider is proved by his-
torical e\ i.lence which camiot be set
a>iili-, except liy an extreme scepticism
wliieh would Serve ei^nally to undermine
tlie hijtoiical cliaracter of tlie New
Testamc>nt. The >.'e\v Testament itself is
silent about St. Peter's pre-enee at L'ome,
except that St. Peter, in his first Epistle,
sends greetings from tlie Church in i!aby-
lon (1 Pet. V. 13), which all ancient
writers, with, so far as we know, only
one late and insignificant exception (that
of Cosnias Indicopleii^tes), understand to
mean Rome. .Many internal arguments
from the N. T., aldy stated by Dollinger
(" First Age of the Church," p. 07 seq.),
support this view. But, apart from this,
we have abundant evidence from the
earliest ages and from every quarter of
tlie globe. Dionysius, bishop of Corinth
(about 170), in a letter to the Roman
Christians (apud Euseb. " H. E." ii. 2o),
mentions the fact that both theCoriiitliian
and Roman Churches were " planted " by
Peter and Paul (rrjv an 'o Xlirpov Ka\ TlavKov
<pvT(lav), and that both died as martyrs
there at the same time. About I'yO,
Irenceus, bishop of Lyons, the disciple of
St. Polycarp, who was the disciple of St.
John, speaks (" Adv. Haer." iii. 3) of the
Roman Church as " greatest, most an-
cient, known to all, founded and const i-
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tuted by the most glorious Apostles Peter
and Paul." " Having founded and built
the Church [of Rome], the blessed
Apostles entrusted to Linus the admini-
stration of the episcopacy." Caius, a
Roman presbyter under Zephyrinus
{200-218), says : " I can point out the
trophies of the Apostles. For if you
■will go to the Vatican or to the O.stian
road, you will lind the trophies of those
■«-ho founded this Church " (Euseb. " H.
E." ii. 25). A little later, the African
Tertullian tells us (" Adv. Marc." iv. 5)
that Peter and Paul left to the Romans
*' the gospel sealed with their blood " ;
that Clement, bishop of Rome, was or-
dained by Peter ("Praescr." 32) ; that at
Rome Peter suffered like his Master
(" Prse.scr." 36). This early evidence
from Greece, Gaul, Africa, and Rome
itself is so certain and so sufficient that
we do not care to dwell on evidence
which is merely probable. The language
of St. Ignatius, the disciple of St. John
("Rom." 4), as Bishop Lightfoot justly
remarks (in his edition of Clem. Rom.
p. 40), " seems to imply that they [Peter
and Paul] had both preached in Rome,"
and the preaching and death of the two
Apiistles there appear to have been the
subject of a very early work, " The Acts
of Peter and Paul" (see Hilgenfeld, "Xov.
Test, extra Canonem Reccpt." fascic. iv.
p. fi8). Against this uniform tradition
nothing can be advanced on the other
side. It was this connection of Peter
with Rome which made "the Chair of
Peter " an accepted name for the Roman
see. Thus Cyprian (Ep. lix. 14) uses the
following words of persons who had been
concerned in the schism of Felicissimus
and had gone to Rome : " They dare to
sail to the see of Peter and to the chief
church [ad ecclesiam principnlein], from
which the unity of bishops [unifas sacer-
d'jtalis] has arisen." The early Church
thus believed in the primacy of Peter,
and also held that the Roman Church is
" the Chair of Peter."
Nor is direct testimony to the autho-
rity and supremacy of the Roman Church
wanting. At the very beginning of
patristic literature Igiuitius describes the
Roman Church as " presiding in the place
of the region of the Romans," and again,
as the Church " which presides over
charity " (" Rom." ad init.). Hefele, in his
edition of the " Apostolic Fathers," takes
this latter phrase to mean a presidence
over " the whole congregation of Chris-
tians/'who are bound together by charity.
I and this interpretation is defended at
length byHagemann("R6mischeKirche,"
p. 681 seq.). In any case the primacy
of Rome over the Christian world is
j acknowledged, for had Ignatius meant to
confine the primacy of tlip Roman Church
' to Rome itself, the a?>i>rtinii would have
come to this, that the Homan Church pre-
sided over itself, which has no meaning.
" Presides " {Trp<iKd6riTai) is the very word
which St. Ignatius uses {e.ff. " Magnes."6)
to describe the authority of the bishop in
his own dioce.?e : and this acknowledgment
is all the more important because it comes
from one who was himself bishop of
Antioch, which also could boast of its
connection with St. Peter. Tertullian
makes communion with the Apostolic
Churches — i.e. the Churches founded
by Apostles — the test of Catholic unity
(" Prpescr." 21 ef jia.-si'n) ; but Rome alone
he calL " the happv Church, into which
the .\postles ])our'^il all their doctrine
with their blood " (" Prrescr." 36). The
words Tertullian wrote after his lapse
into Montani.'it heresy disclose still more
plainly the power claimed by the Pope in
his day. For he ridicules the " peremp-
tory edict " of Zephyrinus the Roman
bishop and his pretence to speak as
" bishop of bishops." " I waut to know,"
he exclaims, " how you usurp this au-
thority for the Church."' And at once
he answers his own question by supposing
that the Pope does so on the strength of
the words, " On this rock I will build
my Church," " To thee have I given the
keys of the kingdom of heaven," '■' What-
soever thou shalt bind or loose on earth,
will be bound or loosed in heaven."
(TertuU. " De Pudic." 21.) But the most
important testimony to the authority of
Rome in the first aces of the Church is
that of Irenseus. He wrote the third
book of his work against heresies, in
which the words which we are about
to quote occur, between 184 and 192.-
' /.e. for the Roman Chuixh. because tbunded
by Peter. " Idcirco praesumis et ad te derivasse
solveiiili et alliRaiidi potestateni, id est ad
oninem ecclesiam Petri (jrojiinquani."
- Iniii. 21 he mentions Theodotion's version
of the O. T., which was not ))ublished before
180 (.see Fiehi. Ihxapl. Urig. toiu. i. p. 38);
and in iii. o he .^i.caUs of Kli-uihcru^ (177-l!)u.
accordini; lo .laO'e. Reijisl. Poni,/.) a< actual
bislio]) <if Kome. With tln' cxci ption cil a few
frapments, the work of Ircna u^; only remains
in a Latin version. Massuet (Diss. ii. § 53),
Lachmann (N.T. Griece et Latine, Praef. p. x.),
and Westcott (-V. T. Canim, p. 280) consider
that the version was known to Tertullian, and
therefore nearly contemporaneous mth the
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But lie " is rightly included in what may
be called the Apostolic family" (New-
man, " Tracts Theoloirical and Ecclesias-
tical," p. '200), for he was the disciple
of St. Polvcarp (Iren. ad Florin, apud
Euseb. "H. E." v. 20), who was the
disciple of St. John. He had singular
opportunities of knowing: the mind of the
Church throughout the world, for he was
brought up in Asia Miuor, he was bishop
of Lyons, and twice at least he atme into
intimate relations with Rome. Irenreus
then appeals ("Adv. Hasr." iii. 3), in
attacking Gnostic error, to the Apostles.
They, he insists, had perfect knowledge,
and delivered the truth in its fulness to
the Church. He points out that differ-
ent churches are able to trace back
the succession of their bishops to the
Apostles, and, since it would be tedious
to enumerate all these churches, he has
recourse to the Church of Rome, founded
by '• two most glrrious Apostles. Peter
and Paul."' "Pointing to the tradition
which this Church has received from
the Apa'itles, to that faith which has
been annoauced to the whole world, and
which has come even to us by the succes-
sion of bishops," we confoimd all who
err from the right way. " For with this
Church, because of its more powerful
principality,' every church must agree —
that is, the faithful everywhere'- — in
which ' [t.e. in communion with the
Greek. M.issuet's conclusion was contested bv
Sab;Uier {Vetus Italica. Praf. n. 93) and the
Benedictine aiitiiors the Hisioire Litteraire tie
la t rance, vol. i. " S. Ire'nee," § 2. In any case,
the fidelity of the Latin is admitted on aU
hands. The Syriac Fr.i^icents published by
Harvey in 1857 would prove this, " if a doubt-
ful cause needed support" (Harvey's Irenceua.
vol. ii. p. 431).
' •• Principalit.TS " can only me&n '' princi-
pality ■' or •* supremacy." It occurs : iv. 38,
"God holds the principality;" ii. 30. God ''is
above everi- principality and domination." In
eight other places it is used of the sapreme
God of the Gnostics. So. i. 26, 1, •• the princi-
pality which is above all," "the principality
which is above everj-thing." It is used — as we
know from the Frairments of the original Greek
preserved in Philnsnphum. x. 21 ; Theodr^ret,
Uceret. Fab. i. 15 — to translate cdjQtvrla, "au-
thority" or "supremacy."
- •■ Undique '" = '• ubique," as Thiersch and
Stieren admit. Cf. iii. 21, 1, " Praedicationem ec-
clesix undique constantem," with i. 10, 2, " Pra-
dicatio veritatis ubique lucet."
^ "In qua," "in which" — ijt. "in union
with which," or " in the unity of which." Cf.
"Salurem in eo dedit" (iii. 12. 4); •' Qucd
perdideramus in Adam" (iii. 18, 1) ; and "In
qua una cathedra [sc. Petri] unitas ab omnibus
servaretnr " (Optat, Schism. Don. ii. 2).
Roman Church] the tradition of the
Apostles has ever been preserved by those
on every side." Then he enumerates the
series of Popes, beginning with Linus.
According to St. Irenseus the faithful all
over the world must agree with the
teaching of the Roman see, in which the
tradition of the whole Church is virtually
contained. This assent is due because
Rome has the "more powerful princi-
pahty," and this principality rests on the
I Apostolic dignity of the Roman Chui'ch,
as the whole context shows. "VMien
Irenaeus wrote general coimcils had not
[ been dreamt of. It was from the Apostles,
I not from them, that the Roman Church
! derived her supreme power. Xor, again,
i does Rome depend upon the assent of the
I faithful ; on the contrary, it is the faith-
ful all over the world who are bound to
I agree with her. This passage has been'
the crux of Pi-otestant theologians. For
I two centtiries and more they have been
devising a variety of interpretations, no
one of which has foimd general acceptance
even among themselves. In the last
Protestant book on St. Irerueus with
which we are acquainted, the writer
admits that the saint, "passing, as it were
in prophecy, beyond himself, anticipates
the Papal Church of the futtire," that he
I marks out Rome " as the chief seat of
Apostolic tradition, as the centre which
j sustains and unites the whole Church."
(Ziegler, " Irenaus," 1871, p. 15].)'
I TVe cannot expect many instances of
the exercise of Papal power at this time,
i Time was needed to develop the principles
I contained in the Apostohc tradition on
I "the Chair of Peter," and, besides, the
hand of the persecutor was heavy on the
Church. Still, indications of Roman
supremacy are not wanting in the facts
of early history. " The heretic Marcion,
excommunicated in Pontus, betakes him-
self to Rome." "The Montanists from
Phrygia come to Rome to gain the coun-
tenance of its bishops ; Praxeas from
Asia attempts the like." " St. Victor,
bishop of Rome, threatens to excommuni-
cate the Asian churches." " St. Stephen
refuses to receive St. Cyprian's deputa-
tion, and separates himself from various
• The interpretation given in the text is that
of the Gallicans Natalis Alexander, Bossuet,
Massuet, and CeiUier ; also of Dollinger,
Church History. Ensrl. Transl. i. p. 2.=i6. and
Friedrich. Kirchengesctiichte Veutschlaiuis. i. p.
409. Interpretati< lus mutually destructive «-iil be
found in Salmasius, De Primatii, p. 65 ; Grabe,
ad loc. ; Xeander, i. p. 259 ; Gieseler, i. p. 175.
POPE
POPE
cLurches of the East ; Forttmatua and |
Felix, deposed by Cyprian, have recourse
to RoQie: Basilides. deposed in Spain,
betakes himself to Rome." " The pres-
byters of St. Dionysius, bishop of Alex-
andria, complain of his doctrine to St.
Dionysius ot Rome ; the latter expostu-
lates with him and he explains." (New-
man, ''Development," p. 157 $eq.) Xo
doubt the early Fathers spoke and acted
at times in a manner inconsistent with
their own utterances elsewhere on Roman
authority. This was pert'ectly natural,
seeing that they had indeed the tradition
of the Church, but not formal definitions
or even a developed theolotrical system to |
guide them. It would of course be a :
monstrous anachronism were we to at- i
tribute a belief in Papal infalhbility to
Ante-Xicene Fathers. Our contention
simply is that the modem doctrine on
Papal power is the logical outcome of
patristic principles. It is another and a
very different thing to say that the early
Fathers themselves saw all this, and •
they were of course furthest from seeing
it when they were irritated by an un-
wonted interference on the part of Rome
or opposed to Rome in theological contro- j
Tersy. And it deserves to be carefully I
remembered that there is no counter-
the<jry to be found in the Fathers of the
Antc-Nicene age. The external imity of
the Church is their constant theme. But
if the see of Peter was not the centre of
unity, then what was ? It" two bishops
anathematised and refused to communi-
cate with each other, how were the faith-
ful to know which of the two was in the ,
unity of the Church ? If we do not take
the chair of Peter as the centre of unity,
then the Ante-Xicene Fathers supply no
answer to the question. They never
mention general councils or appeal to a
majority of the bishops throughout the
world. Yet, if each bishop i* to be
independent and subject to God alone,
we should have a thousand Popes instead
of one, and the unity of the Chirrch
would be shattered into pieces.' Oiir
opponents may complain that the early
Fathers do not speak fully enough on the
authority of Rome, that their acts and
dicta are occasionally inconsistent with
Koman claims. They cannot say with any
show of reason that' the drift of patristic
' Cyprian, indeed, does, in the stress of con-
troversy, commit himself to a theory of absolute
episcopal independence (Ep. h-. il). But he
ffistinctly eonrr idiots hiiii?elf even in the same
Epistle (Iv. 24) and Lsiv. 1, lis. 9.
teaching tends to any definite theorj- of
church unity, other than that of the
Catholic Roman Church.
( 3) The Fathers of the Fourth and
Fifth Centuries. — Here the difficulty lies,
not in finding proof; that Papal supremacy-
was asserted and recognised , but in select-
ing typical instances from the mass of
evidence, ''ilore ample testimony,'' says
Cardinal Xewman, " for the Papal supre-
macy, as now professed by R(5ni;vn
Catholics, is scarcely necessary than what
is contained " in a series of passages
which he quotes. Development," p.
14S seq.) "The simple question is whether
the clear light of the fourth and fifth
centuries may be fairly taken to interpret
to us the dim, thouiih definite, outlines
traced in the preceding " — i.e. the Ante-
Xicene age. The following are among
the most striking passages in which the
Fathers maintain not only that the Pope
holds a supremacy of jurisdiction by
divine right, but also that communion
with him is the necessary condition of
Catholic unity.
Optatus, Hb. ii. c. 2, 3 : " You cannot
deny that you know that in the city of
Rome the episcopal chair was bestowed
on Peter first, in which Peter, head of
all the Apostles, sat, in which one chair
unity was to be preserved {servan'tur) by
all, that the rest of the Apostles might
not maintain each his own chair, that he
might be at once a schismatic and a sinner
who against the chair which stands by
itself ( nnip.dcn-em cat.hedram) set another."
He then enumerates the Popes from Peter
down to Siricius, the Pope of his own
day. The Council of Aquileia, in which
St. Ambrose took a chief part, begs in a
letter to the Emperor Gratian that he
will " not permit the Roman Church, the
head of the whole Roman world and that
sacred faith of the Apostles, to be dis-
turbed, because from it the rights of
venerable admonition flow forth for aU."
(ilansi, '-ConciL'' tom. iii. col. 622.) St.
Ambrose tells us (" De Excidio Satyri," i.
47) that his brother, in places where the
schism of Lucifer prevailed, it he doubted
the orthodoxy of a bishop, asked him,
" if he communicated with the Catholic
bishops, that is, with the Riiman Church."
St. Jerome (Ep. 15) addresses these
words to Pope Damasus : •• Following'
none but Christ, I am associated in com-
muni'^n with your Holiness — that is,
with the chair of Peter. On that r^tck I
know the Church was built. Whosoever
eateth the lamb out of this house is pro-
734
POPE
POPE
fane. If anyone is not in the ark of
Noe lie will perisli when the floods pre-
vail. . . . I liiunv not Viliilis ; I willluive
none of .Melctuis; l';iuliiiu> is .-tr;ni<:e to
lue, Who.-'O liathi'i'i'th nut with you
scattereth : that is, he who is not on
Christ's side is with Antichrist." " Couie,
uiy brethren,'" says St. Augustine to the
Donatists ('' Ps. contr. Don.'"), " if you
wish to he grafted in the vine. . . .
lleckon up tlie bishops even from the
very see of Peter. . . . That is the rock
which the hauglity gates of hell do not
overconie."' In 416 a council of sixty-
eight bishops at Carthage, and of fifty-
nine at Mileve in isumidia, condemned
Pelagius, whose doctrine had been anathe-
matised five years before in another coun-
cil at Carthage. Kach of the two last
councils sent letters to Pope Innocent,
begging that A])Ostolic authority might be
given to their decrees. (" Ep. ( 'oncil. Car-
thag. ' Galland. Epp. Innoc. '2G.) Another
letter was sent to the Pope by Augustine
and four other bishops, in which they tell
him what had been done against Pelagian-
ism. All these letters are full of defer-
ence to the Apostolic See, and the Eishops
of the Council at Mileve tell tlie l'..]!,"
that heretics were more likely to yield to
his authority, which was derived front
the authority of Holy Scripture" ("aiic-
toritati tuffi ex scrijittiraruiu sacrariun
auctoritate (lc]>roni]it le,"' (Jalland. I'j).
Innocent ri'])lied, commending them I'm-
following the .,ld rule which presciibrd
that answers should come to all the
provinces from the Apostolic fount.
Before Rome sjioke, but after the pro-
vincial councils, St. Augustine (Ep. 178)
admits that '■ ri'lngi.inism was not yet
fully excliiiliMl from the (^liurch " After
the council- li.id liren cMuiliriuei! by IJimie,
after the rcMTipt r:inir, ln' ilioughl ihat
by the letters of liniorent " the Axhole
doubt had been reniM\, .!" (•■ Contr. Ep.
Pelag." ii. 3). Pelagms hiinM.df had pro-
mised "to condemn all which that see
[the Roman see] had condemned"
(August. " De Peccat. Orig." 7). We
need not dwell on the claims made by
the Popes themselves. " The canons
themselves have decided," says Pope
Gelasius (492-6) writing to "Eaustus,
" that no one whosoever shall appeal
from this see, and so provide that it sliall
judge the whole Church and itseli' Ije
juilged by none. . . Timothy of Ali xan-
dria, I'eter of Antioch, Peter, Paul. .Joliji,
not one, but many, bearing the episcopal
name, by the autliority of the Apostolic
see alone, were cast down. . . .Therefore,
we are in no fear lest the Apostolic
judgment be reversed, to whieli tin- Miice
lit' ( 'liri>t, tradition, and ;h'- eannn- have
given t he decision of coutrii\ t^-isN tlirough-
out the whole Church.'" (Mansi, Cuncil."
tom. viii. 16 seq.) At an earlier date —
viz. in the year 422 — Pope Boniface had
spoken of the Roman see as that " from
which, if any divide him.self, he becomes
an outcast from the religion of Christ "
i^Galland. E])p. Bonifac. 14).
It may be objected that all this is
"Western evidence. But testimony (juite
as strong comes to ns from the Ea>t. In
o41 (or, as some think, '-',12) Pope Julius
with a synod of fifty Itahan bishops
(see Athanas. "Apol. contr. Arianos," ad
init., and the epistle of the Synod of
Phihppopohs, Mansi, tom. iii. 130) restored
two Eastern prelates, St Athanasius and
Paul of Constantinople, to their sees.
" He " (Pope Juhus), says the Greek
historian Socrates ("II. E " ii. 16), ''in
accordance with tlu' prciogatives of the
Roman Church, e,-lal)li>lieil I he bishops
ill outspoken letters, sent them back to
the East, restored each to his own see,
ami laid his hand upon those who had
la-lily deiiosed them," Eustathiu>, bishop
111' Si ba-te. was reinstated on ]iroducing
a letter of restitution from Pope Liberius.
il'.a.-il, Ep. 20.!.) Chrysostom and his
;ii r.-.eeutor Theojiliilus appealed to Pope
Innocent. The latter al.-o adiliv.-sed him-
srlf to the Bi.shoiis of M\hu and A.juilria,
but that the appeal was made sjx cially
to Rome appears from the statement in a
letter from Anysius, bishop of Tlit's.^alo-
nica who was a friend of Chrysostoni's —
viz. '-that he alioile by the judgment of
the Roniaiys '" (wy f'/x^fVfi r?] Kpiaei r/'} tcov
'ViOfj.aUoi'). (See till' life 'by Palladius,
himself a contemporary of Chrysostom,
cap. 3.) But it is in the proceedings of
the two great Councils of Ejihesus and
Chalcedon that Roman supremacy, with
its divine sanction, shines forth most
clearly. Cyril did not dare to break off
communion with Nestorius till he had
consulted Pope Cele.-tlnc. He begged
the Pojie to declare his mind on this
])oint (Mansi, " Coiicil." tom. iv. 1011
■seq.) The Pope told his legates to act,
not as disputants, but as judges (Galland.
Ep. Cel. 17.) The Fathers of Ephesus
passed sentence on Nestorius, " compel'ed
and constrained [dvayKalws KaT(Tr(ix6ti-
Tcy] by the sacred canons and the letter
of our most holy Father and fellow-
minister Celestine, bishop of the Roman
POPE
POPE
7-35
Church." (Mansi, iv. 1207.) John of
Antioch, after a schismatical resistance
to Pope and council, returned to Catholic
unity. "Whereupon Slxtus III. reminds
him that he has learnt by experience
^' what it is to thiidi with us. Blessed
Peter, in the person of his successors,
has handed down what he has received.
Who would wish to cut himself off from
the first of the Apostles, taught by our
master Himself? " (Gallaud. Epp. Sixt.
III. Ep. 6.) The Fathers of Chalcedon
acknowledge that the Pope had presided
over the council through his legates " as
head over the members," that tiie Pope
"is appointed for all (jraai Kadta-Taneuoi)
interpreter of the voice of Peter;" they
say that " Dioscorus had dared to restore
Eutyches to the dignity of which he had
been deprived by his Holiness," and had
"" turned in his madness against him to
whom the Saviour had entrusted the
guardianship of the vine." They men-
tion the :?^'th canon, and ask its confir-
mation, that " the establishment of good
discipline {evra^ias), as well as of foith,
might be attributed " to Leo. Finally,
they gave an accoimt of all that had been
done to the Pope, " that he might confirm
it" {fls deiSaioKTiv, Maiisi, tom. vi. 148
seg.). Next year the Emperor Marcian
wrote to Leo that doulits had arisen in
the minds of many whether his Holiness
had confirmed the decrees of the council
(ra Tvna>6evTa i^eiiaLtacrfv). One more
instance and we have done. The For-
mulary or Libellus of Po])e Hormisdaa
was signed in 519 by the liishop of Con-
stantinople, and imi)osed by the Byzan-
tine emperor upon all the bishops within
his dominions. It contains the following
■words : " Whereas the sentence of our
Lord Jesus Christ cannot be set aside, in
which He says, ' Thou art Peter, and on
this rock I will build My Church ' ; the
above words are confirmed by the effects,
since in the Apostolic see religion has
ever been preserved without stain.
Auxious, therefire, by no means to be
severed from this hope and faith, and
following in all things the constitu-
tions of the Fathers, we anathematise all
heretics, especially Nestorius, &c. . .
receive and approve all the encycUcal
letters of Pope Leo, which he wrote con-
cerning the Christian religion. "Whence,
as we have said before, following in all
things the Apostolic see, and proclaiming
all its constit\itioMS, I hojje I may attain "
(we are not res])onsible for the grammar)
"to be with you in the one communion
' which the Apostohc see proclaims, in
which is the perfect and true sohdity of
the Christian religion. (Mansi, tom viii.
407 ; Hefele, " Concil." p. 67."i, 6!J4 seq.)
This Libellus was also approved by the
Eighth General Council.
Such was the tradition of East and
West, long be fore the forgery of the False
Decretals, long before schism rent the
Eastern patriarchates from the obi-dience
due to the Holy See. With good right,
therefore did the Council of Florence
define "that the Roman Pontiff" is the
successor of blessed Peter, prince of the
Apostles : that he is the true vicar of
^ Christ; that he is head of the whole
, Church, Father and doctor of all Chris-
j tians ; that to him [in the person of]
blessed Peter was given full power of
feeding, ruling, and governing the uni-
versal Church, as also ' is contained in
the acts of oecumenical councils and iu
the holy canons." It is necessary to bear
iu mind that all Catholics, GalUcan as
well as Ultramontuii,'. accepted the belief
that the R'lmaii Cluuvh i- the centre of
unitv. roiumuuion with her is
the "r: :i .licity. "The Son of
God " > . \ ~ •. •• -;uce He willed that
His Church ^h.iulil Ije one . . . .instituted
the primacy of St. Peter to maintain and
cement it."" The chair of Peter "is the
common centre of all Catholic unitv."
("Expn.itiou d- la Foi Ca;holi4ue.""21.)
"'The Catholic Church tr .m her birth has
had for a niai'k of her unitv her com-
munion with the chair of St. Peter, so
that, remaining iu it, as we do, without
letting anything separate us from it, we
are the body which has seen those who
j have severed themselves fall on the right
' " Quemadmoduiii etiam " is now proved
to be the true reading. It is found in the ori-
ginal copy signed by the Council ( Milane.si, in
the Gioriiale Storico degli Anhici Toscani for
' 18.57, pp. 196-225 ; and Ce. coni, in the Anmnia.
Feb. 1870). It was in the 'authentic " copy of
the Colbertine library (Hossuet, I)ef. i'ler. dull.
vi. 11); in the authciiric copy of the Vatican
(see the letter of Mamacliius, Ursi. Rnin. Pont.
vi. 11); in the fifteentli cfutui v copies of the
I Vatican (Fac-iiniles in Civdla. Veh. a, 1870).
I Of these last, one has "etiam" written " et."
I whence probablv the false reading " quemad-
moduiii et" crejit into the text of Blondus and
I obtained some currency in the printed copies.
I Brcquigny (SMeiifires de la Socii Ic ties Inscrip-
tions, torn", xliii. .-e'/.) ilenics (against the
authors of the .V..»i-eVt; /Ji/il.imati'/ue. v. itlo
seg.) that any of the four orii;in.ils mentioned
by Syropulus exist. He admits, however, that
the MS. copy at Florence was made before the
1 departure of the Creeks, so that iu any case the
1 question is completely settled.
7.3G
rorE
POPE
hand and the left " (" Premiere Instruction
I'astorale sur les Promesses de rEjrlise,"
n. ."52). •' We grant that in Church law-
there is nothing the Pope cannot do, when
need requires it " (" Def." xi. 20). He
looked on Archbishop F^nelons sub-
mission to the T'lpe, who condemned his
bodk, as a natural act of " ecclesiastical
subiirdination," for " there is one chief
bishop, there is one Peter appointed to
guide all the flock, there is one Mother
Church established to tench all the others ;
and the Church of Jesus Christ founded
on that unity, as on an immovable rock,
cannot be shaken" ("Relation des Actes
et Delll^eratious " on Quietism, vol. xx.
p. oOo. in the new edition of Bossuet, hj
Lachat, Paris, 1804).
(4) The Vatican Decrees. — In two
important particulars the last coimcil
went beyond the principles accepted by
Galileans. First it defined that the Pope
has not only " the office of inspection and
direction," but also "the whole fulness
of supreme power " in discipline as w-ell
as faith, and that this power is "ordinary
and immediate over all and each of the
pastors and of the faithful." This is in
no way meant to derogate from the rights
of bishops, or to make them mere dele-
gates or vicars of the Pope. On the
contrary, the council teaches that they
too have " ordinary and immediate juris-
diction" in their dioceses, that they have
been " placed by the Holy Ghost," that
they have succeeded to the position of
the Apostles," that they are "true pas-
tors." It may be well to quote on this
point two theologians whom no one w ill
suspect of watering down the Ultramon-
tane doctrine. Speaking of the allega-
tion that Ultramontanes " consider the
episcopate as the Pope's mere creation
and vicegerent, just, e.ff., as the Roman
Congregations are," Dr. Ward replies
that " every Catholic would repudiate
such a tenet as erroneous and even here-
tical." So again Dr. Murray (author of
the treatise "De Ecclesia," &c.), writes :
" Christ established, not episcopal order
merely, but episcopal jurisdiction. That
is, lie ordained that there sliould be for
ever in the Church, besides the universal
pastor, pastors having particidar flocks,
with power to teach, legislate, inflict
censures," &c., &c. The Pope may for a
just cause withdraw jurisdiction from a
particular bishop, but he cannot destroy
the corpus episcoporum. (See Ward,
"Essays on the Church's Doctrinal
Authority," pp. 376, 377). Such is the
true sense of the Vatican decree, and
plainly it is in perfect harmony with the
exposition given above of Christ's words
to St. Peter, " Feed My sheep," " Feed
My lambs." The whole flock and each
member of it are given to St. Peter's
charge. His successors draw their au-
thority over each Christian from Christ
Himself. The Pope, in virtue of his
office, has direct power over each Chris-
tian in any particular diocese ; the bishop
of that diocese has the same power
attached to his office, but the bishop
must exercise it in union with and sub-
ordination to the Pope. There is no
difficulty in supposing that superior and
inferior may both have ordinary jurisdic-
tion in the same place. Thus the ordi-
nary right which the constitution might
give a sovereign to try legal cases by
commission would in no way make it
impossible for the appointed judges also
to exercise ordinary jurisdiction.
Next, the Vatican Council teaches
" that when the Roman Pontiff speaks
e.r cathedra — that is, when he, using his
office as pastor and doctor of all Chris-
tiiins, in virtue of his Apostolic office
defines a doctrine of faith and morals to
be held b_v the whole Church, he by the
divine assistance, promised to him in the
blessed Peter, possesses that infallibility
with which the I>i\ine Redeemer was
pleased to invest His Cluucli in the deli-
nilion of doctrine on faith or morals, and
that, therefore, such deiinitions of the
Roman Pontifl^ are irreformable in their
own nature and not because of the con-
sent of the Church " (" Pastor .Eternus,"
cap. 4). The Pope in himself is subject
to error like other men ; his infallibility
comes from the spirit of God, which on
certain occasions protects him from error
in faith and morals. He has no infalli-
bility in merely historical or scientific
questions. Even in matters of faith and
morals he has no inspiration, and must
use the same means of theological inquiry
o\)oi\ to other men. He may err as a
private doctor; nor is any immunity
irom error granted to books which he
may write and publish. Even when he
speaks with Apostolic authority he may
err. The Vatican Council only requires
us to believe that God protects him from
error in definitions on faith or morals
when he imposes a belief on the Univer-
sal Church.
So understood, the Papal infallibility
follows by logical consequence from prin-
ciples already illustrated in this article
POPE
and that on the Church. Our argument
is not addressed to Protestants. They
must understand and accept the infalli-
bility ol' the Church, and the position of
the lloly See as the foundation of faith
and centre of unity, before they can
understand or accept the Vatican defini-
tions. It is against the Gallicau theory
that we are arguing now, and we there-
fore take for granted the Catholic prin-
ciples which GaUicans held.
We have seen that from the earliest
times the faith of Peter and his successors
has been taken as the foundation of the
Church ; indeed, so much is implied in
Christ's words to the chief of his Apo-
stles. Peter, says Bossuet, by his con-
fession of Christ's Godhead " attracts to
himself that inviolable promise which
makes him the foundation of the Church.
The word of Jesus Christ, which makes
what He wills out of nothing, gives such
strength to a mortal. Let it not be said
or thought that St. Peter's ministry ends
with himself; that which is to serve as
the support of an eternal Church can
never end. Peter will live in his suc-
cessors ; Peter will ever speak in his
chair ; this is what the Fathers say, and
630 bishops at the Council of Chalcedon
confirm " (Sermon k I'Ouverture de
l'Assemblt5e-genurale du Clerg^). Now,
if Peter and his successors are the foun-
dation of an infallible Church, of a
Church, moreover, unchangeable in con-
stitution, they themselves must be in-
fallible. If they were to impose a false
belief on Christians, the faith and infalli-
bility of the Church itself would be
shaken.
Let us turn once again to Bossuet,
and see how he expounds Christ's charge
to Peter, "Confirm thy brethren."
Christ, he says, " does not merely give a
commandment to Peter individually :
Peter receives "an office which [Christ]
founds and institutes in His Church for
ever." " There was always to be a Peter
in the Church to confirm his brethren in
the faith ; it was the most fitting means
of establishing that unity of sentiments
which the Saviour desired above every-
thing ; and that authority was so much
the more necessarj- for the successors of
the Apostles, inasmuch as their faith
was less stable than that of those from
whom they sprang " (de lews aictenrs,
" Meditations sur I'Evangile," Ixxii.).
But if the bishops are infallible because
confirmed in the faith by Peter's succes-
sors, those who hold Peter's place must
POPE
737
be themselves infallible. Further, if the
see of Rome, which is by divine appoint-
ment the head of the Church and the
centre of unity, solemnly and persistently
made false belief a condition of commu-
nion, then one of two things must follow
— either the body of the Church would
accept the heresy which the Pope pro-
pounded and so forfeit its infallibility, or
else would maintain the truth, and be
left without the head and centre of unity
given by Christ. Either consequence is
a sheer impossibility on Gallican, no less
than on LTltramontane, principles.
It must not be supposed for a moment
that the Pope is an absolute monarch.
He cannot, as we have already shown,
annul the constitution of the Church
ordained by Christ. His power of defi-
nition is limited by a multitude of pre-
vious definitions due to his predecessors,
to the councils, to the ordinary exercise
of the Church's magisterium through the
pastors united to the Holy See. If the
Pope obstinately rejected an article of
faith which had already been proposed
by the Church, and to which the Pope
owes allegiance as much as the simplest
of the faithful, he might be judged and
replaced. "It has always been main-
tained," says F. Ryder (" Catholic Con-
troversy,'' p. 30), "that for heresy the
Church may judge the Pope, because, as
most maintain, by heresy he ceases to be
Pope." Bellarmine and Turrecremata
maintain that he would cease to be Pope
ipso facto\ Cajetan and John of St.
Thomas require formal deposition. Of
course, we maintain that the assent of
Christians is due to the Pope's decision
in matters of faith and morals discussed
in the Church. \\'e refer only to the
case of a Pope directlj^ contradicting
previous definitions, teaching, e.g., that
Christ is not God, that the Blessed Virgin
is equal to God, or the like. So that
, this admission is in no way contrary to
our statement of Papal infallibility. In
such a case (we may well think that
Providence would prevent its occurrence)
1 the faithful would be protected from
error and the Church would not be left
I witliout a head.
(5) The Pope's Election ; the Exercise
of his Powers ; Titles, 8fc.
(a) Rome and the Papacy. — As a
matter of fact the Pope is and always has
been Bishop of Rome, and, according to
the common opinion, this connection be-
tween Rome and the Papacy exists by
Divine law. According to others, how-
3 B
738
POPE
POPE
eTcr (e.g. Soto, apud Billuart " De Fide,"
diss. iv. a. 4), tlie Pope might choose
another see, or might govern the Church
without holding any special see at all.
(/3) Papal Eledion. — In the first ages
the Bishop ot Rome was chosen, like
other bishops, by the clergy and people,
with the assent of the neighbouring
bishops, and the person elected was con-
secrated by the Bishop of Ostia. The
Christian emperors decided doubtful elec-
tions, while Odoacer and Theodoric the
Great claimed the same right as kings of
Italy. Felix III, was actually nominated
by Theodoric, and other Italian kings
received a sum of money for confirming
Papal elections. After Justinian recovered
Italy, the election of a new Pope was
notified to the Exarch of Ravenna and
coiiSnned by the Byzantine emperors.
From the eighth century onwards the
influence of the Eastern empire over
Italy declined, and the Papal elections
were disturbed by factions in the city.
The canon in which Hadrian I. concedes
the right of nomination to Charlemagne
is spurious ; still, as a rule, the election
took place in the presence of commis-
sioners from the Carloviiigian emperors.
After the deposition and death of Charles
the Fat, the Papal elections became once
more and for a long time an object of
factious contention, till the Roman em-
perors began once again to exert their
influence. The first German Pope,
Gregory V., owed his nomination to im-
perial favour, and four German bishops
were raised in succession to the Papal
dignity by Henry III. The decree of
Nicolas II. in 1059 marks a new era. The
cardinal bisln ips[CAEDijrAL]were to elect,
with the itpprovul of the clergy and people,
" saving the honour due to our beloved
son Henry, who is now king and will be,
as we hope, by God's favour, emperor,
according as we have already granted to
him and his successors, who have obtained
this right personally from the Apostolic
See." Gradually the influence of the
Roman emperors fell away, and the elec-
tion rested in the hands of the cardinals
alone, no distinc-tion being made between
the cardinal bishops and other members
of the Sacred College. Something has
been said on the present mode of elec-
tion and the chief enactments on the
subject in the article on Conclaves, and
to this we refer our readers, adding, how-
ever, the following facts from Ferraris
(art. Papa). Eceleeiastical and, as is
commonly held, divine law, make it im-
possible for a Pope to nominate his suc-
cessor. The election is in the bands of
the cardinals. In the event of all the
cardinals being dead, some think the
right of election would pass to the
Canons of St. John Lateran, others to
the Patriarchs, others to a general coun-
cil. The cardinals are not bound to
choose one of their own body ; a layman,
and even a married man, may be law-
fully elected. In modem times Austria,
France, and Spain have been allowed to
exclude any single candidate, provided
they notify their objection before the
election is made. This, of course, is a
mere concession, not a right. Portugal
and Naples have claimed to exercise the
same power, but have never been allowed
to do so.
(y) Coronation, 8^0., of the Pope. — If the
newly-elected Pope is not already a bishop,
he must first be consecrated as such.
This ceremony sometimes takes place quite
apart from the coronation (as in Clement
XIV.'s case), sometimes in connection
with it, either before (Gregory XVI.) or
during the Papal Mass. Before conse-
cration he is the Pope, the supreme head
of the Church, able to decree, rule, name,
or depose bishops, and exercise every duty
of pontifical jurisdiction ; but he cannot
ordain or consecrate till he has himself
received the imposition of hands from
other bishops, inferior to himself, and
holding under and from him their sees
and jurisdiction. The coronation cere-
mony is performed at St. Peter's, accord-
ing to a rite dating from the latter part
of the fourteenth century. As the Pope
enters the church a clerk of the papal
chajx'l holds up before him a reed sur-
mounted by a handful of flax. This is
lighted; it flashes up for a moment and
then dies out at once as the chaplain
chants "Pater sancte, sic transit gloria
iuuudi,""Holy Father, thus passeth away
the world's glory." This is done three
times. The Mass is begun as usual, but
before the incensation of the altar the
Blessing of the Pontiff-elect is pronounced
by three cardinal bishops, each of whom
recites a prayer over him. After the
collects come the so-called Laiides, that
is, the threefold supplications to God for
the welfare of the new Pope. The coro-
nation itself takes place after Mass in the
balcony over the portico of St. Peter's,
overlooking the great piazza. The second
cardinal deacon takes ofl' the mitre which
until now the Pope has worn, and then
the senior places the tiara on his head,
POPE
PORTILTsCULA 789
whereat the people cry out Kyne eleison.
Either on the same day or shortly after-
wards the Pontiff goes to take possession
of St. John Lateran, receiving the homage
of the Jews on his way. The Pope
reckons his pontificate from his corona-
tion day, although of course he is Pope
Irom the day of his: election. (Wiseman,
"Last Four Popes"; Thalhofer, Kronung,
in "Wetzer and Welte.)
(5) The Insignia of the Pope are the
pedum rectum, or Straight crosier; the
pallium, which he wears constantly ; the
tiara, or triple crown. [See Tiaev;
Cbosier ; Pallium ; Kiss.] He is ad-
dressed as " Your Holiness,' " Beatissime
Pater,'' &c., and he speaks of himself as
"Servus Servorum Dei." [See the article.]
( () The Actual Exert ise of Papal Power.
— Tlie Pope is Bishop of Rome, Metropoli-
tan of the Roman province, the only real
Patriarch in the West (see Hefele on the
6th 2\icene Canon, "Concil."i.p. 397 ■■^eq.).
Even these offices, as held by him, ditier
in this from the same offices as held by
others — viz. that the Pope holds them
without having to render an account of
his administration to any earthly superior.
No line of demarcation can be drawn
between the Pope's exercise of Papal and
Patriarchal power. The fulness of the
latter is included in the former, and, as a
matter of fact, the Pope for long did not
exercise throughout tlie whole West the
power which the Eastern Patriarchs
wielded in confirming the election of
bishops, &c. It is still true, however,
that the Pope exercises more immediate
power over bishops in the West, where
there is no other Patriarch, than in the
East, with Patriarchates of its own. We
need not, however, consider here the Papal
government in the East. The nimiber of
Greeks and Orientals who acknowledge
the Pope's jurisdiction is very small, and
enough has been said on the subject in
other articles —e.g. in those on the various
Eastern rites. We speak only of the
Pope's power as exercised in the Latin
Church, and we take as our guide Cardinal
Soglia ("Institut. Juris publici Eccles."
lib. ii. cap. 1).
The Pope, then, is the supreme judge
in all controversies of faith, and he may,
and does, exercise the power immediately
or through the Sacred Congregations.
Thus he may condemn or prohibit books,
he may reserve to himself the canonisa-
tion of saints, he may alter the rites of
the Church in matters which are not
essential. Often, on such occasions, the
[ Pope, though exercising his supreme
power, does not speak ex cathedra or claim
infallibility. To him the supreme direc-
tion of discipline belongs. He may
enact laws for the whole Church, and
dispense from the common Church law.
It is his duty to see that the canons are
observed, aud to this end he may send
legates and nuncios to distant provinces
and receive appeals from all persons in all
parts of the world. He reserves to him-
self the hearing of the " greater causes ''
— e.gr. grave charges against a bishop. He
can intiict cen-^ures, such as excommuni-
cation, on all Christians, and reserve to
himself the power of absolving from
certain sins. He alone can erect, suppress,
and divide dioceses, translate or deprive
bishops, and that without crime on their
part, if the general good requires it ; he
alone can confirm the election of bishops
or appoint coadjutors with right of succes-
sion. Bishops are required at various
intervals to visit the limina Apostoloriim
and give an account of their ministry.
Lastly, the Pope alone can approve new
religious orders, and exempt them, if he
sees fit, from episcopal jurisiliction.
[Ballerini's "De Primatu" and "De
Potestate Summ. Pontif." are among the
most useful books on the subject. But
theoliigiaus and canonists without num-
ber have treated of it, and it would be
vain to attempt an account of the litera-
ture in the space at our command.]
PORTEFORXVIVX (jmrtean,pr,rtuary ,
portius, portuasse, porthoos, portfory) was
the common word in England for the
Breviary. Originally the name was
meant to denote that the book was port-
able, but the original meaning was for-
gotten and the word used of copies, how-
j ever large. The word is as old as Pre-
viarium, and though of constant occur-
rence in English documents and litera-
ture, does not seem to have been known
on the Continent. (MaskeU, " Mon. Rit."
vol. i. p. xcviii seq.)
PORTZuia-CTrx.A. This was one of
the three churches, at ornearAssisi, which
were repaired by St. Erancis. " The old
little church, . . . like the holy chapel
at Loreto, is inclosed in the mi ddle of a
spacious church, annexed to a large con-
vent in the hands of Recollects or Re-
formed Franciscans; it is the head or
mother house of this branch of the
order." ' Here, according to the common
tradition (of which, however, there is no
trace in the five oldest biographies of the
' Alban Butler, Oct. 4.
3b2
no PORT ROYAL
PRAYER
saint), Jesus Christ appeared to St Fran-
cis in 1221, and " bade him go to the
Pope, who would give a plenary indul-
gence to all sincere penitents who should
devoutly visit that church." ' Two years
later, Honorius III., at the request of St.
Francis, granted the indulgence (com-
monly known in Italy as the " Pardon of
Assisi"), confining it to the 2nd of
August, and to the Church of the Por-
timictila. Gre.sorv XV. (1622) extended
it to all the churches of the Observant
Franciscans, including the Recollects or
Reformed, between first Vespers and sun-
set on August 2. Innocent XI. (1678),
in favour of the same churches, allowed
this indulgence to be applied by way of
suffrage to the relief of the souls in Pur-
gatory. Finally, the indulgence of the
Portiuncula can be gained in all churches
in which the Third Order of St. Francis is
canonically established. (Moroni; Wet-
zer and Welte.)
PORT-ROYAl.. [See Jansenists.]
POSSESSZOM-, DSnXOIffZA.CAX..
A state in which an evil spirit, by God's
permission, inhabits the body of a rational
being. The devil is able in this way to
torture the body, to deceive the senses by
hallucinations, and indirectly, because of
the connection between soul and body, to
torture the .soul, to impair and pervert its
faculties. He cannot, however, inhabit
the soul, for this is a power which belong.s
to God alone ; much less can he master
the free will and force the possessed
jjerson to sin. But he may increase to a
fearful extent the power of temptation,
overpower the body, and even produce
insanity, in which last case the possessed
person may of course commit actions out-
wardly sinful, for which he is not re-
sponsible. In obsession (also called cir-
cumcessio) the devil attacks the man in an
extraordinary manner from without — by
presenting, e.ff., phantoms to the senses
— but does not inhabit the body or exert
an abiding and immanent influence. [See
Eneegumen; Exoecist.]
POST-COMMUiffiow. A prayer
or prayers, varying with the day, said after
the priest has taken the ablutions. In
the Gelasian Sacraraentary it was always
followed by a prayer over the people, and
this is still the case in the Ferial Masses
in Lent, when the Post-Communion is
Still succeeded by the " Humiliate capita
vestra Deo " and the " Oratio super popu-
lum." AU the Western liturgies conform
in this part to the same type. The Am-
» Alban Butler, Oct. 4.
brosian has a " Post-Comniunio ; " the
Galilean a "Collectio post conimunio-
nem " and a " Consummatio vel ad ple-
bem."
In the Mozarabic rite, however, the
prayers after Communion are invariable.
(Le Brun ; Benedict XIV. ; Hammond.)
POSTX&. Originally, a note or com-
mentary on a passage of Scripture, tii
derivation being, post ilia verba textus.
Since such commentaries often took a
hortatory or homiletic form, the word
postilla came to be used for a short sermon.
The sense of " commentary " appears in
the title of the celebrated fourteenth-
century work of Nicholas de Lyra,
"Postilla in universa Biblia." [Gloss.^.
Oediuaeia.] a verb, postillare, "to
compose a commentary," also came into
use.
POVERTT. [See Evangelical
COTIN'SELS.]
POWER OP SETS. [See Penaitce ;
ExCOMMtTNICATIGN ; PoPB/]
PRACnZATXC SAIfCTZOM-. By
this term the mediaeval lawyers under-
stood a solemn edict, adopted and pub-
lished with every formality by the sove-
reign of a country, with the advice of
his councillors and of the estates of the
realm. To the Enghsh reader the name
is chiefly famihar in connection with the
celebrated instrument by which Charles
VI., emperor of Germany, endeavoured
to secure for his daughter Maria Teresa
the peaceable succession to all the
dominions of the House of Austria.
Among Pragmatic Sanctions which have
dealt with ecclesiastical affairs, three are
specially noted. The first, which is
a.scribed to St. Louis (1268), grants many
liberties and privileges to the Church of
France. For an account of the second,
passed at Bourges by Charles VII. (14.38),
see the articles Gallicanism and Qos-
coEDAT. The third (1446) preceded the
concordat between Eugenius IV. and the
German nation ; on which see Concordat.
PRAVER. One of the acts of the
virtue of religion (see that art.). All
intelligent creatures are bound to think
about God and to hold converse \vith
Him ; in other words, to pray to Him.
Prayer in this wide sense may be defined
to be the raising of our minds to God :
avufiaait vov TTpbs 6ebv, " ascensus mentis
ad Deum." It may be either purely
mental [see Meditation] or vocal, that is,
expressed in language. The four great
acts of prayer are Adoration (the ac-
knowledgment of God's supreme majesty
PRAYER
PRAYER, APOSTLESIIIP OF 741
and our entire dependence upon Him),
Thanksgiving, Petition, and, in the event
of our having offended Him, Contrition.
The third of these, Petition, is so impor-
tant that the word prayer (precaii)
conveys this notion alone ; and it is of
this that we shall here chiefly speak.
The objections to prayer arise from
two entirely opposite errors, chance and
fate. If aU that liappens takes place
without any kind of power to regulate
it, or if everything is governed by rigid
law which cannot be controlled, then of
course it is useless to pray. But reason
and revelation alike tell us that the
■world is ruled by the Providence of God.
"We firmly uphold the existence of law
in the universe, but at the same time
we maintain that God, the author of this
law, can counteract, suspend, or change
it at His plcasui'e. Thus we pray for
rain, fine weather, or health because we
believe that God is the Lord of heaven
and earth, " "Who worketh all things
according to the counsel of His will "
(Eph. i. 11; cf. Matt. v. 45; Acts
xiv. 14-16). How God brings about the
answers to our prayers cannot be exactly
determined. The late Dr. "Ward dis-
cussed the subject in a pamphlet entitled,
"Science, Prayer, Free WiU, and
Miracles."
Prayer, being an act of religion, should
be addressed to God. "We pray to Him,
not because He does not already know
our needs, but because He wiUs that we
should ourselves put them before Him
and beg Him to grant them. Although
OUT Lord said, " Your Father knoweth
that you have need of these things "
(Matt. vi. 32), yet He also told us " that
we ought always to pray and not to
faint " (Luke xviii. 1). It is God alone
"Who can give us what we ask for. This,
however, does not prevent us from pray-
ing to certain of God's creatures. We
ask God directly to grant us our petitions ;
we ask the Blessed Virgin, the angels,
and the saints to ask God to grant them.
"And the smoke of the incense of the
prayers of the saints ascended up before
God from the hand of the angels"
(Apoc. viii. 4).
Should we specify our petitions, and,
if so, what may we ask for ? St. Thomas
considers that the opinion of Socrates,
that we should merely ask for what is
good for us, is only partially true. Some
things we know to be certainly good for
lis and these we may specify : the Lord's
Prayer contains a number of specific
' petitions. This being granted, the general
j rule is that laid down by St. Augustine :
we may pray for whatever we may law-
fully desire. Hence we may ask for
even temporal blessings, not indeed for
their own sake, but as aide to our
spiritual welfare. According to the
Apostle we should pray for all men
(1 Tim. ii.). Charity bids us help our
neighbour on the road to salvation, and
prayer is one of the most potent means
of doing so (1 John v. 16 ; James v. 16 ;
Rom. XV.). The order in which we
should pray for others follows the order
of charity, and depends upon their near-
ness to us and their needs, "^''ith regard
to enemies, we are bound to pray for them
in general — not excluding them from the
benefit of our prayers. To pray for them
specially belongs not to precept but to
counsel' (Matt. v. 44).
It is obvious that as prayer is a think-
ing about God and speaking with Him,
it should be performed with great atten-
tion and devotion. To merely utter the
words isno prayer. " This people honoureth
Me with their lips, but their heart is far from
Me" (Matt. xv. 7). St. Thomas distin-
guishes three kinds or degrees of atten-
tion : to the words, to the meaning of the
words, and to the objects of the prayer,
that is, to God and what we pray for.
It is the last kind that is required. To
keep one's attention fixed on an unseen
object is difficult, and consequently we
are very liable to mind-waiulering when
we pray. But if our distractions are not
wilful — if whenever we recollect our-
selves we try once more to fix oui' atten-
tion on God — our prayer is not altogether
unfruitful. To be wLlfuUy distracted
would be sinful. The best plan is to
collect our thoughts for a few moments
before kneeling down. "Before prayer
prepare thy soul, and be not as a man
that tempteth God " (Ecclus. xviii. 23).
The various degrees of prayer are spoken
of in the article on Meditatioit. (See St.
Thomas, 2* 2% q. Ixxxiii., and the well-
known little work of St. Alphonsus,
"On Prayer".)
PRATER, APOSTIiESHZP OF.
An association founded in 1S44 by the
Jesuits at "V'als, in the diocese of Puy.
The Popes have sliown their approval
of its spirit and work by many briefs and
; privileges. According to the statutes
granted by Leo XIII., in 187!), its
canonical constitution is as follows :
The Apostleship of Prayer is a worl? of
piety, by means of which the faithful
742 PREACHERS, ORDER OF
I'REACHtNG
endeavour to enkindle in themselves and
others zeal for prayer, according to the
desire and after the example of the most
Sacred Heart of Jesus, "always living to
make intercession for us." In order to
attain the end proposed, the associates
may most profitably employ not only
prayer but also all other sorts of good
works, such as the frequent reception of
the sacraments, &c. To gain the indul-
gences, the associates must add to their
morning prayers an offering of all the
prayers, works, and sufferings of the day
for the intention with which our Lord
Jesus Christ offers Himself in the Holy
Sacrifice of the Altar. The work of the
association is governed by a general
director, who is named by the Superior-
General of the Society of Jesus. The
general director may, in diflerent coun-
tries, appoint central directors with the
consent of the respective ordinaries, whose
jurisdiction must always be scrupulously
respected. No one has power to receive
new members except the local directors
and promoters, who possess diplomas
issued by a central director. For further
information see a pamphlet entitled
" What is the Apostleship of Prayer P "
and published at St. Helens, Lancashire,
where the central director for England,
Rev. Fr. Dignam, S.J., resides. The
organ of the association is the " Messenger
of the Sacred Heart."
PREACHERS, ORBER OF. [See
DOMI.NICAXS.]
PREACHZN'C. Christian preaching
began with our Lord Himself, who en-
trusted the continuation of the work to
His Apostles. At first the Christian
congregations were instructed not only
by " teachers " in the common accepta-
tion of the term, but also by " prophets,"
to whom the counsels of God were re-
vealed in an extraordinary manner — a
gift which might include a knowledge of
the futiire, though this was not necessarily
the case. Later, the Fathers speak of
preaching as a chief part of the bishop's
ofiice. In Africa, till St. Augustine's
time, it was not usual for priests to
preach (" Vita. Possid." 5), and this was
also the case in the time of Socrates
("H. E." V. 22) at Alexandria. On the
iither hand, Origen preached in Palestine
while only a layman, or at least not a
ju-iest (Euseb. " H. E." vi. 19.). Even in
the African Church preaching by laymen,
at the request of the clergy, became a
permitted use {laicus prasentibus clericis
nisi ipsis rogantibuLS docere non avdeat, c.
{•8 of the so-called ConcQ. Carthag. iv.
anno 398). According to a well-knowD
statement of Sozomen (" H. E.'' vii. 19) '
sermons had not been preached at all in
the Roman Church till the middle of th»
fifth century, but possibly the truth is
that down to St. Leo's pontificate there
bad been no great preacher or formal
sermons in the Greek style at Rome.
The preacher sat during his sermon ; the
people sometimes sat, sometimes stood.
Sermons were delivered on Sundays and
feasts, and Chrysostom's homilies on
Genesis prove that sermons were delivered
i daily in Lent. In the East sermons were
I ol'ten very long. Chrysostom's discourse
lasted sometimes for "two hours. In the
; West they were generally short. Chry-
sostoni, the two Gregories, Basil in the
East, Ambrose, Augustine, Leo, Gregory
i the Great in the W'est, were the great
preachers of the Patristic period.
] For a long time they had no successors
j who came near them in eloquence. The
I Synod of Mayence in 847 (c. 2) requires
! each bishop to have a book of Latin
\ homilies, and turn them " in linguam
1 rusticam Romanam aut Theotiscam " for
the good of the people. Peter Damian
in the eleventh, and St. Bernard in the
twelfth century, were conspicuous
preachers. A new era began with the
rise of the mendicant orders. Tauler,
Suso, in the fourteenth century, St. Vin-
cent Ferrer (d. 1419) and Savonarola in
the fifteenth, Louis of Granada in the
I sixteenth, were Dominicans ; Bernardine
j of Siena and John Capistran in the fif-
: teenth were Franciscans ; John of Avila
' (d. 1569) a secidar. Enormous crowds
surrounded the great preachers of the
later middle age, and sometimes persons
actually died from the emotion which the
[ sermon awoke in them.
I Important regulations on preaching
; were enacted by the Council of Trent
(Sess. V. De Reform. ; Sess. xxiv. De
Reform, cap. iv.). The council teaches
that preaching is the " principal office of
bishops," and requires bishops, parish
priests, and all who have the cure of
souls, to preach personally, or in case of
lawful impediment by deputy, at least on
j Sundays and solemn feasts. Further,
during the fasts, and particularly during
Advent and Lent, the bishop is to pro-
I vide sermons daily, or at least three
I ■ otrrt S€ i iwlaKOTTOs o6t' &X\os ris ivBdSe
; 4Tr' iKK\r](rias SiSdiTKei. Valesius, in his note on
j the passage, quotes Cassiodorus, who had lived
I ut Bonie, as witness to the same fact.
PREADA-MITES
PEECIOUS BLOOD 743
tinit'S a week. Regulars preaching in
their own churches must first be examined
and approved by their superiors and must
seek the bishop's blessing, nor are they to
preach even there against the bishop's
will. In other churches they cannot
preach without episcopal licence. Bishop.s
are to warn the faithful that they are
hound to hear the word of God in their
own parish church, if they can do so
without inconvenience. The sermons are
to be short and simple and of a practical
character.
We can only mention a few of the
great preachers of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, the golden age of
preaching. In France the names of
Bossuet, the Jesuit Bourdaloue (1632-
1704). Massillon (1663-1742) will occur
to all. De la Colombiere, S.J. (d. 1682),
and Fl^chier, chiefly remembered for his
funeral orations (d. 1710), are prominent
in the second class. In Italy the great
preacher was the holy Jesuit Segneri
(d. 1694); ill Portugal, Yieira, also a
Jesuit (d. 1697). In our own century
the great preachers have been the Italian
Theatine Ventura, and in France the
Jesuit Ravignan, the great Dominican
Lacordaire, and the late gifted Bishop of
Orleans, Dupanloup. The Germans have
never reached the level of French or even
of Italian eloquence. Still, Veith, who
preached at Vienna, Cardinal Diepenbrock
and Forster, bishops of Breslau, the Jesuit
Father Roh and others, have won high
reputation. (The latter part chiefly from
Krau=, " Kirchengeschichte.")
PSZLaSABXZTES . The first author
of the Preadamitic system, as Zaccaria
calls it, is said to have been Giordano
Bruno, a Dominican (who abandoned his
order and the CathoUc religion), though
there are traces of it in Tlabbinical
writers. It was developed by a French
Calvinist, Isaac de la Peyreyre, in a book
entitled " Prseadamitne, sive Exercitatio
super versibus 12, 13, et 14, cap. v.
Epist. ad Rom., quibus inducuntur primi
homines ante Adamum conditi," in the
year 1655 (not 1652 as Cabnet has it),
lie held that Adam was the progenitor of
the Jews only, and that the Flood, which
was local merely, did not destroy the
nations who had inhabited the earth long
before Adam's creation. He appealed,
e.g., to the words of Cain, Gen. iv. 14,
"Every one who findeth me will kill me,"
to Cain's building a city, to the impossi-
bility of supposing that the Antipodes
•were peopled in prehistoric times from
Asia, &c., &c. Peyreyre became a
Cathohc, and retracted his system, which
cannot be reconciled with the Catholic
doctrine of original sin, at Rome (ad
Philotimum Ep.) in 1657. He died with
the Fathers of the French Oratory in
1G75, aged b2. (Zaccaria, " Prolegom. in
Petav. de Op. Sex Dierum.")
PBEBENB (Lat. prabenda). The
term is probably derived from the daily
rations issued to soldiers. A prebend
is the share in the revenues of a chapter
[Chapteh, Cathedeal] or collegiate
church, enjoyable by each canon or pre-
bendary. A capitulary of Charlemagne
orders that no canon should hold a
benefice along with a prebend ; those
found doing so were to be deprived of
both. When the common life of canons
was generally discontinued, in r!,- course
of the tenth century, a divi^iou was
made of the Church revenues into
episcopal and capitular, and each canon
enjoyed his share of the latter, which
was still called his prebend, together
with — at least in the case of the senior
members of the chapter — a prebendal
residence. (Smith and Cheetham; Wetzer
and Welte.)
PRECEM'TOH. The religious, or
the canon, w ho in a cathedral, collegiate,
or monastic church has the chief
charge of the choral service. The word
corresponds to the French " chantre,"
Lat. cantor. The precentor in a monas-
tery "presided over the singers, choristers,
and organist, and instructed the monks
to sing, chauut, and read. His place was
in the middle of the choir, on the right
side ; he began the chaunt first, and cor-
rected all mistakes and irregularities ; he
made provision for writing the tables of
the monks, keeping the Liber dinrnalis or
chapter-book, reading the martyrology,
and announcing the anniversaries ; he
an-anged the processions, superintended
the education and correction of the
novices, and had charge of the books,
presses, and furniture of the choir. He
also provided parchment and ink for the
writers, colours for illuminating, and
materials for binding the books " ( Yates's
History of the Abbey of St. Edmunds
Bury, p. iP8).
PRECZOirS BX.OOD. (1) Rdics. —
Beyrout, Bruges, Saintes, the imperial
i monastery of Weingarten, the English
monasteries of Ashridge and Hailes.have
claimed to possess relics of the precious
blood. (Faber, " Precious Blood," p. 294.)
I St. Thomas says (3» q. liv. a. 2) that.
744
PEECOXISE
PREDESTINATION
all the particles of blood which Christ
ghed in his Passion were reassumed by
Him in His resurrection, " but that blood
which is kept iu some churches as relics
did not flow from Christ's side, but is
said to have flowed miraculously from
some image of Christ when stiuck" — i.e.
it never was the blood of Christ at all.
Observe, the saint mahes no exception,
and speaks doubtfully of the supposed
miracles. Benedict XIV. (" De Fest."
§ 374) admits the possibility that some
particles of Christ's blood may not have
been reassumed, and may remain as
relics. In this case they are not united
to the Godhead, and it would be the
crime of idolatry to give them divine
worship.
(2) Confratermties. — F. Faber men-
tions a very ancient one at Ravenna ; one
at Rome erected under Gregory XIII.
and contirmed by Sixtus V., afterwards
merged in the confraternity of the Gonfa-
lone. Its members were priests and
preached missions. An arch-confraternity
was set up in the church of San Nicolo
in Carcere by Albertini, bishop of Ter-
racina, and Bufalo, canon of San Marco
under Pius VII. A confraternity was
founded at St. Wilfrid's, in StatTordshire,
in 1847, and transferred to the London
Oratory in 1850.
i?)) Orders. — There was a Cistercian
congregation of nuns, entitled Bernardines
of the Precious Blood, at Paris in the
middle of the seventeenth century.
Bufalo, who died in 1837, founded a
congregation of Missiouers of the Precious
Blood, and another congregation of Nuns
of the Precious Blood. (See Faber,
" Precious Blood," c. vi.)
(4) The Feast was instituted and
fixed for the first Sunday of July by
Pius IX. after his return" from Gaeta.
There was already a Mass and office for
the Friday after the fourth Sunday in
Lent, but only permitted for certain
places.
PRECON'ZSE {jprcRco, a public crier.)
When the preliminary inquiry at Rome,
required by the Council of Trent and
several Papal constitutions iu the case of
those nominated to the higher ecclesi-
astical dignities, has terminated favour-
ably for the person designated, a report to
that ellect is made in secret Consistory by
the Cardinal Protector of the nation to
which the candidate belongs, and after
the cardinals present have all given their
opinions on his eligibility, the Pope— if
the majority be in his favour — ^pronounces
bis solemn approbation of the appoint-
ment. This approbation is termed the
" preconisation," and the Pope is said to
"preconise" the archbishop, bishop, or
other dignitary, whose cause has been
brought before him. The approbation is
posted up ad valvas ecclesicn, and a buU of
preconisation is expedited to the candi-
date. |"See Bishop, § iv.]
PRz:bex.x.a.. The highest step of
the sanctuary, on which the altar stands.
PREDe'stzis-A.TZOXI'. St. Angus-
tine's detinition — viz. God's prevision
and preparation of benefits by which
those who are freed [i.e. from eternal
death] are most certainly freed " (" De
Dono Persev." cap. 14) — is generally ac-
cepted by Scholastic theologians. They
are all' agreed that God ]>rcdestinates
from all eternity the number of elect,
that He be.-itows the grace needed to
obtain eternal life without any respect to
merits on their part, either before or after
grace is conferred, so that life eternal is
His free gift ; and, on the other hand,
that no adult enters heaven except because
he has of his own free will corresponded
! to the grace of God, and none are lost
eternally except by the perversity of
their own will, since God sincerely desires
all men to come to the knowledge of the
tnith and be saved. But if we ask why,
seeing God gives grace enough to all, and
desires the salvation of all, some are
saved, others reprobate, theologians give
different answers,
i (1) According to theThomists, "God's
purpose of efficaciously conducting some
rather than others to salvation has no
reason on our part, but depends entii-ely
on God's mercy and free will " (Billuart,
"De Deo," diss. ix. a. 4). To those who
are predestinated God gives grace effica-
cious in its own nature, and so orders it
that they die in His grace ; to others He
gives grace which is merely sullirient
[see the article on Geace], and to which,
as a matter of fact, nobody corresponds,
though all have the power of doing so.
(2) A large number of Jesuit theolo-
gians, known as Congruists, liold,like the
Thomists, an absolute predestination to
glory, irrespective of merits foreseen. God
gives to the predestinate the same gi-ace
as to the reprobate ; but to the former in
circumstances under which He foresees
they will accept it, to the latti r iu those
1 An exception, apparently, should be made
of Catharinus, quoted by Petavius, and of
Pighius, of whom something is said by Schuee-
mann. Both seem to graze Semi-Pelagianism.
PREFACE
PREMOXSTEATEXSIAXS 745
under which He foresees theywill not do
so. Such was the opinion of Suarez
{after his return to Spain), of Bellarmine,
Antoine, and many others. A decree of
the Jesuit general Aquaviva made it the
recognised teachinir of the society, but
the decree seems to have been practically
inoperative. (See Schiieemann, "Controv.
de DiviufR Gratise Liberique Arbitrii
Concord."' cap. 16.)
(3) A large number of Jesuits — e.g.
Toletus, Maldonatus, Lessius, Vasquez,
Valentia, and Suarez, while he taught at
Rome (so Schneemann, loc. cit.), admit
that predestination to grace, but deny
that predestination to glory, is irrespec-
tive of merit foreseen. God decrees, they
say, to give grace to all, and predestinates
those who, as He foresees, will correspond
to it, the rest heing reprobate.
It is to be carefully observed that the
Thomists admit, just as much as Lfssiu^,
that God desires the salvation of all, and
gives all sufficient means of attaining
that end. Whether their theory is logi-
cal and consistent is another question, and
one on which the Church has never pro-
nounced. It is a matter of philosophy
and logic rather than of faith. On the
other hand, no Catholic may hold with
Gottschalk, a German monk of the ninth
<;entury, or with Calvin in later times, that
God willed the salvation of the predesti-
nate alone, so that the reprobate perished
necessarily.
The history of patristic opinion is
given with his usual fulness of learning
and critical discernment by Petavius ("De
Deo," lib. ix. and x.). Augustine most
certainly held and constantly asserted
predestination not only to grace but to
glory without respect to merits foreseen.
(See, e.g., a decisive passage. "DeCorrep-
tione et Gratia," cap. vii.) Nobody, says
Petavius — who was himself of the con-
trary opinion on the theological question —
nobody could doubt this unless blinded
by party spirit " {loc. cit. cap. vi.). But
the same great scholar shows how very
different tlie opinion of the Greek and
earlier Latin Fathers was; and Augus-
tine, though he rightly exercised a mighty
influence on the subsequent Church, has
no claim to represent the whole of her
tradition.
PREFACE. A prelude or introduc-
tion to the Canon of the Mass, consisting
in an exhortation to thanksgiving made
by the celebrant, in the answers of the
minister or choir, and a prayer ending with
the Sanctus, in which God is thanked for
His henefits. The Greeks have only one
Preface, which in the Clementine liturgy
is extremely long. The Galilean and
j Mozarabic rites, on the other hand, are
rich in Prefaces, and so originally was the
' Roman liturgy, which from the sixth till
about the end of the eleventh century had
a special Preface for nearly every feast.
About 1100 the number was reduced in
most churches of the Roman rite to ten —
viz. the common one, found in nearly
all the ancient Sacramentaries, and nine
others named in a letter falsely attributed
to Pelagius, predecessor of St. Gregory,
and cited in the '•' Micrologus," &c. — viz.
the Preface of Christmas, Epiphany,' Lent,
Easter, Ascension, Pentecost, the Trinity,
the Apostles, the Cross. Urban II. is
said by Gratian, who lived fifty years
I later, to have added the Preface of the
r.le>sed Virgin in 1095. The Sarum I'se
bad " propej- Prefaces " for the " Concep-
tion, Nativity, Annunciation, Visitation,
Veneration, and Assumption of the Blessed
Virgin." " The York Use added another
for the days between Passion Sunday and
Easter. The Hereford appointed the
same Preface from Palm Sunday to
Easter." (Maskell ; the rest of the article
is from Le Brun and Hammond.)
PREDATE (prcelafus). A general
name for an ecclesiastical dignitary,
whether among the secular or the regular
clergy, who has a jurisdiction inherent in
his office, and not merely one transmitted
to him as the delegate of a superior.
The designation is extended in a wider
sense to the prelates of the Pope's Court
and household, as having a superiority of
rank.
Prelature, or prelacy, is the status of
a prelate, "^'hen the "first Scotch Pres-
byterians raved against "Popery, Prelacy,
and Erastianism, ' prelacy in their mouths
was not exactly equivalent to "epi-
scopacy ; " they meant that they were in
rebelhon against canon law and eccle-
siastical jurisdiction. It is true that they
ei-ected a new jurisdiction, far more
burdensome and inquisitorial than the old
one : on which see Buckle's " History of
Civilisation," vol. ii. chap. v.
PREKOXrSTRATEIO'SZAIffS. This
celebrated order of regular canons was
founded by St. Norl)ert in 11 19, at a place
called Pr6montr6 (that is, " foreshewn "), a
> So Le Brun. torn. ii. ; but the letter, as
given in Leotric's Missal, omits the Prefnce for
the Epiphany and sutistitutes one for the dead
(Maskell, Ancient Liturgies of the Church of
England, p. 103 seq).
746 PREMOXSTrvATENSIAXS
PREMOXSTRATEXSIANS
loneh- valley in the forest of Coucy, near
Laon. Several other sites had been
offered to the saint in vain ; but as soon
as he sa-v\- this valley he said, "Here is
the place which the Lord hath chosen."
A monastery was built, which remained
the mother house of the order till the
French I'evolution; it is now in ruins.
St. Norbert was soon joined by thirteen
companions, to whom he pave the rule
of St. Austin to observe, with certain con-
stitutions framed by himself. The habit
of the Norbertiiies was white; hence they
were commonly called in England tlif
"White Canons. Their founder impo^' d
on tliem perpetual fasting, and an entire
abstinence from meat ; but, as in other
orders, mitigations after a time crept in,
followed by a creneral relaxation, which in
its turn led to several remarkable reforma-
tions. The Abbot-General at Pr6montr6
exercised a general supervision over the
whole order down to 1512, when all the
abbeys in England and Wales were sub-
jected to the Abbot of Welbeck. There
were at one time, according to H^lyot, a
thousand Premonstratensian abbeys, many
provostships and priories, and five hundred
houses of nuns. In England, at or shortly
before the Dissolution, there were thirty-
four houses; the names are given below.'
Lecuy, the last abbot of Pr6montr6,
was a man of exceptional force and noble-
ness of character. Driven from his abbf^y
in 1790, he bore his unbent and nndis-
honoured head through all the mournful
or shameful scenes of the Revolution, and
living far on into the present century
died in his ninety-fourth year in 1834.
A few months before his death, the old
man compiled a short tract on the history
1 Houses marked n were nunneries; those
marked c cells : —
Alnwick.
Barlings (Line).
Bayham (Suss.).
Beauchict (Derb.).
Bileif;Vi. near Mal-
duu (Essex).
Blancland (North-
umb.).
Bradsrile, near Do-
ver (Kent).
Broadholra (Notts),
Cockersa n d ( banc.) .
10 Coverham (York).
Croxton (Leic).
Dale (Derb.)
Wpst Dereham
(Norf.).
Duriovd, near Eo-
gate (Suss.),
Easby (York.).
Eggleston (York.).
Hatrnabv (Line).
Hales OWen.
Hornby (Lane), c.
Irford (Line), n.
Kavlend.nearXase-
by (XorthaiitsVc.
Lant;don (Kent).
Langley (Norf.).
Laveiidon (Bucks).
Leiston (.Suff.).
Newbo, near Gran-
tham (Line).
Newsharn (Line).
Shap (Wcstm.)
Sulbv(Northants).
Tichfield (Hants).
Torre (Dev.).
Tupholm (Line.)
Welbfck (Notts).
Wendling (Norf.).
of hie order; from these touching and
simple pages the reader will thank us for
making the following extract : —
" Of this illustrious order, once so
widely extended, the debris only are left.
Its impoverishment began with the Eng-
lish schism.' The Itt forraation caused it
yet further losses by the suppression of a
gn-at number of houses in the countries
I which embraced it. The abbeys in Spain,
about 1573, separated themselves from
the body of the order in order to form a
! congregation apart, retaining, however,
[ thf habit and the statutes. Under the
Emperor Joseph II., other suppressions
J took place in the hereditary provinces ;
still, besides the French abbeys of eitlier
observance, which numbered before 1789
about one hundred, there remained in
Belgium ana different ]>arts of Germany
some very fine establishments, distin-
guished by their regularity and love for
ecclesiastical learning. Notably, Swabia,
where the abbots were prelates of the
empire, had lost nothing; and in spite of
so many suppressions the order of Pr^-
montr^ might still be called flourishing.
At the Revolution all the French houses
suflered the fate of other ecclesiastical
institutions, enveloped in a common pro-
scription. The inva.sion of Belgium by
revolutionary armies extended to that
country the measures of destruction taken
in France ; what the order still possessed
in Germany peri.shed along with the great
sees and rich endowments of the German
Church, sacrificed to a system of indem-
nities, at the time of the formation of the
Confederation of the Rhine. Of the
splendid heritage of St. Norbert, subject
to the crosier of Pr6montre, there remained
in 1805 ten abbeys, of which two, in
Prussian Silesia, had been till then re-
ligiously maintained by the kings of
Prussia, though Protestants. It was but
natural, when the Catholic princes seized
the property of religious, that those
who were not so should follow their ex-
ample, and these two abbeys ceased to
exist. At present only eight remain,
which are indebted for their existence to
the piety and good will of the ]'"mperor of
Austria. Three of these are in Bohemia;
the chief of them — Strahow, in the city of
Prague — is the depository of the relics of
the holy patriarch, the founder of the
order."
We believe that these eight houses
still exist, and that several others have
arisen in Belgium. In I'ngland, two
' See above.
PREMUNIRE
PRESBYTERIANS, SCOTTISH 747
«uiall Premonstratensian houses, cells
apparently of some Belgian abbey, have
been recently founded at Crowle and
Spalding, in Lincolnshire.' Still more
recently a community of French Premon-
stratensians has been established at Stor-
ringtnn, on land gi^en by the Duke of
Norfolk, and a priory has been founded
at Farnborough by the Empress Eug6uie.
(H61yot and his continuator ; Dugdale's
*' Monastieon.")
PREiauNZRE. The statute of pre-
munire (K? Rich. ii. c. 5), passed in 1393,
was dfsifTued by the king and parliament
of England to check evasions of the
existing statutes against provisors — i.e.
persons appointed to English benefices or
dignities by Papal provision. The Holy
See had employed various means, includ-
ing excommunication or the menace of it,
for the protection of persons whom it had
"provided" to benefices, and for the
punishment of all who might interfere with
them. On this account a severe penal
clause was insertedin theabove-mentioned
statute, to the effect that if any man
should pursue or obtain in the court of
Rome excommunications, bulls, or other
things, against the king's crown and
regality, or bring them into England, or
receive or execute them, " such person or
persons, their notaries, procurators, main-
tainers, abettors, fautors, and counsellors,
shall be out of the king's protection, their
goods and cliattels, lands and tenements,
shall be forfeited to the king, and their
persons attached wherever they may be
found."- Execution of process under
this statute was by means of a writ called
of " Premunire " — from the first words,
" Premunire [ prcsmonerej facias " —
whence in time the statute itself was so
called.
PRESBYTERA. The wife of a
presbyter, especially a wife who had come
under the operation of the rule which
rendered tlie continence of clerics Jieces-
sary. The position of such persons is
dealt with by the canons of the Coimcil
of Tours (5G7). In these cases the pres-
bytera usually went into a convent, but
without taking the habit. (Smith and
Cheetham.)
PRSSBYTERZAirS, SCOTTISH.
The doctrine and discipline of Presby-
terians, founded upon the teaching of
' The canons of this order possess the
unique privilege of eligibility to the charge of
Becular parishes vrithout Papal dispensation.
(See Soglia, Instil. Canim. ii. cap. 8.)
2 Lingard, Hist, of England, vol. iii.
Calvin and his management of ecclesias-
tical aft"airs at Geneva, were perhaps
embraced as early in England as in Scot-
land, for Christopher Goodman, an Eng-
lishman, was associated with Knox whrn
they were both in exile in Mary's iiiin',
and sat in the First (Tencral .V.-.inljly
held at Edinburgh. But since tli.' I'onn
of Protestantism which first piex ail. il in
England and supplanted the tatholic
Church there was that of the Eniili.-h
episcopalian reformers [see English
Church], and Presljytery did not rise in-
to importance until much later, we shall
here almost confine our reniai'ks to the
subversion of Catholicity in Scotlaml, and
the introduction of new ecclesiastical
arrangements in it.-- j'lace.
Before the (l.'^iMicti\e fanatical out-
break which is as-Mciaied with the name
of John Jviiox, the Catholic Church in
Scotland had thirteen sees — of which
two, St. Andrew's and Glasgow, were
metropolitan — and upwardsof 1 00 monas-
teries large and small.' Of these, nineteen
belonged to the Austin Canons ; the
magnificent establishments of Ilolyrood,
Jedburgh, Scone, and St. Andrew's were
among the number. The Franciscans
had thirteen houses, the Dominicans
eleven, the Cistercians ten ; among these
last were the abl)eys of Melrose and New-
bottle. The Benedictines had nine or
ten abbeys and cells, inclmlinL^ Dunferm-
line, Arbroath, ami Lliidores. Among
the six Premonstraleiisian houses was
Dryburgh,' the ruins of which still charm
the traveller by their iucouiparaljle grace.
The rest were distributed among the other
orders. That the Scottish clergy, both
secular and regular, stood greatly in need
of reformation is an indisputahl- fact;
but how far corruption had goiir is a
point which cannot be easily delerniiiied.
If we attach credit to the rhetoric of
Knox and his followers, we must believe
that the whole clerical body in Scotland,
with scarcely an exception, was stained
with avarice and conscious hyjiocrisy, and
sunk in gTOSs immorality, slot li, and glut-
tony. But the interest wliich these men
had in making such assertions believed
would make us suspend our belief in them,
even if there were no rebutting evidence.
On the whole there seems good reason
for accepting on this subject the con-
1 Eight sees were suffragan to St. Andrew's
— viz. Ounkeld, Aberdeen, Moray, Dunlilane,
I5rcchin, Ross, Caithness, and the drltuevs ;
and three to Glasgow — viz, Whitherne, Lii-
more, and Sodor nnd Man.
:4S PRESCYTERIAXS, SCOTTISH
PRESBYTERIANS, SCOTTISH
teiupomry testimony of Bishop Lesley.'
The Bishop of Ross says that some of the
bishops had been for a long time past
engaged in political and diplomatic busi-
ness, and that others lived too freely
(liberim viverent), forgetting their sacred
functions, so that the whole hierarchy
had become lowered in popular esteem.
The pernicious system of holding abbeys
in commendmn was in full vigour ; thus
Lord James Murray, a bastard son of ^
James V., was commendatory abbot of
St. Andrew's. As to the priests and
monks, Lesley declares that most of them,
in either order, were persons of piety and
virtue ; but he adds that there was one
vice — licentious living — of which many
of them, and another — great negligence
in preaching — of w\ich nearly all, were
guilty. He mentions it as a deplorable
circumstance that the people had not
been provided with an elementary cate-
chism, for want of which they often could
not tell whether what the sectaries taught
them was true or not.
" The Reformation," says a modern
historian ^ of the Kirk of Scotland, " was
baronial in Scotlaiul, monarchical in Eng-
land." Almost all the nobles who had
been detained as prisoners in England
after the battle of Sol way Moss (1541)
returned home Protestants. The English
monasteries had been just dissolved, to
the great enrichment of their brother
aristocrats south of the Tweed ; Lollard
priia.-'hers were everywhere; and their
denunciations of a wealthy and powerful
priesthood, electric as was then the con-
dition of the religious atmosphere, fell
upon willing ears. A countryman of
their own was soon found, who in extra-
vagance and fluency of reviling left the
English Lollards far behind. John Knox,
born in Haddingtonshire in 1505, studied
with some distinction at the universities
of St. Andrew's and Glasgow, having
attended the lectures of the eminent theo-
logian John Mair, or Major. He pro-
bably imbibed Lollard opinions very
early : if before his ordination, his volun-
tarily placing himself under the control
of the canon law is a remarkable fact.
The death at the stake in 1627 of Patrick
Hamilton, who had studied at Witten-
berg and brought home Lutheran opinions,
seems to have made a deep impression on
him. However, he became a priest, and
thus was canonically bound to contin-
» De Origine, &c., p. 68.
- Dr. J. Cunningham ; see notice, end of
art.
ence, an obligation which he set at
nought by marrying, not once only but
twice.
Not only was there a strong Lollard
party in Scotland between 15-30 and 1540,
but several Franciscan and Dominican
friars took up warmly the cause of eccle-
siastical reform, and preached against
abuses aud superstitions. Of this there
is ample evidence in the history which
bears the name of Knox. As late as 1545
the bulk of the people were attached to
the old faith ; ' Knox speaks of Edin-
burgh in 1546 as " drowned in supersti-
tion " ; but in the fifteen years which
followed a great change is said to have
taken place.
George Wishart, a friend of Knox,
was burned for heresy in 1545; and
partly in revenge for this, Cardinal Beaton
was assassinated at St. Andrew's by
members of the reforming party in 1-046.
Knox hastened to St. Andrew's and mad©
common cause with the assassins. He is
supposed to have renounced his priesthood
I some time before,^ and to have arrived at
the conclusion that ecclesiastical func-
tions could not be lawfully discharged
but in obedience to a " call " from some
reformed congregation. The men of
blood to whom he had joined himself
gave him the desired " call," and Knox
became a minister. We hear of contro-
versies between him and representatives
of the Catholics. The volubility, ear-
nestness, and audacity of the man were
amazing; but we see that he "abounds
in his own sense " ; his incapacity for
taking in any but the one narrow view of
religion to which he had committed him-
self is manifest from the account of these
disputes which lie has himself trans-
mitted ; and when we find him resolutely
maintaining that no rites or ceremonies
are lawful, unless " God in express words
hath commanded them," ^ we are able to
take the measure of his spiritual wisdom.
Every Presbyterian at this d.ay who
countenances Dr. Lee's innovation of
organs in the kirk, since organs are
nowhere "expressly commanded," falls
under the ban of the patriarch of his re-
ligion. In a sermon preached about the
same time Knox defined the Roman
Church to be " the last beast," and the
head of it to be " the Man of Sin," the
" Antichrist," and the " Whore of Baby-
lon." This violence is easily accounted
for. Kjiox intended to violate the canons
« Cunningham, i. 218. ^ jbid. p. 223.
5 History, p. 80.
PRESBYTEEIANS, SCOTTISH
PRESBYTERIANS, SCOTTISH 74f)
and marrj- ; ' and he knew that if the
Catholic Church and the canon law re-
tained their ascendency in Scotland, he,
as a married priest, would not only lose
the career to which his ambition urged
him forward, but also be in danger of
punishment. On the other hand, if he
and his friends could overpower the
Church and establish their own sect, t!ie
hifrhest ecclesiastical rank, along with a
commanding position in the State, was at
once within his reach.
The French king sent an expedition
which compelled the surrender of St.
Andrew's, and Knox, being taken along
■with the garrison, was condemned to the
galleys. For some years French and
Catholic influences were iu the ascen-
dant; and Knox, afterhis release, deemed
it best to retire to England. In 1549 a
reforming council met at Edinburgh
under Archbishop Hamilton, attended by
six bishops and fourteen abbots, and
enacted sixty-eight disciplinary canons.
IVo years later the Parliament passed
an Act imposing severe penalties on any
who should " contemptuously make per-
turbation in the kiik in the time of
divine service." When Mary came to
the throne (1553), Knox found his way
to Geneva, and came imder the influence
of the powerful mind of Calvin. To this
inteicourse he chiefly owed the specific :
Presbyterian behefs — viz. that some are I
predestinated to eternal life, and some —
the greater number — to eternal damna-
tion ; that bishop and presbyter are two
different names for the same office ; and
that, in the Sacrament of the Lord's
Supper, although tlie faithful really and
truly partake of the body and blood of
Christ, yet that body and that blood are
in heaven and not on earth, and the
elements undergo no change. Superior
as it is to the shallow commonplaces of
Zuinglius, this doctrine can hardly be
said to be less mysterious, thougii much
less logical, than that of trausubstantia-
tion, which the Calvinists rejected with
80 much heat.
Between 15-54 and 1560 Mary of '
Guise, the queen regent, mother of 5lary
Queen of Scots, administered the govern-
ment in her daughter's name. During all
this time a fierce struggle was going on
between the men of the old and the new
opinions. The Protestant noblemen,
headed by the Earls nf Argyle, Gleiicairn,
and Morton, met together in l.>57, and
1 He (lid. in fact, marry Margery Bowes
two years afterwards.
drew up the "First Covenant." They
pledged themselves thereby to establish
the " "Word of God and His congregation,''
and to support these with all their
strength against the "congregation of
Satan," liy which they meant the bishops
and Catholic clergy. They were hence
called the "Lords of the Congregation."
The bishops did what they could to
strengthen the hands of the regent, who,
however, from political motives, desired
to keep in with both parties. Walter
Milne, an old man who had once been a
priest, but had gone over to the Reformers,
was burnt at St. Andrew's in 1658.* But
tlie bishops were not really strong; the
tide was setting the other way ; and
Knox felt emboldened to return to Scot-
land. While the tension of feeling on
each side was at its height, he went to
Perth, the fair city on the Tay, then
embelh.shed with several religious houses
of great beauty. He preached a sei-mon
against " idolatry," after whieh there was
a riot; images, altiirs, and pictures were
destroyed and defaced ; the Carthusian
abbey was pluiKlered and greatly damaged,
and the monks ill-used ; the Dominican
and Franciscan friaries were destroyed.
The ruin of Scone Abbey followed. Knox
then went into Fife, and continued this
line of preaching; more destruction of art
monuments was the result. Defying the
inhibition of the archbishop, he preached
at St. Andrew's (15.")9), and immediately
afterwards the magistrates and the mob
"proceeded to destroy the Dominican and
Franciscan monasteries, and to rifle and
deface aU the churches in the town."*
The cathedral, which was also the church
of the Austin Canons, a building of rare
beauty, was dismantled about the same
time. There was now a state of actual
war, and the Lords ol' the Congre^^ation
marched upon Edinburgh, "flushed with
these victories over the monuments of
idolatry and architecture" (sic).' Here
is the true Puritan ring ; it is not only
against what he calls superstition, but
against the "sublime and beautiful" that
the Puritan revolts. Art withers under
his tread, like grass beneath the hoofs of
the Calmuck cavalrj'.
The struggle was marked by several
sudden changes of fortune ; the Scotch
I Altogether, about twenty ProtesUnts
appear to have snffered death in Scotland in
the cause of religion from 1527 to the end of
the struggle.
- Cunninsham, p. 253.
3 lb. p. 260.
750 rPtESBYTERIArsS, SCOTTISH PRESBYTERIAA'S, SCOTTISH
Protestants shoTred little courage, and
their English allies little skill. The
French troops who had come to support
the regent, and garrisoned Leith, were
well handled and gained some remarkable
successes ; but lliey were foreigners, and
this told heavily against them. In April
1560 the regent died ; her death led to a
negotiation, and indirectly to the triumph
of Protestantism. The young queen,
whose husband, Francis, had just suc-
ceeded his father Henry II., was absent
in France ; the Catholics were left with-
out any natural leaders. By the treaty
of Ediuburgh (July lo(')O) made lietween
the French envoys of Francis and ^lary
and English plenipotentiaries (Cecil and
Sadler), acting on behalf of the Scotch
nobility and people, it was agreed, inter
alia, that the force on both sides should
be disbanded and the French troops
return home ; that a jjarliament or con-
vention of the thiee estates should meet
on August 1, and that any complaints of
ViTongs done to them, made by bishops,
abbots, or other chiu-chmen, should be
considered by the Parliament and re-
dressed, " as they should find according
to reason." '
The event soon showed that Cecil had
over-reached the French envoj's in the
negotiation. The wrongs of which the
churchmen had to C(Muplain were serious
enough — e.g. while the hostilities lasted
the 13i.shops of Dunkeld, Dunblane, and
Ross had been driven by the sectaries
from their houses and dis])ossi'ssed of all
their property ; the monasteries of Dun-
fermline, Melrose, and Kelso had been
plundered, and the lands and movables
of churchmen seized upon in every part of
the country.^ It was the evident intent
of the treaty that wrongs m\c1i as tlu>e
should be redressed. Rut wln-n the Par-
liament met, being conijjosed, as to the
great majority, of enthusiastic or deeply
interested sectaries, it proceeded to ]iass
bills for the subversion of the Catholic
rehgion; after which, it is needless to
say, they did not find it " according to-
reason " to give the bishops any compen-
sation whatever.
Before these bills were adopted, a
confession of faith in twenty-five articles,
drawn up by Knox and his party, was
» Caldorwood, ii. 8.
'■' At Aberdeen, throuijh the firmness of the
Earl of Huntley and the Lesleys, a brave
stand was made, "and the agents of rapine were
foiled for a considerable time (Lesley, 571,
574).
read in Parliament, faintly opposed by
the Catholic members, who seem to have
been helpless and stupefied, and accepted
by the Assembly. To a large extent the
doctrine of these articles is sound ; they
err rather by exclusion than by inclusion.
One capital error regards the Church
Cathohc, which (art. xvi.) is said to con-
sist only of the elect. On the Eucharist,
the Calvinistic doctrine described above
is asserted (art. xxi.)
On August -24:, 1560, the Parliament
passed a bill by which it was ordered that
none should ''say Mass, nor yet heere
Mass, nor be present thereat, under the
paine of confiscation of all their goods,
and punishing of their bodies at the dis-
cretion of the magistrates."' A second
bill, dated the same day, declared that
the Bishop of Rome had thenceforward no
authority in Scotland, and decreed punish-
ments against any who shotdd recognise
such authority. Such was the Scottish
St. Bartholomew's Day.'"
In Knox's " History " these bills are
described as " Acts " ; but they were not
really so, for they required the royal
assent or ratification ; this Sir James
Sandilands was sent into France to de-
j mand, but Mary steadily refused. They
were first ratified by the Regent MuiTay
in 1567. This single fact throws a sinister
liaht on the conduct of the Protestant
jiarty towards the unhappy queen before
her flight to England and during her
imprisonment there. But the new religion,
1 in Knox's view, "from God hath full
power, and needed not the suflfrage of
mau"; ' whether legal or not, it was forced
I upon the people of Scotland with all the
power of the secular arm. "When Marj-
(1561) returned to her Idngdom, and re-
quired the liberty of her religion in her
private chapel at Holyrood, Knox said,
doubtless with perfect sincerity, that "one
t Masse was more fearfuU to him than if ten
j thowsand armed enemies were landed in
' anie part of the realme."- This senti-
ment, according to the experiences of
many of the saints, is precisely that of
the devil on the same siil ject. The Lords
controlled him on this point, nor did they
pay much regard to his " Bonk of Dis-
cipline," calling many things in it, parti-
cularly the proposal "to devote the Church
property to the sustenation of the minis-
ters of the kirk, " devout imaginations."
■^Vhat is called the " First General
Assembly " was held in December 1560 ;
' Histary, p. 282.
» Calderwood, iL 147.
PRESBYTERIAXS, SCOTTISH
PRESBYTERY
751
it was attended by six ministers, among
whom were Knox and Goodman, and
thirty-sLx lay delegates.
Some doubt appears to exist on the
question how many of the bishops joined
the movement. Bishop Lesley tlistiuctly
states ' that in 1501 only one had done so,
the Bishop of Galloway; according to Dr.
Cunningham," the Bishops of Caithness
and Orkney also became Protestants.
All this time there was a party among
the nobles favourable to the retention of
episcopacy and the use of the English
prayer-book ; and in process of time, when
James VI. grew to manhood, he became
persuaded that bishops were a necessaiy
support to the regal power, and main-
tained a small Protestant hierarchy side
by side with the ministers and the General
Assembly. Knox him.'elf, who had de-
clared against bishops many years before,^
submitted shortly before his death (1572)
to the introduction of episcopacy, "in
order to secure the episcopal revenues." *
The form of Presbyterian polity as now
seen in Scotland was chiefly the work of
a man of high ability and sincere con-
viction, Andrew Melville. He was the
master spirit of the General Assembly of
1580, which absolutely condemned epi-
scopacy, and the chief framer of the
"Second Book of Discipline," in which
the system of church courts and assem-
blies, one above another, and each
strengthened by a lay representation —
kirk-session, presbytery, synod, general
assembly — is minutely and skilfully laid
down. In this able document the proper
functions of the kirk and the state are
distinguished with great judgment ; and
the se])aration of the two powers, and the
exaltation of the kirk to the highest place,
are asserted in language which strikingly
recalls the definitions of the bull " Unam
Sanctam." The Assembly of 1581 aUo
adopted the famous " Negative Confes-
sion," chiefly directed against "all kinds
of papistrie " ; it is extremely curious, but
our space does not permit of our giving
an abstract of it. Every one of the
Presbyterian kirks, large aud small, among
which the mass of the Scottish people is
now distributed, regards this assembly
with the highest veneration.
Neg-ation, however, is a poor basis for
a theology ; and one need feel no surprise
that the clerical intellect of Scotland,
during the three centuries that have fol-
» P. 583. 2 I. 228.
» In 1547 History, p. 79).
* Cnnningham, p. iib.
lowed, has been stricken with sterility.
The ministers have certainly written many
books, hut their theological discussions in-
terest few outside their own country. • Xot
one of the ecclesiastical sciences has been
in any way advanced by Scotch Presby-
teriauism. The lay Scottish intellect,
thanks to the natural endowments of the
race, and a good system of primary educa-
tion, has achieved great things ; it has
perfected the steam-engine aud the steam-
boat, invented political economy, com-
posed the Waverley Novels, and borne
I more than its full share in the great
I governing and colonising enterprises of
, the English people. But who can prove
that all this might not have been done,
Scotland remaining Catholic ? The
clerical intellect pays the penalty of
having submitted itself to such a patriarch
as John Knox, with whom passion habit-
ually took the place of reason, and frantic
reviling was substituted for patient and
equitable investigation.
''Knox, "Hist, of the Reformation,"
1G44 ; Calderwood, " Hist, of the Kirk of
Scotland," 184.3 : John Lesley, " De
Origine, Moribus, et Rebus Gestis Sco-
torum," 1578: Cuuniiigliam, "Church
History of Scotland," I'nd ed., 1882 ; Bean
Staulev, "Lect. on the Church of Scot-
land," "1879; Burton, "Hist, of Scotland,"
vol. v., 1870 ; Bellesheim, " Hist, of the
Cath. Church of Scotland," translated and
edited by F. Hunter Blair.]
FRBSSVTER'S' (Trpfcr/Sur/pioi', as-
sembly of the eldei-s ; senafi'.'> has the same
meaning). (1) The word is used twice
in the N.T. for the Jewish Sanhedrim.^
In the Christian Church it signified,
perhaps from the first, the assembly of
the entire clergy of the diocese, both
presbyters (identified with bishops in
1 Peter V. 1) and deacons; it was such
a body at Ephesus, the " celebrated jires-
bytery " ^ of that Church, which conse-
crated Timothy to the episcopal office
with the imposition of hands.* St.
Cyprian convened a diocesan council of
this kind continually, and did nothing
important without its advice. That the
; Roman presbyteritim in the fifth century
! meant such a synod — i.e. tiiat it included
the deacons and the clergy gein rally, as
well as the presbyters — is plain from a
> Even Chalmers is no exception ; the man
was admirable, but his works have no per-
manent value.
- Acts. xxii. h ; Luke xxiL 66.
5 Itrnat. Ad. Ephes. 4.
* TTim. iv, 14.
752
PEESCllIPTION
PRESENTATION OF THE B. V. M.
letter of Pope Siricius (385) on the con- ]
tiemnation of Jovinian. It therefore !
seems reasonable to assign this sanio
sense to the word when used liy I'ojiti
CorneliuB (251), who, writing to Cyiiriaii,
says "placuit contrahl presbyterium," to
hear the recantation of Maxim us. Finally,
when St. Ignatius, about the beginning
of the second century, exhorts the Ephe-
sians to he " subject to the bishop and the
presbytery" (Ad Eph. c. 2), the word
may well be understood to have the same
meaning. (Ferraris, Presbi/terium.)
(■.') "Presbytery" is often used among
English Catholics to designate the priest's
house. In this sense it is a translation
of the French prcsbytere, so used (Littr^)
since the twell'th century ; preshytirimn
(see Ducange) appears never to have had
this meaning.
PRESCRZPTXON-. The acquisition
of an object or a right on the strength of
a long undisturbed poissession. It is of
three kinds — ordinary, extraordinary, and
immemorial. By ordinary prescription
jurists understand one which rests on a
possession of three, or of ten, or of twenty
years — three years in the case of mov-
able property ; ten years in the case of a
right, or of immovable property, intvr
prcfsentes; twenty years, in the same
case, inter (ihscntes. A just title must
also be proved — i.e. the prescriptor must
show that he obtained the property by
purchase or gift, or some other mode in
itself sufficient to constitute a title in tlie j
absence of an adverse claim. He must, |
moreover, have held the property during
the time necessary to constitute prescrip-
tion in good faith. One of whom it can
be shown that he knew that he was de-
taining the property of another cannot
plead prescription. The canon law is
more strict on this head than the Roman,
which only required that the prescriptor
should have acted in good faith at the
cotnmencetnent of his enjoyment of the
object. Extraordinary prescription, proof
of which is required in many cases by the
canon law, especially in regard to eccle- i
siastical or state property, is of thirty or
forty years. Immemorial prescription is
merely the presumption of a legitimate
ownership, founded on the attestation of
the fact of continuous and undisturbed
enjoyment, made by old or elderly per-
sons, during a period reaching back to
the limits both of their own memory and
that of aged persons with whom they had
conversed in early life. (Wetzer and j
Welte, art. hy Permaneder.) |
PRES£3a-TATXOir OF TRB
BX.ESSEi> vzRcinr. The story of
Clary's presentation in the temple when
three years old and her sojouj-n there
till her marriage first appears in Apocry-
phal Gospels — viz. the Protevangelium
and that of the Birth of Mary. The be-
lief was adopted by later Fathers — e.g.
St. John of Damascus. Benedict XIV.
("De Fest." P. ii. § 178) considers the
fact of the presentation certain, but the
details of the story " altogether uncer-
tain." The feast (eiVo'^ia r^f 6(ot6kov)
was kept by the Greeks as early at least
as the time of the Emperor Emmanuel,
who ascended the throne in 1143, and
partially by the Latins on November 21
since 1374. Paul II. confirmed the feast,
which was still not kept in all parts of
the West, by " Apostolic authority."
Pius v., on the contrary', abolished its
celebration in the lloman Church itself,
though this was permitted in other parts
of the Latin world. Sixtus V. restored
the feast in 1585 at the prayer of the
Jesuit Turrianus. The present office was
corrected under Clement VIII., who made
the feast a greater double. (Benedict
XIV. "De Fest.;" Gavant. "Thesaur."
de Fest. mensis Novemb.)
PRESESfTATZON- OF THE
BX.ESSEI> VXRGZZr MART, ORBER
OP THE. This order was founded by
Miss Nano Nagle in 1777. In 1874 it
possessed seventy-three house.?, with 1,140
nuns and more than 20,000 pupils. Of
these houses fifty-three were in Ireland,
twelve in British America, chiefly in
Newfoundland, one in India, four in dif-
ferent Australian colonies, and three in
the United States. Nano Nagle belonged
to a good Catholic family in the county
Cork, and was born in 1728. From the
time of her complete conversion to God,
her intense devotion to spiritual and
moral aims never faltered ; unsparing of
lierself, she knew no personal satisfaction
but that of giving her wealth and her
time to the service of her sorely-tried
countrymen. She established an Ursu-
line convent at Cork in 1771. But her
object being the instruction of the poor,
whereas the Ursuline order has for its
main business tlie instruction of the rich,
she was not yet satisfied. She built
another convent near the tirst, and en-
tered it, with three coni])iinions, towards
the end of 1777. They were not enclosed^
hut were engaged in visiting and teach-
ing the poor, and followed a rule drawn
up for them by the cur6 of St. Sulpice.
PRIESTS, CHRISTIAN
They took simple vows, renewed from
year to year. Worn out by labovtr and
austerities, Nano died in 1784. Her in-
stitute was confirmed by Pius VI. in
1791, with simple vows and no enclosure.
But in 1805, at the request of Bishop
Moylan, Pius "VTI. raised it to the rank
of a relifrious order, with solemn vows
and strict enclosure. A fourth vow was
added, by which the nuns bind themselves
to instruct young girls, especially the
poor, m the precepts and rudiments of
the Catholic faith. (See the "Life of
Nano Nagle,"by Dr. Hutch: Dub. 1875.)
PRXESTS,' CHRZSTZAXr. The
priesthood is the second in rank among
the holy orders. It is the office of a priest,
according to the Pontifical, " to offer,
bless, rule, preach, and baptise." First,
he is empowered to offer that sacrifice of
the Mass which is the centre of all the
Church's worship, because in it Christ,
the great high-priest, continually offers
Himself in a bloodless manner, and ap-
plies that one sacrifice consummated for
our redemption on the cross. Next, the
priest, standing between God and his
fellowmen, blesses the people in God's
name. It is his duty, if a flock is en-
trusted to him, to rule and to instruct
it, and to administer the sacraments of
Baptism, Penance, Holy Communion, and
E.Ytreme Unction, besides solemnising
marriages, &c. His duties are much wider
than those of the Jewish priests. The
latter were to teach the statutes of the
Lord in Israel (Lev. x. 11 ; Deut. xxiii.
10; Ezech. xliv. 2:^, 24), and their lips
were to keep knowledge (Mai. ii. 7) ; but
the?e moral duties were only hinted at,
and were not the subject of special regu-
lation. On the contrary, though the
offering of sacrifice is the chief, it is by
no means the only duty of the Christian
priest. He succeeds the Jewish " elder "
as well as the Jewish priest. Hence he
is called Itpfis and sacei-dos — i.e. " sacri-
ficing priest," but also presbyter — i.e.
" elder." Our Saxon ancestors had both
words, " priost " and " sacerd." We have
retained only the former, but always use
it in the sense of the latter.
The word "presbyter" was familiar
to every Jew. The "elders" (D'3pt,
irpea^vTfpoi) were the chief men in the
old civil communities of Palestine, and
the word exactly answers in meaniiifr to
the Arabic "sheikh.'" In later times the
number and authority of these " elders "
was definitely fixed, and even among the
Jews of the dispersion there was a council
PRIESTS, CHRISTIAN ::::
I (n^''ty\ = con^essus) which met in the syna-
I gogue and administered the discipline of
I the Jewish conununity.' No record re-
! mains of the institution of such a body
among Christians ; but in Acts xi. 30,
when the persecution in which St. James
was slaiu drove the Apostles from Jeru-
salem, we find the Church there provided
with a senate of "presbyters." It was
apparently at a later date that such
" presbyters '' appeared among commu-
nities of Gentile Christians, for they are
not once mentioned by St. Paul, except
in the pastoral epistles. They were
" rulers " of the Church, and, though
they might teach, if qualified to do so,
this was no necessary part of their office
(1 Tim. V. 17).- This ruling office, as we
have seen already, is still prominent in
the Pontifical, which compares presby-
ters to the " seventy elders " who assisted
Moses. In ancient times they formed
the council of the bishop, who for many
centuries could take no important step
1 without consulting them. (See, e.g., 2
Concil. Hispal. c. 7, anno 619.) The
presbyters of the diocese are now repre-
sented by the chapter, which the bishop
I is obliged to consult in enacting statutes
j &c. In one place the New Testament
I attributes the administration of a sacra-
i ment, viz. Extreme Unction, to presbyters
[ (James v. 14).
The words " priest," " priesthood "
tfpevs, UpciTevna) are never applied in the
New Testament to the office of the CJhris-
tian ministry. All Christians are said to
be priests (1 Pet. ii. 5, 9; Apoc. v. 10).
This recognition of the universal priest-
hood of Christians, however, involves no
denial of the existence of a special priest-
hood, for the Israelites too were called a
" kingdom of priests." though they had,
of course, a special priesthood with pre-
rogatives jealously guarded. Further, the
Old Testament prophesies that priests
would be taken from the Gentiles, and
that the office of the priesthood was to
last for ever (Isa. Lxvi. 21 ; Jer. xxxiii.
17, 18) ; and St. Paul, so far, at least,
brings the Christian ministry into con-
l Vitringa {iJe Synagog. Vet. lib. ii. cap. 4
seq.) is at great pains to show tha» in the early-
synagogues these "elders" directed worship as
well as discipline. We cannot see that he
I proves hi.s point.
* So Cypri.in, Ep. 29, distinguishes the
" presbyteri doctores " as n special clnss. The
word"'pastors"(iroi/x^vei. Ephes.iv. 11 i, which
expresses the mlmg office, is derived, like
I ''presbyter" itself, from the language of the
Synagogue, D^D3^Q). (See Vitringa. ii. 10.)
3o
754 PRIEST?;. CHRTSTTAN
PRIMATE
nection witli the Jewish priesthood that
he justifies the claim of the former to
support by a reference to (he way in
which the latter "lived by the altar"
(1 Cor. ix. 13). Bollinger (''First Age of
the Church," E.T. p. 222) also urges the
liturgical character of St. Paul's language
(Rom. XV. 16), where he describes him-
self as a "miuister" (Xfirovpyou, cf. Heb.
viii. 2) and as an evangelical priest
{lepovpyovvra to fvayyeXioc). The argu-
ment does not seem to be of much ac-
count, and Estius is probably right in
considering the language merely meta-
phorical. The Apostle was a minister
appointed by Christ, "administering the
gospel" like a priest, that the Gentiles
might offer up themselves an oblation well
pleasing to God, sanctified in the spirit.
The Apostolic Fathers also abstain
from any mention of a Christian priest-
hood ; at least the single reference in St.
Ignat. (Phil. 9, KaXoi oJ Upeh) is very
doubtful. Justin, in the middle of the
second century (Dial. 116, 117) simply
alludes to the general priesthood of
Christians. In a curious letter to Victor
of Rome (inO-L'OO) Poly crates says of St.
John the Evangelist that "he was a priest,
having worn the mitre " {eyevfidrj lepevs
TO niToKov Tr((f)nprjKa)s , apud Euseb. "H.E."
V. 24). The language can scarcely be
anything but metaphorical (so Routh,
" Rell. Sacr." torn. ii. p. 28). At the end of
the second or beginning of the third
century tlie term " priest " was in common
use. We find it in TertuUian (" Prae-cr.''
41,"?acerdotalia munera"), in the "Philo-
sophimiena " (Proem. fi€TfXovT€S ap)(^iepa-
Teias), Oiigen (Horn. v. in Lev. iv.). In
Cyprinn the word (sacerdos) constantly
occurs — \isually for bishops, but some-
times also for presbyters ("De Zelo et
Livore,"6).
We may distinguish three stages in
the position of the priesthood.
(1) In the earliest times they ruled
in concert with and in immediate subor-
dinatinii to the bishop. The bishop and
priests said Mass conjointly, and the
priests administered the sacraments inde-
pendently only m the liisliop's absence.
('I) Thi:' ])vesl)yters liecame more inde-
pendent owing to the spread o!' Chris-
tianity and the gradual establishment nf
parish as distinct ft-om episcopal churches.
Innocent's letter to Decentius exhibits
the change in actual progress. In towns,
he says, the Eucharist is to be conse-
crated by the bishop only and sent to the
pnr'sh priests : in ontlyin£r churches the
priests are to consecrate for themselves.
Thus, separate replaced conjoint rule and
administration of the sacraments.
(3) Gradually the rule became a
separable accident of the priesthood. At
first a priest, by the very fact of ordina-
tion, was attached to a particular church,
and only in rare and exceptional instances
a man of extraordinary merit was induced
to submit to ordination on condition that
he should not be bound to a particular
church. In this way St. Jerome was
ordained by Paulinus of Antioch. But
from the eleventh century the custom
began of ordaining priests who had no
benefice, provided they had the means of
lionour.able support (Juenin, "De Sacr."
diss. viii. cap. 3). Firrther, the ordina-
tion of religious without cure of souls
became the rule instead of the exception.
And it is the capacity for rule, rather
than the actual exercise of it, which we
now associate with the priestly office.
[Parish: Paeish Peiest.]
PRznSATx: (primas). In early times
bishops were called primates who held
any commanding position in the Church.
Thus the Roman Pontiff" was sometimes
called the primate of the whole Church ;
and the Council of Chalcedon declared that
the primacy, or first place before all {ttpo
wavToav tci -rpojTfla), was to be accorded to
"the Archbishop of Old Rome." (Sess.
xvi. ; cf. Hefele, " Hist, of Councils,"
, E. T. iii. 427.) In Africa the metro-
I politans were called primates, or bishops
j of the first sees. Carthage, in the pro-
j vince of Africa strictly so called, was
j always the first see, though its bishop
; might be junior to others; in the other
I provinces the dignity of first see passed
j from city to city, as it depended on the
, priority of the date of consecration of the
j respective bishops.
1 In modern times those bishops only are
I properly called primates to whose see the
I dignity of vicar of the Holy See was for-
merly annexed. Such sees are — Armagh
; in Ireland, Aries and Lyons in France,
Mentz in Germany, Toledo in Spain,
Gran in Hungary, Pisa and Salerno in
j Italy, and some others. None of these retain
I any primatial jurisdiction except Gran,
the archbishop of which has still the right
of receiving appeals from all the other
archbishops in Hungary. Changed cir-
cumstances— especially the great facility
with which the most distant countries
can now communicate with Rome — have
made the jurisdiction of primates almost
a thing of the past. TAechbishop:
PRIME
PPJSCILLUXISTS 755
EiABCH ; Metropolitax.] (Soglia, "In-
stit. Caiiou." lib. ii. § 48).
PRZMS. "See "Brtniakt.]
PSZMXCERZTTS {irrimus, cera).
The leading' person, or foreman, on a list
of the tvniloyis in a particular business
or function: thus we read of the p. ivj-
tariorum, the p. palatii, &c. " First on
the waxed tablet " is the literal m-janing
of the word. In its modem use the term
is only applied to the precentor of a
cathedral or collegiate choir, who is re-
sponsible for the due instruction of every
member of the choir in ecclesiastical chant
and other things proper to his function.
But the word is now seldom heard ; the
'■ primicier '■ of St. Denis is among the
few instances where it is still retained.
PRIOR, PRIORESS. It is doubt-
ful whether the word " prior " was used
in either of the senses which it has borne
for many centuries past — that is, as signi-
fying either the ruler of an independent
monastery, or the coadjutor and second-in-
command of an abbot, before the ponti-
ficate of Celestine V. in the thirteenth
century. The older term was prtepositus,
provost; thus Beda speaks of St. Cuth-
bert having been prcei ositus under the
Abbot Eata, fii-st at Melrose and after-
wards at Lindisfame.* "V\'henever the
term " prior " occurs in relation to monks
before the thirteenth century, it is said to
be used in a loose sense, as signifying
merely one who on account of greater age
or other ground of superiority ranked
above his fellows. The duties of a prior,
or pr<epofitu-s, are thus dt scribed by Isi-
dore: "To the prapusitus belongs the
charge of the monks, the carrying on of
lawsuits, the management of the estates,
the cropping of the fields, the planting
and cultivation of vineyards, acquaintance
with the law, the erection of buildings,
the work of the carpenters and the
smiths.'"* .The prior daustralis, being
next to the abbot in the monastery, and
appointed by him, generally for life, had
the inspection and control of the decani,
or deans [Dean , and was expected to
maintain discipline firmly among the
monks, for which purpose he might use
^he lesser excommunication. The prior
convent Kill is was the master in his own
house : under him there was generally a
sub-prior. Yet there were several dis-
tinct positions, all of which might be
described as priorates. For (1) in a place
with a special history — e.ff. Durham,
1 Bed. iv. 27.
> Thumassin, i. iiL 6fi.
where the mighty memory of the abboi-
bishop St. Cuthbert coloured and modi-
fied all that was done for nine centuries
— the bishop of the see might hold a
quasi-abbatial position in the monastery
out of which the see first arose ; in which
case the head of the monastery could
only be a prior. But the Prior of Durham,
modest as the name might sound, was
a greater personage than most abbots.
Secondly, a rell, or obedimce, the ofishoot,
of some largt-r monastery, was always
governed by a prior. A conventual prior
in this sense was often a person of little
dignity or consequence, both from having
a very small community to govern, and
because the property with which the cell
was endowed was smaU. Thirdly, the
superiors of the houses of regular canons
(Augustinians, Arroasians, and — origin-
ally— Premonstratensians) were always
called priors, never abbots. St. Dominic,
who adopted the rule of St. Austin for
his friars, probably ou this account put
their houses under priors.
A prioress under an abbess held nearly
the same position as a claustral prior,
and prioresses governing their own houses
were like conventual priors. (Thomassin:
Smith and Cheetham.>
PRZSCzx.x.ZAirzsTS. The follow-
ers of Priscilhan, bishop of Avila in Spain
(the birthplace of St. Teresa), in the
fourth century. An Egyptian named
Mark brought the Mauichaean doctrines
into Spain, and seduced by them the
Bishops Instantius and Salvianus, besides
other important or wealthy persons, of
whom Priscillian was one. The sect was
condemned by a synod held at Saragossa
in 3S0 \ but even after this Instantius and
Salvianus ventured to raise Priscillian to
the see of Avila. The Emperor Grutian
vacillated ; but when the usurper Max-
imus came into power, be listened to the
complaints of Idacius and Ithacius, the
representatives of the majority of the
Spanish bishops, and caused Priscillian
and several of his adherents (3>4:) to be
tried before his own tribunal at Treves.
St. Martin, who happened to be at Treves
at the time, vainly endeavoured to dis-
suade Maximus from bringing a question
of heresy before a secular court. Pris-
cillian^ tiie widow Euchrocia, and several
othi Ti, were condemned and put to death.
St. Martin was so grieved and shocked by
this, that for a long time he refused to
commimicate with Ithacius, and would
not go near the Court. The heresy lin-
gered on in Spain during the fifth century
756 PRIVATE MASSES
PRIVATE REVELATION
and was not entirely extinct at the date
of the Council of Braga, 563.
PRIVATE MASSES. [See Mass.]
PRIVATE REVCX.ATIOIO'. The
Christian religion is described as a reve-
lation, on the ground that God through
Christ has revealed truths to which the
unaided reason could not liave attained,
or attained with the same certainty.
This revelation was made to the whole
world, just as the Mosaic religion, also
a revelation, communicated God's will
to a single people. But after the full
revt^lation made to the whole liuman
race through (-hrist, the New Testament
speaks repeatedly of private revelations
made to individuals for a particular end.
Thus St. Paul (Gal. ii. 2) on a menior-
ahle occasion went up to Jerusalem " in
accordance with a revelation " (kutc: ano-
KuXv\j/-iv) ; and he speaks elsewhere of
such revelations as made repeatedly to
himself (2 Cor. xii. 1), and as of frequent
occurrence in the Church (1 Cor. xiv.
6, 26), or at least that part of the
Church to which he was writing. Justin
(" Dial." 88, ad Jin.) and Irenseus (" Adv.
Haer." v. 6, 1) speak of prophetic gifts
as enduring in the Church of their own
day ; and later Fathers, in their strife
with the Montanists, did not attack those
sectaries simply because they claimed to
prophesy, but partly because of the
contents of their revelations, partly be-
cause these supposed prophecies were
made in an ecstatic state, which impeded
the use of reason. Thus the Montanist
Tertullian ("Adv. Marc." iv. 22, cf. " Pe
Anima," 45) ; whereas iNIiltiades, an early
Catholic opponent of the sect, wrote a
book to provp that " a prophet nmst not
speak in ecstasy " (n-fpi rov firj Setf rrpn-
(prjrrjv iv eKardad \a\eiu, Euseb. " H. E."
V. 17). This principle became an ac-
cepted one in the Church (so, e.(j., Chry-
.sost. Hom. xxix. in Epist. 1 ad Corinth.;
Epiphan. " Adv. Haer. Montan." 2 ;
Hieron. "Prsef. Comm. in Nahum "' ;
" Pr.'cf. Comm. in Habacuc ") ; l)ut the
possibility, and even the actual occurrence,
of private revelations in the Chnrcti of
all ages was, as we shall see presently,
never denied.' The whole subject has
been investigated with patient learning
by Eusebius Amort in his work entitled
"Da 1 ievelationibus, Visionibus et Aji-
paritionibus Privatis Regulas tutfe "
(Augsburg, 1744). For the remainder of
I See, however, Uouth, RelL Sacr. torn. ii.
p. 217, and the extract there given from Didv-
mus of Alexnndri.T.
this article we are largely indebted to
him ; and in theological principles we have
been content to follow him, though the his-
torical facts have been drawn from various
sources. We should add that Amort's
book contains an analysis of all that has
been said by the chief theologians and
mystics who have treated of the question.
So far as we are aware, the first
attempt to classify revelations from the
subjective side was made by St. Augustine
(" De Genesi ad lit.," xii. 1 seq.). He
divides them into such as are sensible, i.e.
given through sensuous images ; such as
are spiritual, i.e. conveyed through the
imagination, which presents to the mind
the figures of bodily things not actually
present ; and such as are purely intellec-
tual. The last he considers the most per-
fect, because least subject to demoniacal
illusion, since devils, as was supposed,
could influence the bodily powers, among
which imagination is reckoned, but could
not directly influence man's intellectual
nature. Even intellectual visions are
certainly from God only so far as the
objects and the light by which they are
manifested transcend nature. St. Augus-
tine's principles are accepted as funda-
mental by the later mystics, e.f/. by St.
John of the Cross and St. Teresa, whose
opinions are given by Amort at length.
St. Augustine evidently believed that
these private revelations were made from
time to time,though on each particular re-
velation he leaves others free to think as
they please (" Ep. Wx.. ad E vod." ; " Doct riu .
Christ." i. Prolog.), and he sharply con-
trasts their authoritv with that of the
Bible (" De Catech. Rud." 6).
In the middle ages a notable change
was effected since medifeval Popes have
actually given their solemn approval to
private revelations of saints. So Eugenius
III. approved the revelations of St Hilde-
garde (see Baronius, ad ann. 1148, n. 82),
and Cardinal Turrecremata tells us that
those of St. Bridget of Sweden were
sanctioned by Urban VI. and Boniface IX.
(see Turrecremata's Prologue prefixed to
the folio edition of St. Bridget's works,
Mimich, 1680, and the extracts from the
bull of Boniface IX., renewed and con-
firmed by Martin V.). Of St. Gertrude's
revelations Blosius merely says that they
were examined and approved by " most
learned and enlightened men," and that
no spiritual person will venture to impugn
them (Blosius, Appendix to the " Monile
Spirituale "). It is but another sign of
the growing importance attached in the
PRIVATE REVF.LATION
PRIVILEGE
757
tnedircval Church to private revelations '
and their closer connection with ecclesi-
astic authoritv, when we find Leo IX., in
hi.^ bull " Supemae," forbiddingr private
revelations to be published — e.g. in ser-
mons— unless alreadv approved by the
Holy See (see Castaldus, " De Potestate
Angelica." R'jiue, 1650, apud Amort).
This prominence of private revelations
in the later Church has given them a
greater influence on devotion and pious
beliefs. No doubt even in the early
Church the '• Shf-pherd " of Hermas had
for a time quasi -canonical authority. The
vision of St. Perpetua promoted the
belief in purgatorial pain ; the origin of
the Trisaginn was attributed to private
revelation fSt. John of Damasc. "De Fid.
Orthodox." iii. 10) ; the second Council of
Tours appeals to a private revelation for
the proper number of psalms at Sext
(Mann's " Concil."' ix. 797) : and the
Corpus Juris supposes (c. "Nosse,'' De
Consecr. D. 3, Pius I.) that an early
Pope was led to institute the celebra-
tion of Easter on Sunday by the revela-
tions of Hermas. But till" the middle
ages it may be safely said that no private
revelations exercised anything like the
wide and endurin? influence enjoved by
those of St. r-iertrude, St. Bridget, St.
Catharine of Siena, and many others who
might be named. Still, no marked change
was made in theological principle. For,
(1) Private revelations are only ap-
proved by the Pope in some general sense,
as containing nothing contrary to faith or
good morals, while the particular facts
given in them are only approved as pro-
bable and calculated to promote piety.
Amort points out that Suarez, although
he believed in the truth of St. Bridget's
revelations, does not scruple to contradict
them on details in the history of Christ's
passion.
( 2 ) They cannot in any case avail to
settle a controversy of faith still undecided
by the Church. It is true that Amort
quotes two theologian.-^ who judged other-
wise, Corduba (" Question." lib. I. q. 44)
and Orlandus ("In III. Sent." D. 8,
q. 3, dub. 4), and even St. Augustine
clearly thought, when in doubt about the
Talidity of baptism given in joke, that the
question might be decided by private
revelation, " per alicujus revelationis
oraculum concordi oratione implorandum ■*
(" Contr. Donat." vii. 53). But the whole
■weight of theological opinion is, as .\mort
abundantly proves, on the other side. An
attempt was made to influence the con-
troversy on the Immaculate Conception in
this way. The Dominican^ were the great
adversaries of the doctrine-, the Francis-
cans its champions. St. Bridget, who
was a Franciscan tertiary, asserts in
her revelations (vi. 49^ that she heard
the Blessed Virgin say, in so many words,
" The truth is, that I was conceived with-
out original sin." To this the Dominican
theologian St. Antoninus of Florence
replies ("Theol.''P. I. tit. viii. cap. 2)
that St. Catharine of Siena, who was a
Dominican tertiary, and " other female
saints, illustrious for miracles, had a
revelation to the contrary effect " (" habu-
erunt revelationem de coutrario ").
PRXVATzoir. [See Suspessios.]
PRZVZXiEGE. "A private enact-
i ment, granting some special benefit or
favour, against or outside the law." * It
differs from a dispensation in that this
last usually refers to a single act, such as
a marriage, or the reception of orders,
! whereas a privilege presupposes and legal-
I ises many acts done in pursuance of it.
It differs from a grace or benefaction, be-
cause the latter is confined to the good
which it operates once for all, whereas a
privilege confers on its possessor immunity
in regard to every act of the kind privi-
leged, as much as if he had obtained the
sanction of the law. A privilege may be
granted by word of mouth as well as by
deed. Privileges are either against the
law (as when the duty of paying tithes,
or that of submitting to the jurisdiction
of the ordinary-, is remitted to certain
persons or communities), or it is beyond
or outside the law — namely, when it
authorises acts which the law does not
forbid, but which are only allowable to
particular persons, such as the power of
absolving in reserved cases, or of dispens-
ing, and the like. Again, privileges are
divided into real, personal, and mixed ;
the first being primarily annexed to some
thing (a place, or a building, or a ditruity),
and indirectly extended to the persons by
whom the thing is owned or enjoyed ; the
second being primarily granted to some
person, regarded as an individual; the
third being granted to claese.s of persons —
e.g. the privileges of clerics, or students,
or soldiers. Many other distinctions are
noted by the canonists. It is obvious
that only that authority can establish a
privilege which is competent to frame
and enforce a law. Concession made by
such an authority is the usual source of
a privilege; it may, however, also be
> Ferraris.
758 PRIVILEGED ALTAR
PROCESSIONS
acquired by prescriiitiou. A third way |
is that of communication, of which the
mendicant orders furnish a brilliant ex-
ample, since every such order enjoys by
communication, not only every privilege
ever granted to any other mendicant in-
stitute, but also those granted to any of
the non-mendicant orders.
The chief privileges appertaining to
clerical or monastic persons have been
incidentally stated in the articles Bishop,
Abbot, Deacon, Peiest, Monk, Nun,
&c. ; but there are two important privi-
leges belonging to the entire clerical body,
which may here be noticed. These are
the privileges of the tribunal and the
canon (priiilcgia fori et canonis). The
first is the exemption of the clergy from
the secular tribunals in criminal and civil
causes : an exemption of the highest value
in barbarous times, but less desirable in
those more civilised, and now in point of
fact hardly anywhere enjoyed. The
privilege of the canon consists in the ex-
commimication (under the fifteenth canon
of the Second Lateran Council), with
reservation of absolution to the Pope, of
any one who has " laid violent hands on
cleric or monk." (Ferraris, Prioilegium ;
Soglia, ii. § iii.)
PRIVZIiECED AX.TAR. (I) An
altar, such as the seven privileged altars
in St. Peter's, by visiting which certain
indulgences may be gained.
(2) An altar at which Votive Masses
may be said even on certain feasts which
are doubles. There are often altars of
this kind at places of pilgrimage.
(3) Altars with a plenary indulgence
for one soul in purgatory attached to all
Masses said at them for the dead. The
privilege continues, even if a new altar
be erected, provided it be in the same
place and under the same title. AU
altars are privileged on All Souls' Day.
Sometimes the privilege is personal — i.e.
a priest may have the privilege of gaining
the plenary indulgence always, or on cer-
tain occasinus, when he offers Mass for
the dead, without respect to the altar at
which he says it. The local privilege is
only granted to fixed altars, the personal
may be used even at portable altars. The
Mass must be a Requiem Mass, if the
rubrics permit it to be said on that day.
This privilege is not withdrawn in the
general suspension of indulgences during
a jubilee. (Probst, art. Altar, in the new
edition of the " Kirchenlexikon.")
PROBABZX.ZSIVI. [See Moeal
THBOLOoy.]
PROCESSZOIJ'S. The word in its
wider sense is used of the solemn entrance
of the clergy to the altar for Mass, Vespers,
&c.,nr of their return after service to the
sacristy. The oldest Ordo Romanus, about
the year 720, contains elaborate directions
for a procession of this kind. At pro-
cessions in a more restricted sense persons
march together in public, that they may
express their gratitude to God, beseech
His mercy, or do honour to the living or
the dead. Processions with the first of
these objects are called processions simply,
those with the second are also known as
" Litanire," " Rngationes," " Stationes,"
"Supplicationes," " Exomologeses." Pro-
cessions at the visitation, &c., of a bishop
and at funerals are instances of the third
class. Processions are also classified,
according as they are made with or with-
out the IJlessed Sacrament, rehcs, statues
of the Blessed Virgin or the saints.
Lastly, there are extraordinary proces-
sions ordered by ecclesiastical authority
for some special cause, and ordinary ones
prescribed by the common ritual law of
the Church. To the latter class the pro-
cessions on Candlemas, Palm Sunday,
St. Mark's Day, three Rogation Days,
Corpus Christi, and at funerals belong.
Each procession has a head, who walks
last, those being nearest him who are
highest in dignity and the juniors walking
in front. The chief person, if a priest,
wears blretta, stole, surplice, and some-
times also cope ; if he bears the Blessed
Sacrament, always a cope and humeral
veil. A bishop wears his mitre and
pastoral staff'; but in procession with the
Blessed Sacrament and with a particle of
the True Cross (S.C.R. Sept. 2, 1600),
the head must not be covered, and then
the bishop's staff is carried behind, his
mitre before him. Tlie baldacchino al-
ways carried over the Blessed Sacrament
may also be used, where it is the custom,
with particles of the True Cross and other
instruments of the Passion (S.C.R. 27
Maii, 1826). It is also used to honour the
bishop — e.(/. at his solemn entrance into a
church. The colour of the vestments and
the prayers said vary with the occasion of
the procession. An out-door procession
always starts from and ends by returning
to the church, but sometimes several
churches are visited in the course of the
procession. The bishop may compel the
attendance even of religious at processions
under pain of censure, unless their rule
obliges them to entire seclusion (S.O.R.
18 Martii, 1679)
PROCESSION OF HOLY GHOST PROCESSION OF HOLY GHOST 759
Processions, at least in the case of
funerals, -were known in the Church
during the time of heathen persecution.
(See, e.y., " Acta Martyr. S. Cypriani'".)
The litanies or penitential processions are
thought by some to be mentioned by
Basil (Ep. l'07, " Ad Neoc." ; but see the
Benedictine note). Fe.-tal processions
are spoken of as an ancient custom by
Ambrose (Ep. 40, § 16, ad Theodos.). The
procession on St. Marks Day was old and
established in the time of St. Gregory the
Great, and was perhaps a survival in a
purified form of the procession on the
same day in honour of the goddess Robigo
(Ovid, "Fasti," iv. 906) ; processions with
relics were common in the fourth century.
(See, e.g., August. "Confix. 7; Socrates,
"H. E." iii. 18.) Gregory of Tours
("Hist. Franc." v. 4) mentions the custom
of carrj ing banners in processions. Pro-
cessions are in fact a natural means
common to all religions of publicly ex-
pressing the feelings of the heart, and are
taken by an obvious symbolism as a figure
of the Christian journey through this life
to the next. (For further information
see Funerals ; Cokpus Ckristi ; Roga-
Eoys, &c.).
PROCSSSZOSr OF THE HOZ.T
GHOST FROM THE FATHER .aWB
THE SON. The addition made to the
Nicene Creed at Constantinople in 381
mentions only the procession of the Holy
Ghost from the Father, and this for a
?lain reason. The definitions of the
louncil were directed against the Mace-
donians, who denied the divinity of the
Holy Ghost and supposed that He was
created, like aU else which is not God,
through the Son. The Council, on the
contrary, denied that the Third Person
vra& to be placed in the category of
creatures at aU. It affirmed His proces-
sion from the Father, and so in effect
denied that He was created through the
Son or owed His existence to Him, in the
same sense that creatiu-es do. Whether
the Spirit did or did not eternally proceed
from the Son was a question which did
not come before the assembly. For a long
time after there was no controversy on this
point. Theodore of Mopsuestia (Mansi,
"Concil.'iv. 1.34S) saysof the Holy Ghost:
" Neither do we regard Him as the Son or
as having received existence through the
Son." And so Theodoret, criticising the
ninth anathema of St. Cyril, declares he
will admit the Spirit's procession from
the Father, but by no means " that He has
existence " (nyi' virap^iv txo") from the
Son or through the Son.' Great autho-
rities— BeUarmine, Petavius, and Garnier
— have seen in Theodoret's criticism the
Ssst rise of the famous controversy on
the double procession. This view is very
far from certain. In all probability
Theodoret simply meant to separate the
existence of the Spirit from that of crea-
tures. (So Kuhn, " Trinitatslehre," p.
484 seq.)
However, the theology of the Church
was forced to consider the eternal rela-
tions of the Second and Third Persons.
If both alike proceeded from the Father,
then how was the Spirit distinct from the
Son ? Why were there not two Sons ?
The difficulty met in West and East with
two answers, different at least in form : —
1. The Latin formula is contained in
the early Creed falfely a.^cribed to St.
Athanasius — "The Holy Ghost is from
the Father and the Son." So Hilary,
"De Trin." ii. 29; Augustine, "De Triu."
iv. 20. These appear to be the oldest
testimonies,'^ for Tertullian's "a Patre per
Filium" ("Adv. Prax.'' 4) can scarcely be
regarded as a direct and certain reference
to eternal procession. There is no need
to quote later writers. Petavius ("Trin."
vii. 8) says he only knew of one single
Latin author — viz. Rusticus the Deacon,
who ever doubted the con-ectness of the
current Latin formula. St. Augustine
("In Joann." Tract, xcix. and in many
other places) proves the procession of the
Spirit from the Son, from the fact that
the former is called the " Spirit of the
Son " (Gal. iv. 6), and again because the
Son, while on earth, gave the Holy Ghost
the temporal mission by, implying eternal
procession from, the Son. St. Augustine
clearly explains ("De Trin." v. cap. 14)*
that the Spirit proceeds from the Father
and Son, not as from two principles, but
as from one. St. Anselm, in his treatise
on the procession of the Holy Ghost (cap.
18 al. 17), answers the objection of the
schismatic Greeks, that the Latins asserted
the procession of the Spirit from the
Father and the Son as from two principles,
by denying the alleged fact. The Spirit,
he says, proceeds from the Father and
Son, not in so far as they are distinct
from, but in so far as they are one with,
> The text will be found in the words of St.
Cyril, JJigne's reprint, vol. is. coL 432.
5 Ambrose {De Spiritu S. i. 11) says the
Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father and the
Son. But in this place "procedere" mean*
"to be sent."
s " Fatendum est Patrem et Filium princi-
pium esse Spiritus Sancti, non duo principia."
760 PROCESSION OF HOLY GHOST PROCESSION OF HOLY GHOST
each other. St. Thomas argues (I. qu.
xxxvi. a. 2) that if the Holy Ghost did
not proceed from the Son there would
be no real distiuction between them, since
in the Trinity the Persons are only dis-
tinguished from each other by mutual
relation. This is no more than the de-
velopment of a principle laid down by
St. Augustine and other Fathers. It
was, however, rejected by the Scotists.
2. The Greek Fathers commonly ex-
pressed their belief by another formula —
viz. " from the Father through the Son,"
intending by this mode of expression to
guard the doctrine that the Father is the
principle or ultimate source of the God-
head. This form was not unknown in the
West, for it occurs, e.g., in St. Hilary
("De Trin."xii. "ex te," addressed to the
Father, "per eum"), and implies, instead
of excluding, the belief that the Holy
Ghost proceeds from the Son as well as
from the Father. Moreover, some Greek
Fathers actually use the Latin form.
St. Epiphanius does so again and again (ro
fie ayiov TTveiiixa dn<poT(f)(i)v, "Haer.'' 74,
7 ; fK Tuv narpus Kai rov viov, "Ancorat."
8 ; opa Oeos f< narpos Kai vloii to Trvevpa,
ib. 9). So does St. Cyril of Alexandria,
who says the Spirit is " the Spirit of
Christ and His mind," and no mere minis-
ter, since He " knows without teaching
all that appertains to Him from whom
and in whom He is " (" In Joann." xiv.
25-26, p. 837, ed. Aubert). Other great
Fathers of the Greek Church clearly
express their belief in the double proces-
sion. Thus, St. Athauasius asserts " it is
not the Spirit which knits the word to
the Father, but rather the Spirit receives
from the Word " (Orat. iii. " Contr.
Arian." 24, p. 454 in the Benedictine
edition) ; and again, " Such as we have
found the proper relation (tfijorijra) of the
Sou to the Father, such we shall find is
that of the Spirit to the Son, and as the Son
says, ' AJl that the Father has is mine,'
so we shall find all this through the Sou
and in the Spirit " (" Ad Scrap." iii. 1, p.
552) ; and then he quotes the " Spirit of
the Son " (Gal. iv. 6) and other places in
which He is called both the Spirit of the
Father and of the Son. Basil speaks of
the Spirit as the " utterance " of the Son
(firifia fie v'wv to nfevpa, "Oontr. Eunom."
V. p. 304, ed. Benedict.; see alsoti. ii. 34,
p. 271. In iii. 1, p. 272, the clause Trap'
avToi) TO elvca exov Kai oKais r^r oItlus
fK€Lvr]s f'^Tjufiivov is spurious). A very
late Father, St. John of Damascus, is the
first to reject the Latin statement that the
Holy Ghost proceeds from the Son (e^
vloxj Sc TO nutvfia ov Xe'yopev, " De Fide
Orthodox." i. 8) ; and although St. Thomas
and Petavius consider this an error on
his part, Le Quien gives strong reasons
for supposing that he only meant to deny
that the Son is the ultimate principle of
the procession or a principle of it at all,
so far as He is distinct from the Father.
Up to this point, then, we meet with
nothing but a difference of words, like
that which divided the "West from most
of the Orientals on the use of the term
hypostasis; and for a long time each
part of the Church was allowed to go
its own way in peace. Pope Hormisdas,
in a letter to Justin in 521, states the
double procession in the Latin form
("proprium Sp. S. ut a Patre et Filio
procederet sub una substantia deitatis,"
Mansi, viii. 521), and met apparently with
no opposition. Maximus ("Ad Marin."
ed. Combefis, p. 70 seq.) shows that some
Greeks (as Le Quien thinks, Monothe-
lites) raised a difficulty on the matter;
but Maximus shows that both formulae
expressed the same truth. So, on the
other hand. Pope Hadrian, in a letter to
Charlemagne, defends the Greek formula
agaiust the attack of some Latins
(Mansi, xiii. 760 seq.). Tbe Latin
formula was violently denounced about
the same time by John, a Greek monk,
otherwise unknown, who charged the
Latin monlis on Mount Olivet with heresy,
but no great result followed. (See the
documents in Le Quien, " Dies. Damasc."
i. § xiii. seq.)
Unfortunately, the difference of words
was used by Photius after his condemna-
tion at Rome, and again when the schism
was renewed by Cserularius, as a means
of exciting hatred agaiust the Latins.
And the strife became more bitter after
the addition of the " Filioque " to the
Creed even in the local Church of Rome.
Enough has been said on these subjects
in the articles on the Greek Church and
on the Creeds. But something remains
to be added here on the doctrine of the
Schismatic Greeks.
Had they merely anathematised the
Latin formula because they thought it
imphed two principles of spiration ; had
they merely denied the right of the Pope
to permit the addition to the Creed, all
I this would have been proof of a schis-
I matical spirit, but would not in itself
have involved heresy on the doctrine of
the Trinity. In fact, liowever, the Greeks,
j begiuuiug with a factious opposition to
PROCURATOR
PROFESSION, RELIGIOUS 761
the Latin tt;rniinolog\-, ended in a denial
of the Catholic doctrine. Altbouph the
Greek Fathers, says Le Quieu, and St.
John of Damascus, to vrhom the Greeks
constantly appealed, taught the eternal
procession of the Holy Ghost from the
Father through the Sou, the schismatics
•with one consent, from Caerularius to
Beccus {i.e. till about 1274), denied any
«temal procession of the Spfrit though
the Son, and simply admitted that the
gifts or temporal manifestation of the
Holy Ghost came through the Son. (Le
Quien, loc. cit. § xlviii.) Here of course
is an absolute opposition, not of termino-
logy, but of doctrine.
A new opinion was devised in a
council held against the Patriarch Beccus,
■who became a Catholic. Examination
showed that the form in St. John Dam.,
" from the Father through the Son," re-
ferred to eternal procession. Thereupon
Gregory of Cyprus, the schismatical suc-
cessor of Beccus, advanced the theory
that the Holy Ghost proceeded from the
Father through the Son, not in respect
to existence, but to efi'ulgence (tis aibiov
fK(\>av<Tiv). There was, according to him,
an eternal effulgence, improperly called
the Spirit, produced by the Father through
the Son, or rather by all three Persons
(Le Quien, § xlix. 1). This was a prelude
to the notion of the Palamites, the kernel
of which consisted, as Combetis puts it, in
this, that they considered the iv(pyi)ixaTa
and gifts of the Spirit to be eternal and
uncreated (Combefis apud Mansi, xxri.
211).
At Florence, Mark of Ephesus began
by a simple objection to the insertion of
the " Filioque in the Creed ; but later
on he asserted that "through the Son"
meant "with the Son," denying any
other relation between the Second and
Third Persons. Many more instances of
Greek theologians who knowingly and of
set purpose opposed the Catholic doctrine
will be found in Petavius (" De Trin." vii.
1.5). [A very full and accurate account
of the whole history of the controversy
is given in the first of the dissertations
prefixed by Le Quien to his edition of
St. John of Damascus. We have also
derived much help from Petavius, " De
Trinitate," and Kuhn, " Trinitatslehre."]
PKOCUSATOB. The authorised
agent or representative of another (Fr.
procureur). Thus it answers to a "proxy,"
when the question is of a marriage which
one of the parties contracts through a
representative, and to a " sponsor," when
the question is of a baptism where one
or both of the god-parents are not able to
be present. In either of the above senses,
a procurator contracts spiritual affinity
not to himself, but to his principal. A
[ procurator is such either in respect of
lawsuits entered upon, or in respect of
business transactions ; in the first case he
is judicially, in the other, extra-judicialis.
The procurators or official agents of
monasteries of nuns should not hold
ofiice more than three years. (Ferraris,
Procurator.)
PROFSSSZOXr OF FAZTH. [See
j Cki;ei)s."
FKOFZSSSXOlff, BSX.ZGZ01TS. A
j religions or regular profession is " a pro-
mise freely made and lawfully accepted,
whereby a person of the full age required,
after the completion of a year of probation,
binds him- (or her-_) self to a particular
religious institute approved by the
Church."' The full age required is
sixteen years, reckoned from the day of
birth.^ The year of novitiate or proba-
. tion must have been continuous ; so that
if the novice had interrupted it even for
so short a time as two hours, e.g. by
leaving the monastery with the intention
of entering some other order, the year
would have to be begun de novo, from the
date when he renewed his resolution of
seeking admission to the order. More-
I over, the year of probation must be spent
in the religious habit, and in a monastery
: or other house designed for the purpose
I or approved by the Holy See.
! By being " freely made " is meant,
with entire personal liberty, with the free
command over one's own property, and
■without prejudice to the rights of third
parties. Thus neither a slave, nor a
married person (without the consent of
the other spouse), nor a bishop already
consecrated (without a Papal dispensa-
[ tion) can be validly professed.
I The matter of the promise is, the
three essential vows of religion, poverty,
obedience, and chastity, and any other
, vow or vows peculiar to the institute
which the candidate io entering.
The following is an outline of the
manner of profession of a nun, as pre-
scribed in the "Pontificale Romanum": —
I " The Pontifical office is recited as far
] as the Gospel. The novices, habited as
during their probationary year, each ac-
companied by two veiled religious, are
1 Ferraris.
- Cone Trid. sess. xxv. c. 16, De Eeg. et
Mon.
:C2 PROFESSION, RELIGIOUS
PROMULGATION
led from the convent into tbe church, and
go up two and two into the sanctuary ;
there they kneel ; and the priest, ofEciat-
inj^in the character of archpriest, requests
of the hisliop, seated on his throne Defore
the altar, that they may be consecrated.
The bishop asks whether they are fit and
worthy, and, being assured that they are,
bids them come up. They obey, and
raiiire themselves in a seuiicircle round
the bislinp, who, after a short exhortation,
says to them in a loud voice, ' Are you
willing to persevere in the observance of
holy ch istity P ' Each of them declares
her willingne:^s aloud, and after idacing
lier joined hands between those of the
bishop, pronounces her perpetual vows.
They return to their former place, and
kneel down, with heads bowed to the
g-round; the bishop kneels in front of the
altar, and the choir sings the Litanies.
After the sentence, ' Ut omnibus fidelibas
defunctis,' &c., and the response, the
bishop rises, and, with his mitre on, and
the crosier in his hand, solemnly blesses
the newly-professed, saying, ' Vouchsafe,
O Lord, to bless and consecrate these Thy
servants.' The response is made, 'We
beseech Thee, hear us.'
" Alter the Litanies the professed
rise, ' "v'eni. Creator,' is sung, and they
withdraw into a robing-room to change
their dress. The bishop blesses the differ-
ent articles of their future costume, and
first of all the habit, which they imme-
diately put on. They reappear, two and
two, and again form a semicircle round
the bishop, who, after the prayers, &c.,
set down in the ritual, puts the veil on
the head of each, the ring on her finger,
and the bridal wreath on her head. After
several solemn benedictions the Mass con-
tinues. At the Offertory the professed
come up to lay their offerings on the altar,
and at the Communion the bishop imparts
to them the sacred particles which he has
consecrated for them." '
With regard to the right of profession,
as also the minimum of age and length of
probation, there is considerable diversity
in the various approved rules of different
orders.
The effects of profession are, first, that
nothing short of a Papal dispensation,
which would only be given in extremely
rare and altogether exceptional cases, can
warrant the professed in returning to the
world. A religious in any other order
can pass into that of the Carthusians, on
account of its great austerity. To pass
» Wetzer and Welte, art. by Permaneder.
from one o:-der into another which has an
easier rule is not permitted without a
Papal dispensation. A valid profession
secures to its subject the right of main-
tenance in the convent during life, and
the enjoyment of all the rights and privi-
leges of the ecclesiastical state. It annuls
anj' sim])le vow previously contracted
wliich could not be inndr compatible with
the exact observaiu-c ol' tlio rule. It can-
cels a promise of maniaye, and even a
marriage itself, if not consummated. It
releases its subject, so far as ordination is
concerned, from the irregularity conse-
quent on illegitimacy; finally, it invests
the convent with the ownership of any
property belonging to the professed at the
date of pi-ofession, and also of any subse-
quently acquired. (Ferraris, Regularis,
rrofossio.)
PROMOTZOir PEK SiLZ.TVia.
[See ( )H11TN.\TI0N.]
PROMrvx.GA.'TZOia-. That a law
should bind, it is necessary that it should
be adequately promulgated or ])ublished.
From and after the date of such promul-
gation those whom the law concerns are
presumed to be acquainted with it, and
become liable to the penalties which dis-
oliedience entails in case of any infraction
of it. Papal rescri])ts are proinulgated
by proclamation in acie campi Flora, ^ and
by being affixed to the gates of the Vati-
can ; whence came the expression " Publi-
catio urbi et orbi facta." The diocesan
ordinances and pastorals of bishops are, in
general, transmitted by them to the rural
deans, who forward copies to the paro-
chial clergy under them ; but where the
number of the clergy is not very large,
they receive such missives direct from the
bishop. In either case, the parish priest
(or missionary rector, as the case may be),
completes the promulgation by reading
from the pulpit those portions which con-
cern the laity, and affixing the document
to the doors of his church.
Among the pernicious doctrines of
modern bureaucracy is that which, while
denying validity to Papal orepiscopal con-
stitutions unless .specially promulgated,
makes such promulgation dependent on
the consent of the civil government. The
exercise by the Pope and the hierarchy
of their divinely-conferred function of
ruling the flock of tJhrist is thus circum-
scribed, and may at any time be rendered
nugatory by a hostile government. [Exe-
QUATUK.]
• The Piazza of the Canipo di Fiore Ib not
far from the Roman Chancery.
i'liOPAGAKDA
PROPHECY 768
PROPA.CAM'SA. The sacred con-
gregation of Cardinals de propaganda
Jide, commonly called the Congregation
of Propaganda, -which had been contem-
plated by Grt'gorj- XIII., -w as practically
established by Gregory XV. (1622) to
guard, direct, and promote the foreign
missions. Urban Vm. (1623-1644) in-
stituted the " College of Propaganda " as
part of the same design, where young men
of every nation and language might be
trained for the priesthood, and prepared for
the evangelic warfare against heathenism
or heresy. The management of this col-
lege the'Pope entrusted to the Congrega-
tion. Urban caused the present building
to be erected from the designs of Bernini.
The College possesses a library of 30,000
volumes, among which are the translations
of a great number of Chinese works, and
a large collection of Oriental MSS. At-
tached to the library is the Mtiseo Borgia,
which contains several interesting MSS.,
service-books, and autographs, and a col-
lection of objects sent home by the mis-
sionaries from the countries where they
are stationed, including an extraordinary
assortment of idols. "The annual ex-
amination of the pupils which takes place
in January (on the day before the Epi-
phany), is an interesting scene, which few
travellers who are then in Rome omit to
attend; the pupils reciting poetry and
speeches in their several languages, ac-
companied also by music, as performed in
their respective countries." The number
of pupils is about 120.* [See Congbega-
TIONS, ROMAN.l
PROPERTT. [See Chttech Pbo-
PEETY.";
PROPHECT. (1) The biblical mean-
ing of this word is wider than that which is
now popularly attached to it. A prophet
was not necessarily one who foretold
what was to come; he was rather one
who spoke, acted, or wrote under the extra-
ordinary influence of God to make known
to man the divine counsels and wUl. The
Hebrew word (N*?:) clearly indicates
this. In Exod. iv. 16, Aaron is appointed
to be Moses' "prophet": "He shall
speak in thy stead to the people and
shall be thy mouth" (see Patrizi "In
Evang." 1. 'iii. diss. 13; St. Thomas,
2» 2", qu. clxxi. a. 3). But as the predic-
tive element became prominent the word
has gradually been restricted to foretelling.
We shall here state briefly the Catholic
teaching on prophecy in thiis sense.
> itorray's Hundbook for Rome, 1867.
A prophecy is the certain prediction
of future events which cannot be known
by natural means. This definition dis-
criminates prophecy from revelation of
things past or present ; from scientific
forecasts and predictions ; and from mere
conjectures as to the future. God, in
whose sight all things to come are ever
present, is able to communicate to His
creatures the knowledge which He
possesses. He alone has this power,
because foreknowledge of the contingent
future is peculiar to Him. Prophecies
are the words of His prescience, just as
miracles are the works of His omnipo-
tence. Hence a religion supported by pro-
phecies must be divine. They belong to
the supernatural order, because, directly
or indirectly, they tend to a supernatural
end — the salvation of mankind. Most
of them directly make known super-
natural facts, e.g. the coming of the
Messias, the conversion of the Gentiles,
the Last Judgment. Those which directly
refer to temporal events in no far off
future serve to prove indirectly, by their
fulfilment, the veracity of those of the
former class which have not yet been
fulfilled. It is clear that not a'U predic-
tions are worthy of credit. If the fore-
teller does not claim to be Gods mouth-
piece, and if his life is ungodly, we are
not bound to believe him. Although
there have been exceptions (e.g. Caiaphas,
John xi. 49-52), we may assume that
God does not, as a rule, communicate
His knowledge to the impious. The
credentials of a genuine prophecy are
miracles wrought in confirmation and the
fulfilment of other predictions made by the
prophet. Miracles stamp the speaker as
the minister of God, while the fulfilment
of what he liad previously foretold is the
natural and obvious proof of his possessing
predictive powers. Fulfilled prophecies
serve to prove the divine origin of a
religion when they possess the tollowing
qualifications : (1) that the prophecy
was really such, that is, was made before
the event ; (2) that the fulfilment
exactly answers to the prediction ; (3)
that the event could not nave been fore-
seen by natural means ; (4) that the har-
mony of prediction and event is not acci-
dental. (See St. Thomas, 2» 2 , qq.,
cLxxi.-clxxvi.)
(2) Twelve lessons from the Prophets
are sung after the blessing of the Paschal
candle and before the blessing of the font
on Holy Saturday. They were meant
originally for the instruction of the
7C4 PROPOSTTTOXS, con;de:mned
PROTESTANT
catechumens. It is evident i'rnni tlie
Sacramentaries and mediaeval writers on
ritual that the number varied very con-
siderably in different places and at
different times (Merat. on Gavant. torn,
i. p. iT. tit. 10).
(3) Lessons from the Prophets at
Mass are mentioned by Justin, and were a
regular feature in the Gallic, Ambrosian,
and Spanish Liturgies. In Rome and
Africa, as a rule, there was no lesson in
the Mass from the Old Testament (Le
Brun, tom. iii. diss. 1). Still, instances of
such lessons occur, e.g. on the Ember
Saturday in Whitsun week, and occasion-
ally, e.ff. on Friday in the same week, a
lesson from the Prophets replaces the
Epistle.
(4) " Prophetia " was the name in the
Gallican Mass for the Benedictus, It
was followed by a " CoUectio post prophe-
tiam." (Le Brun, tom. iii. diss. iv. a.
PROPOSZTZOirS, CONDEMITED.
From the earliest times the Church has
condemned heretical propositions. The
First General Council, for example, ana-
thematised certain propositions of Arius.
But the Church also condemns proposi-
tions which are uot indeed heretical, but
are opposed in some lesser degree to
soundness in the faith. Thus in 1418
Martin V. (bull "InterCunctas") proposed
thirty-nine articles for the examination
of persons suspected of agreement with
Wyclif and Huss. Of these the eleventh
puts the question whether they hold that
of the forty-five propositions of Wyclif
and Hus.s, condemned at the Council of
Constance, all are uncatholic, and of these,
some heretical, " some erroneous, others
rash and seditious, others offensive to
pious ears."' Such condemnations have
been very common in the modern Church.
Sometimes, as in the bull " Unigenitus,"
the propositions have been condemned in
globo — i.e. a number of propositions have
been condemned as re.spectively heretical,
false, scandalous, Sic. Sometimes, as in
the "Auctorem fidei " against the Jansen-
ist synod of Pistoia, each proposition has
a particular censure attached to it.
We may thus explain the meaning of
the terms of censure. A proposition is
" heretical " when it is directly opposed to
a truth revealed by God and proposed by
the Church ; " erroneous," when it is con-
tradictory to a truth deduced from two
premises, one an article of faith, the other
naturally certain ; " proximate to error,"
when opposed to a proposition deduced
with great probability from principles of
faith ; " hseresim sapiens," when it is
capable of a good sense, but seems in the
circumstances to have an heretical mean-
ing ; " evil sounding " or offensive to
pious ears," when opposed to piety and
the reverence due to divine things accord-
ing to the common mode of speaking;
" scandalous," when it gives occasion to
think or act amiss; " rash," when opposed
to the common sense of the Church in
matters of faith and morals. This ac-
count is taken from Viva, " De Fide"; but
Melchior Canus (" De Loc. Theol." lib.
xii. cap. 10) shows that opinions have
varied much on the precise import of the
minor censures. There is a well-known
work on the " Propositiones Damnatse"
by the Jesuit Viva.
PROTESTAnrT. The origin of the
name was as follows. At the first Diet
of Spires (1526) a decree was agreed to, to
1 the effect that, pending the convocation of
! a general council, every prince of the
j German Empire should be free to execute
! the imperial edict of Worms (1521, by
1 which Luther and his doctrine had been
\ condemned) in such a manner as was con-
sistent with his being prepared to answer
for his conduct to God and the Em-
peror. The adoption of this decree led
in practice to much discord and confu-
sion, the princes of the different states
being emboldened by it to make and en-
force within their own territories any
arrangements about religion that might
j be agreeable to them. Thus, in states
and cities where the Lutheran opinions
prevailed, the Catholic worship was often
forbidden. At the Second Diet of Spires
I (1529) the majority adopted a new decree
to this effect: that those states which
I had hitherto observed the edict of Worms
should contniue to observe it ; that the
' other states, in which the new opinions
had been introduced, should not, pending
the meeting of the council, make any
fresh changes in regard to religion ; and
that, in these last-named states, no preach-
ing against the Sacrament of the altar
should be permitted, the Mass should not
be abolished, and, if Lutheranism had
gained the upper hand, the Catholics were
not to be prevented from hearing Mass.
Against this decree the Lutheran mino-
rity in the Diet (chiefly Duke Frederic of
Saxony, the Landgrave of Hesse, and
Albert of Brandenburg) protested ; the
meaning of the protest being that the dis-
sentient princes did not intend to tolerate
Catholicism within their borders. The
followers of Luther objected to being
PROTOXOTARY
TROVOST
7G6
called Lutherans ; the name of " Evan-
gelical," which Luther approved, the
Catholics would not concede. Hence the
name "Protestant,'" whicli implied no-
thing positive, and might be used indif-
ferently by all who rejected the authority
of the Church, came easily into use by
common consent.
It has lately become the fashion among
a certain party in the Anglican Church
to reject the word "Protestant.'" But
this is the title given to their church in
the coronation oath, in the Bill of Rights,
and in the Act of S<>ttlement. " Will
you," asks the officiating prelate of the
King, "to the utmost of your power
maintain . . . the protestant reforyncd
reliyion established by law ? " (Mohler,
"Kirchengeschichte,"' vol. iii.)
PROTOirOTARY (nparos, nota-
rim). In early times this title, which
seems to have been first used at Constan-
tinople in the eighth century, meant " the
chief of the notaries," and corresponded
to primicerius notariorum, the term then
in use at Rome. After 800, the title of
protonotary was introduced in the West,
and for a long time past it has designated,
not the chief, but any member of the im-
portant and dignified College of Proto-
notaries Apostolic in the Roman Curia.
Their great and varied privileges are de-
scribed by Ferraris. Tradition assigns to
St. Clement in the first century the insti-
tution of the notaries, seven in number ;
Si.\tus V. raised the number to twelve.
They are of two grades, a higher and a
lower, P. de nuinero jmrtictpantium and
P. titulnres seu extra munerum. Their
function is to register the Pontifical acts,
make and keep the official records of
beatifications, &c., &c. (Ferraris; Smith
and Cheethara.)
PROTOPR^SSBTTSR. The proto-
papas, or chief of the clergy of the second
order, was anciently so called in the
Eastern Church. In the acts of the
Synod of the Oak (401), Arsaciufl, the
protopresbyter of the Church of Con-
stantinople, figures as a witness against
his own archbishop, St. John Chryso-
stom. Apparently the term was equiva-
lent to " archpriest." (Smith and Cheet-
ham.)
PROVZircE. The territory, com-
prising usually several dioceses, witliin
which an archbishop or metropolitan
exercises jurisdiction. In rare cases — e.g.
Glasgow and Olaiiitz — there is an arch-
bishop without suffragans.
A modem theory derives the provin-
cial councils and metropolitans of the
primitive Church by direct imitation from
those assemblies and their presidents by
which civil affairs were conducted in the
various provinces of the Roman Empire.^
The president of such an assembly {koivov,
conciliuni) was, it is said, called the sacer-
dos provincue-, the members were called
avvfSpoi or leffdti; here we have the
original type of a metropolitan and bishops
sitting in council. But till it can be
shown that these crvvfbpoi were, as Chris-
tian bishops were from the first, invested
with pei-manent powers of government
and administration within certain local
limits, the resemblance of the two insti-
tutions cannot be said to be very close.
Of course there can he no doubt that the
boundaries of many ecclesiastical provinces
merely conformed themselves to those of
the civil provinces ; the convenience of
such an arrangement would be obvious,
[SeeAncHBisHOP; Metropolita2t ; Dio-
cese.]
PROVXN-CXAX.. The religious who,
being appointed either by the general of
the order or by the chapter, has the
general superintendence of the affairs of
the order within the limits of a certain
province. These provinces have a greater
or less geographical e.xtension according
to the number of monasteries established
within them ; when the monasteries are
numerous, c<-eteri'< paribus, the provinces
will be smaller. In 1 CiQQ the residences and
colleges of the Society of Jesus [Jesuits]
were distributed among twenty-one pro-
vinces ; this implies the existence of the
same number of provincials.
PROVISZOW, CAIVrON'ZCil.I.. By
this is meant the regular conferring of,
and induction into, ecclesiastical fimc-
tions. It has three principal parts or
stages — desi^mation, collation or insti-
tution, and installation. [See Bishop, IV. ;
Nomination ; Collation to a Benefice ;
and Installation.]
PROVOST {precpositus). Professor
Cheetham has collected six difl'erent
senses in which the word prfepositvs was
used in the first eight centuries : (1) as
the president or chairman of anj' meeting ;
(2) as the chl(>f of a body of canons; (.'3)
as the second in authority under an
abbot, or the head of a subordinate house
[see Peioe]; (4) as that member of a
chapter who manages the estates ; besides
two senses of minor importance. Re-
ferring to (2), the provost of a cathedral
' Art. '• Bishop," by Mr. Hatch, in Smith
and Cheethaui.
rce
PRUDENCE
PURGATORY
chapter was anciently the archdeacon ;
the provost of a collegiate chapter -was
the first dignitary aujoiig the canons. At
the present day, in Austria, Prussia,
Bavaria, and England, the cathedral
c lapters are presided over by provosts;
in France and other parts of Germany
hy deans. In Austria the provost of a
cathedral has the title and privileges of a
prelate; the provost of Munich has the
right oi' \vi-;uiiig the mitre in processions.
Provosts in Au>tiiu are nominated by the
Emperor; in lliigland and the other
countries named, by the Pope. (Smith
and Cheetham ; \Yetzer and Welte.)
FSUDEirCE. [See Cardinal Vie-
XUES. J
PS.YMER. The Prymer -was a name
given in England to a popular manual con-
taining the Hours of the Blessed Virgin,
the dirge, penitential, and gradual psalms.
Pater, Ave, Creed, Commandments,
Litany, commendations, and other occa-
sional prayers. It is only when dill'erent
parts of the offices, prayers, ^;c , are trans-
lated into English that the word Prymer
is used. Thus the title runs, " The
Prymer of SuIn >hnry l'-.," " The Prymer
in Engly.-slie,"' " The Prymer in Ei.g-
lysshe aiid Latin,'" >S:c. Prymers were
published by the authority of King
Heniy Vlll. after he had i'.sserted the
royal supremaiy. and again by the Pi-e-
formers, who piildi-lied Pryme)-s to suit
their own wa\ of t hinlvinii. ^Ve owe to
Mr.Ma^kell aiun,i Lamed and inteivMing
edition of the ]'higii.-h PryniHr linm a
MS. now in the British M iiseuiii, not hiter
than 1410. The MS. has no title, but tije
contents an>\\er to those of the Prymer,
and Mr. Ma.-kell traces the word back to
the I'Jiirteenth century. (From Mr.
Maskell's Dissertation on the Prymer,
Monument. Piit." vol. iii.)
P.SEUQO-XSZDORE. [See Falsb
Deceejals.]
PTTXiPZT. The old custom was to
preach from the altar or episcopal chair.
But apparently even in St. Augustine's
time the ambo, originally meant for
readers and singers, and large enough to
hold several persons easily, was used for
preacliing, and so was raised and nar-
rowed into the form of thi' ))n!]iit. It
j-lundd be placed on thr Cm^im I sidr
(S. C. R., February 20, Isic'j, unless
that side is already oeeujned by tie'
l)i.-liop's throne. Tie- bl>hn[i, accoidin-
to the '• Cicr. E]ii.-r." sliould preach, it
possible, from the throne or from a fald-
stool at the altar. If this is inconvenient,
' he should be accompanied to the pulpit
by the two canons who assist at the
throne. (Montault, " Traite de la Con-
struct., etc., des Eglises.'')
} PUBCATORY. A place in which,
souls w ho depart this life in the grace of
God suffer lor a time Ijecause they still
need to be cleansed from venial, or have
still to pay the temporal punishment due
to mortal sins, the guilt and the eternal
jmnishment of which have been remitted.
Purgatory is not a place of probation, for
the time of trial, the period during which
the soul is free to choose eternal life or
eternal death, ends with the separation of
soul and body. All the souls in Purga-
tory have died in the love of God, and
are cei'tain to enter heaven. But as yet
they are not pure and holy enough to see
God, and God's mercy allots them a place
and a time for cleansing and preparation.
At last, Christ will come to judge the
world, and then there will be only two
places left, heaven and hell.
The Councils of Florence ("Decret.
Uuionis") and Trent ("Decret. de Pur-
gat." se>>. XXV. ; cf sess. vi. can. 30,
xxii. " De Sacrific. Miss." c. 2 et
can. .j), define " that there is a Purgatory,
and that the souls detained there are
hi-'lped by the prayers of the faithful and,
above all, by the acceptable sacrifice of
the altar." Further the definitions of
the Church do not go, but the general
teaching of theologians explains the doc-
trine of the C'luncils, and enib-iie* the
general ti'utiment of the I'liit ! ; !n 1 , Tln-o-
iMgians, then, tell tliat >ni;l> n ! = . r death
are cleansed from the stain of their venial
-ins by turning with fervent lo\e to God
and by detestafion of those ofi'ences w-hich
marred, though they did not entirely
destroy, their union with Him. St.
I Thomas and Suarez hold that this act of
1 fervent love and perfect sorrow is made
in the first instant of the soul's separation
from the body, and suffices of itself to
' remove all the stain of sin. (See the
quotations in Juugmann," De Novi>simis"
( p. lO.j.) Be this as it may, it is certain
: that the tiuie of merit expires with this
life, and that the debt of tem])oral punish-
ment uut-t >till be i)ald. The souls in
PurL'atory suli'er the ])ain of loss — i.t.
tliry are' in aiigui-h, luM-iuse their past
sin^ exeliiiji- tliem for a >i a~Mn I'rom the
>l-hf of <iod, and tli.'v iindei->tand in a
d''gree ]e.-e\iously iniiHis>iUe the infinite
lilies !i(.uu which they are excluded and
the foulness of the least offence against
the God who has created and redeemed
PURGATORY
PURGATORY
7G7
them. They also under<ro " the pimisli-
ment of sense " — i.e. positive pains which
afflict the soul. It is tlie cominoii belief
of the Western Church that they are
tormented by material fire, and it is
quite conceivable that God should give
matter the power of constraining and
afflicting even separated souls. But the
Greeks have never accepted this belief,
nor was it imposed upon them when they
returned to Catholic unity at Florence.
The saints and doctors of the Church
describe these pains as very terrible.
They last, no doubt, for very diflerent
lengths of time, and vary in intensity
acCJrding to the need of individual cases.
It is supposed that the just who are
alive when Christ comes again, and who
stand in need of cleansing, will be purified
in some e.\traordinary way— e.^. by the
troubles of the last days, by vehement
contrition, &c., but all this is mere con-
jecture. In conclusion, it must be re-
membered that there is a bright as well
as a dark side to Purgatory. The souls
there are certain of their salvation, they
are willing sufferers, and no words, ac-
cording to St. Catherine of Genoa, can
express the joy with which they are
filled, as they mcrease in union with God.
She says their joy can be compared to
nothing except the greater joy of Para-
dise itself. '^See for numerous citations,
Jungniann, " De Noviss." cap. 1, a. 6.)
This may suffice as an account of
theological teacliiim- on tlie subject. It
must not be snjipused that any such
weight belong- to Icgi'inls and specula-
tions which abound in medireval chronicles
(see Maskell, "Monument, Rit." vol. ii. p.
Ixxi.), and which often nppear in modern
books. The Council of Trent (sess. xxv.
Decret. de Purgat.), while it enjoins
bishops to teach " the sound doctrine of
Purgatory, handed down by the holy
Fathers and councils," bids them refrain
"in popular discourses" from those
"more difficult and subtle questions
•which do not tend to edification," and
"to prohibit the publication and discus-
sion of things which are doubtful or even
appear false."
Scripture, it may be justly said, points
to the existence of Purgatory. There is
no fellowshiji between the darkness of
Bin and selfishness and God, " in whom
there is no darkness at all," so that the
degree of our purity is the measure of
our union with God here on earth.
Perfect purity is needed that we may see
God face to face. When God appears
' "we shall be like Ilim, for we shall see
Him as He is." " Every man who hath
this hope in him puritieth himself, as he
is pure" (1 John iii. 2, 3). Without
holiness " no man shall see the Lord "
(Heb. xii. 14). This work of inner
cleansing may be effected by our corre-
I spondence with grace. We sow as we
reap: deeds of humility increase humility;
I works of love deepen the love of God and
{ man in the soul. Often, too, God's mercy
in this life weans the soul from the love of
the world, and .nffliction may be a special
mark of His compassion. " Whom the
Lord loves He disciplines, and He
scourges every son whom He receives "
(Heb. X. 6). He disciplines us "for our
good, that we may participate in His
sanctity " {ib. 10). Now, it is plain that
in the case of many good people this
discipline has not done its work when
death overtakes tliem. Many faults, e.g.
of bad temper, vanity, and the like, and
infirmity consequent on more serious sins
of which they have repented, cleave to
them still. Surely, then, the natural
inference is that their preparation for
heaven is completed after death. By
painful discipline in this world or the
next God finishes the work in them which
He has begun, and perfects it " imto the
day of Jesus Christ" (Phil. i. 6).
We would appeal to those general
principles of Scripture rather than to
particular texts often all^oed in proof of
Purgatory. We doubt if they contain
an explicit and direct reference to it.
St. Paul (1 Cor. iii. 10) speaks of some
who will be saved " yet as through fire,"
but he seems to mean the fire in which
Christ is to appear at the last. He him-
self, he says, has estalilished the Corinthian
Church on the only possible foundation —
viz. Jesus Christ. Others have built it
up from this foundation, or, in other
words, have develn])pd the Christian faith
and life of its members. These teachers,
however, must take care how they build,
even on the one foundation. " Each
man's work will be made manifest, for
the day will show it, because it [the day
of judgment] is revealed in fire, and the
fire will test each man's work of what
kind it is : if any man's work which he
has built up [on the foundation] remains,
he will receive a reward ; if any man's
work is burnt down he will suffi^r loss —
[i.e. he will forfi'it the special reward and
glory of good teachers], but he himself
will be saved, but so as through fire."
The man who has built up with faulty
768 rURGATORY
PURGATORY
material is depicted as still working at
the building when the fire of Christ's
coming seizes it and he himself escapes,
but only as a man does from a house on
fire, leaving the work which is consumed
behind him. St. Paul, if we have caught
his meaning, spraks of the end of the
world, not of the time between death and
judgment, and so, we think, does our
Lord in Matt. xii. 32. The sin against
the Holy Ghost, he tells us, will not be
forgiven, either " in this age " (eV tovtw
Tw aloovi) — i.e. in the world which now
is — or in the futtire age (tV fa fieXKovri) —
i.e. in the new world, or rather new period
which is to be ushered in by the coming
of the Messias in glory. There is no hope
of forgiveness here or hereafter for the
sin against the Holy Ghost, but it does not
follow, and, granting our interpretation,
it woidd be inconsistent with Catholic
doctrine to believe, that other sins may be
forgiven in the age to come. Thus, " the
age to come" would have precisely the
same sense as the corresponding Hebrew
words (N3n DViyn— see, e.g., " Pirke
Avoth," cap. 4, and for many other in-
stances Buxtorf, "Lex. Rabbin, et Chald.
sub voc. th^V), which is in itself a strong
argument, and the meaning we have
given is fully supported by New Testa-
ment usage (see particularly rov aloyvos
eKfivov Tv^elv, Luke XX. 35, and o-vvT(\tia
roil alaivos, Matt. xiii. 39, 40, 49, xxiv. 3,
xxviii. 20 — decisive passages, as we ven-
ture to think). Maldonatus decidedly
rejects the supposed allusion to Purgatory
in Matt. v. 25, 20. " Be well-disposed
to thine adversary [i.e. the offended
brother] quickly, even till thou art on
the way with him [i.e. it is never too
soon and never, till life is over, too late
to be reconciled], lest the adversary hand
thee over to the judge, and the judge
hand thee over to the officer, and thou
be cast into prison. Amen, I say unto
thee thou shalt not go out thence till
thou shalt pay the last farthing." Mal-
donatus follows St. Augustine in the
opinion that the "last farthing" will
never and can never be paid, and that
the punishment is eternal. Ju.st in the
same way it is said of the unmerciful
slave (Luke xviii. 34) that he was to be
handed over to the tormentors " till he
should pay all the debt." Yet a slave
could never pay so enormous a sum as
10,000 talents. " Semper solvet, sed
nunquam persolvet," "He will always
I pay, but never pay off," is the happy
comment of Remigius (and so Chrysostom
and Augustine ; see Trench, " Parables,**
' p. 164). The reader will find the various
interpretations of these texts fairly dis-
cussed in Estius and Maldonatus or in
Meyer. Bollinger, however (" First Age
of the Church," p. 249), sees an " unmis-
takable reference " to Purgatory in Matt,
xii. 32, V. 26.
In two special ways, writers of tha
early Church, as Cardinal Newman points
out ("Development," p. 385 seq.), were
led to formulate the belief in Purgatory.
! In the articles on the sacrament of Pen-
; ance, we have shown the strength of
' primitive belief in the need of satisfaction
for sin by painful works, and in the
article on Penance the rigour with which
satisfaction was exacted. Indeed, the
belief in Purgatory lay dormant in the
priaiitive Church to a certain extent, just
because the fervour of the first Christians
was so vehement, just because the severity
of penance here might well be thought to
exclude the need of purifying discipline
after death. But what was to be thought
[ of those who were reconciled on their
I death-bed, before their penance was ended
; or even begun, or in whom outward pen-
j ance for some cause or other had failed to
j do the whole of its work ? Clement of
i Alexandria supplies a clear answer to
! this question : " Even if a man passes out
of the flesh, he must put off his passions,
ere he is able to enter the eternal dwell-
ing, . . . through much discipliue, there-
fore, stripping off his passions, our faith-
ful man will go to the mansion which is
better than the former, bearing in the
special penance which appertains to him
(iSi'co/Ma Tris fieravnias) a very great punish-
ment for the sins he has committed after
j baptism" ("Strom." vi. 14, p. 794, ed.
Potter). He speaks of the angels " who
preside over the ascent '' of souls as
detaining those who have preserved any
worldly attachment (iv. 18, p. 61()), and
with at least a possible reference to Pur-
gatory, of fire as purifying sinful souls
(vii. 6. p. 851). The genuine and con-
temporary Acts of St. Perpetua, who
suffered under Septimius Severus at the
very beginning of the third century,
plainly imply the belief in Purgatory.
The saint, according to a part of the Acts
written by herself, saw in a vision her
brother who was dead, and for whom she
had prayed. He was suffering, and she
went on praying. Then she beheld him
in another and more cheerful vision, and
PUEGATORY
PURGATORY 700
"knew that he was translated from his
place of punishment " {de poena ; Ruin-
art, "Act. Mart. S. Perpet." &c., vii.
viii.). Cyprian (Ep. Iv. 20), in answer
to the objection that the relaxation of
penitential discipline in the case of the
lapsed would weaken the courage and
stability which made martyrs, insists that
after ail the position of one who had
fallen away and then been admitted to
martyrdom would always be much less
desirable than that of a martyr. " It is
one thing for a man to be cast into prison
and not to leave it till he pay the last
farthing, another thing to receive at
once the reward of faith and virtue ;
one thing to be tormented long with
sorrow for sins, to be purified and cleansed
for a long time hy the fire, another to
purge away all sins by martyrdom."
Cardinal Newman urges that these words,
especially " missum in carcerem," " pur-
gari diu igne," "seem to go beyond" a
mere reference to penitential discipline in
this life, and the Benedictine editor is of
the same mind.
Next, we can prove the early date of
belief in Purgatory from the habit of
fraying for the dead, a habit which the
Ihurch inherited from the Synagogue.
The words in 2 Mace. xii. 42 scq. are
familiar to everybody. Judas found
t'fpci^iara, or things consecrated to idols,
under the garments of those who had
been slain in battle against Gorgias.
AVhereupon he made a collection of
money and sent to Jerusalem, " to offer
sacrifice for sin, doing very well and
►'xcellently, reasoning about the dead.
For unless he had expected those who
had fallen before [the others] to rise
again, it would have been superfluous and
absurd to pray for the dead. Therefore,
seeing well [etifikmtav] that a most fair
reward is reserved for those who sleep
in piety, his design was holy and pious,
whence he made the propitiation for
the dead that they might be loosed from
sin." ' This passage implies a belief both
in Purgatory and the efficacy of prayers
for the departed, and takes for granted
that this belief would be held by all who
believed in the resurrection. This is not
the place to discuss the canonical or even
the historical character of the book. It
represents a school of Jewish belief at
the time, and we know from xv. 37 that
1 This sentence is, of course, ungranimati-
cal ; but 80 is the Greek. A part cf 2 Mace, is
more like rouph notes than a finished composi-
tion.
it was written before the destruction of
Jerusalem. Second Maccabees was com-
posed in Greek, but we have the full.'st
evidence from Hebrew and Chiildee
sources that the later Jews prayed for
the dead and recognised the need of
purification after death. Weber (" Alt-
synag. Palfist. Theol." p. 326 seq.) thus
sums up tlie Rabbinical doctrine : " Only
a few are sure of [immediate] entrance
into heaven; the majority are at their
death still not ripe for heaven, and yet
will not be absolutely excluded from it.
Accordingly, we are referred to a middle
state, a stage between death and eternal
life, wliich serves for the final perfecting."
Those who were not perfectly just here
suffer " the pain of fire, and the fire is
their penance." The " Pesil(ta," a very
ancient commentary on sections of the
Law and Prophets, composed at t he begin-
ning of the third century after Christ,
describes the penance as lasting usually
twelve months, of which six are spent in
extreme heat, six in extreme cold. The
common Rabbinical doctrine that Israel-
ites, except those guilty of some special
sin, do at last enter heaven, and the
fantastical shapes which the Jewish doc-
trine of Purgatory has assumed, do not
concern us here. But it is well to ob-
serve that the Jews have never ceased to
pray for their dead. The following is
from the prayer said at the house of
mourners, as given in a modern Jewish
prayer-book, issued with authority : —
" May our reading of the law and our
prayer be acceptable before Thee for the
soul of N. Deal with it according to thy
great mercy, opening to it the gates of
compassion and mercy and the gates of
the garden of Eden, and receive it in love
and favour ; send thy holy angels to
it to conduct it, and give it rest beneath
the Tree of Life." (pnV! Ti'V " Medi-
tation of Isaac," a Jewish prayer-book
according to the German and Polish rite,
pp. 336-7).'
Against the Jewish custom and doc-
trine Christ and His Apostles made no
protest, though lioth custom and doctrine
existed in their time. Nay, "St. Paul
himself [cf. 2 Tim. i. 16-18 with iv. 19]
gives an example of such a prayer. The
> The is recited at morning and even-
ing prayer for deceased parents during eleven
months of the year of mourning. Formerly it
was said for the whole year. It is one of "the
few prayers in tlie Kitual which are in Chaldee
instead of Hebrew, but there are internal signs
that it comes from a lost Hebrew original.
3d
770 PURGATOKY
PURIFICATIOX OF B. V. M.
Epliesian Onesiphorus, mentioned in tlie
Second Epistle to St. Timothy, -was
clearly no longer among the living. St.
Paul praises this man for his constant
service to him, but does not, as elsevchere,
send salutations to him, but only to his
family ; for him he desires a blessing from
the Lord, and prays for him that the Lord
will grant he may find mercy with Christ
at the day of judgment." The words in
inverted commas are from Bollinger's
" First Age of the Church," p. 25] ;
but many Protestant commentators,
among whom we may mention De Wette
and Huther, who is eminent among recent
commentators on the Pastoral Epistles,
lean to the same interpretation.
All this con.sidered, it carmot seem
strange that every ancient liturgy con-
tains prayers for the dead. To under-
stand the strength of this argument we
must remember that these liturgies are
written in many different languages, and
represent the practice in every part of the
ancient world. The very first Christian
who has left Latin writings speaks of
" oblations for the dead " as a thing of
course (TertuU. "De Coron." 3). It is
often said that prayers for the dead do
not necessarily imply belief in Purgatory,
and this is true. The words, e.g., in the
Clementine liturgy, "We offer to Thee
for all Thy saints who have pleased Thee
from ancient days, patriarchs, prophets,
just men, apostles, martyrs, confessors,
bishops, presby ters, deacons, subdeacons,
readers, singers, virgins, widows, laymen,
and all whose name Thou Imowest," do
not imply that those for whom the sacri-
fice is oti'ered are in a state of suffering.
But TertuUian (" Monog." 10) connects
prayer for the dead with Purgatory wlien
he says of a woman who has lost her
husband that "she prays for his soul,
and .supplicates for him refreshment [re-
fn(jeriimi\, and a part in the first resur-
rection, and offers on the anniversaries of
his death \dormitioms\" So, too, St.
Cyril of Jerusalem ("Mystagog." 5):
" If when a king had banished certain
who had given him offence, their con-
nections should weave a crown and offer
it to him on Iji'half of those under his
vengeance, would he not grant a respite
to their punishments? In the same
manner we, when we offer to Him our
supplications for those who have fallen
asleep, though they be sinners, weave no
crown, but offer up Christ sacrificed for
our sins, propitiating our merciful God,
both for them and for ourselves." Still
1 the doctrine was not fully established in
I the West till the time of Gregory the
I Great. Some of the Greeks conceived
that all, however perfect, must pass
through fire in the next world. So, e.g.,
Origen, " In Num." Horn. xxv. 6, " In
Ps. xxvi." Hom. iii. 1. St. Augustine
had, indeed, the present doctrine of Pur-
gatory clearly before his mind, but had
no fixed conviction on the point. In his
work '•■ De VIII Dulcitii Quaestionibus "
(§ 13), written about 420, he says it is
" not incredible "that imperfect .souls will
be "saved by some purgatorial fire,"' to
which they will be subjected for varying
lengths of time according to their needs.
A little later, in the " De Civitate,"
he expresses his belief in Purgatory as if
he were certain (xxi. 13) or nearly so (xx.
25), but again speaks doubtfully (xxi. 26,
" forsitan verum est ") and in the " Enchi-
ridion" (69). Very different is Gregory's
tone: " Ante judicium purgatorius ignis
credendus est " (" Dial." iv. 39).
PVRXFXCATXOlir, as distinct from
ablution, is the pouring of vrine into the
chalice after the priest's communion, the
wine being drunk by the priest. This
purification is not of ancient date.
" Liturgical writers," says Le Brun (" Ex-
plication de la Messe,'' P. v. a. 9, § 3),
" down to the treatise on the mysteries by
Cardinal Lothair, afterwards Pope under
the name of Innocent III., at the end of
the twelfth century, simply note that the
priest washes his hands, that the water
was thrown into a clean and decent place,
called the piscina, and that [the water]
used to wash the chalice was thrown into
the same place." But Innocent III., fifteen
or sixteen years after writing his treatise
" De Mysteriis,'' laid it down that the
priest should always use wine to purify
the chalice, and drink it, unless he was
going to say another Mass.
PVRZrXCATZONT OF THE
bx.essz:d vxrczw. The Levitical
law (Lev. xii. 2 seq.) declared women
unclean for seven days after the birth of
a male child ; it excluded them from the
sanctuary for thirty-three days more ; on
the fortieth they had to appear in the
temple and to offer a lamb one year old
for a holocaust and a young pigeon or
turtle-dove as a sin-offering. In the case
of the poor it was enough to offer two
turtle-doves or young pigeons, one as a
holocaust and the other as a sin-offering.
The Blessed Virgin was not bound by this
law, since the child born of her was con-
ceived by the Holy Ghost (see Levit xii. 2
PURIFICATION OF B. V. M.
and St. Thomas " Sumnia,"-"., q. xxxvii. 1).
But her divine Son subjected Himself to
the burdens of the law that He might set
Ilis seal to its divine origin, remove occa-
sion of cavil, and leave us an exanyple of
humility ; and similar motives no doubt
induced the Virgin herself to undergo the
rite of purification. It is this event which
the Church celebrates in the feast which
bears that name, and is kept for a reason
virtually given already on the fortieth
day after Christmas, i.e. February 2. If,
however, we turn to the Mass for the day,
we find no less prominence given to two
other events which were simultaneous with
PYX
771
the
pun:
fication. Candles are blessed and
carried in procession to remind us how the
holy old man Simeon met our Lord, took
Ilini in his arms, and declared Him the light
of the G < ' 11 ; lies a n (1 the glory of Israel. Next,
in the collect, epistle, and the gospel there
are marked references to the fact that our
Lord was at the same time presented in
the temple before God and redeemed with
live holy shekels (Luke xii. 22, of. Exod.
xiii. 2 ; Num. viii. 16, xviii. 15). Indeed,
these two latter incidents are more pro-
minent in the Mass and office than that of
the Blessed Virgin's purification, and it is
notewortliy that the Preface in the Mass
is the same as that of Christmas, not the
one which is proper to the feasts of the
Blessed Virgin. The Greeks number the
festival amongst those of our Lord, and
call it VTravTrj, viranavTrj, i.e. the meeting
of Christ with Simeon and Anna. The
old Latin title " occursus," " obviatio,"
points in the same direction. So Bede
calls it " Oblatio Christi ad templum," and
in the Ambrosian rite it is still reckoned
among the solemnities of our Lord's life.
On the other hand, the name in the Roman
Missal and Breviary, viz. " Purificatio
B.V.M.," stamps it as a feast of the Blessed
Virgin. The English name Candlemas
refers of course to the candles blessed and
carried in procession before Mass.
We have the first certain traces of the
observance in the East. No Father of
the first five centuries mentions it, for the
homily of ^lethodius on the feast is pro-
bably due to Methodius of Constantinople
in the ninth century, and in any case is
certainly not by Methodius of Tyre, who
lived at the end of the third. Similar
homilies attributed to Cyril of Jerusalem,
Amphilochius and Gregory Nyssen are
admitted on all hands to be spurious. In
the year 54.3, says Fleury (" IT. Iv" livr.
xxxiii. 7), "they began to ii'lrhrate at
Constantinople the feastof tlie Piirilication,
named by the Greeks Ilypapaiite," and he
refers to the notes of Baronius on the
martjrology for Fv-bruary 2. Fleury's
statement is undoubtedly accurate. But
there is nothing incredible in that of
Cedrenus that there was a local cele-
bration at Antioch begun under the
Emperor Justin in 526, while Tillemonf
("M^m." tom. 1, note 7 on the life of
Christ) infers from a passage in the life of
the abbot Theodosius that the day was
kept in the Church of Jerusalem as early
as the middle of the fifth century. We
cannot say for certain when it was intro-
duced in the We.st, and the conjecture of
Baronius that PopeGelasius, who abolished
the lieathen festival of the Lupercalia in the
month of February, persuaded the people
to accept the feast of the Purification in-
stead, is only a conjecture and not a very
probable one. Be that as it may, we
have evidence that the feast was known
to Bede ("De Rat. Temp." cap. 13), who
died in 735. It is, moreover, mentioned
in the Sacramentary of St. Gregory and in
the Capitularies of Charlemagne (in the
latter under tlie modern title, Purificatio
S. Mariae ; see Thomassin, " TraitiS des
Festes," livr. ii. ch. 1 1), and after tliat time
it was clearly recognised everywhere.
The candles borne in procession and held
in the hand at Mass are spoken of by
Bede, loc. cif., and by St. Eligins (" Hom.
ii. in die Purificationis S. Marise"), who
was bishop of Noyon from 640-648. On
the other hand, it does not seem possible
to trace the rite for the blessing of the
candles beyond the eleventh century.
PITRZFZSR. [See MUNDATORT.]
PYX. A vase in which the Blessed
Sacrament is reserved. The word occurs
in this sense in a decree of Pope Leo IV.,
who reigned from 847-885 (Mansi,
" Concil." xiv. 891). The pyx should be of
silver, gilt inside, and covered witli a silk
veil. It is not consecrated, but the Missal
gives a form for the blessing of a pyx by
the bishop or priest with episcopal facul-
ties. ("Manuale Decret." p. 76 note).
[See also RESERyATiON or the Blessed
Saoraiqint.]
8i>2
772 QUADRAGESI-MA
QUIETISM
Q
QITADRACESIMA. [See Lext.]
QVJESTORES. Persons appointed
by tbe Popes and bishops who announced
the indulgences for those who joined or
supported the Crusades, contributed to
the building of churches, to monasteries,
&c., and collected the alms given for these
objects. The Foui th General Council of
the Lateran (in 1215) enjoined the
Qucestors to be modest and discreet.
They were not to be received unless they
could produce letters of authorisation, and
were only to propose to the people what
these letters contained. Similar regula-
tions were made by the Council of Vienne
in 1311. The Council of Trent (sess. xxi.
De Ref. cap. 9) declared that these
Quaestors had occasioned intolerable
scandal, that the proposed remedies had
been inefficacious, and abolished the office
altogether.
QXrA.RAM'TXN'E. A period of forty
days. Indulgences of seven years and
seven quarantines are often granted for
certain devotions. [See Indulgences.]
QVATEB TENSES. An old Eng-
lish name tor the Ember Days (q. v.).
QUIETISM is a name given to a
dangerous tendency rather than to any
definite system, for persons called by the
common name of Quietists have differed
seriously from each other, and have ad-
vanced to different degrees of delusion.
The common tendency consists in making
perfection here on earth consist iu a state
of uninterrupted contemplation (see Bos-
suet, ""&tats d'Oraison, ' livr. 1) during
which the soul remains quiet or passive
under the influence of God's Spirit, with-
out forming the ordinary acts of faith,
hope, love, &c., without desiring heaven
or fearing hell.
Molinos, a Spanish priest, born at
Saragos.<a in 1027,' was the first Quietist
of modern times. He spent a great part
of his life at Rome, and, while there,
publislied in Spanish his " Spiritual
Guide" which was translated into Italian,
Latin, French, German, and other lan-
guages. He maintained not only tlie
merits of passive contemplation without
hope or desire, but also that the soul in
' So the new edition > f Bossuet, vol. xix.
Pref.
this state neither gained by the practice
I of good works nor suffered by gross sins,
which last only affected the lower part
of the nature and could not tarnish the
purity of a contemplative soul. In 1685
the Inquisition censured 68 propositions
of Molinos and condemned the author to
perpetual imprisonment, in which he
died, having recanted his errors, in 1696.'
Quietism crossed the Alps, stripped,
however, of its gross and directly im-
moral part. It was propagated by
Malaval at Marseilles in his "Pratique
facile pour clever I'Ame a la Contempla-
tion." This book also was condemned at
Rome, and Malaval submitted. But
Quietism found a much more talented
and engaging defender in Madame Guyon.
This ladj', originally Jeaime Bouvier de
la Motte, had contracted an unhappy
marriage at 16 and was left a widow at
28. She went to the diocese of Geneva
at the bishop's request to help in the in-
struction of converts, and at a convent in
Gex met the Barnabite Father Lacombe,
with whom she travelled from town to
town. At Grenoble she published her
" Moyen court et facile pour faire
rOraison." Some time before, P. Lacombe
had issued his "Analyse de TOraison
Mentale." Lacombe was imprisoned at
Paris, where he died in 1699, and for
eight months Madame Guyon herself was
confined to a convent. After regaining
her freedom, she published a book on the
" Mystical Sense of Canticles " (Lyons,
1688), and she contrived to win over
F6nelon, then tutor to the grandson of
Louis XIV., and she sent her works,
printed and MS., to Bossuet. But with
Bossuet she could make no way. His
profound lefirning, liis common sense, his
manly and simple piety, made him proof
against the charms of delusion, and he
could see nothing in Madame Guyon's
works except " a mass of extravagances,
1 The chief contemporary documents re-
lating to the condemnation of Molinos and his
followers were published in 1875. by Loemmer,
jSIeletematum Romanorum Mantissa, p. 407 si-q.
- Her other works are : her autohiosraphy.
:i vols.; Discours C7ire<jens. 2 vols. ; L'Ancien
et le Xouveau Testament . avec dts Erplicatiansel
I des Rijiexitms, iO vols. ; Cantiques Spirituelt ;
I Vers Mystiques.
QUINQUAGESIMA
illusions, and puerilities." He has fully
justified this Terdict in hi^ " Relation sur
le Qui^tisme." A commission in which
Bossuet was the leading member met in
1604 and 1695, and issued thirty-four
articles in which the condemnation of
Quietism was implied.
Feuelon was made archbishop of
Cambray in 1695, and soon after (Feb.
1697) published his "Explication des
Maximes des Saints sur la Vie interieure."
He defended the Quietist idea of " holy
indifference," in which the soul loses all
deliberate desire of its own bliss or fear
of it5 own woe. F^nelon, who was cen-
sured by sixty doctors of the Sorbonne
and refuted by Bossuet, appealed to
Rome, and there twenty-three proposi-
tions of his book were condemned as
rash, scandalous, kc, in a brief of Inno-
cent XII. dated 1699. F^nelon made a
most edifying submission, publicly burn-
ing his own book. "It is not I who
have conquered," Bossuet said in reply to
the congratulations oflered to him; "it
is the truth." (Chiefly from the new
edition of Bossuet. )
Qvzii'qvACESznxA, Sexagesimal
RECEPTION OF CON^'ERTS 773
Septuagesima, the first, second, third
Sundays before Lent. The words are
ancient (Septuagesima occurs in the
Gelasian and Gregorian Sacramentaries) ;
but it is hard to divine their meaning,
j Alcuin proposed two solutions to Char-
lemagne (Thomassin, "Traits desFestes,"
I p. 308 seq.) — one that there are seventy
days from Septuagesima to " Pascha
[ clausum " — i.e. the Octave of Easter. This
I leaves the names Sexagesima and Quin-
_ quagesima unexplained. His other solu-
tiou is adapted by Thomassin ("Traite
I des Jeunes," p. 231). Quoting a passage
from the " Regula ^ilagistri," Thomassin
says : " It clearly shows that the names
QuLnquagesima and Sexagesima are not
intended to denote the numbers fifty or
sixty. They have been formed on the
rfalse] analogy of Quadragesima — i.e.
Lent — being one and two weeks before
the first Sunday in Lent. In the same
rule the .second week of Lent is called
Tricesima, the third Ticesima.'' The
custom of beginning the fast on Septua-
gesima, &c., and the reasons for i^ are
given in the article on ILest.
R
SEASOV AXn> FAZTB. [See
Faith."
seception of coztverts
XHTO THE CHTTKCH. We speak
here only of converts who are supposed
to have received valid baptism. For
adults who have never been baptised a
longer form of baptism is provided. But
in England, at least, leave is usually given
by the bishop to use the shorter form.
A baptised person who has previously
helonged to an heretical sect has incurred
the censures of the Church, and cannot
therefore be restored to the sacraments
or receive sacramental absolution tiU he
has been absolved from censures. It may
be that his error was no faidt of his, and,
if so. he was not a formal heretic. Still,
he is treated as such in the external court
of the Church, and the Pope reserves to
himself the power of removing the bar of
excommunication. In many countries,
however, bishops receive power as dele-
gates of the Holy See in their extraordi-
nary or quinquennial faculties to absolve
from the censure in question, and in Eng-
land they communicate this power to all
their priests who have faculties forbearing
confessions.
In England, after a priest has care-
fully tested the sincerity and steadfastness
of the person who wishes to be a Cathohc,
and is satisfied that the person really
knows and understands sufficiently the
tenets of the Catholic religion, he may
admit him into the Church. First the
" Yeni, Creator " and " Miserere " are
said, the convert reads the creed of
Pope Pius IT., and for fear his former
baptism should have been invalid be-
cause the proper matter, form, or in-
tention was wanting, he receives bap-
tism from the priest under condition,
unless there is evidence that this sacra-
ment has already been validly given.
This nile was made by the vicars-apo-
stolic at the beginning of the century for
all bom after 177;', and was renewed by
the first provincial synod of Westminster.
He is then absolved from excommunica-
tion, and the " Te Deum " is said in
thanksgivinr. Finally, the convert goes
774
RECLUSE
REDEMrxiON OF MANKIND
to confession and receives sacramental
absolution sub cotidifione and the plenary
indulgence granted on this occasion bj' the
Pope. The ceremonies, as contained in the
English lUtuale, are not always observed,
nor are the absolutions and sacraments
always conferred in the same order. Some
priests, relying on the authority of Bishop
Grant (Synod. Suthwarc. p. 7G, lieq), be-
gin by hearing the convert's confession,
and give absolution after the baptism;
but according to a Roman decree subse-
quent to Dr. Grants instruction (Decem-
ber 17, 1868), the confession should be
made after the baptism. (See Decreta
Cone. Rrov. AVestmon., pp. 334-337.)
RECliVSE. The life of a recluse is
still more solitary and austere than that
of a hermit ; it implies that the persons
practising it "live for ever shut up in
their cells, never speaking to anyone but
to the superior when he visits them, and
to the br()ther who brings them neces-
saries. Their prayers and austerities are
doubled, and their fasts more severe and
more frequent." ' St. Romuald allowed
reclusion to such of his hermits [Camal-
DOLi] as desired and seemed to be fitted
for it, as the highest and most difficult
stage of monastic discipline. Female re- i
cluses were usually called inclusce. [See
IxcLrsi.] I
RSCOIiXiECTS. A branch of the j
Franciscan order has borne this name I
(derived from the detachment from crea-
tures and recollection in God which the '
founders aimed at) for nearly three cen-
turies. From the time of the Mini.ster-
General Elias, who succeeded St. Francis,
the Franciscans have been divided into
two branches, Conventuals and Obser-
vantins, or of the Observance, the former
living in great convents and following a
mitigated rule, the latter adhering to the
intention of the founder in letter and
spirit, especially as to poverty. The Ob-
servantins in France were commonly
called Cordeliers. Several distinctions
appeared in course of time among those
of the Observance, which Leo X. endea-
voured to check by fusing all the sub-
divisions into one, under the name of the
Reformed Franciscans. Before this a
saintly Spanish friar, B. John de Puebla,
had founded (1489) a house of "Strict
Observance " on the Sierra Morena, in
Spain. The friars of the Strict Obser-
vance soon became a separate congrega-
tion ; they passed into Italy (where they
received the name of "the Reformed") in
1 Alban Butler, Feb. 7.
152 "), and established themselves at Neversr
in France, in 1597. The French filiation
, increased rajjidly ; the friars were called
"Recollects"; Henry IV., Louis XIII.,
and Louis XIV. loved and favoured
them ; and it was arranged that in every
French province of the Observance a
certain number of houses should be given
up to the Strict Observance. The Re-
; collects were uninfected by Jansenism,
and when the commission on the regular
I orders (1768) put it in their power to
j relax the austerities of the rule they did
not do so. This branch of the Franciscan
order occupies the convent at Jerusalem,
where reside the guardians of the Church
of the Holy Sepulchre. They were sup-
pressed in France at the Revolution, but
reappeared some years ago, at Amiens and
other places. There appear to be at pre-
sent six Recollect houses in Great Britain
— at Stratford-le-Bow, Upton, West Gor-
ton, near Manchester, Bristol, Chilworth.
(Surrey), and Glasgow.
RECOirCZX.ZA.TZOir OF PENX-
TENTS. [See Pexitextial DlSCl-
PLIKE OF CUUECH ; CEiLETERY, &C. See
also Deseceation.]
RECTOR. 1. The ecclesiastic who
has charge of the government of a con-
gregation or a college is often called the
Rector.
2. In England there is a certain num-
ber of missions in each diocese, important
either on account of their having been
long established or because of the size of
the congregation, the priests in charge
of which are styled " Missionary Rec-
tors."
3. In Germany, when a parish has no
PfaiTer in the strict sense, the priest in
charge is called the Rector. (Wetzer and
Welte.)
REBEMPTZOir OF IHAM-KZIfD
THROUGH CKRZST. The idea con-
nected with redemption is that of being
brought out of a state of bondage or
slavery and restored to one's former
estate. Christian usage applies the term to
the acts by which Christ delivered man-
kind from the bondage of sin and the devil,
and restored it to its original estate of'
friendship with God. Such restoration
is beyond the power of man, who may,
indeed, satisfy the Divine justice by
undergoing eternal punishment, but
whose weakened and despoiled will
is unable to embrace a God-pleasing
life as commanded by the divine holi-
ness. K the first gift of grace was a free
gift, much more so was the second, when
REDEMniON OF MAXKLN'D PJLDEMPTiON OF MANKIND 775
the first bad been forfeited bv man's wil-
ful transgression. God's decree of re-
deeming man was as free as the decree of
bis creation, and as eternal ; its freedom
exclude- all rigbtful claim of man to it ;
but its eternity includes man's destina-
tion to redemption. The Divine message
of salvation was revealed at divers times
— each revelation being more distinct
than the preceding — from the proto-
evangelium (^Gen. iii. 15) to the testimony
of the Baptist (John i. 29). In the
fulness of time, that is, when the Law and
the Prophets had prepared Israel, and to
a certain degree the heathen world, for
the coming of the Redeemer, "'the "^N'ord
was made flesh and dwelt among us."
The Incarnation, in which the Son of God
took imto Himself a human nature, so
as to be one Person in two natures (see
CaRisi), was necessary if God demanded
for our redemption a full, though
vicarious, satisfaction of His oSFended
justice and sanctity.
God, then, decreed at the same time
the redemption through vicarious satisfac-
tion and the Incarnation. The decree
comprises the ofi'er of God the Son to act,
in a human nature, as representative of
mankind and to satisfy for all its sins
\,Heb. X. o »qq.), and on the other hand
the acceptance of this offer bv God
^Gal. iv. 4 ; John iii. 16, 17). Man is
bound to satisfy the claims on him of
God's holiness and justice. God's holi-
ness claims that man should honour TTiTn
by leading a holy life, a life of obedience to
and love of his Creator. The satisfaction
of this claim is the foundation of merit ;
it gives man a title to t-race and other
rewards promised by the Divine goodness
and justice. The refusal to satisfy this
claim, by committing sin, is an infringe-
ment of the Divine right — an injury — and
is the foundation of guilt {reatus culpa).
Guilt puts man in contradiction with God
and with himself; giiilty man is not
what he ought to be according to the
Divine ideal. Here the claim of Divine
justice intervenes. God must oppose the
perverted will of the sinner, and this
opposition constitutes the sinner's punish-
ment, for it inflicts " pain " on him. The
just pain of the sinner is temporal and
eternal death. Temporal death, because
sin has frustrated the object of his state
here below; etrrnal death, that is, end-
less striving after an unattainable hap-
piness, because the possession of God, the
Sovereign Good, is incompatible with re-
bellion against Him. The claim of the
Divme justice can only be satisfied by
the sinner undergoing the punishment.
However, a compromise is possible be-
tween Divine holiness and justice on
the one hand, and Divine mercy and
love on the other. It lies in the accept
tance by God of a vicarious satisfac-
tion. This kind of satisfaction takes
place when some person substitutes him-
self for another and acts or sutlers in his
place and on his behalf. If the claim
merely refers to a lifeless object, anyou©
who possesses such object and is willing
to part with it on behalf of another, can
act as substitute and perform vicarious
satisfaction. But not so if the claim be
a personal one. Where a personal act is
required, e.ff. a reparation of honour,
vicarious satisfaction can only be accepted
by the claimant when the substitute has
somet'aing in common with the uflender
that enables or entitles him to act in his
place. Hence, to meet the claims of
Divine holiness and justice by vicarious
satisfaction, a "man" must come forth
qualihed to honour God by a holy lite as
much as mankind has dishonoured Him
by sin, and to endow his sufierings with
an amount of atoning merit equivalent to
the demerit of all mankind. No mere
man is equal to such task. Even granting
that his impaired wUl were turued en-
tirely to the service of God, this dnite
and purely natural homage could in no
wise counterbalance the gravity of his
offence atrainst the infinitely H^ly and
Just. The greatness of the ofl'eiided God
at the same time magnifies the offence
and diminishes the value of attempted
satisfaction. Again : satisfaction for bin
embraces the whole existence of the
sinner and all his powers, so that no one
can atone by suffering but for his own
self. And, besides, satispassion is the
reverse of redemption. No angel can
atone for man, because angels have no
natural communion with man. Only
a Man-God was able to enter the world
with a sinless human nature and to stand
before God as the representative of His
kin, without gtiilf, without the necessity
of atoning t'or Himself. Only a God-
Man had sutficieut perbonal dignity to
invest His action and passion with that
infinite value which they draw from the
personal dignity of tlieir author.
The Divine decree of Redemption was
I realised in the Incarnation of God the
I Son. Jesus Christ, the Messias. Christ's
redeeming work comprises atonement
for sin and acquisition or merit of grace.
776 REDEMPTION OF MANKIND
EEDEMn iON OF MANKIND
according as we consider it in relntiou
to God's justice or lioliness. He atoned
by His passion, He merited by His holy
actions, yet so that His actions were
also satisfactory and His passion meri-
torious. Merit and satisfaction are not
more distinct than justice and holiness
in God, upon which the distinction
rests. Christ's atonement began when He
assumed humanity, continued through-
out the trials and troubles of His life,
and ended on the cross. In all these
suflerings He bore the sins of the world
" that through death He might destroy
him who has the empire of death"
(Heb. ii. 14, 15). He could not, on
iiccount of His Divinity, suffer the pains
of separation from God, i.e. hell ; but the
pains He reaUy did sufl'er acquired,
through His Divinity, an intensity and
an atoning value more than equivalent to
the pains of hell. The atoning effect of
His sacrifice is the remission of sin and
its punishment, or in the language of
Scripture, the appeasement of God's
anger, the reconciliation of man with
God. The merit of Christ is the satisfac-
tion of the Divine claim of holiness on the
part of man. Christ's holiness of life far
outweighs the guilt of Adam ; the honour
He gives to God more than compensates
for the dishonour arising from man's sin.
Like His satispassion, so His satisfaction
embraces the whole earthly career of the
Saviour, from the moment He entered the
world (Heb. x. 5-7) to his last word on
the cross. His voluntary death on the
cross is the crowning act of both His
satisfactory and meritorious work, because
it is at the same time the crowning act of
a life of suffering and of a life of holy
obedience to the will of God. Through
His obedience "even unto the death of
the cross " (Phil. ii. 8) He merited the
fulness of grace, for Himself and for us
" who all have received of His fulness "
(John i. 16). For Himself, that is, for
His human nature. He merited His
glorious resurrection and ascension, and a
place at the right hand of the Father;
for us, sanctifying grace from its begin-
nings to its completion in the beatific
vision.
The doctrine of vicarious satisfaction
is universally taught in the Church,
although no council has ever defined it.
Such definition was never called for.
The older heresies directly impugned the
Person of the Redeemer ; the more recent
ones have erred concei;ning the manner in
vhich His merits are appliod to indivi-
duals. Erroneous consequences as to the
work of Christ were indeed drawn from
these heresies, but the Church contented
herself with the condemnation of the
fundamental errors. The Socinians first
directly denied the work of atonement
through Christ. The Council of Trent
does not ex professo treat of this matter,
but supposes the doctrine of vicarious
satisfaction as a foundation for its teaching
on justification and sanctification. E.g., in
Sess. V. c. 3 it says that original sin is
taken away from us " by the merit of the
one Mediator, our Lord Jesus Christ, who
reconciled us to God in His blood,'" and in
Sess vi. c. 7, on the causes of justification,
the meriting cause is said to be " Our
Lord Jesus Christ, who by His most
holy passion on the cross merited for us
justification and satisfied for us God the
Father." The Fathers make use of the
Scriptural expressions concerning Christ's
work, without developmg a theory. This
was only done by the Schoolmen, begin-
ning with St. Anselm.
The belief in Christ's atonement, or
vicarious satisfaction, exactly reflects the
doctrine of Holy Scripture on the work of
redemption. Scripture calls the work of
redemption a sacrifice, a sacrifice of pro-
pitiation, and generally applies to it the
sacrificial terminology of the Old Testa-
ment: Christ is the High Priest of the
New Testament, who offers Himself as
victim, and His action is termed obla-
tion. But the bloody sacrifices of the
Old Law were certainly offered as
vicarious satisfaction for sin. The sinner
acknowledged that his life had been
forfeited to God, and begged Him to
accept as a substitution for his own the
blood (in which is the life) of the victim
(Lev. xvii. 11). The idea of substitution
is especially clear in the imposition of
hands on the head of the victim, by
which rite the victim was made the bearer
of the sin of the offerer (Lev. xvi. 21),
This atoning idea, of which the old
sacrifices were but symbols, was truly
realised in the sacrifice of Christ
(Heb. X. 1 sqq), the only true priest,
who not only symbolised but effected
our reconciliation with God. Christ's
priesthood is often insisted upon (Heb.
V. 10 ; vi. 20 ; vii. ; ix. 11-15 ; and
24-28; X. 1-22). The victim is Him-
self (Heb. ix. 14, 26), His Body and
Blood (x. 10 ; ix. 14), which He offered
on the cross, where the real sacrificial act
was completed (ix. 26 sqq.). St. Paul
says : " Christ hath loved us, and hath
REDEMPTION OF MAXKIXD
REDEMPTION OF MANKIND 777
delivered Himself for us, an oljlation
and a sacrifice {nponrffiopav koi 6va!av)
to God, for an odour of sweetness."
(Eph. V. 2; cf. ] Cor. v. 7, Rom. iii.
iio.) ' Jesus Clirist is the propitiation
(tXno-/Lioy) for our sins; and not for ours
only, but also for those of the whole
world "(1 John ii. 2; iv. 10). Besides
these direct testimonies, we have numerous
passages in which to the Blood of Christ
(shed in His death) are ascribed all the
effects of the blood shed in the ancient
sacrifices. The Blood of Christ is our
ransom Xvrpov, avriKvrpov (Eph. i. 7 ;
Col. i. 14; 1 Pet. i. 19; Apoc. v. 9); our
reconciliation with the Father (Col. i. 20;
cf. Eph. ii. 13-15); our justification
(Rom. V. 9); the remission of our sins
(Matt. xxvi. 28); the cleansing- of sin
(1 John i. 7 ; Apoc. i. 5 ; vii. 14 ; xxii. 14) ;
the blood of a new testament or cove-
nant with God (1 Cor. xi. 25 ; 1 Pet. i. 2).
In the same manner the death of Christ
is given as ground of our reconciliation
(Rom. V. lb) and of our redemption
from sin (Heb. ix. 15). The doctrine so
clearly set forth in these texts leaves no
doubt as to the sense of the passages in
which Christ is said to have shed His
Blood, or died for manv, for all, for sin-
ners, for us (Matt. xxvi. 28; xx. 28;
1 Tim. ii. 6 ; Rom. v. 6 ; 2 Cor. v. 14
sqq. ; 1 Thess. v. 10). In most of these
places, it is true, the word vnkp (for) is
used ; avrt, however, is used Matt. xx. 28
(Sovvai Tr)v ^vx^v avTov Xvrpov dvTi
TToWwv^ and 1 Tim. ii. 6 {dvTiKvrpov) ;
and thi.s, in connection with the above
distinct doctrine, shows that vjrep has the
sense of din-\ and refers to vicarious sacri-
fice. Besides, it is not easy to conceive
how Christ died "on our behalf" if He
did not die " instead of us." The idea of
vicarious sacrifice is also apparent in the
testimony of the Baptist calling Christ
the Lamb that beareth or taketh away
the sins of the world (with refe^^^nce to
Isaias liii.) ; in 2 Cor. v. 21, " Christ who
knew no sin, He [God] hath made sin
for us," viz. treated Him as bearing our
sins, and in Gal. iii. 13, " Christ beinir
made a curse for us," viz. the object of
the Divine anger which we deserved. The
term redemption itself carries with it a
sacrificial notion (Lev. xxvii. 27-3.'J;
Num. xviii. 15-17). The prophet Isaias
most distinctly shows the vicarious
character of the Redeemer's work : He
hath borne our infirmities and carried our
sorrows ... He was wounded for our
iniquities, He was bruised for our sins :
the chastisement of our peace was upon
Him and by His bruises we are healed.
The Lord hath laid on Him the iniquity
of us all. He was ofi'ered because it was
His own will .... the Lord was pleased
to bruise Him in infirmity : He shall lay
down His life for sin [Hebrew: as an
offering for sin] .... He shall divide
the spoils of the strong because He hath
delivered His soul unto death and was
reputed with the wicked : and He has
borne the sins of many and He has paid
for the transgressors " (Isa. liii.).
The satisfaction offered by Christ is
perfect ; it meets the claims of Divine
justice and holiness to their fullest extent,
and even superabundantly ; moreover, it
gives him a real claim on God's justice to
all grace. No good work of man can
have a claim for reward on God's justice,
because man and all his acts belong to
God more than a slave to his owner.
Wheu man merits by the aid of Divine
grace, strictly speaking, God rewards
His own gift rather than the work of
man (see Merit). Christ, on the con-
trary, merited of His own power (p.v
propriis). His Divinity gave to all He
did or sutlered Divine excellence and infi-
nite value. His whole work was a work of
mercy indeed, yet not of mercy to Him,
who needed none for Himself and who
undertook to meet the justice of God in
full on behalf of His brethren. The
superaburtdance of Christ's merits follows
from the " infinite excellence " of each of
His actions and passions, each of which
was sufficient to redeem the world. St.
Paul testifies to it, Rom. v. 12-21.
The redemption wrought by Christ
is universal, that is, sufficient and
intended for all men. It is sufficient
because infinite, and because its vicarious-
ness makes it applicable to all who have
the nature of man in common with the
Redeemer. It is intended for all, as
appears from Scripture. The decree of
redemption is an effect of God's love for
the world (John iii. 16) or for mankind
(Tit. iii. 4) ; " God will have all men to
be saved " (1 Tim. ii. 4). Hence Christ
is " the Saviour of the world "
(John iv. 42) ; " the Light of the world "
(John ix. 5) ; He sends His apostles to
the whole world to preach the (Gospel to
all creatures (.Mark xvi., 15) ; He gives
His flesh for the life of the world
(John vi. 52). He is a propitiation tor
the sins of the whole world (1 John ii. 2) ;
as Adam brought condemnation Christ
brought salvation on all meu (Rom. v.
■78 EEDE.MI'TvJPJSTS
18) ; lastly " Christ died for all" (2 Cor. '
V. 15).
ll'retleiuptiou is undouLtedly universal
as to its sutiiciency and inteution, it is yet
not univi'isal in its efiicacy ; the lot ot
many lor whom the Saviour frave His
blood is eternal damnation. From this,
however, wemust notcouclude withCalvni
and Jfinseniiis, lhat God's saving will j
either does not exist or is not in earnest.
Otlu i-wise, we ought also to infer that j
Tiod's will conceruuiii- the observance of j
His commandments is not in earnest be- I
eause, as a matter of fact. His command-
ments are rift en set at noii(;-ht bv man. |
God's will i.> iiilallilily fultilled oid'y when
the executiem ile])eiids solely and entirely
on the Divine omnipotence ; when the
execution is made dependent on the free j
co-operation of the creatures, it may be
frustrated. That all men should be saved '
is like a Divine commandment, for the j
fulfilment of w hich God has given ample
means through the work of redemption ; j
the use, however, of these means to some
extent depends on the co-operation of each '
individual: this much must be conceded
to save the freedom of human will.
They who refuse the required measure
of co-operation remain unsaved, not on
account of a deficiency in God's saving j
will or power, but of their own free I
-will. Still, even human resistance totlie
Divine oiler of salvation cannot entirely
deprive redemption of its fruits. Even
though the final grace of heavenly bliss I
be not granted, many actual graces, suffi-
cient in themselves to secure salvation,
are granted to each and all. To secure
these latter, it is sufiicient to be a member
of Christ as the " Head of all men " ; to
secure the former, it is necessary to be a
member of Christ as the "Head of the
Church."
REDEMPTORXSTS. The Congre-
gation of the iMost Holy Reedeemer, the
members of whicli are commonly known
as Kedemptorists, and in some countries
as Ligorians, was founded by St. Al-
phonsus ]Maria de Liguori in the year
1732. Born of a noble Keapolitan family
in 16i)6, Alphonsus, after giving promise
of a brilliant career at the bar, abandoned
its honours at the nge of twenty-seven
to einljiaee the ecclesiastical state. His
first desire was to join the Congregation
of the Oratory; being unable to do this
on account of the oj)positiori of his father,
he devoted himself to evangelising the
poor in the city of Naples, and to the
duties of preacher and confessor, residing
REDE.MrTOKISTS
first in his father's house, afterwards la
the College of the Chinese, founded by
Father .Matthew Pvipa, the famous Chi-
lu'se missionary. lie also joined a secular
con^iiration of missionaries called the
Propai.;a!i<la, and with them gave several
missions m the i)rovinces. l!y this means
he came to laiow the spirit ual destitution
of the poor peasants and shepherds, and
felt a strong desire to devote his life to
the succour of the rural populations. Hn
was confirmed in these thoughts especially
by the advice of Monsignor Falcoia, bishop
of Castellamare. 'Ibis prelate had long
desired the establishment of an institute
of apostolic men, who should strive in all
things to copy the life of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and after His example to evange-
lise the poor. He had founded at Scala
a community of ladies, called Nuns of the
^lost Holy Saviour, who prayed con-
tinually for the same intention. It was
while giving the spiritual exercises io
these nuns that St. Alphonsus at last
resolved, under the direction of Bishop
Falcoia, to gather some companions, who
should on the one hand seek their own
perfection by the obligations and rules of
a religious life, and on the other devote
themselves to apostolic work among the
most neglected and forsaken souls. The
work was solemnly begun at Scala on
November 0, 1732, St. Alphonsus being
then thirty-six years old.
In carrying out this design the saint
encountered innumerable obstacles, first
on the part of good men who looked on
him as misled by enthusiasm or spiritual
ambition, and afterwards from the civil
authorities. The times were indeed most
unfavourable to such a project, and it is
one of the miracles of the saint's life tc
have founded and maintained a new reli-
gious congregation at the time when the
^Farquis Tanucci was all-powerful in
Naples. In spite, however, of these
obstacles, St. Alphonsus succeeded in esta-
blishing several houses in dift'erent parts
of Naples and Sicily, and before his death
saw his institute spreading in the Papal
States, and already transported beyond
the Alps.
On February 25, 1749, Pope Benedict
XIV. approved the rules and confirmed
the new institute by a solemn approba-
tion. St. Alphonsus had called his Con-
gregation by the name of the Most Holy
Saviour; but to prevent confusion with
the canons regular of that name in Venice,
the Pope himself changed the title to that
of the Most Holy Redeemer. The members
REDEMPTORISTS
REFOIIMATIOX, THE
779
of the Congregation of the Most Holy Re- |
deemer, besides the three simple but per-
petual vows of poverty, chastity, and obe-
dience, bind themselves by a vow of perse- j
rerance until death in the Institute, which
they confirm in a promissory oath. They
are bound by theirvow of poverty to refuse
all benefices, offices, or dignities outside
their Congregation. Whenever a He-
demptorist has been raised to a bishop-
ric it has been by command of the Sove-
reign Pontitl', and by his dispensation. It
■was in this way that St. Alphonsus him-
self was obliged to accept the bishopric
of St. Agatha of the Goths. In order
also more effectually to pursue the princi-
pal end of the Institute, which is to suc-
cour the most ig-norant and neglected
souls, St. Alphonsus forbade his Fathers to
undertake such works as the instruction
of youth, the government of seminaries,
the direction of nuns. Their main occu-
pation is the apostolic miuistrj' iu the
preaching of missions and retreats to all
classes of persons, but with a preference j
for such as are most neglected, especially j
those who live in remote villages and ;
hamlets. As, however, in many countries j
the most neglected souls are to be found
in the great cities, the intention of the
founder is carried out in labnuring for
them. It is on record that St. Alphonsus,
about the time of t!uM'stal)lishinent of his
congregation. >. ri.Hi>ly debated the ques- i
tion of going liii)i,~>'lt' to the savage hea- '
then in South Africa, and that he wel- ]
corned an invitation that had been made
to him to send out missionaries for the
conversion of the Nestorian heretics in
Asia. It was also his wish that the
members of his Congregation who should
have reached the age of thirty should bind
them.«elves by vow to give missions to the
heathen, as soon as they should receive
the command of the Sovereign Pontiff or
of the Superior-General. This vow was,
however, considered superfluous by the
cardinals who examined the rules for ap-
probation. It need scarcely be said tliat
a founder wbose pre-eminent science has
gained him a jjbice among the nineteen
doctors of the Cliurch could not be in-
different to learning among his disciples.
He insists, therefore, in his rule on the
duty of continual study, so that his priests
" may be of use and profit to the Church
on all occasions."
St. Alphonsus died on August 1,
1787, in his ninety-first year. Before his
death he foretold the spread of his Con-
gi-egation beyond the Alps, and rejoiced
when he heard that two Germans had
asked admission from the sui)erior of the
Roman house. One of the-c, the Blessed
Clement Maria Hofbauer, established the
order in Poland, Austria, and Switzer-
land, and since his death, iu 18i'(). it has
spread through most of the countries of
Europe, in North and South America,
the West Indies, and Australia. It was
introduced into England by Dr. Baiues,
vicar-apostolic of the Western District,
in 1843, shortly before his death. The
British Isles at present (1892) form one
Province, with houses in London, Liver-
pool, Perth, Teignniouth, Limerick, and
Dundalk. In the many revolutions of
this century the Congregation of the
Most Holy Pu'deemer has experienced
more than the usual share of persecution,
having liicn expelled in turn from Poland,
Austria, Bavaria, France, Sjiain, Portugal,
Switzerland, Italy, and Germany. Into
Several of these countries the missionaries
have returned a second time and renewed
their labours. From some they have
been again driven out when revolution or
impiety has become predominant.
The Congregation is under the Govern-
ment of a superior-general, culled the
Rector Major, who is elected f ir life by a
general chapter, and is assisted l)y six
consultors. His residence is in Home.
The superiors of the various provinces
(Provincials) and of the houses (Reetors),
with their consultors, are appointed for a
term of three years by the Rector Major.
Their term of office may be renewed at
his discretion. The nuns ali-eady men-
tioned, commonly called Redemptoris-
tines, form the Order of the Most Holy
Redeemer, as distinguished from the Con-
gregation of missionaries. They are under
the jurisdiction of the bishops in whose
dioceses they reside. They are strictly
enclosed and contemplative, assisting the
missionaries by their prayers. They have
monasteries in several parts of Europe.
That of Dublin was founded by Cardinal
Cullen.
REFECTORT {refectorium, place of
refre^llnlent ). [See Convent.]
REFORIVlATXOia', THE. Since the
conversion of the Barbarians, who broke
up and divided amongst them the Western
Empire, wealth in every form had been
lavishly poured upon the Church ; and
a relaxation of discipline — against which
great pontiffs, saintly bishops, and the
founders or reformers of religious orders,
unceasingly strove — had been too fre-
t quently the result. Through the opersr
780 EEFOEMATION, THE
REFORMATION, THE
tion of this and other causes — such as the
Great Schism, wars of ambition, national
rivalries, the grovi'th of commercial and
other purely secular interests, «S:c. — the
sense of the essential unity of the Church,
which was so strc)ng throughout Christen-
dom in the twelfth and thirteenth cen-
turies, was considerably weakened at the
beginning of the sixteenth. On the rise and
progress in Germany of the series of con-
flicts and cluinges which go by the name of
" the Reformat ion," see the article Luther
AND LuxHEKAXiSM. The Subversive doc-
trines of the German reformer found a will-
ing disciple in Gustavus Vasa who, on the
dissolution (152-3) of the Union of Cahnar
became king of Sweden. Aided by the
brothers Peterson and by Lawrence An-
derson, archdeacon of Strengness, whom
he made Chancellor, Gustavus (1527) in-
duced the estates of the realm, in the
Diet of Westeriis, to sanction the confis-
cation of the property of the monasteries.
The work of change then went rapidly
on. Lawrence Peterson was appointed
by the king (15-31) archbishop of Upsala,
and married. The king declared himself
supreme in matters ecclesiastical, and,
;<etting aside entirely the authority of the
Holy See, deposed or appointed bishops
at his will. The last remains of Catholic
usages were abolished at a second Diet
of Westeras in 1544. Under the reign of
King John (1569) there seemed to be
some hope of a Catholic reaction ; an
envoy was sent to the court of Gregory
XIII., and the Jesuit Possevin was re-
ceived at Stockholm ; but a sudden
change in the sentiments of the king re-
stored things to their former state. The
system adopted in Sweden, in organising
which Lawrence Peterson was mainly
instrumental, was Lutheranism ; but, as
in England, bishops were nominally re-
tained. The episcopal authority of Law-
rence Peterson, the head and fountain of
the new hierarchy, appears to have been
derived solely from the king; according
to Rohrbacher ("Hist, de I'Egl." xxiii.
;303), there was a true Archbishop of
Upsala, Glaus Magnus, alive at the time,
though in exile ; he did not die till 1544.
In Denmark the tyrant Christian II.,
before his deposition in 1523, had brought
to Copenhagen a Wittemberg preacher, a
follower of Luther, favoured the mar-
riage of the clergy, and in various ways
sought to tamper with the faith and
law^s of the Church. His successor,
Frederick I., instigated by his son Chris-
tian, who had studied in Germany and
become a zealous Lutheran, established
by degrees his own supremacy in religious
matters, and, by favouring heretical
preachers, and discouraging and punish-
ing all who stood up for the ancient faith,
prepared the way for its ruin. At a diet
held in 1530, at which no representative
of the clergy was admitted, he induced
the assembly to decree the abolition of
the Catholic worship in all the Danish
dominions; the bishops were required to
cease from opposing Lutheranism, and
the beneficed clergy to embrace it. The
nobles and people acquiesced with a sin-
gular apathy in all these changes. The
king then invited Bugenhagen, a friend
of Luther, into Denmark, appointed him
court preacher, and commissioned him to
reorganise the Danish church. Bugen-
hagen crowned the king afresh, as if to
show that his previous coronation with
Catholic rites had been invalid ; he also
consecrated superintendents in the place
of the deposed Catholic bishops. As these
last successively died out, the superin-
tendents assumed the title of bishop ;-and
this is the origin of the present Danish
episcopate.
On the Reformation movement in
England, Scotland, and Ireland, see the
articles English Church ; Presbt-
TEBTANs ; Scottish Church ; and Irish
Church.
In France the Protestants, there called
Huguenots, became very numerous ; civil
war broke out in 1562, and was renewed
at frequent intervals during more than
thirty years, till the abjuration of Pro-
testantism by Henry IV. in 1593. By
the edict of Nantes (1598) liberty of wor-
ship was granted to the Huguenots, and
certain cities, of which the chief was
Rochelle, made over to them. In the
eighteen flourishing provinces of HoUand
and Belgium the reforming party, owing
to the neighbourhood of France, adhered
to the system of Calvin. Under the rule
of Charles V., and afterwards of his son,
Philip II., the designs of the innovators
were severely repressed. The seizure of
Brille by the Gueux, in 1572, was the
commencement of the long civil war
which ended in the disruption of the
seven northern provinces from the eleven
provinces of Belgium, and the consolida-
tion of the former into a Republic. The
necessity of providing a rallying point
and symbol of union caused the adoption
by the Dutch, in the Synod of Dordrecht
(1574), of the "Belgic Confession," drawn
up by Qui de Bres, a Walloon, a few
REFRESHMENT SUNDAY
REGALIA 781
^ears before. This confession is Calvin-
istic. In 1582 the provinces of Holland
and Zeeland proscribed the Catholic
worship, and the w holesale plunder and
desecration of churches followed. The
final success of the revolt was the signal
for a series of penal enactments which
had for their object the extirpation of
Catholicism from the Republic. This,
however — since the Belgian provinces,
conterminous in their whole breadth
•with those of Holland, had remained
Catholic — was found a task impossible
of achievement.
" In Switzerland the Reformation
arose, independently of Luther, by the
exertions of Zwinglius, in Zurich (who
fell October 11, 1531, at Cappel, in a
battle -with the Catholics). It spread
rapidly; in 1528 it had been adopted,
altogether or partially, by the cantons of
Zurich, Bern, Basle," Appenzel, Glarus,
and Schaifhausen. A separation from
those [the Lutherans] who followed the
Confession of Augsburg grew in 1526 out
of the . . . difference of opinion respect-
ing the sacrament of the Lord's Supper ;
and thus originated the Reformed party,
which was first luUv developed in Geneva,
through Calvin, lo36-1564 The
forms and discipline of the Reformed
Church were here fully developed. By
means of the university," founded in 15.30,
under the direction of Calvin, and sup-
ported by his exertions and those of
Beza, Geneva became the principal school
of theologv' for the professors of these
opinions, and in those days the only one
■where the French language prevailed."
(Heeren, " Political System of Europe,"
i. 76.) By the " Consensus Tigurinus,"
arranged in 1549 between Calvin and
BuUinger, of Zurich, a concord, at least
external, was brought about between the
Calvinist and Zwinglian factions.
The true and Catholic reformation,
long desired but delayed by many diffi-
culties, was taken up and successfully
accomplished by the Council of Trent
(1545-15»!.3): see that article.
REFRESHMEIfT SWDAT. [See
L.ITARE Sunday."
RECAIiZA.. The right claimed by
kings of receiving the revenues of a
bishopric during a vacancy, and of appoint-
ing, pending the election of a successor,
to all benefices in the bishop's patronage,
not involving the cure of souls, which
might fall vacant in the interval.
In England, as is well known, the
Norman and Angevin kings exercised this
right, and were accustomed to keep the
sees vacant for years in order that they
might enjoy the revenues. After the
mart\Tdom of St. Thomas, Henry II.
(1176) promised the Pope that he would
in future not keep any vacant bishopric
or abbey in his hands for more than a
year, unless it were required by the
evident necessity of the case.'
In France the regalia was introduced
about the end of the eleventh century,*
at first with reference to certain provinces
onlv; but there was a tendency to e.xtend
it further and further. The Council of
Lyons (1274) in its fifth session sanctioned
the right in cases where ancient custom
could be pleaded for it, but forbade on
pain of excommunication its extension to
churches hitherto free.' In spite of this
the kings of France, supported by the
lawyers, went on developing and extend-
ing the regalia, until bv three edicts of
Louis XIV. (1673, 1674') it was declared
to be applicable to all the provinces of
the French monarchy. The patronage
which it conferred was now declared to
be inherent in the crown until such time
as the new bishop should sue out his
temporalities in the Parliament of Paris
and pay certain fees ; and to this clause a
retrospective effect was given, so that any
beneficiary appointed by a bishop who
had not complied with these formalities
might be dispossessed in favour of a
royal nominee.
Most of the French bishops, seeing
the overwhelming power of the crown,
submitted to these innovations ; but the
bishops of Aleth and Pamiers (Pavilion
and Caulet) resisted them ; and when
royal nominees were inducted by the
secular arm into canonries to which these
bishops had already made appointments,
they exconiiiinnicaf ed the intruders. The
struggle he<j!\n in 107-) .■ind lasted sr^veral
years. Tlu' i'xc<Miuiinnic:iii'il ffcli si.'istics
appealed to tli('inftnipr)lltniis(Arclil)isliops
of Toulouse and Nnrbonne) of the two
bishops, and obtained from them decisions
nullifying the episcopal censures. The
bi.shops then a^ipealed to Rome : Innocent
XI., regarding the question as one in
which the liberties of the Church were
involved, espoused their cause, and an-
nulled the decrees of the metropolitans.
Great confusion and excitement followed.
The king's interpretation of the regalia
was supported against the Holy See, not
' Linfrard, ii. 97.
3 Ferraris.
* Fleury, livr. Ixxxvi.
782 REGENEEATION
RELICS
only by the Parliament and the Arch-
bishop of Paris (Harlay), but also by
the Jesuits. The ex])lanation of this
reiuarliable fact is found in a complica-
tion of the question connected with the
spread ot Jansenism [Jaxsexism.] The
Jjishops of Aleth and Pamiers ■were
known to be favourable to Arnauld and
his party, and tliev had ajipointed to
canom-ies in their gii't per^tm.-; iiiorc or
less imbued witli these ojiiniiins. If the
reij'alla were maint aininl, and in the extent
now elainiiid for it, these uu>n miglit be
ejected, and ecclesiastics nominated by
the Kino's confessor, the Pere la Chaise,
■with whom the .Jesuits were on a
thoroughly good footing, might be put in
their place.
This united opposition neutralised the
efforts of the Pontifi' ; and when, in 1 ()>^2,
the assembly of the French clergy issued
its celebrated Four Articles [see Galli-
CANISm], the question of the regalia, in
view 01 this fresh subject of solicitude,
fell into the background. (Ferraris,
Jief/alia ; Wetzer and Welte, art. by
Do'llinger.)
REGENBRATXOW. [See BAPTISM.]
REGIITA. CtEZiX. An anthem in
honour of the Blessed Virgin which be-
gins with these words, and after each of
whose four clauses the Alleluia is re-
peated ; it is said at the end of the offices
(if the Breviary during the Easter season.
Pope Benedict XIV., confirming on April
20, 1742, the indulgences granted to tlie
recitation of the " .■^ngelus," oixlered
that the " Regina Cceli " with its verses
and prayers should be said standing-; in-
stead, during the Paschal season. An
ancient tradition relates that in the days
of St. Gregory the Great a plague broke
out in Pome. The Pope orde-red all the
people to march in pmcessio;!, carrying
the picture of the Blessed Virgin painted
by St. Luke. As the crowds went to-
wards St. Peter's and reached the bridge
across the Tibei', a multitude of angels
were seen above the picture singing- the
first three lines of the anthem. Tlie
Pontifi' cried out, " Ora pro nobis Deum,
Alleluia," completing the anthem, and
the angel of the plague was seen sheath-
ing his sword above Adrian's mausoleum,
whicli hencelbrth was known as the castle
of Sant' Angelo.
RECZOiNrAroiVS. Pope Fabian, it
is said, di\-i(le<l Rome into seven regions,
founded no doubt on the fourteen liuown
since the Augustan age, and he assigned
each to the charge of a deacon, who was
responsible for the distribution of alms,
care of hospitals, &c. These regionary
deacons were the seven chief deacons of
the Roman Church; they were subject to
the archdeacon, while the "titular"
deacons — i.e. deacons of the panjchial
churches — were placed under the arch-
liriest of each church. From the time of
llonorius II. Rome had twelve regionaiy
deacons, and six with the name of
Palatinales.' The regionarii sang the
Gospel when the Pope officiated at the
stations, the Palatinales when he did so
at the Lateran. There was a similar
division of subdeacons and acolytes.
Sixtus V. fixed the number of cardinal
deacons at fourteen. (Mabillon, " Museum
Italicum," vol. ii. p. xi. seq. and p. 567
seq.)
RECXrxARS. Persons of either sex
observing a common rule of life, bound
by the three vows of religion, and obey-
ing, with regard to dress, food, and the
employment of their time, the statutes of
the particular order or congregation to
M'hich they belong. (See the articles
Ordees, Religious; Clerk Regular;
Profession, Religious : Exemption.)
REXiZCS. The word includes the
bodies of departed saints, fragments of
their bodies, articles or portions of articles
which they have used, such as clothes,
vestments, rosarie.-, and the liki^ The
Church also M.iicral e> ]-(-]ics of Christ and
Ills Blessed Mother. Such are the holy
nails, lance, spear, or fragments of the True
Cross, the gii-dle, veil, &c., of the Blessed
Virgin. The devotion to relics, solemnly
approved by the Council of Trent (sess.
XXV. De Invoc. Sanct.) rests on two great
principles of Catholic belief.
First, the Church honours the bodies
of the dead who sleep in Christ. Our
Loi-d lias opened the Idngdom of heaven,
and given us the pledge and .-issurance of
the resurrection of the body. Ileuce,
Christians have lost that horror of dead
bodies which was characteristic of the hea-
then, and even of Jews. But the Church
s])ecially venerates the bodies of the
martyrs and other saints; because, while
they were on earth, theii- bodies were the
temples of the Holy Ghost and they them-
selves living members of Christ. Their
souls are already in heaven, their glorious
resurrection is a matter of certainty, and
therefore the Church joyfully anticipates
the glory which God' will give to the.-e
remains at the last day. She testifies at
' "Cui (lu* alia; demuni ndditse diacoiiiiu
numerumxx constituerunt " (Mabill. p. xviii.;.
RELICS
once the firmness of her belief in the
resurrection and her love of the virtues
■which shone forth in the saints. For
these were not virt ues of the soul only : they
were proper to th»; whole man, body and
soul, which toiled and suffered together.
The same reasons which make the resur-
rection of the body credible also tell in
favour of the veneration due to relics.
And so Christians have felt from the very
infancy of the Church. They gatherefl
the bones of St. Ignatius of Anti"x;h
(anno 107) and placed them in linen,
" as a priceless treasure, being left to the
Holy Church by the grace which was in
the'maitj-r" ("Act. Mart." 6). When
Polycarp's body was burned in 167 the
Christians exhumed the lyjnes they could
find "as more precious than costly stones
and more valuable than gold.'' The Jews
sugge.-ted that the Christians would leave
Christ and worship Polycarp, ignorant
that Christians could "never leave Christ
or worship another" ("Act. Mart." 17, 18).
When in 2->S Cyprian was about to be
beheaded, the Christians cast towels and
napkins before him, clearly that they
might be soaked in his blood ("Act.
Procons." 5). So baseless is the state-
ment that devotion to relics came into
the Church firom Pagan influences after
Constantine's conversion.
Xext, Catholics believe that God is
sometimes pleased to honour the relics of
the saints by makiug them instruments
of healing and other miracles, and also by
bestowing spiritual graces on those
who with pure hnarts keep and honour
them. For this principle the Fathers
{e.g. Cyril of Jerusalem, '' Catech." iviii.)
appeal to the Old Testament, which re-
lates the resurrection of a dead body
which touched the bone.s of Eliseus
(IV. Kings xiii. 21), and to the New,
which tellfl us that the sick were healed
by towels which had touched the living
body of St. Paul (Acts xijc. 12 ; cf. v. 15).
" There is a power," says CJyril {loc. cit.
p. iO.j), " latent {(yKeirai', even in the
bodies of the just. "So proof Is needed
that, after the heathen pers*;cution
was over, the Christians sought and
believed that they obtained graces
through the relics of the saints. St.
Ambrose, St. Augustine, and, indeed the
Fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries
generally, are witnesses to the belief. A
catena of passages will be found in
Petavius, "De Incamat." xiv. cap. xi.
(See also Newman's " Development," ch.
X. § 1, Kenurecti'jn and Ilelics.)
RELIGION, RELIGIOUS 783
I Abuses no doubt have occurred in all
' ages with regard to rehcs. In 1215,
canon 02 of the Fourth Lateran f^'oun-
cil, inserted in the "Corpus Juri.-." for-
bade relics to be sold or to bt; e.xposed
outside of their cases or shrines, and pro-
hibited the public veneration of new
relics till their authenticity had been
approved by the Pope (Mansi, " Concil."
torn. xiii. 104!)-50; see also Fleurv.
" ri. E." livr. Ixxvii. 'A ). The Council of
j Trent (sess. xxv, De Invoc. Sanct.)
renews these prohibitions and ree^uires
I bishops to decide on the authenticity of
■ new relies after careful consultation with
j theologians, or, if necessary, with the
I metropolitan and other bishops of the
province assembled in council.
Relics are usually venerated in public
; by being exposed in their cases, with
I burning lights, upon the altar. They are
; often placed there at Hi^h Mass and
incensed. They are carriedf in procession
and the people .'tre blessed with them.
A special Mass and office are pemiitted
^ to churches which have an " in,=:;:ni5
reliquia " of a saint named in the Roman
Martyrology. (See the decrees at the
beginning of the Breviary and Missal.)
KEXZCZOar, a£Z.ZGZOTTS (religi/j,
prob. from rehgo ; releynis, attentive,
studious, would be the opposite of negle-
gem, cari^less '_). The word " religion " ia
often used in a technical sense by Catholic
writers to denote the virtue which deals
with giving to God the honour which is
Ills due. .St. Thomas looks upon it as a
part of the virtue of jusrice. God ia the
supreme Lord of aU ; all other beings are
entirely dependent upon Him. Man by
his reason can know this di;niity of God
and his own dependence up^^n God. He
is therefore bound to acknowledge thU
dignity and dependence ; to adore, praise,
and thank his Creator, and to ask Him
for all that he stands in need of. Thvse
; acts of homage ar^^ paid C!.i>^uy by prayer
and sacrifice (see these articiesj.
As religion is a moral virtue, it lies
I midway between two extremes. The de-
fect of religion is called irreligion. To
i this belongs all want of reverence for
j God, or for persons or things dedicated
; to Him. Thus, temjiting God, perjury,
and sacrilege are instances of this vice.
The opposite extreme is superstition. We
cannot, of course, give God too much
honour, but it is possible to honour Him
in an unbecoming way. or to give to
creatures the bonour due to Him alone,
i » Skeat, EtynioL Did.
784 llEOiiDIXATlON
KESEIiVATIOX OF BENEFICES
To offer Mo>aic .sacridces now that the
new law has been estaLlished would he
an instance of the former kind of super-
stition ; idolatry, divination, and vain ob-
servance are instances of the latter.
Religion is sometimes used in a still
narrower sense to designate the state of
those who have entirely devoted them-
selves to God by the three vows of
poverty, chastity, and obedience (see
Oedees, Religious; Monk, Nun, &c.).
Hence the various religious orders are
styled " religions." Trench (" Study of
Words," p. 9) infers from this use of the
word that monks and nuns are the only
" religious " people among Catholics. St.
Thomas long ago met this objection in
a way that should commend itself to a
writer on language. " A name common,
to many things is sometimes appropriated
to that one to which it eminently belongs ;
as, for example, Rome is often called 'the
city.' Now, religion is the virtue by
which a man does something for the ser-
vice and worship of God. And, there-
fore, they are said, by antonomasia, to be
religious who have devoted themselves
entirely to the service of God, offering,
as it were, a holocaust to Him" (2* 2®, qu.
clxxxvi. a. 1). St. Thomas has treated
of religion at some length, 2* 2"^, qq.
Ixxxi.-c. ; and of the religious state, qq.
clxxxiv.-clxxxix.
REOBSzivATZonr. [See Ordina-
tion.^
REQiVZEnx. [See Mass.]
RESERVATIOir OF BESTE-
FZCES. Mandates and favours in ex-
pectation {mandata, graticp expectativa^,
by which Popes had been accustomed to
require that bishops and others having
the right of conferring benefices should,
as soon as they fell vacant, confer them
upon particular persons — and mental
reservations, by which a Pontiff an-
nounced, but without mentioning their
names, that he had reserved certain bene-
fices, when they should fall vacant, in
favour of particular persons — were all
abolished by the Council of Trent.'
AVith other Papal reservations the Coun-
cil did not inti-rfere.
The reservation of benefices is desir-
able for many reasons: it is a ]>rac'tical
means of giving effect in wi(L 'l\- |i;:i :itt'(l
countries to the supremf p;i-l(iriiW' ..1' tlic
Roman Pontiffs ; it links the different
national Churches more closely, by per-
sonal ties of gratitude and affection, to
the Apostolic See, and through it to each
« Sess. xxiv, c. 19, De Ref.
other ; and it provides the Pope with the
means of rewarding those who have
laboured meritoriously in his cause and
that of the Church.
Considered with reference to the legal
foundation on which they rest, reserva-
tions are divided into four classes— (1)
those which are containedinthe " Corpus
Juris " ; (2) those which are found in the
" Extravagants," outside the " Corpus ; "
(.3) those specified in the constitutions of
later Popes ; (4) those specified by the
rules of the Chancery. Another classi-
fication, founded on differences in the
quality of reservations, is suggested by
Cardinal Soglia. According to this
arrangement, reservations are fivefold : —
(1) Benefices are reserved on the
ground of their own quality ; thus the
second rule of the Chancery reserves to
j the Pope all vacant bishoprics, and the
abbacy or headship in any monastery of
men, the revenues of which exceed a cer-
I tain amount. The fourth rule reserves
the gi-eater dignities in cathedral
churches, and the principal dignities in
collegiate churches possessing a certain
revenue. One such dignity only in each
church is understood to be affected by
the rule. "With regard to all the reser-
vations under this head, it should be
remembered that they do not take effect
in countries where there is any pact or
concordat regulating the course of
patronage, for it is a maxim that pactum
prastat mri,
■ (2) Benefices are reserved on the
ground of their being held by particular
\ persons — e.g. by cardinals, members of
the Curia, and officials of the Holy See.
(3) The third ground of reservation
is connected with the manner in which a
benefice has become vacant. Thus a
benefice may be vacated on account of
heresy, or collusive simony (sinwnia cov^
Jidentialis), or informality (as in the case
of parishes, in appointing to which the
conciirsm ordered by the Council of Trent
has been neglected), or deposition pro-
ceeding from a particular cause ; in all
these cases, under constitutions emanat-
ing from St. Pius V. and other Pontiffs,
reservation takes effect.
(4) The fourth ground is connected
with the place where the vacancy has
occurred. The benefice of any eccle-
siastic dying at the court of Rome is a
familiar instance ; this is mentioned in
the " Corpus Juris," and is the most
j ancient of all reservations.
I (5) The fifth ground depends on th»
RESERVATION
RESERVATION
785
time at which the vacancy has occurred.
The ninth rule of the Chancery reserves
all benefices strictly so called (not being
in lay patronage), whether with or with-
out cure of souls, which fall vacant in
eight months of the year — viz. in January,
February, April, May, July, August,
October, and November. In the case of
bishops, however, who reside continu-
ously in their dioceses, and who appl^
for the privilege, the above rule is modi-
fied to this extent, that the Papal reser-
vation only takes effect in alternate
months, the patronage being thus equally
divided between the Pope and the ordi-
nary.
It should be observed that the rules
of the Chancery have no legal force during
a vacancy of the Holy See ; each Pope
renews them immediately after his elec-
tion. Reservations, therefore, which de-
pend only on a rule of the Chancery, and
not also on a Papal constitution, do not
take efiect in the case of benefices vacated
in the interval between the death of one
Pope and the election of another.
(Soglia, " lustit. Canon." III. 2, § 20.)
HCSERVATZOia- OF THE HOI.T
EircHARZST. The doctrine of the
Church on this subject has been ex-
plained under the word Ettchaeist. In
this article we propose to give a brief
history of the reservation of the Holy
Eucharist in the Church.
a. Causes of Reservation. — In all ages,
of course, the Blessed Sacrament has
been reserved for the sick, and the first
Christians, in the times of persecution,
kept the Eucharist at home and gave
communion to themselves. But, besides
this, (1) the Eucharist was sent from
bishop to bishop as a sign of charity.
Irenseus (apud Euseb. "H. E." v. 24)
testifies that the bishops of Rome sent
the Eucharist to other bishops, and al-
though the Council of Laodicea (canon
14) forbade the sending of the Eucharist
at Easter into strange dioceses, and this
prohibition found general acceptance,
still a supposed decretal of Pope Innocent
to Decentius proves that the Bishop of
Rome sent the fennentum or consecrated
host " per titulos " — i.e. to the chief
chirches of the city. (2) In Rome, as
we know fi-om the earliest Ordo, a Host
consecrated at one Mass was placed on
the altar at the Mass of the next day, to
signify the unity of the sacrifice. A
similar custom prevailed in Gaul under
the first dynasty. (3) The Eucharist was
carried by lay persons, or even catechu-
mens (see Ambros. " De Eicid. Sat." i.
43), as a protection against danger. This
custom must have lasted, at least in the
case of clerics, till late in the middle
ages, for St. Thomas k Becket carried
the Eucharist with him when he went to
meet Henry 11. St. Louis of France
carried the Eucharist with him beyond
the sea, but by permission of the Papal
legate, and from about this time the
privilege seems to have been rest-rved to
the Pope, though one or two instances of
priests carrying it for their own protec-
tion occur in later times — e.g. in the life
of Savonarola. Among the Greek monks
it was still maintained when Arcudius
wrote his work " De Concordia Eccl. Occid.
et Orientalis in VII Sacramentorum admi-
nistratione " — i.e. in the seventeenth cen-
tury. (4) In Rome and France, as appears
from the Ordo Romanus and Alcuin, a
bishop at his consecration kept a part of
the Host presented to him by the conse-
crator and consumed it during the next
forty days. The same usage obtained in
some parts of France at the ordination of
priests. (5) Many councils reprove the
custom, which must have been widely
spread, of giving communion to the dead
(Concil. Hippo, c. 4; Auxerre, c. 12;
Statut. Bonifac. 20). (G) The Host
was buried with the dead. This was
done on one occasion, according to St.
Gregory the Great, by St. Benedict
(" Dial." ii. 24), and, according to an
ancient author, in the case of St. Basil at
I the saint's own desire. (7) The pen was
I sometimes dipped in the Communion
! under the spi'cies of wine in subscribing
I decrees of councils, &c. Pope Theodore,
j for example, signed the condemnation of
[ Pyrrhus in this way. (8) In dedicating
' churches three portions of the Host were
\ put in the altar and sealed up with cement.
I This rite was followed by Pope Urban II.
' in dedicating the abbey church of Mar-
moutier (Martene, " De Rit." tom. i. c. 5,
a. 4 ; quoted by Chardon).'
b. The Case or Tabernacle in which the
Blessed Sacrament was Reserved. — The
oldest tabernacles had the form of a
tower. According to Anastasius, Con-
stantine presented St. Peter's Church at
Rome with a tower of pure gold adorned
with jewels and with a dove upon it,
1 In modern times the Holy Eucharist ia
also reserved for exposition and benediction,
and in order that the faithful may be able
throughout the day to adore Chri.st present on
the altar. See Benediction; Exposition;
Visits to the Blessed Sacrament.
■6 E
786
EESERVED CASES
RESERVED CASES
while Innocent T. and Hilarius 1. gave
towers of the same kind to the churches
of SS. Gervase and Protase and of St.
John Lateran. Such a tower existed in
Chardon's time (the middle of the last
century) at Marraoutier. Their turrical
form was succeeded in many churches by
tabernacles in the shape of a covered cup ;
in others by small boxes suspended over
the altar. The custom, so common in
France, of suspending the Blessed Sacra-
ment in a tabernacle made like a dove has
been described elsewhere (art. Dote).
Tabernacles were of very various material,
of precious metal, of precious stone such
as onyx, of fiias.-s, or even wood.
c. The Place of Heservation. — The
most ancient use was to reserve the Holy
Eucharist in naa-Tocpopia or tlialami — i.e.
in chambers at the side of the church.
Jerome, in cap. 40 Ezech. (quoted by
Chardon), alludes to this custom. This
custom of reserving the Eucharist in the
sacristy was not extinct in France even
during the last century. In the middle
ages the Eucharist was often reserved in
an ambry [Ambrt], or press, in the corner
of the building or in a piUar — such a press
as we now use for the holy oils. The
modem Greeks reserve the Eucharist for
the Mass of the Presanctified, whence it
is carried in procession to the altar. For
the sick they keep it, according to Goar, [
in a place called dprocjiopiov behind the ;
altar, with a lamp burning before it. j
Such no doubt is their rule, but j
M. Nointel, ambassador from the French J
king to the Sultan, gives an interesting
account (printed in the " Pei-p(5tuite de
la Foi ") of the different ways in which
he saw the Eucharist reserved among
the Greeks. Sometimes the box which
held it was on the altar ; very often it
was put in a silk bag and hung on a nad.
Gavantus approves the custom which
exists in many Catholic churches, of
placing the tabernacle on the altar in a
side chapol ; but in most English churches j
the tabernat-le with the Blessed Sacra-
ment is placed over the chief altar.
(From Chaidon, "Hist, des Sacrements,"
torn. ii. " De I'Eucharistie," torn. ii. § 3,
ch. viii.-x.)
RESERVED CASES. Certain sins,
power to absolve from which is reserved
by the superior to himself and not im-
parted to inferiors, who have ordinary or -
delegated jurisdiction over other sins.
Papal cases are reserved to the Pope,
episcopal cases to the bishop, the reseiwed
cases of regulars to the prelates of the
order. Jurisdiction given by a superior
is, as has been shown in the article on
Penance, necessary for the validity of
absolution. But a superior may either
confer the whole of the jurisdiction
which he himself holds, or only a part of
it, just as in England the Crown em-
powers magistrates to try petty cases,
but not the more serious crimes. Hence,
the Council of Trent (sess. xix. De Poenit.
can. 11) defines that bishops have the
power of reserving cases, and that abso-
lution from them cannot be validly given
by an ordinary confessor. The object of
the reservation is to increase the shame
of the penitent, to impress the serious
nature of the offence upon him, and to
give the superior, who is likely to have
more experience than the ordinary con-
fessor, the opportunity of prescribing a
fitting remedy. This power of reserva-
tion, however, is given for edification,
not destruction. Clement VIH. warns
prelates ' only to reserve " the more
atrocious and grievous crimes," and it is
generally assumed that the reserve falls
only on sins which are grievous, external,
certain, and complete in their kind. The
reserved sin may also have a censure
attached to it, and this is almost always
the case in Papal reserves. Absolution
from a reserved sin may be given by the
superior who reserves it, by his succes-
sors, by those whom he delegates, by his
own superiors. For full information we
refer to the common treatises on moral
theology; only adding that in the dioceses
of England very few sins, and those of
most rare occurrence, are reserved either
to the Pope or ordinary.
The practice of the modem is con-
sonant with that of the ancient and
mediaeval Church, which usually "re-
served to the bishops the absolution of
public penitents " (Chardon, " Hist, des
Sacrem." torn. ii. ch. vii.). Some of the
cases quoted by Chardon scarcely seem
to the point — e.ff. the direction of ancient
Rituals that priests are to hear the con-
fessions of those who present themselves,
and take them, if they seem well dis-
posed, to the bishop for absolution; or
the statement of Peter the Cantor in his
"Sum of the Sacraments," that formerly
monks used to hear conlessions and the
abbot alone to absolve. But he quotes
from the Acts of a Benedictine, St.
Redou, who lived in the tenth century,
and from Constitutions of Richard,
1 He actually limited the power of reserva-
tion on the part of religious superiors.
I'.ESIDEXCE
KESiGNATION
787
bishop of Salisbury, clear cases of Papal
reserve. In 1171, Pope Alexander III.
■wrote to the Archbishop of Upsala, that
women guilty of child-murder and other
abominations were to be sent to Rome
for absolution. " This," says Fleury
(" II. E." Ixx'u. 35), " is the beginning
of Papal reserves for more atrocious
crimes ; but the instances just given
show that this is scarcely correct. Mr.
Maskell (" Monum. Rit." vol. i. p. 97)
gives some account of reserved sins in the
old English Church. Thus, a Council of
Durham in 12-^0 lays down the principle
that greater sins are to be reser\-ed to
those higlii-r in office. The penitent is
to go to the bishop or the penitentiary
with a letter from his confessor stating
the nature and circumstances of his sin,
or else the confessor is to accompany him.
In 1367, Thoresby, archbishop of York,
reserved thirty-seven sins to himself or
his penitentiary.
RESISENCE. Before the Council
of Trent the non-residence of ecclesiastics,
even of bishops, had long been a crying
evil. Li the sixth session, the Fathers
adopted a decree of reformation, which
provided that anypatriarch, metropolitan,
or bishop, who should remain without
legitimate cause for six months together
absent from his church, should forfeit a
fourth part of the revenues. A still more
protracted and contumacious absence was
eventually to be reported to the Pope,
who would meet it by appropriate mea-
sures. Finding that this decree had been
by some perversely understood, as if a
bishop might without incurring censure
be absent five mouths in the year from
his diocese, the Council in the twenty-
third and twenty-fourth sessions returned
to the subject, and declared that " all
the rulers of patriarchal, metropolitan,
and cathedral churches, under whatsoever
name or title, even if they be cardinals of
the Holy Roman Chmch, are bound to
personal residence in their own cliurch
or diocese, where it is their duty to dis-
charge the functions of their office, and
cannot be absent, except for the causes
and under the circumstances hereunder
specified." There are many legitimate
causes of absence, but these must be
approved in writing either by the Pope
or the metropolitan ; except in the case
of some urgent political exigency, the
occun-ence of which, being usually sud-
den, and at the same time notorious,
dispenses the bishop from the necessity
of notifying his absence. As a rule, the
period of absence in the course of a year,
apart from the urgent causes above
noticed, " ought on no account to exceed
two or at most three months ; and care
should be taken that there be a sufficient
cause, and that the bishop's flock suffer
no harm ; judgment on which point [the
Council] leaves to the conscience of those
absenting themselves, hoping that it
[their conscience] will be scrupulous and
full of fear, since hearts are open before
God, whose work they are bound at their
peril not to do deceitfully." '
Canons in cathedral and collegiate
churches are ordinarily bound to residence
during nine months in the year.- But
where a foundation possesses a privilege,
conhrmed by the Pope, in virtue of which
the canons are permitted to be absent for
a longer time, it is held that the concihar
decree does not derogate from that privi-
lege.^ In the case both of bishops and
canons the period of absence ouglit not
to comprise the times at which the great
festivals (Christmas, ICaster, Pentecost,
Corpus Christi) are celebrated, nor the
days of Lent or Advent. The obligation
on individual canons to reside does not
bind when they have a lawful excuse for
not doing so. Such excuses are — illness,
permitted sojourn in a foreign country
for the purpose of study or teaching, and
employment in the immediate service of
the bishop.
Parish priests and other beneficiaries
having cure of souls cannot be absent
from their cure for more than a week
without the bishop's permission. Two
months in the year is the period beyond
which the bishop's permission of non-
residence to his clergy is not ordinarily
i extended.
1 Diocesan statutes, concordats, and
I the civil law in certain countries, contain
i a great variety of particular regulations
respecting the residence of ecclesiastics.
JtESXCrNATXOVr. The resignation or
renunciation of a benefice is, " the spon-
taneous relinquishment of an ecclesiastical
benefice, made before the lawful superior,
and accepted by him." * It is either tacit
or express. A resignation is tacitly or
ipso facto made of any church preferment
held by the resigner in the following cas^.:- ■
by one who, already having one benefice,
is nominated to another incompatible with
the first ; by a clerk in minor orders who
1 Jer. xlviii. 10.
» Ses.-i. xxiv. 12, De Ref.
• Ferraris, ''Canonicatus," art. 5.
* Ferraris.
3£2
788 RESPOXSORY
RESURRECTION OF THE BODY
enters into a contract of marriage ; by a
clerk becoming professed in a religious
order [Proi-ession, Religious] ; and by
a clerk becoming a soldier or a strolling
player. An express resignation is made
either in words or in writing, and is either
pure or conditional. A pure resignation
is an unqualified absohite surrender of the
preferment ; a conditional resignation is
made mb conditione, and is of five kinds,
according as it is made — (1) in favour of
a third person ; or (2) with the reserva-
tion of a pension out of the revenues ; or
(3) with the right of resumption, if the
resignatary should die before the resigner;
or (4) with the right of resumption at
some given date in the future ; or (5) in
pursuance of an arrangement for an ex-
change of benefices. But these condi-
tional resignations, the status of the
clergy relatively to the civil power being
so different from what it formerly was,
are now of rare occurrence.
Publicity is necessary to the validity
of a resignation, and the mode of publi-
cation under varying circumstances is
minutely regulated by canon law.
Reserved benefices, the collation of
which belongs to the Pope alone, cannot
be resigned into the hands of any ordinary
lower than the Pope.
According to a decretal of Innocent
III.,' a bishop can only resign his see for
one of six causes, which are summed up
in the memorial lines: —
Debilis, ignarus, male coDBcius, irregularis,
Quern mala plebs odit, dans scandala, cedere
possit.
The lawful causes, therefore, are physical
infirmity; ignorance, or a want of the
knowledge necessary for the discharge
of his office ; the consciousness of some
crime, such as heresy, which, even after
penance done, would impede him in the
performance of his duties ; irregularity
(see that article) ; great personal unpopu-
larity, and some gTave scandal, which
nothing short of his resignation could
remove. (Ferraris, Jtinif/natio.)
RESPOn'SORT. Ver-ses said after
the Le.«sons, so called according to Isidore
because part of it is said by one reader or
singer to whom the choir answer with
the rest of the responsory. " Historia "
is the name given in the Micrologia, be-
cause they mostly refer to the histoiy in
the Lesson or commemorated on the day.
(Probst, " Brevier und Breviergebet," p.
107 seq.)
> Ferraris, " Eesignatio," § 29.
RESTITITTIOHT. The principle
" Do wrong to no man " implies that if we
have done another any injury we are
bound to make good the loss. Thus, if
we have converted another's property to
our own use, we must give it back to
him ; if we have destroyed anything that
is his, even without benefiting by the
action, we must hand over to him an
equivalent at our own cost. We are also
bound to indemnify him for any incon-
venience that he may have svLffered by
being deprived of his property. Re.stitu-
tlon applies, as far as the case admits, to
any injury to another's life or limb, wife,
goods, or good name fV., VI., VII., and
VIII. commandments), and is binding
tmder pain of mortal sin where the
matter is serious. Absolution may be
given before restitution is actually made,
provided that the penitent has the inten-
tion of restoring as soon as possible. If
the intention is not carried out, the
penitent grievously sins. It should be
noted that they who co-operate in caus-
ing injury are bound to make restitution.
The exact details of this branch of the
subject cannot here be entered into.
Restitution is not necessary where the
iniurer cannot make good the loss, or
where he may prudently judge that the
injured party does not require him to do
so, or where an equivalent compensation
has been made. Thus, Dr. Crolly holds
that a bankrupt who has passed his
examination, at least in England, is not
afterwards bound to pay his liabilities.
Lehmkuhl accepts tliis opinion only with
hesitation and with some qualification.
(See the last named writer's " Theol.
Moralis," i. 579 seq.)
RESVRRECTXOTiT OF THS BOD Y.
The doctrine of a general resurrection of
[ the dead, both good and bad, is nowhere
I taught in the Hebrew Bible. The Book
{ of Isaias, xxvi. 19, certainly expresses
J faith in a resurrection. The prophet ex-
I presses the disappointment of the Jewish
nation when their land was restored to
them and they were not numerous enougli
to people it. But they must not lose
heart. " Thy dead shall live : thy dead
bodies shall arise. Awake and shout, ye
I who lie in the dust, for thy dew is a dew
of lights, and the earth shall bring forth
the shades " — i.e. the power of God shall
descend like dew, instinct with the light
of life ; the corpses shall arise, and the
departed spirits from the nether world
will quicken them into their old life.
We have in Osee vi. 2 (" He will quicken
RESURRECTION OF THE BODY RESUIIRECTIOX OF THE BODY 789
"US after two days : on the third day Ho
will raise us up aud we shall live in His
sight"), and in Ezech. xxxvii. 11-14
allusions to a resurrection, but only in an
allegorical sense. In Daniel xii. 2, as in
Isa. x.wi. 19, it is a literal and not a
metaphorical resurrection which is in-
tended, and the writer, who has the verse
of Isaias in his mind, goes further, and
teaches a resurrection to shame as well
as to joy. " Many of them that sleep in
the dusty earth shall awake, some to
eternal life and .some to eternal reproach
and horror." The chai'acter of the book
makes it likely that the " many " who
are to rise are all Lsraelites, some of
whom have been faithful to the law,
others apostates ; but in any case it is a
resurrection of many, not of all, which is
predicted. We have still to consider
the famous passage in Job xix. 27. We
venture to give the following as an exact
translation of tlic Hebrew: — "I know
that my avenger liveth, and at the last
[lit. as the last one — i.e. to speak the last
decisive word] he shall rise up on the
dust. And alter my skin has been thus
destroyed Tit. which they have thus
destroyed] and [away] from my flesh I
shall see God, whom I shall behold for
myself, and mine eyes shall have seen [a
"preterite of confidence] and not another :
my reins waste [with longing] in my
breast." There are very strong grounds |
for believing that Job here asserts his
expectation of immortality, aud this iu- ;
terpretation is held by critics, such as j
Ewald and Dillmaun, who cannot be
suspected of dogmatic prejudice. The
coiiident hope of immortality shines
forth clearly, just when Job's desolation, j
when the absence of all human comfort
is most complete. The puem leads us up j
naturally to this expression of confidence.
There is a gradual advance from the
doubts of ch. .xiv. to tiie sublime prayer
and trust of xvi. 18 ad fin. All this cul- j
minutes in the passa^^e before us; nor
does Job fall back again to the depth of
his former despair. But, on the other
hand, "from my flesh" may quite well,
according to Hebrew usage, mean " away
from my flesh." This use of the particle
is very common in Hebrew (see, e.g.,
Gen. xxvii. 2Q, Jer. xlvlii. 45), and a
striking instance of the double sense of
" from " in English will be found in
-"Richard III." act iv. scene 4.' In
• K. Rich. Then know that from my soul
I love thy daughter.
What do yoii think .'
Second Maccabees we find the doctrine
of the resurrection strongly asserted, but
even there nothing is said about a resur-
rection of all men. And altliougli the
resurrection of the dead (D^ni^n n;nn)
is the thirteenth article of the Jewish
creed, the doctrine of a resui-rectiou of
both good and bad, says Weber
("Altsynag. Theol." p. 372), cannot be
proved from the Talmud or Midrashim ;
and he quotes the dictum of Maimouides,
" The resui-rectiou of the dead is a funda-
mental article of Moses our teacher . , .
but it only belongs to the just." Hea-
then, or Jews who are to be reckoned as
heathen, have no part in it. We may
add that David Ivimchi on Ps. 1. 5 ('' the
wicked shall not rise in judgment ")
denies the resurrection of the wicked,
and on Ps. civ. 30 he says " it is disputed
among our sages " whether the resui-rec-
tion will be geueral ; but adds that the
" ways " or style of the Talmud favours
the belief that it is the just only who
will rise. This doctrine of the most
orthodox Jewish doctors is by no means
to be confounded with the Sadducee
denial that the bodies of just or unjust
rose again.
The New Testament, however, clearly
teaches that the wicked also will rise
again (see, e.g., Matt. v. 29, x. 28). In
it the resurrection of the just assumes a
new prominence, and the " resurrection
of the flesh " became an article of the
Apostles' Creed, aud one of the most
characteristic ' doctrines of Christianity.
St. Paul insists that as death came by
sin (Rom. v. 15), so Christ completes His
redeeming work by raising to new life the
bodies of those who sleep in Him (1 Cor.
XV. 54 8eq.) From the very first the
doctrine was an object of Pagan ridicule
(Acts xvii. 32), and the Fathers down to
the end of the fourth century were con-
stantly employed in answering Pagan aud
heretical objections. (See, e.g., Athenag.
"De Resurrect." c. 4; D-en. " Adv. Ilrer."
V. 3; Tertull. Apol." 48; " De Carne
Christi," 15 ; " De Resurrect." 3 ; Minuc.
Qu. Eliz. That thou dost love my
daughter from thy soul.
So from thy soul's love didst thou love
her brothers,
And from my heart's love I do thank
thee for it.
K. Rich. Be not too hasty to confound
my meaning.
' The Babylonians, however, and the Per-
sians had believed in a resurrection. The
former ascribed it to the god Marduk, who
himself died and rose again.
790 RESUERECTION OF THE BODY RESUIIKEGTION OF CHRIST
Felix, 11; Cyril Hieros. "Cat." xviii;
August. " Eiicliirid." 20.) \Ve cannot
■wonder at the objectious which Pagans
and heretics such as the Gnostics felt.
Plato, the noblest of heathen philosophers,
had regarded the body as the prison-
house of the soul, and death as an escape
from the bonds of matter. It was long
before the world could accept the deeper
view of the Christian Church— viz. that
the body is a constituent part of human
nature ; that man, body and soul, is the
work of God, and that both are precious
in his sight. The Christians, on the
other hand, during times of persecution
comforted themselves with the thought
of the resun-ection. The symbols of it —
e.g. the tree, the eagle, the egg, the pea-
cock—occur on the oldest monuments;
and so also the types of the resurrection
— the three youths in the furnace. Job,
Ezechiel, Daniel in the lions' den, the
ascent of Elias, &c. (See Kraus, " Encycl.
Archaol." art. Auferstehung.)
All the Creeds confess the resurrec-
tion of the body, but the fullest definition
is that of the Fourth Lateran CoLuicil in
1215 (cap. i. " Adv. Albig.") : " All will
rise with their own proper bodies which
they now wear." St. Thomas (" Supp."
Ixxix. a. 2) says it is heretical to deny
the numerical identity of the body which
dies and rises again ; and the opinion
attributed to Durandus (see Jungmann,
"De Noviss." cap. iii. a. 2), viz. that the
body will be the same in this sense only,
that it will be informed by the same soul,
does not seem to satisfy the terms of the
Lateran definition. But this identity
must not be pressed too strictly. Our
bodies remain the same, though the atoms
of which they are composed are in con-
stant change. Jungmann [loc. cit.) lays
it down as the common teaching of all
Catholic theologians that we may sup-
pose part of the elements of the risen
body to be supplied by the power of God
without in any wa}' denying the truth of
the resurrection. He admits that modern
writers " of the best reputation " mention
(and apparently hold) opinions which go
much further than this.
We learn from St. Paul that the
bodies of the just will rise incorruptible,
glorious and spiritual — i.e. subject no
longer to animal wants, but entirely
dominated by the spirit (so Estius, ad
1 Cor. XV. 44). The Schoolmen have
expanded this Pauline doctrine into the
theory that the risen body will have
four gifts or endowments : impassibility ;
tlaritus or splendour, the glory of the
soul shining forth in the body ; subtlety,
i.e. the power of penetrating other bodies,
as Christ passed through the closed doors;
agility, i.e. the power of moving and
acting swiftly at the will of the spirit.
RESURRSCTIOXr OF CHRIST.
This greatest of Christ's miracles and
strongest proof of His Divinity is the
object of persistent attac^is on the part of
unbelievers. Against them we show :
I. The historical truth of Christ's resur-
rection ; viz. (1) His real death, and (2)
His coming to life again.
1. His death is attested unanimously
by the four Evangelists : " He gave up the
ghost" (Matt, xxvii. 50; Mark xv. 37;
Luke xxiii. 46 ; John xix. 30). Pilate
asked the Roman centurion in command at
the crucifixion if Christ was already dead,
and only when he had understood it from
the centurion, he gave the body to Joseph
of Arimathea (Mark xv. 43-45). Other
witnesses are the soldiers who broke the
legs of the two thieves crucified with
Jesus, but did not break His legs because
they " saw that he was already dead "
(John xix. 32, 33). All doubt as to His
death is removed through the opening of
His side by a spear, which would have
killed Him had He not been dead already.
According to Roman law, the rela-
tives of the condemned were entitled to
take possession of His body and to bury
it, yet not before death had been made
certain by a thrust of the spear. The
thrust left behind a large open wound
into which Thomas was able to introduce
his hand. Again, the water and blood
that flowed from the side are a sure sigu
of death. The observations of older
doctors testify that water gathers in the
pericardium of those who die after a long
and painful agony. The thrust of the
spear was given soon after death and
before the blood had coagulated, as
appears from the great number of things
which took place between that moment
and the evening of the same day, before
the Sabbath commenced. If death had
only been apparent, the handling of the
body in removing it from the cross would
certainly have restored life ; not to
mention that His Mother, Mary Magdalen,
and .Joseph of Arimathea would not have
performed the rites of the burial if they
had not been convinced of His death.
Nay, these very ceremonies, especially
j the wrapping up in linen, would have
I been sufficient to extinguish the last
I gleam of life if any remained. Again,
RESURRECTION OF CHRIST
RESURRECTION OF CHRIST 791
the hatred of the Pharisees and Scribes
is a guarantee that they did Bot leave the
place of execution before being sure of the
deat li of their victim. They never contended
that His death was only apparent in order
to disprove His resurrection. Modern
rationalists were the tirst to put forward
the theory of Christ's merely apparent
death. They founded it on Pilate's
astonishment at the Saviour's early death,
and on the fact that men have been
known to live two or more days on the
cross. In the case of Christ, however,
death was accelerated by His previous
sufi'erings, spiritual and corporal ; although
it may be permitted to attribute death to
an act of His free will.
2. Net less certain than Christ's death
is His coming to life again. The Evange-
lists with one voice declare that Christ
rose from the dead, and that an angel
announced His resurrection to the women
who had gone to the sepulchre (Matt,
xxviii. 1-7; Mark xvi. 1-8; Luke xxiv.
1-8 ; John xx. 1 seg.). After His resur-
rection Christ appeared to many and gave
them tangible proofs of His being alive.
He appeared to Mary Magdalen and to
the women who came to the sepulchre
(Matt, xxviii. 9-10 ; Mark xvi. 9 ; John
XX. 14-17) ; to the two disciples on the
way to Emmaus, who recognised Him by
the breaking of the bread (Luke xxiv.
13 seg.) ; to Simon Peter (Luke xxiv. 34 ;
1 Cor. XV. 5) ; to the Apostles gathered
together in the absence of Thomas, to
whom He showed His hands and His feet,
whom He allowed to touch Him and to
whom He gave the power of forgiving
sins (Luke xxiv. 36-43 ; John xx. 19-24 ;
Mark xvi. 14; 1 Cor. xv. 5) ; eight days
later to the Apostles when Thomas was
with them (John xx. 26-29) ; repeatedly
in Galilee, especially to seven disciples
fishing on the Sea of Tiberias (John
xxi. 1 seq.), and to more than five
hundred brethren on a mountain in
Galilee, many of whom were still alive
when St. Paul wrote his first epistle to
the Corinthians (1 Cor. xv. 6 ; Matt,
xxviii. 16-20; Mark xvi. 15-18; Luke
xxiv. 44-49) ; to James (1 Cor. xv. 7) ;
lastly, to the Apostles before His ascension
into heaven (Mark xvi. 19 ; Luke xxiv.
50; Acts i. 6-10; 1 Cor. xv. 7). Strauss
and Renan treat these many witnesses as
visionaries. "The Apostles," they say,
" were at tirst bewildered and confused by
the death of Christ. Yet they were
unable to shake ofl" their belief in Jesus as
the expected Messiah. Hence, in Galilee,
where everything reminded them of the
Master, they sought to conciliate their
belief ' that Christ abideth for ever '
(John xii. 34) and the prophecies of the
Old Testament (e.</. Isaiah Ixiii. and Psalm
XV.) with the events they had witnessed,
and thus gradually they evolved the idea
of His resurrection from the dead. Their
enthusiasm, and the excited imagination
of women, created imaginary visions of
the departed, which tradition transformed
into real apparitions." But such a hypo-
thesis is incredible on the face of it. The
Apostles and other disciples, who during
Christ's lifetime were often rebuked for
their incredulity, were not the men to per-
suade themselves that Christ had risen
from the grave, had appeared to and been
touched by them, had taken meals with
them, and communicated to them things
of the utmost importance which they
faithfully relate. The Gospel narrative,
on the other hand, bears upon it the stamp
of consistency and truth. After, as before,
the resurrection, the Apostles remained
slow in believing. The words of the
women seemed to them as an idle tale,
and they did not believe them (Luke
xxiv. 11 ; Mark xvi. 11, 13) ; they were
rebuked for their incredulity by the
risen Christ Himself (Mark xvi. 14 ;
Luke xxiv. 25) ; even when Christ stood
in their presence and said to them " Peace
be to you ; it is I, fear not," they were
troubled and afi"righted and supposed
they saw a spirit. To convince them,
He showed them His hands and His
feet; they saw and felt, yet they be-
lieved not until He had eaten bel'ore
them a piece of broiled fish and a honey-
comb (Luke xxiv. 36-43). Still more
unbelieving than the rest was Thomas,
who was not with the Apostles when
Jesus appeared to them. When they
said to him " "We have seen the Lord,"
he answered, " L'nless I shall see in His
hands the print of the nails, and put my
finger in the place of the nails, and put
my hand into His side, I will not
believe " (John xx. 25 seq.) After eight
days, the Lord again appeared and invited
Thomas to put his hands in the wounds,
and only then the Apostle exclaimed:
" My Lord and my God ! " The slowness
of belief in Thomas, as St. Gregory
observes, has been more useful to us than
the faith of the other Apostles, for by
putting his hands into the wounds of the
Lord the doubting disciple has cured the
wounds of our incredulity. The above
facts entirely upset all rationalistic
792 RESURRECTION OF CHRIST
RESURRECTION OF CHRIST
theories attributing the Apostles' preach-
ing on the resurrection of Christ to
preconceived ideas or to an over-excited
imagination. The multiplicity and in-
controvertible evidence of the proofs
of the resurrection are evidenced by the
enthusiasm and uufiiucbing constancy
with which the Apostles published it
everywhere and appealed to it as the best
proof of the divinity of their teaching.
St. Peter commences his public preaching
by proclaiming the fact of the resurrec-
tion to the Jews who had crucified Christ
(Acts ii. 22 seq.) ; he insists upon it in
presence of the authorities and of the
people, and no threat deters him (Acts
iii. 15, 26 ; iv. 10, 33 ; v. 30 ; x. 40 seq.).
In his tirst epistle he again appeals to the
resurrection (I Pet. i. 3, 21). St. Paul
likewise bears frequent witness to the
r-^surrection of Christ ; in Antioch of
Pisidia and at Thessalonica (Acts xiii.
30 seg. ; xvii. 3) ; at Athens in the midst
of the Areopagus (Acts xvii. 31), and
very often in his epistles (e.^. Rom. iv. 25 ;
viii. 34 ; xiv. 9 ; 1 Thess. iv. 13, &c.). He
lays special stress on it in his tirst epistle
to the Corinthians, where be makes the
certitude of our faith entirely dependent
on the certitude of the resurrection.
" With great power did the Apostles give
testimony of the resurrection of .Jesus
Christ our Lord " (Acts iv. 33) ; they
liked to call themselves witnesses of His
resurrection, and they confirmed tlieir
testimony by dying to maintain its truth.
God corroborated the testimony of the
Apostles throtigh miracles wrought in
the name of the risen Lord (Acts iii. 15
seq. ; iv. 10). Nobody contradicted the
Apostles when they preached the resur-
rection to the people of Jerusalem who
had seen the crucifixion. On the contrary,
3,000 conver.sions were made by the first
sermon of St. Peter, and more on other
occasions (Acts ii. 41 ; iv. 4). Many
priests were among the converts (Acts
vi. 7). The conduct of Christ's enemies
affords another confirmation of His resur-
rection. They had sealed the tomb and
placed guards round it. When the
guards told them that an angel had
removed the stone and that the grave was
empty, " They gave a great sum of money
to the soldiers, saying, ' Say you that Ilis
disciples came by night and stole Him
away when we were asleep'" CMatt.
xxviii. 12,13). Only perfect helplessness
could suggest such an explanation. Why
did they not punish the soldiers who
failed to do their duty? How could they
appeal to sleeping witnesses ? Why not
exact a judicial inquiry? Why not
accuse the Apostles of breaking the seal
attached by lawful authority ? They did
nothing of all this, although the Apostles
publicly reproached them with the murder
I of Jesus, and found credence among the
I people. All they did was to forbid the
Apostles to teach in the name of Jesus
(Acts iv. 18; v. 40). Thus the conduct
' of the Jews shows that they did not
believe in their own assertion, which,
moreover, is intrinsically impossible.
The Gospels characterise the Apostles as
simple and honest men, quite unable to
perform the feat of stealing Christ's body.
Then, what could have induced them to
act thus dishonestly ? If Christ did not
rise. His whole undertaking was at an end ;
they had nothing more to expect from the
man who had so utterly deceived them.
God also would punish them for giving
testimony against Him (1 Cor. xv. 15).
The world ofiered no other reward to their
I dishonest schemes than the hatred, scorn,
and persecution which it had bestowed
on their Master. With such prcspects
nobody practises deceit. Moreover, any
[ scheme of stealing tlie body was doomed
I to fail. The Roman soldiers who guarded
the sepulchre were not likely to be all
sleeping ; and granted that they were,
1 the removal of a heavy stone and the
I carrying off of the corpse would have
disturbed their sleep. Among the many
1 whom it was necessary to let into the
secret, how is it that none betrayed them ?
Remorse, fear, hope of reward, unguarded-
ness of speech, would certainly have led
one or more of the conspirators into
divulging the conspiracy. The modern
opponents of Christianity have abandoned
the Jewish theory as indefensible; they
substitute for it the theories of visions
and fancies dealt \\nth above. The com-
mon ground of all objections to the resur-
rection of Christ is disbelief in miracles
generally, and rejection d priori of the
; historical value of all books that admit
I miracles. Certain contradictions in the
I Gospel narratives are also adduced as
objections against the resurrection. But
these contradictions are only apparent,
and rather confirm than weaken the
authority of the narratives. The writers
I constantly keep in view the main point,
on which they all agree ; the fact that
they differ on minor and unimportant
details merely proves that they wi'ote
[ independently of one another. A very
I ancient objection — Celsus raised it Ions
KESUPJIECTION OF CHPJST
ago — is the question why Christ did uot
appear to His enemies. To this we may
reply that Christ's enemies were among
the tirat to receive certain news of His
resurrection through the guards who had
witnessed it. Such testimony would have
been sufficient if their hearts had not been
hardened. But as formerly they had attri- ,
buted Christ's miracles to' the influence of
the devil (Matt. .\ii. 24) ; as they had been
prepared to kill Lazariis raised from the
dead (John xii. 10) rather than acknow-
ledge the miracle, so now they remained
unmoved by the miracles which accom-
panied the death of Christ, or which were
wrought by the Apostles. An apparition
of Christ to them would have increased
their guiltiness rather than have brought
about their conversion (cf. Luke xvi. 31).
II. The resurrection as proof of the
divinity of Christ's teaching — Christ often
foretold His resurrection, and declared
that He would rise by His own power.
" I have power to lay down my life, and !
I have power to take it up again " (John
X. 18). '-Destroy this temple, and in I
three days I will raise it up " (John ii. 19). I
"When the Pharisees would see a sign of
Him, He answered : " A sign shall not be
given, but the sign of Jonas the prophet,"
&c. (Matt. xii. 39, 40), thus holding out
His resurrection as a proof in itself j
sufficient of His Divine mission. And
often, when foretelling His passion and !
death, He added, '"and the third day He
[the Son of Man"I shall rise again "
(Matt. xtI. 21; .XX. 19; cf. xvii. 9).
Hence the resurrection of Christ is at the
same time a miracle and a prophecy, and
affords a double proof of the divinity of
His mission and of His whole teaching.
It is a miracle wrought by His own
power, and therefore the sti-ongest proof
of His oft-asserted Divinity. It is the
greatest of all miracles ever wrought,
because more than any other it transcends
the power of created causes. Hence it is
a fit crowning and sealing of Christ's
other miracles, and for this reas<jn St.
Paul has no hesitation in making all
Christian truth dependent on the truth of
the resurrection (1 Cor. xv. 14-20). '
Hence, also, the other Apostles always '
bring to the front the fact of the resurrec-
tion to make their doctrines acceptable to
Jews and Gentiles, although with cul-
tured Gentiles they might have succeeded
better by simply holding out to them the
beauty and reasonableness of Christian
teaching. The world accepted tbe testi-
mony of the Apostles ; the foundation,
ROCHET 793
progress, continuance of the Church are a
great fact which in its turn bears out the
truth of the resurrection. For the world
to Ijelieve the Apostles without any
miracles, would be in itself a greater
miracle than any attributed to them,
(From Herder's " Kirchenlexicon," 2nd
ed.)
KSTREAT. [See EXEECISXS.]
SEVEZiATZOir. 'See LS'3PIEATI03r.]
RzcoazsK. [Se~e Moral Theo-
LOST."
KZWG. [See Mabeiasb ; Bishops.]
RZTVAXiE. A book which contains
the forms to be observed by priests in the
administration of the sacraments (com-
munion out of Mass, baptism, penance,
marriage, extreme unction), in church-
ings, in burials, in most of the blessings
which they can give by ordinary or dele-
gated authority. Such a book (under the
title " Manuale ") is mentioned in the
year 1279 in the synodal statutes of Odo,
Archbishop of Paris. It was known by
many names — " ilanuale," " Sacerdotale,"'
" Agenda," " Institutio Baptizandi,"
"Pastorale," " Obsequiale," "Sacramen-
tale," &c. "Manuale" seems to have
been the common name in England
(" Rituale " and "Manuale" in France),
and the last edition of the '• Sarum
Manvtal " was printed at Douay in 1610.
The contents of these books agree on the
whole, but not in all details; some, for ex-
ample, contain the order of confirmation,
the blessing of beUs, a few Masses, and
the like, which are not in our Roman
Ritual. A Sacerdotale was edited by
Castellanu.s and printed at Rome in 1537.
Previously the different dioceses were free
to follow their own Rituals, but in 1614
an edition with the title " Rituale " was
drawn up under Paul T., who in the bull
" Apostolicffi Sedi " exhorted all prelates,
secular and regular, to conform to it
exactly.*
(From Zaccaria, " Bibliothec. Rit."
torn. i. There is an edition of the Roman
Ritual, with an elaborate commentary
by Baruflaldius, 3rd Venetian ed., 1763,
which is useful for practical purposes, but
gives hardly any historical information.
The commentary of Catalani is also well
known. Zaccaria also mentions one in
Italian by Mariscandolo. Lucca, 1742.)
ROCHET. A vestment of linen, fit-
' The bull says " hortamur " merely ; bat
the Cong, of Rites declared (Sept. 7. IS.jii) that
the laws of the Roman Ritual '-affect the uni-
versal Church." and (October .5, 16.5-2) fhat all
regnlars were bonnd " to follow it exactly.
794 ROGATION DAYS
ROMAN COLLEGE
ting closely, with close sleeves reaching
to the hands, proper to bishops and
abbots. The use of it is also granted to
certain other dignitaries {e.g. to some
canons in virtue of privilege). The length
and closeness of the sleeves distinguish it
from the surplice. Priests who are allowed
to wear it are to regard it as a choir
vestment, and are not to use it in the ad-
ministration of the sacraments. Bishops,
on the other hand, wear it in giving con-
firmation.
Our word rochet is from the French,
the French from the Low Latin rochettus,
and that again from the old High German
hroch, rorcli, which is the same as the
modern High German Rock, a. coat. (So
Littre, '* Diet. Fran^.") From the in-
stances given in Ducange it appears to
have been first an upper garment of com-
mon life, then a clerical dress. Lynd-
wood, our great English canonist of the
fifteenth century (" Provinciale Eccles.
Cant." lib. iii. tit. 27, quoted by Ducange)
speaks of it as sometimes used by clerics
serving Mass, or priests baptising, because
it left their arms free, usages now strictly
forbidden (see " Manuale Decret." art. v.),
so that the modern limitation of the rochet
to dignitaries recognised by Urban VIIL
cannot have been old in that Pope's time.
The mozzetta and uncovered rochet
are signs of plenary jurisdiction. Hence,
a bishop may wear his rochet uncovered
within his own diocese even in the
churches of religious who are exempt,
but not beyond its limits (Gavant. P. II.
tit. iii.).
ROCATZOia- DA.YS. The Monday,
Tuesday, and Wednesday before Ascen-
sion Day are observed by all Catholics of
the Latin rite as days of solemn supplica-
tion, and are called Rogation days be-
cause the Litany of the Saints is chanted
in the procession which takes place on
each of the three days, rogatio being the
Latin equivalent for the Greek word
litany. Those who are bound to recite
the breviary are also bound to say the
litany privately, if not in procession.
These litanies are called lesser, by com-
parison with the more ancient and solemn
chanting of the litany on St. Mark's Day.
[Litanies.]
The Rogations began in the kingdom
of Burgundy, where they were instituted,
or at least made solemn and public, by
Mamertus, bishop of Vienne, at a time
when the province suffered from earth-
quake and other troubles (Sidon. Apollinar.
Ep. vii. 1). Thence they passed into the
' kingdom of Clovis, where the Council of
Orleans (c. 27), in 511, requires the faith-
ful to rest from servile work and to fast,
or, as Thomassin thinks, to abstain, on
these days.' In England the synod of
Cloveshoe in 747 prescribes processions
and fasting till none on the three days
before Ascension, " according to the way
of our fathers." A Spanish council
(Concil. Gerund, can. 2) in 517 recognises
Rogations with abstinence, but on ihe
Thursday, Friday, and Saturday after
Pentecost. The ancient custom at Milan,
enforced by St. Charles Borromeo, was
to hold the Rogations and to fast on the
Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday after
the Ascension. At Rome, according to
Anastas. Bibliothec, it was Leo III. who
introduced the Rogation days. But the
obligation of fasting and rest from work
which still existed in the French church^
of Thomassin's time was not imposed at
Rome. (From Thomassin, "Trait6 des
Jeunes," 1 P. ch. 24, 2 P. ch. 21.)
ROMAN' COI.X.EGE. Founded by
St. Ignatius in 1551. At first only the
ordinary school subjects (humanities)
were taught, but soon afterwards philo-
sophy and theology were added. Gregory
XIII., the great patron of ecclesiastical
studies, caused the present magnificent
structure to be built and richly endowed.
He raised the two above-named faculties
to the dignity of a university bearing his
name ( Universitag Gregoriuna), and gave
it the right of conferring degrees. The
college was entirely in the hands of the
Jesuits, but students attended from many
of the other colleges, notably those founded
by Gregory XIII., and also from the
town. After the suppression of the
society (1773), it was continued by the
secular clergy until the year 1824, when
Leo XII. restored it to its original
owners. The Piedmontese took possession
of the building soon after their invasion
of Rome, but the philosophical and theo-
logical faculties are still flourishing under
another roof When the whole curricu-
lum was taught the students numbered
from 1,500 to 2,000; they are now
about 800.
We have not space to give a list of
the distinguished personages who have
taught or studied at the Roman College.
1 The Council of Tours in 567 (can. 17)
requires monks to fast on the Rogation days.
2 English Catholics were bound to abst.iin
from flesh-meat on the feast of St. Mark and the
Rogation days, till thev were dispensed by Pius
VIII. in 1830 (Cone. Prov. West. III. Appen-
dix II.).
ROME
ROSARY
796
The names of St. Aloysius, St. John
Berchmans, St. Camillus of Lellis, St.
Leonard of Port Maurice, and St. John
Baptist de Rossi -n-ill occur to everyone.
It can boast of having educated ten popes,
including his present holine.■^8 Leo XIII.
Among the professors in times past were
ToletuE, Bellarmine, Cornelius a Lapide,
Suarez, De Lugo, Pallavicini, and Segneri ;
and, in our own day, Passaglia, Perrone,
Tongiorgi, Patrizi, Tarquini, Ballerini,
Frauzelin, Kleutgen, and Palmieri. As
early as the end of the sixteenth century
an observatory was established in con-
nection with tlie college, and bas produced
the famous astronomers Scheiner, Bosco-
vich, and Secchi. The museum, called
after Kircher, its most energetic curator,
contains many objects of interest. It
was seized, together with the valuable
library (6;3,(X)0 books, 2,000 MSS.), by
the Piedmontese. (From the art. in the
new ed. of the " Kirchenlexicon," by
(rrisar.)
ROME. [See Pope.]
ROOD -BEAM AHH B003>-
scREEXr. The rood-beam separates
the clioir from the nave, and is sur-
mounted by a cross. There is no proof
that any such thing was known in the
early Church (see the article "Rood" in
Smith and Cheetham), but it is common
in modern churches, and was introduced
as early at least as the twelfth century.
Other "figures besides the crucifix were
often placed on it {e.g. those of the B.
Virgin and St. John), and lights were
burnt on it. Ducange quotes a mediaeval
writer who mentions fifty candles being
placed on the tables or rood-beam. A
veil used to be suspended from it during
Holy AVeek. (Ducange, art. Trabes ;
Viollet le Due, "Diet, de 1' Architecture,"
art. Trabes.)
Screens separating choir from nave
were introduced in French cathedrals
towards the close of the thirteenth cen-
tury, and the richest examples date from
the fifteenth and sixteenth. It was not
till the seventeenth and eighteenth that
the heavy stoue screens were replaced by
grilles. (Viollet le Due, art. Clotures.)
ROSARTT. A form of prayer in
which fifteen decades of Aves, each decade
being preceded by a Pater and followed
by a Gloria, are recited on beads. A
mystery is contemplated during the re-
cital of each decade, and the rosary is
divided into three parts, each consisting
of five decades, and known as a corona
or chaplet. In the first chaplet the five
joyful mysteries are the subjects of con-
templation— viz. the Annunciation, Visi-
tation, the Birth of our Lord, His Pre-
sentation in the Temple, His being found
after the three days' loss. The som .wful
mysteries contemplated in the second
chaplet are the Agony in the Garden, the
Scourging, the Crowning with Thorns,
the Carrying of the Cross, the Crucifixion.
The glorious mysteries, which are allotted
to the third chaplet, are the Resurrection
of Christ, His Ascension, the Descent of
the Holy Ghost, the Assumption and the
Coronation of the Blessed Virgin. The
word rosarj- first occurs in Thomas
Cantipratanus, who wrote in the latter
part of the thirteenth century ("De
Apibus," ii. 13' — quoted by the Bolland-
ists, " Vita S. Dominici "). The original
meaning is very doubtful. We think it
most likely that the word was used in a
mystical sense and meant Mary's rose-
garden. (So the writer of the article
Mosenkranz in Herzog, " Encycl. fiir
protestant. Theol.") It was also called
" Psalterium Marianum " because of the
number 150. Catholics of the humbler
class still speak of a pair of beads, thus
preserving a pure and ancient mode of
speech, "pair' meaning "set," as in "pair
of organs " — i.e. a set of organ pipes, or,
in other words, an organ.
The practice of using beads, &c., as a
help to memory in reciting a set number
of prayers is not distinctively Christian,
but it has long existed in the Church.
Palladius, a writer of the fifth century
(" Hist. Lausiac."' cap. 2y), tells us that
the Egy ptian monk Paul in Pherme put
300 pebbles in his lap and flung away one
as he finished each of the three hundred
prayers he said. The English synod of
Cealchythe (Mausi, " Concil."' tom. xiv.
360) in 816 orders "septem beltidum
Paternoster " to be sung for a deceased
bishop. We can only guess at the mean-
ing. But Spelman's conjecture that it
means belts or circles of Paters is plau-
sible. "William of Malmesbury ("De
Gest. Pont. Angl." iv. 4, quoted by the
Bollandists, loc. tit.) says that Godiva,
who founded a religious house at Coven-
try in 1040, left a circle of gems strung
together, on which she used to tell her
prayers, that it might be hung on a statue
of the Blessed Virgin.
So far we have only considered the
general question of reciting prayers on
beads, .Sec. From the eleventh century
the Bollandists produce the following in-
1 As a title, however ; oot in the text
79G
ROSAKY
ROSMIMANS
stances of a fixed number of Aves ad- |
di-essfd to the Bk;^^ed Virgin. Heri-
mannus, at the close of the century,
mentions a person wlio recited sixty
Aves daily. The monk Albert, who
lived about 1005, said 150 every day ; so
did St. Agbert, who died in 1140.
Thus we find early traces of the use
of something corn;sponding to beads, and
we can trace the 150 A\ es back I'arther
than St. Dominic's time, but no instance
presents itself of 150 Aves, much less of
150 Aves and 15 Paters, said on beads,
before the lifetime of that saint. The
notion that the Venerable Bede intro-
duced the rosary is founded on an absurd
etymology ("Bead," from "Beda"), and
the statement of Polydore Virgil, who
lived in the middle of the sixteenth cen-
tury, that Peter the Hermit instituted
the rosary, comes too late to have any
weight. The common story that St.
Dominic learnt the use of the rosary
from the Blessed Virgin by revelation,
and propagated it during the crusade
against the Albigeuses, has been accepted
by later Popes — viz. Leo X., Pius V.,
Gregory XIII., Sixtus V., Alexander
VII., Innocent XI., Clement XI. This
belief rests, according to Beuedict XIV.
("Be Fest." § IGO), on the tradition of
the order; no contemporary writer
vouches for it. But the Dominican Friar
Nicolas (Qu6tif and Echard, " Scrijit.
Urd. Prsed." torn. i. p. 411) gave in 1270
to the B. Christina a Paternoster, " quod
personaliter iv annis portaverat." Do-
minicans, too, are represented on a tomb
of Ilumbertus Delphinus, who became a
Dominican about 1350, with rosaries in
their hands, so that the rosary in the
strict sense cannot be much later than
St. Dominic.
But, of course, the Ave of those days
was not identical with the modern form.
It was sinii)]y " Hail, Mary, full of grace,
the Lord is witli thee , blessed art tbou
amongst women, and blessed is the fruit
of thy womb." Further, the great Do-
minican writers Qu6tif and Echard sliow
that the meditation on the mysteiies is
much later than St. Dominic. It began
with a Dominican, Alanus de Rupe (Do
la Roche), born about 1428 ("Script.
0. P." torn. i. p. 852). (The authorities
consulted for this part of the article are
the Bollandist dissertation on the Rosary,
in the first vol. for August ; Qu6tif and
Echard; Benedict XIV. " De Fest." For
Feast of the Rosary, see INIaet, Feasts
OF.)
According to Benedict XIV., a Con-
fraternity of the Rosary at Piacenza was
indulgenced as early as 1254 by Alex-
ander IV. The Living Rosary, in which
fifteen persons unite to say the whole
rosary every month, was approved b7
Gregory XVI.
A popular manual by Labis, trans-
lated by an English Passionist, enume-
rates the following rosaries besides the
Dominican — viz. that of St. Bridget, 7
Paters and 63 Aves, in honour of the
joys and sorrows of the Blessed Virgin
and the 63 years of her life ; that of the
Seven Dolours, a Servite devotion ; that
of the Immaculate Conception, approved
by Pius IX. in 1855 ; the Crown of our
Saviour, attributed to Michael of Flor-
ence, a Camaldolese monk, in 1516, and
consisting of 33 Paters, 5 Aves, and a
Credo ; the Rosary of the Five Wounds,
approved by Leo XII. in 1823 at the
prayer of the Passionists.
ROSnuM'iAN'S. That is, the Fathers
of the Institute of Charity, a congrega-
tion founded by the Italian philosopher
j Antonio Rosmini in 1828. Accoi-ding to
the design of the founder, the members
of the new society were to " embrace
with all the desire of their souls every
work of charity, without arbitrary limi-
tation to any particular branch, under-
taking all that should be required of
! them of which they should be capable." '
The first house of the institute was built
on the Monte Calvario, near Domo
d'Ossola. In 1831 a branch of the society
was established at Trent, and another at
Verona two years later. In 1835, Fr.
Gentili, over whose impulsive and un-
equal character, as may be seen in his
biography,^ the unwavering majesty of
virtue seen in Rosmini had gained, after
a long struggle, a complete and salutary
ascendency, was sent by the founder on
a mission to England. After a short
stay with the Trelawney family in Corn-
wall, Gentili was settled by Bisliop
Baines in the college of Prior Park, near
Bath ; before long he began to preach
missions with signal success in the large
towns, and died at Dublin while thus
engaged in 1854. The variety of work
done by the society in the first ten years
of its existence was fully in accord with
its declared aim; it consisted in giving
retreats, preaching, sick-visiting, taking
care of prisons and hospitals, teaching,
missions abroad, literary work, and alms-
1 Life of Rosmini (Father Lockhart, 1856).
' By Father Pagani.
ROTA ROM ANA
RULE, RELIGIOUS 797
piving. In 1838, ou the report of the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars,
the Institute of Charity and its rule were
approved by the reigiiing Pontiff", Gregory
XVI., who" bad a singular affection and
admiration for Rosmini. Three months
afterwards the founder and all his fol-
lowers took the vows required by the
rule, and in 1839 the Pope, by letters
Apostohcal, nominated Rosmini Superior-
General of the Institute for life. It is
well known that two of his smaller works,
one of which was " Delle Cinque Piaghe
della Santa Chiesa," were condemned by
the Congregation of the Index in 1850.
Rosmlni's submission to the decree was
absolute and unreserved ; but a far more
serious matter was behind, even the
general examination of all his philosophi-
cal works, including the " Nuovo Saggio
suU' Origine dell' Idee.'" After a severe
and protracted scrutiny, the decision of
the Congregation was given in 1854,
" Dimittantur opera Antonii Rosmini-
Serbati.'" Finally, however, forty propo-
sitions taken from his writino-s were con-
demned by the Holy See (Dee. U, 18S7).
Meantime a novitiate had been opened
on the side of the hill above Stresa, on
the Lago Maggiore ; and here Rosmini
chiefly resided in the last years of his
life. The Piedmontese Government,
some years after Rosmini's death, which
was in 1855, confiscated the house at
Stresa, and converted it to some secular
purpose. There are at the present time
nine houses of the Institute in England
and Wales: at Cardiff (2), London (Ely
Place), Loughborough, Market Weigh-
ton, Xewport, Ratcliffe, Rugby, and
"Wadhurst.
ROTA ROMAXTA. A tribunal
within the Curia Romana, ''formerly the
supreme court of justice in the Church,
and the universal court of appeal."'' It
was instituted by John XXTI. in 1.326, and \
regulated by .Sixtas IV. and Benedict
XIV. It is of le>s importance now than
formerly, because the spiritual causes
of foreign countries, which used to be
brought before it, are now usually tried
and settled on the spot by judges dele-
gated by the Holy See. [Delkgatiox.]
The assembled court, or Plenum, of
the Rota consists of twelve members,
called Auditors, presided over by a Dean.
It is divided into two colleges or senates.
One of these was, before 1670. the court
of second instance for civil suits which
had been originally tried in the local
I Wetzer and Welte, art. " Curia Romana." i
! courts of Rome, Perugia, Spoleto, and
I other towns of the ecclesiastical state,
j The other was the court of third instance,
I that is, of final ap]ieal, for suits coming
from— (1) the appeal courts (second in-
stance) of the Papal States ; (2) all spiri-
tual courts, in the secular affairs belonging
j to their competence ; (3) the Rota itself,
' deciding in the second instance.
The e.vplanation of the name is said
to be (Ducange) that the marble floor of
the chamber in which the Rota used to
sit was designed so as to exhibit the
appearance of a wheel.
The Auditors, in Pleno, sit in a fi.xed
order on either hand of the Dean, the
junior member, Xo. 12, being exactly
opposite him. In any case coming before
the Rota on appeal, the appealing party
can select any auditor at discretion, to be
the "Referendary"' or presiding judge.
The Referendary so chosen, and the four
auditors sitting next to him in Pleno, on
the left hand, form the senate for the
trial of the case. The '' Decisions of the
Rota," owing to their importance as pre-
cedents, have been frequently published.
(Wetzer and Welte.)
RVBRZCS. Directions for the order
to be followed in Mass and other sacred
rites. The word is taken from the
Roman law, in which the titles, maxims,
and principal deci.sions were written in
red. Juvenal's words — " Causas age, per-
fice rubras majorum leges " (" Sat." xiv.)
— refer to this. MS., and even the first
printed Missals, have scarcely any rubrics.
These were contained in Directories,
Rituals, Ceremonials, Ordines. It was
Burchard, Master of Ceremonie- under
Innocent VIII. and Alexander who
first set out at length both the words and
the ceremonies of the ^lass in his Roman
Pontifical, printed at Rome in 1486, and
again in his Sacerdotale, printed a few
years later, and reprinted under Leo X.
After this the ceremonies were joined to
the Ordinary of the Mass in some printed
Missals, and were finally arranged under
their present titles by Pius V. The same
course has been followed in the authori-
tative editions of the Pontifical, Ritual,
&c. (Le Brun, torn. i. " Traite Prelim."
a. 3.)
RUZ.E, REI.ZCXOVS. At the time
when Ferraris wrote, about the middle
of the seventeenth century, it was con-
sidered that there were ^our principal
rules of the religious life — the Basilian,
the Benedictine, the Augiustinian, and
the Franciscan — under which, or soma
798 RULE, RELIGIOUS
RUSSIAN CHURCH
modification of which, the majority of
the existing orders and congregrations
were ranged ; -n-hile, in a few isolated ;
cases, rules unconnected with any of
these four were observed. So great a i
number of religious institutes, especially j
of women, has subsequently arisen in the
Church, and obtained the approbation of
the Holy See, that the classification of
Ferraris is far from accuratelj- corre-
sponding to the present state of things. |
The rule of St. Basil, founded by that '
saint about 380, besides being that gene-
rally observed by ca?nobites in the Eastern
Church, was followed, down to the recent
secularisations, by a number of monas-
teries in Sicilv, Italy, and Spain.
The rule of St. Augustine (390), ac-
cording to the computation adopted by
H(51yot, was followed by no less than
ninety-seven cougTegations, including
military orders. Among these were the j
Lateran Canons, the Canons of Arouaise, i
the Hermits and Regular Canons under
the name of St. Austin, the Premonstra-
tensians, the order of Preachers, the Scr-
vites, the Theatines, and the Barnabites.
Connected with every general congrega-
tion following this rule were nmis of cor-
responding observance.
H6lyot enumerates sixty-seven congre-
gations (including the moulis of Camaldoli,
the Cluniacs, the Cistercians, the Bridgit-
tines, &c.) as under the rule of St. Bene-
dict (540), besides military orders.
The rule of St. Francis (1208) was
and is professed, with more or less of j
rigour, by the various branches of the
Franciscan order; of which the principal
are the Obsorvnnts, the Conventuals, the
Poor Clares, and the Capuchins.
Among the rehgious following inde-
pendent rules were the Carthusians, the
Cai-melites, the Discalced CarmeUtes of
St. Teresa, and the Society of Jesus.
Many of the institutes contained in
Helyot's enumeration are now extinct; on
the other hand, if we consult the Abbe
Badiche's continuation of Il^lyot, or tum
over the pages of Terra Incognita," ' we
find that in the last eighty years an ex-
traordinarj- number of new institutes, for
the most part with determinate practical
aims, under carefully adapted rules, and
with simple vows, has arisen in the Church.
Such are the Marists, the Faithful Com-
panions of Jesus, the Rosminian Fathers,
the Little Sisters of the Poor, the Sisters
of Providence, the Nazareth Sisters, &c.
&c.
' By J. N. Murphy (Lougmans, 187.").
XtVRAX. {decani rurales).
In the article Dean it was explained how
that title, which originally arose in the
monasteries, was introduced into cathedral
and collegiate chapters. The institution
of rural deans appears to have commenced
in Italy in the following manner. The
first parishes, owing to the thinness of the
population, were very large; as the popu-
lation increased, the inconvenience of their
size was felt ; and Alexander III. ordered
that new churches should be built in
places where they were required, and
endowed out of the revenues of the parish
churches. The new churches would
naturally be dependent on the church
within the district of which they were
built ; this would be their matii.v ecclesia,
aud its rector would appoint priests to
them. Such larger districts came to be
called plebes, and the ecclesiastic in
charge of one was named plebanus, or
arckiprcsbyter, or dec-arms. The prac-
tice grew up of monthly meetings of
the priests in each plebs or rural-
deanery, under the presidency of the
plebayim. An archpriest in this sense
differed entirely from the cathedral arch-
priest, who was at the head of the clergy
serving a cathedral church. The rural
deans were always subject to the arch-
deacon; nevertheless, by deputation from
the bishop, they gradually drew to them-
selves a considerable jurisdiction, of which
in later times they have been deprived.
(Thomassin, " Yet. et Nova Eccl. Disc." i.
2, 6 ; Ferraris, Decanus.)
RUSSZAir CHVRCH. According
to the Russian legend, St. Andrew first
preached the gospel in Russia and planted
a cross at Kiev, but the truth is that
Christianity came to Russia from Con-
stantinople in the latter part of the ninth
ceutury. At that time the Russian Slavs
liad been united under the rule of Scandi-
navian princes, and Ruric founded the great
Russian monarchy in 864. Soon after,
however, two other princes, Ascold and
Dir, alsd of Scandinavian origin, founded
an independent kingdom at Kiev, so that
Russia wa? divided into two kingdoms,
both luuier Scandinavian rulers — viz. a
northern monarchy with Novgorod, and a
southern with Kiev, for capital. In 866
Ascold and Dir attacked Constantinople,
and are said to have been converted by
miracles, variously reported ; but the fact
is certain that their expedition led to the
sending of missionaries from Constanti-
nople to Russia. The exact chronology,
which has a curious interest here, is hard
RUSSLOC CHURCH
RUSSIAN CHURCH 799
to fix. According to Constant ine Por-
phvrogenitus, the mission from Constanti-
nople was sent in ^67, ■when Ignatius,
the lawful and Catholic Patriarch, was
in possession, so that the tirst Russian
Christians were CathoUcs, united to
Rime. If, on the other hand, Nestor, the
father of Russian history (d. 1113), is to
be believed, the mission was sent in 866,
and therefore under Photius, the schis-
matical Patriarch, so that the first Russian
church was not in union with Rome. In
any case, the impression made on the
mass of the people at this time was very
slight.
In 882 Russia was again subject to a
singleruler, Oleg, Ruric's successor; KieT,
however, being the capital. In 955, Olga,
stantinople; and in 988 her grandson I
Vladimir the Apostolic also became a 1
Christian, and strove successfully to
Christianise his people. Vladimir, whose !
life had been stained by infamous cruelty,
sent ambassadors to examine the rites and
doctrines of the Latins, Mohammedans,
and Greeks, and attached himself to the j
latter Ijecause their worship was the most
imposing. He sent missionaries throurrh
his dominions, destroyed idols, and though
there were heathen Russians even in the '
twelfth century-, still Madimir may fairly
be considered to have made the mass of
the nation Christian. So far, then, what- 1
ever the date of the first mission may i
have been, Russia, like the mother-church
of Constantinople, was in communion '
with Riime. The union was severed in
the middle of the eleventh century by the
schism of Michael Caerularius. But for
a time the Russian church was in schism
unawares, and knew little of the anti- ]
Roman bitterness which prevailed at
Constantinople. Even to this day, the
Russians, in their liturgical books, written
in Old .Slavonic, assert the primacy of the
Roman See. Pope Sylvester is call-^ d the
" Divuie head of the holy bishops : ' Pope
Leo, " the successor on the highest throne
of St. Peter, the heir of the invincible rock
and the successor in his kingdom." ilar-
tin, Pope in the seventh century, is thus
addressed: "Thou didst adorn the divine
throne of Peter, and, holding the Church
upright on this rock which cannot be
shaken, thou didst honour thy name " ;
and Leo III. (about 800): "0 chief
shepherd of the Church, do thou represent
the place of Jesus Christ '' The feeling ;
was changed, though the liturgy still wit-
nessed to the past, under Vladimir Mono-
machus' (1113). He was filled with
hostility to Rome by Nicephorus, who
came from Constantinople and was
metropolitan of Kiev. This spirit was
fostered by successive metropolitans from
Constantinople, and has lasted ever since.
Unsuccessful attempts to unite the
Russians with the Papacy were made by
Alexander HI., who corresponded with
John III., metropolitan of Kiev (since
1164); by Innocent IH. during the
Latin occupation of Constantinopte : by
Clement III., who tried to engage Russia
in the third crusade; by Innocent IV'..
when the Russians were groaning under
Mongol domination (Mongol supremacy,
1238^1462). Gallicia, however, which
had fallen under Hungarian rule, be-
came Catholic, retaining its Slavonic
rites, under Pope Houorius IH. But there
were causes which favoured the success
of Catholicism in part of Russia. First,
the Russians, weakened by Mongol op-
pression, could not cope with their ene-
mies on the West — viz. the Poles and
Lithuanians, and of these the Poles were
Cathohcs. The Lithuanians, at fir.st
heathen, were won over to a great extent
by the zeal of Dominican and Franciscan
friars; in 1-386 t'liey became dependent on
the Polish kingdom, and in 1.387 all
Lithuania except the Ruthenian pro-
vinces declared itself Catholic. The
Lithuanian prince Vitolt seized strips of
Russian territory, and was averse to the
connecti'^n between his Ruthenian subjects
and the Russian metropolitan. Next, the
metropolitan see of the Russian church
had been transferred to the city of Madi-
mir in 1299, to Moscow in 1323, though
the title " Metropolitan of Kiev and all
Russia" was retained. This weakened
the hold of the Russian church in the
South-West. In 1414 seven Russian
bishops renounced allegiance to the metro-
politan at Moscow and chose one of their
own, resident at Kiev. After a vacancy
of some years this metrop^htan see of
Kiev was occupied by Isidore, a Greek
of Thessalonica. who 'at the Council of
Florence in 1438 warmly supported the
cause of union. To this union the
church of Northern Russia and the
temporal ruler, Vassili II., were from
the first bitterly opposed, but it was ac-
cepted at Kiev and in the nine sufi'ragan
dioceses. All subsequent attempts at the
1 He was the first prince who was called
"Czar" ( = -Upi>er Kitii.-"); bn: the title
■was not usual till the middle of the sixteenth
centurv.
SCO RUSSLIN CHURCH
RUSSIAN CHURCH
conversion of Russia Proper — e.g. under
Sixtus IV., Leo X., and Clement VII. —
proved fruitless. Russia, freed in 1462
Irom the Mongol yoke, won and converted
vast provinces in the North and East.
Even the union of Kiev and its suftVarran
sees to the Catholic Church was neither
real nor lasting ; though, as we shall see
in a subsequent artic'le on the RuTHENIAlT
CHrKCii, it was afterwards renewed in a
much more ^olid way.
The discipline of the Russian church
has undergone many changes. In the
jniddle ages the Metropolitan of Rus^^ia
was nominated by the Duke and conse-
crated by the Patriarch of Constantinople.
Once consecrated, the metropolitan had
immense power even in secular matters ;
it was seldom, even in the fifteenth cen-
tiu-y, that the Duke dared to resist him.
The other archbishops and bishops — in
whose election the Prince, the clergy and
l)eople, and the metropolitan all took
part — were placed in the strictest subjec-
tion to the metropolitans. Yet the
Ijishops, on their part, had great influence.
They were well supported by tithes, and
held secular jurisdiction in theii- own
lands. They had, moreover, the pri\ ilcnc
of interceding for condemned persons ;
and no prince could engage in war till a
bishop had given his blessing ; if the
blessing was withheld, no soldier would
follow the banner. Thus, in spite of
much ignorance and superstition, wretched
disputes on the right way of making the
sign of the cross, controversies whether
pi'ocessions should move from east to
west or west to east, ready belief in gro-
tesque miracles, still the influence of the
bishops, who were taken from the monas-
tic orders and were superior both in
knowledge and character to the rest of
the clergy, was a beneficent one on the
whole. They did much to temper the i
barbarism of the times. At the end of |
the middle ages the power of the Crown
was con.solidated, that of the nobles and
clergy declined, and the Czars began to ;
act more and more as the heads of the j
Church. Ivan IV. (16.3;i-84) deposed :
and even murdered bishops, confiscated I
Church property, and forced the prelates
to confirm his fourth marriage, which
was against the Greek canon law, and to
endure without protest his frequent
divorces, his fifth, sixth, and even seventh
marriage. In 1589, Jeremias II., Patri-
arch of Constantinople, consecrated Job,
the metropolitan of Moscow, Patriarch of
the Russias, and recognised him as the
third Patriarch of the Eastern Church,
inferior only to those of Constantinople
and Alexandria. The metropolitan gained
nothing by his change of title, but it
suited the policy of the Czars to make
the church national and independent.
The strife of the Patriarch Nicon with
the Czar Alexis Michaelovitz ended with
the deposition of the former at a council
of Moscow in 1667, and early in the fol-
low-ing century the entire subjection of
the ecclesiastical to the imperial power
was completed. For Peter the Great left
the Patriarchal See vacant for twenty
years, and then, in 1721, with the con-
sent of the Eastern Patriarchs, placed
the whole government of the Russian
church in the hands of the "Holy Synod,"
which depended entirely on the Czar.
Catharine II. seized all the Church pro-
perty, and since then the prelates have
had a regular salary apportioned to them
by the State.
The synod consists of twelve members,
though the number has varied at difierent
times. The members are nominated by
the Czar, who may remove them at will.*
The synod in 1881 was made up of the
[Metropolitan of Novgorod, president, four
other metropolitans, the Emperor's con-
fessor, and the grand chaplain of the
army and fleet. The two last are secular
priests. To these is attached a chief
procurator as representative of the Czar
and other lay officials. This procurator,
who in 1770 was a brigadier, may put
his veto on any measure, till it has been
laid before the sovereign. Further, each
member on entering office swears that he
recognises the Czar " as supreme judge in
this spiritual assembly." But if on the
one side the synod is entirely subject to
the Crown, on the other the centrahsing
system of the Russian Government gives
the synod enormous power in the church.
It proposes suitable candidates for vacant
sees to the Czar, it translates and deposes
bishops, it can with the Czar's formal
approval make new laws for the Church,
it gives dispensations, it watches over
doctrine and ritual, sees to the printing
of liturgical books, examines relics and
the evidence for alleged miracles, has the
control of ecclesiastical colleges, receives
appeals from the bishops, it decides on
the money to be given for building
churches and mona.steries, and superin-
tends the payment of the clergy. Nay,
since 1809 tlie bishops must transmit to
1 There is only one ex-officu> member — viz.
the Metropolitan of Tiflis, Exarch of Georgia.
RUSSIAN CHURCH
RUSSIAN CHURCH
^01
the synod the money made in their dio-
ceses by sale of candles, use of churches,
sale of bridal crovms, collections in
churches, &c. The whole sum is then
apportioned to the dilFerent dioceses ac-
cording to their needs.
Bishops are really all equal, except so
far as they are divided into three classes,
and receive more or less support from the
Government. Since the time of Peter
the Great, metropolitan and archbishop
have become mere titles of honour given
by the Czar and not attached to any dio-
cese, except that the Bishops of Kiev and
of Novgorod and St. Petersburg are
always archbishops, while Siberia is
always placed under a metropolitan. If
a see is vacant, the Holy Synod recom-
mends two candidates to the Czar, who,
however, often takes the first step and
names a person whom the synod have to j
choose. The bishops are all unmarried,
and therefore chosen from the monks.
They cannot leave their dioceses on any \
account without leave from the synod.
They must make a complete visitation at \
least every three years. They are urged
to be zealous in establishing schools, and
they may enforce discipline in the case of
the secular clergy by punishment, not, j
however, in that of the regulars, unless ;
they are armed with a decree from the i
synod. The bishop is assisted by a Con-
sistory composed of the most experienced
and distinguished secular and regular
clergymen. The bishop presents them
to the synod, but cannot remove them
when once approved. The Consistory
watches over orthodoxy, prepares returns
on the state of the diocese for the synod,
and for this purpose has a body of offi-
cials in Government pay at its disposaL
Appeal lies from the Consistory to the
bishop, thence to the synod. In very
large dioceses — e.e/. Novgorod and Mos-
cow— a district is placed under a vicar
who is in episcopal orders, but differs in
this from other bishops, that there is an
appeal from him to his metropolitan.
Vicars were also appointed in 18-32 for
countries where the people are mostly
Catholic or Protestant. The number of
those who compose the bishops' house-
hold is settled, and each official fed and
paid by the Government. There are j
three prelates of the first class — viz. the
Metropolitans of Kiev, of Novgorod and
•St. Petersburg (united since 1764), of
Moscow and Colomna. There are seven-
teen bishops of the second class, thirty
of the third, nine vicars. Since 1801 !
' Georgia was incorporated within the
Russian Empire, and there the Metropo-
litan of Tiflis is Exarch, and there are
five bishops. There is also, since 135S, a
Russian bishop at Jerusalem. The
classes of bishops have, of course, nothing
to do with their jurisdiction, for in that
respect aU, except the vicars, are on one
dead level under the synod. The classes
simply refer to the amount of their allow-
ance from the Government.
The " white " or secular clergy must
all be married, and are mostly sons of
priests. They begin their education at
the parish school, continue it at the dis-
trict school and diocesan seminary, and
finish at one of the four ecclesiastical
academies — th ^se of St. Petersburg, Kiev,
Moscow, and Kasan. Three or four years
are spent at each of these stages. The
benefices are aU conferred by the bishop,
except that landed proprietors have often
a right of patronage in cotmtry churches
— so far, at least, that they can put a
veto on the nomination of a cleric whom
they do not wish to have. The Govern-
ment supports a certain number of clergy-
men in churches which had more than
twenty serfs before the confiscations of
Catharine II. There are numerous ofli-
cials at the cathedrals, and even small
country churches are supposed to have a
deacon as well as a priest. Each regi-
ment has a priest, reader, sacristan, door-
keeper, and sometimes also a deacon. In
peace, military chaplains are subject to
the bishop of the place ; in the field, to a
Proto-Pope who is set over them. A
canon of the fifteenth century required a
priest who lost his wife to live like a
layman in a monastery. This law of
enforced seclusion was set aside by Peter
the Great. A widowed priest may now
get leave from the synod to officiate as
before; and even in the case of second
marriage an edict of Peter the Great in
1724 permits a priest to be employed as
vector of a seminary, or in the episcopal
chancery, if he has applied himself
diligently to study, and especially to
preaching.
The Russian religious follow the rule
of St. Basil. Men must not be professed
till they are forty, women till they are
fifty. The noviciate lasts three years, and
is followed by another period of proba-
tion. The (Uscipline is strict, and only a
few monks receive holy orders. Regular
priests never have parishes, but the naval
chaplains are taken from monks educated
in the Monastery of St. George at Bala-
€02 RUSSIAN CHURCH
RUTHENIAN CATHOLICS
clava ; and not only the bishops, but also
many preachers, confessors, and prelates
generally, are supplied by them. Accord-
ing to the synodal report of 1838, there
were 225 monasteries and 100 nunneries
receiving support from the State in place
of confiscated property, besides 161
monasteries and thirteen nunneries main-
tained by themselves or by the people.
Only seven religious houses are stauro-
pegia — i.e. exempt from episcopal rule and
subject immediately to the synod.
The great symbolical book of the
Russian church is'Eic^fo-tf Tijf rii/'Pcoo-ctfi/
Uiarfois (" Exposition of the Faith of the
Russians ") drawn up by Mogila, metro-
politan of Kiev, and his suifragans be-
tween 1630 and 1640. At the desire of
the Patriarch of Constantinople, it was
examined by a commission of delegates
from Constantinople and Kiev, received
the title of " Confession of Faith of the
Catholic and Apostolic Eastern Church "
(^O^oKoyia r^y Ili'oTecof r^s \i.a6o\iKrji
KCll 'ATTOaToXlKtjS 'ExxXlJCTtaS' TTjS AvaTO-
XiK^i), was approved by the four Eastern
Patriarchs, and again by the Synod of
Jerusalem in 1672. There are .autho-
ritative translations into Slavonic, and it
has been edited with a Latin version by
Kimmel ("Libri Symbol. Eccles. Orien-
talis," 1843). The Little Catechism
brought out by order of Peter the Great
is merely a compendium of the " Exposi-
tion " or "Confession."
This Confession shows that except on
a very few points the Russians believe
as the Catholic Church believes. Their
Confession teaches the necessity of good
works for salvation; that Scripture and
tradition are the two sources of faith;
the intercession and invocation of the
Blessed Virgin, the saints, and the angels ;
that the faithful departed are helped by
prayers, alms, and the sacrifice of the
Eucharist; the Seven Sacraments, tran-
substantiation (jMerovaiioais), &c. The
coran.andments of the Church — such as
fasting, hearing Mass on Sundays and
feasts, &c. — are much the same as those
in Catholic Catechisms. But the Russians
deny the Pope's supremacy, and the pro-
cession of the Holy Ghost from the Son;
further, they hold that marriage may be
dissolved on account of adultery, and
maintain that baptism by sprinkling is
invalid. On this last point they differ
from the Greeks. On Purgatory, their
doctrine is less sharply defined than ours,
but they hold all which we hold as of
faith.
Such is the formal teaching of the
Russian church. But since the latter
half of the laat century education has
made great strides, and Western, but
especiaUy German, theology has exercised
a marked influence on the more educated
members of the clergy. Prelates in high
place have shown their leanings to Pro-
testant views, and this tendency has ap-
peared in books printed with the approval
of the Holy Synod. The Catechism of
Plato, archbishop of Moscow and tutor
to Paul I., difl'ers essentially from the old
Catechism in the doctrine of the Sacra-
ments, and especially that of the Eu-
charist. In 1 805, Archbi shop Methodius,
of Tver, published in Latin, with the
approval of the synod, a work on the
first four centuries of the Church, founded
chiefly on Bingham. Philaret, the late
patriarch of Moscow, a man of talent and
of cultivated mind, formed a school of
theologians imbued with the spirit of
German Protestantism. He issued a
Catechism, and a Review of the Contro-
versies between East and West. While
Germans like Neanderand Schleiermacher
have been read and studied. Catholic theo-
logians are little known, and there is a
constant tendency to soften the points
of difference between Russians and Pro-
testants, and to accentuate those which
separate Russians from Catholics. At
the same time, the interest in the Greek
Fathers and in the old Russian orthodoxy
has been revived in a certain section of
the younger clergy.
(The historical account and the sketch
of doctrine are from Hefele's " Essay on
the Russian Church," 1864; the statistics
from Silbernagi, "Klrchen des Orients,"
ch. iii., 1865. An article by Professor
Lamy, of Louvain, in the "Dublin
Review" for April 1881, has also been
consulted.')
SttTTHEXrZAM' CATHOI.ZCS. The
name is given to Christians who use the
Greek liturgy translated into Old Sla-
vonic, but own obedience to the Pope.
They are descendants of converts from
the Russian church, who have kept their
old rites and discipline.
The metropolitan see of Kiev and its
Bufiraran dioceses were united to the
Catholic Church, as has been said in the
article on the Russian church. The union
was never satisfactory, and the last trace of
' The reader will find a vivid and inte-
resting account of the Russian church in a
work of Mr. Palmer, edited by Cardinal New-
man.
RUTIIEXIAX CATHOLICS
S-ABELLI-IXISM ?05
it had disappeared early in the sixteenth 1
century. But the cause of union was zeal- I
ously promoted by the Jesuit school estab-
lished at Vilna by Father Possevin and bv
the Polish king Calixtus III. In 1595 the
Metropolitan of Kiev and seven suffragans
•were at their own request received by 1
Clement VIU. into the Catholic commu- I
nion. Thus, the Ruthenian province '
arose; the metropolitan was chosen by the '
bishops and all were placed under Propa-
ganda, which was represented by the
Polish nuncio. But at the partition of i
Poland all the Catholic Ruthenian !
dioceses, except Lemberg, Przemysl, and
part of Brezk, became Russian dominion.
In 1795 Russia suppressed all the dioceses i
except one; in 1798 three dioceses were [
tolerated, a fourth in 1800, two only by [
X'ichnlas in 1828. In 1839 three bishops j
joined the schismatic Russians, and there
was till lately only one see of the United |
Ruthenians in Russian Poland — viz.
Chelm and Belz — immediately subject to
the Pope. At present there is another
bishopric — viz. Minsk — suffrasan to
Mohilew. There were in 1865 about |
250,000 Catholics of the Ruthenian rite |
in Russian Poland. The see of Suprasl
was erected in 1799 for the Ruthenians
in Prussian Poland; they numbered about
40,000.
In the Austrian territory the see of
Lemberg, with its suffragan sees of
Przemysl, Sanek, and Sambnr, belongs to
the Ruthenian church of Poland, and the
history of its union with the Catholic
Church has been just given. The metro-
politan see of Lembei'g was erected for
the two millions of Ruthenian Catholics
in GalUcia by Pius VII. in 1807, Kalik
and Kamenek being united to it. But
besides this, many schismntical Slavs in
Hungary followed the example set by
their Polish brethren in 1595. The union
only lasted till 1627, and though a bishop
of Munkacs became Catholic in 1649, the
population remained schismatic. More
was done for the Catholic cause by the
Ruthenian bishop De Camillis at the end
of the seventeenth century, and in 1771
the diocese of Munkacs was properlv con-
stituted by Clement XIV. Th*i Catholic
population amounts to .360,000 souls.
From the diocese of Munkacs that of
Eperies was divided in 1816. It contains
160,000 souls. Munkacs, Eperies, and
Creis (apparently a new see) are under the
Latin Archbishop of Gran. In Croatia
the Ruthenians had one diocese, that of
Kreutz, with 20,000 souls, erected in
1777, and subject to the Latin Metro-
politan of Agram. But the see, though
it existed very lately, is omitted in the
latest official lists.
The Ruthenians have a married
secular clergy and religious who follow
the rule of St. Basil. The bishops are
usually taken from the monks. The
Ruthenians are under the laws made by
Propaganda for Catholics of Greek rite
living among Latins. Their bishops at
their consecration make the profession
of faith prescribed for the Greeks bv
Urban Vin. (SHbernagl, "Kirchen de*
Orients.")
SABAOTB. This word, retained in
the Sanctus, is often confounded with
Sabbath, but has an entirely different
significance, being from niS3V, hosts.
[See Saxcttts.]
SABBATB. [See Sunday.]
SABEX.x.ZAsrzsM. A name given
to two very different forms of doctrine,
which, however, agreed in this that they
denied any real distinction of Persons in
God. The Catholic Church teaches that
there are three divine Persons really dis-
tinct from each other, and yet one' God.
The Sabellians confessed with Catholics
the numerical unity of God, but denied
the mystery of the Trinity by explaining
away the real distinction of the Persons.
(1) The earliest form of the heresy
was Patripassianism. Praxeas, who came
from Asia Minor to Rome under Pope
Eleutherus (175-189), Noetus of Smyrna,
who was excommunicated in his own
province about 230, Epigonus and
Cleomenes, who transplanted the doc-
trine of Noetus to Rome, all held that
God the Father of all is the only God,
and that this one God became man,
suffered and died. Thus Praxeas held
"that the Father came down into a
virgin, that He himself was born of her,
that He himself suffered; tinally, that
He himself is Jesus Christ" (tertuU.
"Adv. Prax." 1, and so 28, 29, 30).
Pressed to explain how it was that
Father and Son could be said on this
theorv to exist at all after the Incama-
3f2
804 SABELLIANISM
SACRAMENT ALS
tion, Praxeas replied that Christ so far as
He was flesh was Son, and so far as He
was spirit or God was the Father {fh.
27). The tenets of Noetus were pre-
cisely the same (Hippolytus, " C. Noet."
ed. Lagarde, " Philosoph."" ix. 7-10). And
such also was the original doctrine of Sa-
bellius, a Libyan, who ciune to Rome under
Zephyrinus, was ha?i'-^li<'d from the Ro-
man Church by Cnl' st ■, and took refuge
in the Libyan Penuipolis. The testi-
monies as to the original teaching of
Sabellius are too early and express to be
set aside. "He" (Sabellius) "blasphemes,"
i^ays Dionysius, bishop of Rome, in the
middle of the third century, "saying that
the Son himself is the Father, and rice
j'f'/>v/." (The Epistle of Dionvsius is con-
tained in Athanas. "De Decret. Nicen.
Syn.-' and edit.'d by Routh, "Rell. Sacr."
vol. iii. p. .■i7.3 srtj.) Xovatian, another
author, nearly coiitcniporniu'ous, speaU's
of Rnbellius as one " who calls Christ tlie
Father" (Novat. " De Trin.'' c. 12).
The Macrostich, a Semiarian creed of th(>
Eusebians (apud Athanas. "De Synod."
26), refers to "those whom the Latins call
the Patripassiaiis and we the Sabellians."
So also Athanasius, iii. ^IH : and Cardinal
Newman ("Oxford Tran>lalion ol' St.
Athanas." p. "(ilt) quotes on tli'- - iini' side
Euseb. "Eccl. Theol." i. p. IM : Kasil.
E]). 210, 5: Rufiu. "In Symb." 5;
Ano-ust. "Haer." 41; Theodor. " Haer.
Fab." ii. 9).
(2) The doctrine of the Sabellians,
and perhaps of Sabellius himself, under-
went a complete transformation, and
resolved the mystery of the Trinity into
three manifestations of God to man.
It was dillicult for Sabellianism, in its
original form, to assume even the ap-
pearance of conlormity to the traditional
teachin;:, embodied in the form of baptism,
on the Holy Ghost. A very early author,
Dionysius of Alexandria (apud Euseb.
" n. E." vii. 6) reproaches the Sabellians
with this very thing, '• that they had no
idea of the Holy Ghost" {dvaia-Onaiav
mil ayiov Trvevfiaros.) It was conceivable
that the Father should have been incarnate
in (Christ, but there was no room for such
.111 incarnation, and therefore, on Sahellian
principles, for a real existence of the third
Person in the Trinily. I h nee Sabellius,
or at least the Sabellians, eaiiie to hold
that the same Person is the Holy Ghost,
so far as He manifests Himself in the
Christian Church, and by parity of
reasoning the Son, so far as He appeared
iu Christ. The same Person or Hypostasis
(so Theodor. "Haer. Fab." ii. 9, reports
the doctrine of Sabellius) was Father
when He gave the law, Son when He
became flesh in Christ, Holy Ghost when
Tie descended on the Apostles, being
" one person with three names " (ef
TpiMuv^ov TTpocrwTrov). He compared the
three nfjoa-onra or characters of God
(Epiphan. " Hrer." R2, 1) to the spherical
form, light, and heat of the one sun.
Such late authorities are not decisive for
the supposition that Sabellius himself
held this view, Init undoubtedly the
Sabellians did. Patripassianism was thus
avoided altogether; but on the other hand
tlie Incarnation, no less than the Trinity,
was in eff'ect denied, for the manifestation
of God in Christ could differ in degree
only, and not in kind, from His union with
other holy men. This Sabellian doctrine,
which takes rrpocrcoTroj' or personn in its
original meaning of mask, character, &c.,
has been maintained by many Protestant
divines — e.g. by Archljishop Whately in
his "Logic." It is of course completely
incompatible with Catholic belief, and is
contrary, e.g., to the first chapter of St.
John's Gospel.
(.3) Closely akin to the later Sabel-
lianism is the doctrine of Marcellus of
Ancyra. He was a strenuous defender of
the Nicene definition against the Arians,
and this and the obscurity of his doctrine
accoimt for the fact that he was defended
by Pope Julius, the Synod of Sardica, and
Athanasius himself (Athanas. " Apol. c.
Arian." 93, .32; "Ep. ad Monach. et
llist. Arian." 6.) He made the .\oyos a
mere attribute of God like the reason of'
man, manifesting itself in the creation, iu
the Incarnation, and in the sanctification
of Christians. (Theodor. "Hjer. Fab." ii.
10.) In Christ the Word dwelt with
extraordinary power, to retire from Him
at the consummation of all things, when
the manhood of Christ would no longer
reign. (Euseb. " Adv. Marcell." ii. 2-4 ;
"Eccl. Theol." iii. 8-17.)
(Newman, " Notes on Athanasius " ;
Petavius, "De Trinitate"; Kuhn, "Trini-
tatslehre " ; DoUinger, " Hippolitus and
Callixtus.")
SACKATVXETTTAX.S. We shall show
in the article on Sacraments that the
word, not only by Fathers like St. Augus-
tine, but even by mediajval theologians,
was widely used for the most sacred and
solemn rites of the Church. We have
seen that St. Augustine, like the Roman
Rituale in present u^e, called the salt in
baptism a sacrament urn, while mediaeval
SACRAMEXTARY
SACR-UIEXTS OF NATURE SOo
^rriters use the word of rnlijioui profession,
holy water, &c. After Peter Lombard,
when the use of the word and its defini-
tion became restricted and fixed, the name
•" sacramental was given to rites which
have some outward rest^mblance to the sa-
craments, but which are not of divine in-
stitution. The word sacramental ia <3ccurs
in the " Summa " of St. Thomas (3, q. 71,
a. 3), but he does not, so far as we know,
enumerate or classify them, and with
him sacramentalin sterns only to mean
ceremonit s accompanying the sacraments.
The sacramentals are enumerated in
the following line —
Orans, tinctus.edens, confessus, dans, beneUicens
— i.e. the prayers of the Church — above
all the Lord's prayer — and alms (how-
ever, to be called " sacramentaLs," prayer
must be said or the alms given in the
name of the Church or in a consecrated
place; otherwise, as Billuart says, they
do not ditfer from other good works),
blessed bread, the confession at Mass and
in the Ofiice, the blessing of bishops or
-abbots, holy water (with which we may
class blessed ashes, candles, palms, &c.).
If the sacramentals are used with
pious dispositions they excite increased
fear and love of God, detestation of sin,
and so, not in themselves, but because of
these movements of the heart towards
God, remit venial sius. They have a
special etScacy, bt-cause the Church has
blessed them with prayer, and so when, e.g., j
-a person takes h•^ly water, accompanying
the outward act with the desire that God
may cleanse his heart, the prayer of the
whole Christian people is joined to his
own. The opinion that ••sacramentals" re-
mit venial sin» by a power given them by
God over and above the good dispositions
with which they are used, is held by some,
but rejected by Juenin, and even by
Billuart, as destitute of warrant in Scrip-
ture or tradition.
SACB.AMEWTA.RVrorZi'J^r.Sncra-
ment'ji um.) A book containing the rites
for Mass and the sacraments generally —
e.g. Hilly Orders, Baptism, &c. ; also for
various sacramental rites — e.g. dedication
of churches, consecration of nuns, vtc.
It is represented by our Missal, Pontifical,
and Ritual. On the other hand, the
Sacramentary had few rubrics.
An imperfect Roman Sacramentary,
without Ordo or Can.m, was published
by Muratori in his '• Liturgria Romana
Vetus." It is known as the Leonine,
though some of the Misuse are probably
later than Leo I. The Gelasian Sacra-
ment arv- was published from a ninth-cen-
tury MS, in the Vatican by Cardinal
Thomasius. The Gregorian is a revision
of the Gelasian Sacramentary. Three
Galilean Sacramentaries (Missale Gothi-
cum, Gallicum, Franconmi) were pub-
lished by Thomasius, and reprinted by
Mabillon and Muratori. Another known
as B-jbbiense was discovered by Mabdlon
at Bobbio, and printed by him in his
"Museum Italicum." (See LrnTEGiES;
Missii: Oedo: Rn3Rics."t
SACBAMENTS OP NATTTSE
AITD OF THE JEWISH CHTTSCH.
If we define a sacrameut as •' a sign of a
sacred thing, which thing sanctifies men,"'
we are able to include the sacraments of
nature, the old law, and the Christian
Church in one common class. All are
outward signs : all were instituted by God ;
and hence distinguished from "sacra-
mentals." But they do not all confer
grace ex opere operato. It was the pri-
mary and direct object of the Jewish
sacraments to typify the mysteries of the
Christ who was to come. Moreover, the
grace which most at least of the Jewish
sacraments efiected was not grace in the
proper sense, but an outward and legal
status, a position as members of the
Jewish Church. We lay down these
principles provisionally, for there is
scarcely a question in theology which has
occaslouei a greater variety of opinion.
The existence of grace given by sacra-
ments before Christ does not seem" to have
occurred to anyone previous to St. Augus-
tine. H is clear apprehension of the doctrine
of original sin led him to believe that some
remedy for it must have been prescribed
before Christ came, and this remedy he
found in circumcision (" De Nupt. et
Concupisc." ii. 11; "Adv. Donat." iv. 24").
This explanation, however, did not touch
the case of children bom before Abraham
received the covenant of circumcisii-in.
He thinks it incredible that those under
the law of nature had no sacred sign
of the Mediator [sacrament um) by which
they "helped their little ones," though
he does not profess to know what this
sign was ^" Adv. Julian." v. 11). Sub-
sequent Latin Fathers, and the School-
men generally, adopted St. Augustine's
I theory, and the term " sacraments of the
old law " has l>.-en adopted by the Coun-
cils of Florence and Trent. The latter
council anathematises (sess. vii. De Sacr.
can. 2) the view of Calvin (" Instit," iv.
806 SACRAMENTS OF NATURE SACRAMENTS OF TUE GOSPEL
14) ' that there is uo difierence except in '
the outward rite between the sacraments
of the old law and the new ; but this is
all the Church has decided in the matter.
It is agreed that the statement of Eugenius
IV. in the Council of Florence (" Instructio
pro Armen.") — viz. that the sacraments of j
the old law, unhke those of the new, did ;
not confer but only typified grace — is not
a definition of faith. (See Toumely, " De
Sacr. in Gen." qu. 3, a. 3.)
We have to distinguish between the
sacrament or sacraments of the law of
nature and circumcision on the one hand
and the many sacraments of the Mosaic
law — e.g. the paschal lamb, the ordination
of priests and Levites, legal purifications,
&c. — on the other. The opinions of the
School divines are thus given by Toumely.
(1) "With regard to the Mosaic sacraments,
excluding circumcision. The Master of
the Sentences denied that anyone was
justified by them, even if they were per-
formed in faith and charity. Durandus
believed that grace was given by some
of the Mosaic sacraments — at least by
ordination to the priesthood. Hugo of
St. Victor and Bonaventure, followed by
Estius, hold that the old sacraments gave
grace ex opere operato, not indeed in them-
selves and primarily, but so far as they
were signs by which men confessed their
faith in the Redeemer. St. Thomas and
many others have thought that the sacra-
ments of the old law gave grace not ex
opere operato, but ex opere operantis~i.e.
because of faitli in the minister and reci-
pient. (2) As to circumcision. The Master
of the Sentences, Bonaventure, and many
of the most celebrated Schoolmen — e.g.
Alexander of Hales, Scotus, Durandus,
held that circumcision was primarily
and directly instituted as a remedy for
original sin, and of itself sufficed to re-
move it. We may notice in passing that
neither Scripture nor Philo and Josephus,
nor the Rabbins, attribute any such effi-
cacy to circumcision. Lastly, St. Thomas
holds that circumcision did indeed remit
sin and confer grace, not, however, in
itself, but as a type of Christ's Passion,
the faith of the recipient if an adult being
requisite, and in the case of an infant the
faith of others in his behalf. On these
conditions it remitted original and actual
sin if the latter had been committed.
' He of course admitted this difference, that
the sacraments of the old law shadowed forth
Christ who was t(i come, while those of the
gospel "bear testimony to Him as already
come."
In the case of children who died before-
the eighth day (or, we may add, of female
children) he suggests that some other sign
of faith on the part of the parents sufficed.
But he points out that circumcision did
not, like baptism, impress a character
which incorporates a man with Christ ;
nor did it give a title to the immediate
possession of heaven, nor bestow such
abundant grace as baptism (iii. 70, 4).
SACRAmENTS OF THE COSPEX..
1. Definition and General Opposition
between Catholic and Protestant Doctrine.
—The Roman Catechism (P. II. cap. i.
n. 4), following the Council of Trent
(sess. xiii. cap. 3), defines a sacrament
as " a visible sign of invisible grace in-
stituted for our justification." There
must be a visible sign. Constantly, in-
deed, is grace bestowed without sign at
all ; God justifies at once the sinner who
turns to Him with sorrow and love, and
His grace is continually descending on
the hearts of the just, but in all these
cases there is no sign, and therefore no
sacrament. This sign is efficacious — i.e.
it really eS'ects the grace which it signifies.
Moral and spiritual dispositions, it is
true, are required in order that those who
have come to the use of reason may
receive the grace of the sacraments ; but
these dispositions are the condition and
not the cause of grace ; the grace given is
far beyond the pious feelings which the
mere sign awakens, and herein lies the
difference between sacraments such as
baptism and sacramental rites instituted
by the Church, such as sprinkling with
holy water. Lastly, it is beyond the
power of man to make earthly things the
channels of divine grace ; the Churck
may bless holy water and hope that her
prayers for those who use it wiU be
heard ; she cannot make water " the
laver of new birth." Such power belongs
to Christ, the author and the finisher of our
salvation, and therefore the institutor of
the sacraments.
Very different was the Protestant
doctrine against which the definitions of
Trent were framed. According to the
Lutherans, the sacraments did not pro-
duce grace, but were pledges and seals of
God's promises to us. Thus Melanchthon
says, God invites us to His table in order
to remove all doubt from our minds that
He has forgiven us; and the Augsburg
Confession describes the sacraments as
"signs and testimonies of God's good will
towards us." Calvin's teaching is sub-
stantially the same, while Zwingh mad*
SACRAMENTS OF THE GOSPEL SACRAMENTS OF THE GOSPEL 807
the sacrament* signs, not of God's fidelity,
but of ours. We receive the sacraments
to show that we believe: they are
merely the badges of Christian pro-
fession. Several consequ'-nces followed
from the Lutheran definition. It became
necessary to reduce the number of the
sacraments, for it could not be said — e.g.
of man-iaje and holy order — with any
show of reason that their primary and ;
direct object was to excite faith. Next, ;
the Lutheran doctrine of the sacraments
was out of all harmony with Lutheran
belief in consubstantiation. Why should
Christ work a miracle and place His true
body and blood under the bread and
wine if He did but mean to confirm and
renew His promises ? A simple feast of
bread and wine received in His name and
at His bidding was surely enough, and so
Luthers doctrine naturally led to that of
the Sacran^entarians, which he so bitterly
opposed. Further, the Anabaptists were
fully justified by the Lutheran definition
of a' sacrament in rejecting infant baptism,
since a sacrament cannot possibly excite :
faith or assurance in an unconscious child. [
Equally logical were the Society of
Friends and other small sects which
abandoned the sacraments entirely ; the
perfect behever might fairly plead that to
him God's word was enough, and needed
no confirmation by outward signs or seals.
So it happened that while the Calvinists,
Zwinglians, Anabaptists, &c., advanced on
the path of negation, the later Lutherans
retreated and almost accepted the Catholic
doctrine. The " Apology '" admits that a
" promise of grace " is annexed to the
sacraments ("sacramenta vocamus ritus,
qui habent maudatum Dei et quibus
addita est promissio gratise." For refer-
ences on the Lutheran and Reformed
doctrine, see Mohler, " Symbolit," book
i. eh. 4).
The fact is that the difiFerences be-
tween Catholics and Protestants on the
doctrine of the sacraments spring from the
still more radical difference between them
on redemption and justification. The Re-
formers held that man's nature was wholly
and incorrigibly bad; he could only appro-
priate Christ by faith and have the merits
of another set down to his account. The
Church, on the contrary, teaches that
Christ's grace purities man within, really
makes him just, and ennobles his whole
earthly life by imparting to it a divine
and heavenly character. And just as
Christ appeared in flesh, just as virtue
went forth from that body which He
took, just as He saved us by that blood
which He willingly shed in love for us,
so He continues to make sensible things
the chunnels of that grace by which our
lives are elevated and sanctified. In
baptism we are bom again ; in confirma-
tion we grow up to perfect men in
Christ ; communion is the daily bread by
which the life of the soul is maintained ;
in penance God "heals the soul which
has sinned against Him " ; when death is
near, unction comes to remove the last
remnant of infirmity and prepare the soul
for fiual glory. But man has a social
as well as an individual nature. Marriaire
is given that natural impulses which
have often proved the source of corrup-
tion and crime may become the fountain
of blessing, that the young may be
brought up in God's love and fear, and
the Church be the fruitful mother of
children. Order is instituted that the
Church may be ruled by those whom God
has set over her, may be fed by the word
of life and with the other sacraments,
(St. Thomas, III. qu. Lxv. a. 1.)
(2) The Number of Sacraments. — We
have already touched on this division of
the subject, for we have just given a
rationale of the Seven Sacraments from
the " Summa " of St. Thomas. The Ca-
tholic Church has defined that there are
seven sacraments of the new law, and
seven only. That there are seven sacra-
ments is proved by the arguments given
in favour of each from Scripture and the
perpetual tradition of the Church, while,
on the other hand, as we shall presently
show, there is no other rite which can
claim a place in the same category.
Again, thdugh it is quite true that the
enumeration of seven sacraments was un-
Icnown for nearly twelve centuries of
Church history, this is explained by the
fact that the word sacramentiim has various
senses, and till its sense had been definitely
fixed, or some other word found as a sub-
stitute, the enumeration of seven sacra-
ments was impossible. Indeed, the history
of this enumeration furnishes an argument
on our behalf. How was it that when
once Peter Lombard had fixed the number
and names of the seven sacraments, his
view was at once and universally, or all
but universally, accepted ? The answer
is, because he supplied the complete and
correct formula for the doctrine which the
Church already held. His statement came
like a right word which exactly expresses
a man's meaning, but which he has been
long searching for in vain. Once more»
€08 SACRAMENTS or THE GOSPEL SACRAMENTS OF THE GOSPEL
tlie Greeks separated from the Cjitliolic '.
Church before the list of sacrameut:^ had
been made. Yet they, too, reached the
same conclusion. The ■' Orthodox Con-
fession of the Eastern Church," solemnly
accepted by allthe Eastern patriarchs and
used by the Russians, gives (ad Qu. 97)
the number of sacraments as seven, corre-
sponding to the Seven Gifts of the Holy
Ghost, and names the same seven -which
•we confess (Confirmation Ix'ing called to
fivpov Tov ;(pi'a-fi(iroy). So, too, the Con-
fession of Dositheus, schismatical patri-
arch of Jerusalem, accepted in the Coun-
cil of Jerusalem in 1672, declared that
there vi-ere seven sacraments, and that
it was a si<rn of " heretical madness" to
say there were more or less. The Pro-
testant Confessions, with scarcely an ex-
ception, deny that there are more than
two. But sucli a denial had never been
made before, except by some of the me-
diiBval heretics, .^ud even the Protest-
ants were not sure of their ground. The
" Apohipy '' of ;Melanchthon, subscriljed
by the chief Lutherans, acknowledges that
" baptism, the supper, and absolution, are
three true sacraments." And it adds a
fourth, since " no ditiiculty need be made
against putting Order in this rank, if it be
taken to mean the ministry of the Word,
because it is coumiauded by God and
lias great promi.-es " Confirmation and
Extreme Unction are said to be " cere-
monies received by the Fathers," which
Lave no express promise of grace. In
Marriage they recognise divine institu-
tions, but with promises ol' temporal bles.s-
ing only. " As if,'' says Bossuet, " it were
a temporal tliinp to bring up children of
God for the Church, and to be saved by
begetting them m this fashion (1 Tim. ii.
15), or as if it were not one of the fruits
of Christian marriagi^iocausethe children
born in it to be called holy, as being
destined for sanctity " (Bossuet, " Varia-
tions," livr. iii. cli. nl).
In tracing the lii>ti'ry of the numera-
tion within the Church, we may dis-
tinguish four diilerent stages. Till about
the end of the fourth century, we find
usually two, and sometimes three rites
placed together as sacraments. Tert ullian,
for example, speaks in the same place of
Baptism and the Eucharist (" De Corona,"
3), and he calls the latter a " sacramen-
tum " — though nothing can be made of
this, for he uses sacrament ran for the
oath or obligation of Christian service,
for a mystery, and for a sign of any
iiind which conceals a sacred meaning.
This use of the words sacrament um and
fxv(TTi)piov is common to the New Testa-
ment, the Old Latin, the Vulgate, and all
the Fathers, and is stiU retained in Greek
and Latin. A century before, Justin
(1 Apol. 61 seq.) had explained together
the two sacraments of Baptism and the
Eucharist, and, long after, Chry.sostom
("In Joann." Hom. 84), preaching on
the water and blood which flowed from
Christ's side, said, "Thence the sacra-
ments [^vcrTr)p(a] take their origin" — viz.
Baptism and the Eucharist — " which the
initiated know." On the other hand,
Cyprian (Ep. 73) classes Baptism and
Confirmation (" signaculum dominicum ")
together, clearly making each a chamiel
of sacramental grace in the strict sense ;
and in like manuer Pacian ("De Baptism."
6) speaks of the sacrament or mystery of
tlie laver and of chrism ("lavacriet chris-
matis et autistitis sacramentum" — mean-
ing only two rites, not three, for the
action of the prelate is common to b.itL
sacraments. Furtl^er, Ambrose (" De
Virgin." cap. 10) seems to attribute a
sacramental efficacy to the washing of the
I'eet. And here we add, for the sake of
convenience, that the author of the famous
treatise "De Sacrameutis " (iii. 7), long
attributed to St. Ambrose, but really
written in our second period, eagerly
ado])t> this theory, though he owns the
practice of the Roman Church wa.s against
him.
Augustine sometimes (see,e.y., "Contr.
Faust." xix. 14,"ProbaptismoChristi,pi-o
eucharistia Christi, pro signo Christi ")
classes Baptism, Confirmation, and the
Eucharist together, and this was the pre-
vailing classification down to the end of
the tenth century. Thus, Isidore of Seville
("Etymolog." vi. 19) writes, " X sacra-
mentinii consists in a certain rite, when a
thing is so done that we understand some-
thing to be signified which must be re-
ceived with holy dispositions. Now, the
sncramentn are baptism, and chrism, the
body and blood." .\ytho, bishop of Basle,
in his capitulary: "They are to be taught
to know what the sacramentum of Bap-
tism and Confirmation is, and of the Body
of the Lord, how, in these same mysteries
\7nyste7-iiii\, the visible creature is seen
and still invisible grace is supplied for the
eternal life of the soul." Rabanus Maurus
(" De Univcrso," v. 11) repeats Isidore
almost verbally. So the writers of this
period generally, when they eimmerate
the sacramentn, though they often speak
of two "principal sacramenta" two which
SACRAME^"rS OF THE GOSPEL SACRAMENTS OF THE GOSPEL 809
•flowed from the side of Christ, Szc, &c.
W e, of course, ky no stress on the mere
use of the word sacrameit/um, else we
mi^ht have not iced, e.^r., that St. Augustine
("t>e Peccat. et Remiss." ii. 2G; " De
Catech. Rud." 50) calls the salt in baptism I
by that name. |
From the end of the tenth century to ]
the time of Peter Lombard (d. 1164), we
find a lonfr list of siicramenta in vogue.
Peter Damian (Serm. 69) says there are
"twelve sacramenta in the Church."
Huiro of St. Victor ("De Sacr." ix. 7)
•counts (u) two necessary sacramenta — viz. !
Baptism and the Eucharist ; (/3) sacra- \
menta useful for sanctification — e.g.
spriukling with holy water, blessed ashes,
&c., &c. ; (y) those which prepare us for
other sacred rites — e.g. ordination, &c.
St Bernard (Serm. " La Cojua Domini ")
tells his hearers there are many sacra-
menta, but he will only speak then of
three — viz. Baptism, Eucharist, and the
washing of feet.
The first distinct and certain mention
of seven sacraments occurs in Peter Lom-
bard (" Seutent." IV. dist. ii.). "Let us
now come to the sacraments of the new
law, which are seven in number." It has
been said that the Master of the Sentences
was anticipated by Otto of Bamberg, the
Apostle of Pomerania (1124-i'S). The
question is of little moment, but the state-
ment rests on tlie word of a biogTapher,
not on any writing of Otto himself. A
work of Hugo of St. Victor, often referred
to — viz. "De Caerimoniis " — is not his, but
later than Peter Lombard.
To sum up: in the earliest ages. Bap-
tism and the Eucharist — the two sacra-
ments most clearly and directly instituted
by Chi'ist and most necessary for all —
were classed together. Then Confirmation,
long given along with Baptism, was added
to the number. Xe.xt — as this number of
three did not seem to rest on any fixed
principle — various writers chose various
rites of the Church and put them together
under the common name of sacraynenta.
At last, theological reflect ion, just when
systematic theolngy was beginning to be,
led Peter Lombard to the conclusion
that there were seven rites, with this in
common, which separated them from all !
others — viz. that they were the ordained !
means of grace. lie called them, and |
them only, sacraments. The Schoolmen
at once perceived the accuracy of his
doctrine and the convenience of his
nomenclature, and, finally, the number of
the sacraments was defined to be seven,
in 1274, at the Second Council of Lyons
("Prof. Fidei Mich. Palajolog."), at Flo-
rence ("Decret. pro Armen.") and under
anathema at Trent (Sess. vii. " De Sacr."
c. 1).
(3) The Matter and Form of the Sacra-
me7its. — Eugeuius IV. ("Instr. pro Ar-
men."') states that the sacraments are
etlected by the things which stand for the
matter (" tanquam materia"), by the words
which stand for the form, and by the per-
son of the minister ; and that if any one
of these three things be wanting, there is
no sacrament. The terms " matter " and
" form " are borrowed from Aristotle,
matter being the indeterminate element
which form stamps with a definite cha-
racter. Thus, water may be used for the
washing of the body, as drink, and for a
thousand other ends. But when the
minister, as he S])rinkles the water on the
catechumen, adds the words, "I baptise
thee," Sic, the end and meaning of his
action is apparent, and we have the three
constituents of the sacrament — viz. the
person of the minister, the washing with
water, which is the matter, and the words,
which are the form. The special diffi-
culties about the matter and form of par-
ticular sacraments — e.g. Penance, Oriler,
Marriage, &c. — have been discu-sed under
these titles ; but we may sa^-iu this place
that theologians distinguish a double
matter in the Eucharist. While that
sacrament is being produced, the matter
is bread and wine; after consecration the
matter consists in the outward ajipearances
or accidents of bnad and wine. The
difficulty arises from the fact that the
Eucharist, unlike all the other sacraments,
continues to exist after the words have
been spoken. Its duration isnot transitory
but permanent, so long as the specie's
last.
This terminology began with the
Aristotelian or Scholastic theologians.
It is unknown, says Juenin (diss. 1.
cap. 2), not only to the Fathers, but to
Lanfrunc, Anselm, Bernard, Hugo of St.
Victor, and Peter Lombard, all of whom
wrote formal treatises on the sacraments,
and it first appears in William of Auxerre
about 1215. In early times, the " form "
of a sacrament means something quite
difl'erent— viz. the whole rite. The Fa-
thers commonly distinguish between the
" sign," which includes both matter and
form, and the invisible thing, between
"things" and " words" and between the
sacramentum, which includes all the
outward part, and the res sacratnenti,
m SACEAMEXTS OF THE GOSPEL SACRAMEXTS OF THE GOSPEL
tlie invisible part. This last distiuction
is of capital moment for the right under-
standing of patristic texts.
The Council of Trent defines that
though the Church may change rites and
ceremonies, it cunnot alter the " suh-
stance " of the sacraments. This follows
from the very nature of a sacrament. I
The matter and form have no power in
themselves to give gxace. This power
depends solely on the will of God, who ■
hiis made the grace promised depend on :
the use of certain things and words, so j
that if these are altered in their essence
the sacrament is altogether absent. The |
custom of the Church in dilferent ages
and countries shows that the form is not
fixed in its particular words. It is often
very hard to determine what change in
the form would render the sacrament in-
valid. Common sense makes the decision
turn to a great extent on the intention
with which the change is made. Thus
to baptise "in the name of the Father,
the S(in, the Holy Ghost and the Blessed
Virgin," would always show gross igno-
rance or gross perversity ; but if the inten-
tion were to baptise in the name of the
Blessed Virgin, as if she were one of the
divine Persons, or as if her name were
operative in the sacrament, the baptism
would be null (St. Thomas, HI. qu. Ix.
a. 8).
"V\ e first hear of a conditional form
("I do not rebaptise thee, but if thou
art not," &c.) in the Capitularies of
Charlemagne (lib. vi. cap. 181, quoted
by Jueniu). The expediency of express-
ing a condition was not universally ;
admitted till it was approved by Gregory
IX. (" Extra, de Baptism." cap. 2, apud
eundem). Till about I'iOO the conditional [
form was only used in the three sacra-
ments which imprint character (Juenin,
i. a. 2). Even now it is not usual to ,
express the condition in the other sacra- J
ments, and a sacrament must never be j
reiterated under condition expressed or j
implied, unless the minister, after diligent t
examination, is unable to satisfy himself
as to the validity of the previous act.
(4) The Author of the Sacraments. —
The Council of Trent defines that the
seven sacraments were all instituted by
Christ Himself, and this for a rea.son
already given. But the Council does not
say that Christ instituted them directly
and immediately. Some of the older '
Scholastics held that some sacraments
wereinstitutedby the Apostles. Tournely i
quotes, for this opinion, Peter Lombard i
(" IV. Sent." dist. 23), Hugo of St,
Victor (" De Sacr." ii. 2), St. Bonaven-
ture ("In Lib. IV. Sentent." ad dist. 17,
a. 1, qu. 3), and Alexander of Hales
(" Summa," p. iv. qu. 24, 1), the last of
whom believed that Confirmation was
instituted in 84o at the Council of Meaux.
This last opinion must certainly be
rejected. But although Tournely holds
it to be " true and certain " that Christ
immediately and directly instituted each
of the sacraments, he by no means agrees
with Becanus, Bellarmine, and Vasquez
in accepting this as an article of faith or
considering that it is now heresy to attri-
bute the institution of some sacraments
to the Apostles, acting with power granted
them by our Lord. He quotes, on his
own side, these " most grave theolo-
gians" Sotus and Estius, the former of
whom was a leading theologian at Trent.
Indeed, Estius goes further t han Touniely,
for he is inclined to admit that something
may be said for each opinion — that of
.St. Bonaventure and that common
among Post-Tridentine theologians —
though more for the latter (" ut aliquid
prol)abilitatis habeat, majori tameu pro-
babilitate diversse sententise superatur ").
Juenin likewise denies that the immediate
institution by Christ is of faith. Billuart
tends the other way, but speaks doubt-
fully.
(5) The Minister of the Sacraments. —
Little need be said here about the per-
sonal holiness required in the dispensers
of the mysteries of Christ. " Holy things
are to be handled in a holy manner," and
the minister is guilty of sacrilege if he
confers the sacrament on others while he
himself is at enmity with God. But at
the same time the Church held against
the Donatists that the validity of the
sacraments does not depend on the worthi-
ness of the minister, since in any case
Christ is always present as the invisible
dispenser of grace. A person may even
be ju-tified in seeking the sacraments
from one whom he knows to be unworthy,
if he cannot obtain them otherwise.
Neither schism nor heresy deprives a
man of the power of Holy Order (see
Oebeks, Holy). But a great difiiculty
remains. The Council of Trent (sess.
vii. De Sacr. can. 11) requires us to
believe that the minister of the sacra-
ments must have '• the intention of doing
that at least which the Church does."
This definition ha.s been the occasion of
much controversy within and without
the Church. Protestants have attacked
SACRAMENTS OF THE GOSPEL SACRAMENTS OF THE GOSPEL 811
it as making the effect of the sacraments
uncertain. Catholics hare interpreted it
Tariously.
Intention is "an act of the will, by
which a man chooses a particular thing."
This intention may be actual — i.e. present
at the time ; habitual— once present
and never recalled, but not actually
present, or even present in effect ; virtual
— i.e. once present and still surviving as
the cause or motive of a man's acts. Thus,
if I make up my mind to take a journey,
my intention is actual ; I set out and
continue walking, though the purpose is
not at the moiiit-ut present to my mind,
then my intention is virtual. I make up
my mind to take a journey next day, and
meantime go to bed; while I am asleep
my intention is habitual. All theologians
agree that a virtual intention is needed
for the validity of the sacraments. St.
Thomas, indeed, pronounces an habitual
intention enough, but only because
habitual meant then what virtual meant
later.
So far aU is plain. But what must
the object of my intention be ? Several
answers are conceivable. The minister
(a) may intend to perform the outward
rite, but as an open mockery, or as
•children might do in play, actors on the
stage, &c. (3) He may intend to perform
the outward rite seriously, (y) He may
intend to confer the grace of the sacra-
ment, to regenerate, e.y., the child whom
he baptises, &c. The first and third
solutions are inadmissible. A perform-
ance of the sacramental rite in open
mockery is allowed by all to be invalid,
and on the other side, no one doubts that
an infidel or Calvinist may baptise, or, if
he is a priest, may say Mass, anoint, &c.,
&c., validly. "We will give the words of
Tonmely (" De Sacr." qu. vi. a. 1) :
" "VMiatever a man's opinion may be
about the sacrament, its effect and end,
or about the Church itself, whether he
rejects all these things or admits them,
makes no dili'-rence to the substance of
the sacrament." "He need not intend
to produce the effect of the sacrameat or
to perform the rite of the Church as a
sacrament, or to do what the Catholic
and Roman Church does ; it is enough
that he should intend in some general
way to do what the Church does, what-
ever his notion about the Church, the
sacrament, its effect and object may be."'
Unless the Church held this, she would
not, as she certainly does, recognise the
validity of many sacraments given by
heretics, infidels, and even Pagans. Pro-
testants sometimes urge that bishops
have been secret infidek, Jews, &c., and
that therefore on Catholic principles the
orders and other sacraments given by
them must have been invalid ; but it is
evident that they have utterly failed to
grasp what the doctrine of intention, as
held by any Catholic, is.
But is it enough for validity if the
minister merely perform the external rite
in a serious manner, even if internally he
withhold his intention — i.e. even if from
malice or impiety he says to himself, " I
don't mean to act as the minister of the
Church, I don't intend to baptise, con-
secrate, or the like, but merely to deceive
the people " ? VTe follow the opinion of
those who answer in the affirmative, and
we give our reply in the words of Bossuet
(" Sententia Episcopi Meldensis, on the
* Cogitationes Privatae ' of Leibnitz '').
"It is a most common opinion among
Catholics that the intention necessary for
the validity of the sacraments consists in
this — viz. the will on the part of the
minister seriously to perform the rites
prescribed by the Church, and to do
nothing which is calculated to show a
contrary intention, which intention he
himself" cannot make void by any secret
intention whatsoever." This clear ex-
planation removes, as we believe, every
diiSculty. The people are in no posiible
danger of deception. The serious per-
formance of the exterior rite is all that
is required. The difficulty that there is
no mention of the necessity of intention
in Scripture or tradition falls to the
ground. The sacraments are to be given
iby men — by men acting, in St. Paul's
words, as the ministers of Christ and
dispensers of the mysteries of God (1 Cor.
iv. 1). We only ask that they be given
by conscious, human action. For example,
in some Masses the words of consecra-
tion occur in the Gospel, while the bread
and wine are on the altar. Will any
one maintain that the consecration takes
place there and then ? Does anyone
suppose that the ancient Church thought
so F Scarcely. Yet, if not, then the
ancient Church admitted the whole doc-
trine of intention which every Catholic is
bound to maintain.
This opinion which we have been de-
fending was propounded by Catharinus,
a Dominican theologian present at the
very session in which the doctrine of in-
tention was defined. Some time after
the definition the work of Catharinus was
812 SACRAME^'TS OF THE GOSPEL SACEAMENTS OF THE GOSPEL
reprinted at Rome in 15o2 by Baldu?,
printer to the Apostolic Chamber. (So
Tonrnely.) Cardinal Pallavicino, in his
" History of the Council," ix. 6, allows
that the Fathers of Trent did not suspect,
much less condemn, the doctrine of
Catharinus.^ The great Jesuits Salmeron
and Becanus, and the celebrated Domini-
can Contenson, espoused it. So in the
last century did the learned Oratorian
Juenin. It was defended in the Sorbonne
in 1685 by Harlai, afterwards archbishop
of Purls. "We have seen how Bossuet
speaks of it. It has never been censured
by any competent authority, for a propo-
sition condemned before Alexander VIII.
by the Roman Inquisition in 1690 was,
as Juenin shows, quite diiferent. F.
Ryder, in his recent book on " Catholic
Controversy," admits that the question is
still quite open, though he himself holds
the contrary opinion. It is quite true
that the majority of school theologians
believe that secret withholding of the
intention is enough to invalidate the
sacrament. Our objection to this, the
common theory, is grounded, not so much
on the diflieulties which follow from it,
as on the fact that its advocates can
adduce no proof from Scripture or tradi-
tion (neither Billuart nor even Tournely
gives a single argument from the
Fathers while we fail to see the force
of the argument from reason. Reason
no doubt requires us to look on the valid
administration of the sacraments as a
human act distinguislxed by the outward
circumstances from possible combinations
of the same words and acts which have
no sacramental character. But this does
not carry us beyond the opinion of
Catharinus and others whom we follow.
(6) The Snhject or Suscipient of the
Sacraments. — The sacraments are meant
for the whole race of mankind ; but in
ordpr that they may be received with
profit by adults, certain dispositions are
indispensable. To the sacraments of the
dead — i.e. Baptism and Penance— the re-
cipient must come at least with faitli and
hope, sorrow for sin, and purpose of
amendment ; the sacraments of the living
1 The doctrine condemned, as Pallavicino
shows, was that of Luiher — viz. that a sacra-
ment given in open mockery (con modo aper-
tamente heffaturt e giocnsn') is valid.
^ luniicent III. is the cirliest authority they
quote. Their te.xt from St. Paul certainly
finivcs the necessity of intention, but only as
Catharinus understood it. For a priest who
behaves with exterior seriousness always acts
as a minister of Christ.
— i.e. the other five — must be received by
tliose who are already in the grace and
love of God, the living membersof Christ.'
Otherwise the sacraments only add to the
condemnation of those who receive them.
As regards mere validity, the sacrament
of the Eucharist is always the same, in
whatever state it is received, because in
any case it remains the true body and
blood of our Saviour. In order that the
other sacraments may be valid, some in-
tention is necessary on the part of the
recipient as well as of the minister. But
whereas the latter must have an actual
or virtual intention, it suffices for the
validity of Baptism, Confirmation, Pen-
ance, and Extreme Unction if they are
received with an habitual or interpreta-
tive intention of accepting the rite of the
Church. This is plain from decisions of
early councils. For example, the First
I Council of Orange in 442 (c. 12) ordains
j that Baptism or Penance may be given
[ to a man who has fallen into phrensy.
At the time, he has no intention of re-
ceiving the sacrament, but he is to receive
it, so the council directs, if others give
" testimony to his past desire." There is
a special difficulty, however, wnth regard
to Penance, for many theologians, be-
lieving that sorrowful confession by word
or other sensible sign is the matter of the
sacrament, are obliged by their theory to
hold that the actual presence of some
such sign is always necessary for the
validity of absolution. The Scotists, who
make absolution both the form and matter
of Penance, are able to consider the mere
desire of absolution in the past enough,
even if the penitent is unable to express
it ever so indistinctly at the moment.
Again, the mere purpose of living a
Christian life involves the intention re-
quisite for Baptism, Confirmation, and
Extreme Unction. It is diff"erent with
Matrimony and Holy Order, states of
life the desire of which is no way implied
in the general resolve to live like a
Christian ; and it is usually said that a
definite desire is also needed for Penance
(so Billuart, "De Sacr." diss. vi. a. 1).
We have the same disputes here as in
the previous section on the necessary ob-
ject of the intention. The common opinion
IS that it must be an internal one of re-
1 Accidentally, however, the sacraments of
the living may restore a soul to the grace of
God ; e.g. if a person has attrition — i.e. sorrow —
for his mortal sins, which is supernatural, but
iinperlect, and a firm purpose of amendment,
believing erroneously, but in good faith, that he
is already justified.
SACllAMENTS OF THE GOSPEL
SACEIFICE
813
ceMng the sacred rite; while Juenin
thinks it likely that a man " who with-
held his intention," and did but mean to
submit to the rite with external serious-
ness, would still receive it validly. The
whole doctrine of intention on the part
of the recipient, interpret it as we will, is
not without historical difficulties. His-
tory furnishes several instances in early
times of men ordained, and supposed to be
validly ordained, iu spite of their struggles
and resistance. Generally, it may be said
that such persons did give a final, though
reluctant, consent ; and Augustine speaks
(" Ad Bonat." Ep. 173) of those who were
made bishops after being imprisoned and
severely handled, " until they consented
to undertake a good work." No such ex-
planation will fit the ca.se of the hermit
Macedonius, concerning whom Theodoret
("Hist. Relig." cap. 13) relates that he
was ordained priest by the celebrated
Flavian without the least knowledge of
what was going on, and was furious when
he learnt what had occurred. The only
answer, so far as we can see, is to say
that Flavian was mistaken, and the ordi-
nation good for nothing. It may be
asked wherein does the vaUdity of a
sacrament consist if no inward grace ac-
companies the outward sign ? We reply,
first, that three sacraments confer cha-
racter which is always bestowed, even if
no grace accom])any it ; and, next, that
Baptism certainly, Confirmation, Order,
Marriage, Extreme Unction probably,
confer grace which revives when tlie
recipient enters into due dispositions,
even if hi.< malice impeded the grace at
the time they were received. Some even
suppose that this holds good of Penance
and a few of the Eucharist. (Liguor.
"Tlieol. Moral." vi. Tract, i. cap. 1.)
(7) The Grace of the Saerainents is
twofold. They increase that sanctifying
grace which is the supernatural life of
the soul, and they bestow a sacramental
grace — i.e. one which is special and
singular, and proper to each sacrament.
A person, e.g., who receives Confirmation
worthily obtains besides the character
and the increase of sanctity a title to
special assistance from God when he is
tempted to forsake the faith, has occa-
sion to confess it by word or deed, &c.
The Thomist opinion is that the sacra-
ments cause grace physically, which
means, not of course that sensible things
have power in themselves to produce it,
but that they become instruments in the
almighty hand of God. A brush is
powerless to paint a picture, but it is the
instrument of painting in the artist's
hand. The Scotists look on the sacra-
ments as merely moral causes of grace.
T\'hen the outward signs are present and
the other conditions fulfilled, then God
directly and without any instrumentality
of the sacraments infuses grace. Each
opinion has found many advocates outside
of the Thomist and Scotist schools.
(It would be vain to attemjjt a list of
writers on the sacraments, which would
be in fact a list of nearly all Catliolic
theologians. But we would call particu-
lar attention to the excellent work of the
French Oratorian Juenin, " Commen-
tarius Historicus et Dog-maticus de Sacra-
mentis" [Lyons, 17 17^ We have also
derived great assistance from a learned
treatise of the Protestant Hahn, "De
Xumero Sacramentorum Septenario ra-
tlones historic^ " [Breslau, 1850]. The
references, as the writer of this article
knows by painTul experience, are fre-
quently inaccurate, ami the general
statements require sifting, but the work
is one of learning and merit, and much
may be learnt from it. Chardon's
" Histoire des Sacrements " [Paris, 1745]
has no treatise on the sacraments In
general. But we take thi> opportunity
of expressing our groat obligations to this
admirable work. Gibbon — we quote from
memorj' — eulogises it as containing all
that can be known on the subject, and
this praise is due. The author was one of
the most learned men in the Benedictine
Congregation of VaTuies.)
SACRE ciEVR. This cloistered
order of nuns was founded at Paris in
1800 by Fr. Varin (afterwards well known
in the .^ocii'ty of .Tpsii~) and Madame
Barat. 'V\iv]v mam nlijrct is tlie educa-
tion of girls wlio.-f ]i:ii i'nt< are in easy or
wealthy ciicuiiisl aiu i - They have four
houses in liiii^laiid and as many in Ire-
land, the cliit'f \\vAivj: llorhani]iton in one
country and Roscrea in the other.
SACRED HEART. [See HeAET.]
SACRIFICE. In this article we
confine oiir-. l\ . .V to tln' theological notion
of Sacnticf, without -olng into its Bibli-
cal lii^Iorv. .'-^acTitife is an act of external
wor>hi|) in wliieh (4o<l is honoured as the
Principle and End of man and all things, by
the oblation of a visible creature, by sub-
mitting it to an approjiriate transformation
by a (iul\- i|iialifif(l niini>ter. The term
sacrific e is also (niefa]iliorically) applied to
internal acts by which man devotes him-
self to the service of God through either
814 SACRIFICE
SAINTS
"reforming or giving up his life" for ]
Him. No external sacrifice is perfect
■without sucli internal acts, whereby the
soul associates itself with the meaning
and object of the external rite. This
object is that of practical religion in
general, viz. practically to recognise and
profess our dependence on God as regards
our existence and our ultimate happiness.
Some post-Tridentine theologians have uar- j
rowed the idea of sacrifice into the expres- I
sion of God's dominion over life and death,
or of the Divine Majesty as exalted above
all, and its primary object into atonement
for sin. Liliewise, the external form of
sacrifice— an appropriate transformation
of the creature nflered — has been limited
hy ^^asquez and his followers to a " trans- ;
formation by destruction." Neither his-
torical nor docirinal grounds can justify
these limitations, unknown to the leathers
and earlier theologians. (See St. Augus- I
tine, "De Civ. Dei," Ix. c. C: " Verum sac-
rificium est omne opus quod agitur ut
mnrta societate inhcereamus Deo" &c.,
St. Thomas, 2» 2®, q. Ixxxv. and the
collection of definitions in Tanner in
oam Ota, disp. V. q. 8, dub. 1.) The burn-
ing of incense, Ova-la, which has furnished
the Greek name for all sacrifices, is not
so much a destruction of the incense as
its conversion into "an odour of sweet-
ness," the symbol of the soul transformed
by the fire of divine charity. In the
sacrifice of the Mass, " the immutatio," as
the Fathers technically call the sacrificial
act, is not the destruction but the produc-
tion of the victim. Similar remarks
apply to all sacrifices. (See Scheeben,
" Dogmatilv," book v. n. 1425 scq., where
the subject is fully developed.)
A lawfully appointed minister is neces-
sary for public sacrifice in thi' name of
the" people. If llu' -lu-rifice is to have a I
peculiar dignity and elficacy as oblation
and as action, viz. if it is to be more than
the most expressive act of external worship
and of man's earnest desire of sanctifica-
tion, a consecrated minister is required.
Both as gift and as action, the value of
the saerifife is measured by the personal
dignitv of the sacrificer. Hence, in
the Mosiiic dispensation, the hierarchical
or lay priesthood of the sacrificer
elevated the sacrifices to the dignity of
sacrifices of the covenant: under the
Christian dispensation, individual self-
saci-ilicc and the public sacrifice derive
sujieriiatural eilicacy and dignity from
the supernatural character of the Christian
layman or priest. Sacerdotal and hier-
archical consecration are especially neces-
sary to the minister of a sacrifice which
is an objective and efiicacious means of
sanctification, a perfect sacrifice of the
covenant between God and His people and
a vehicle of sanctifying grace : here the
sacrificer must possess a holy power in
addition to his holy dignity, a power that
enables him to act in the name and power
of God, and to be a principle of sanctifica-
tion to those on whose behalf he acts.
There exists, then, between peifect
public sacrifice and priesthood a relation
of interdependence : without the priest-
hood there is neither a true nor a perfect
sacrifice. Acts which may be, or actually
have been, sacrifices, cease to be such
when withdrawn by God from public
cultus {e.g. sacrifices of animals in the
New Testament), or when deprived of
their sacrificial eiScacy (e.g. the burning
of incense). In the former case the act
simply ceases to be a holy act; in the
latter, it still is holy, but only retains a
distant analogy with real sacrifice ; it is
used as a ceremony.
SACRZXiEGS. The violation of a
sacred object. A thing is called sacred
from the lact that it is set apait for the
service of God ; it therebj' becomes in a
sense divine, and has a right to be held
in honour. Any irreverence to it is an
injury to God to whom it belongs. The
sin of sacrilege, therefore, is opposed to
the virtue of religion. It may be of
three kinds, Pei-sonal, Local, and Real,
according as the object violated is a
sacred, person, place, or thing. Instances
of personal sacrilege are : laying violent
hands on a cleric, summoning him before
a secular tribunal, having immoral
intercourse with a cleric in sacred orders
or anyone bound by a vow of chastity.
I (See Privilege.) Local sacrilege is
committed by certain profane, violent
or immoral acts committed in churches,
cemeteries, &c. (See Desecration of
^ Churches, &c.) To administer or
receive the sacraments unworthily, to
i turn tlie sacred vessels {e.g. chalice,
j ciborium, pyx) to profane uses, would be
cases of real sacrilege. Formerly the
civil law inflicted the penalty of death
on those guilty of sacrilege. The Church
still inflicts grave spiritual censures for
the various kinds of sacrilege. (See the
constitution, Apostolicce Sedis; St.
Thomas, 2» 2'«, q. xcix.)
SACRZSTV. [See DlACONICITM."'
SAZI4-TS, INTERCESSION- AND
INVOCATION or. The Council of
SAINTS
SAINTS
816
Trent (sess.xxv. De Invoc. Ranct.) teaches
that " the saints reifrning with Christ offer
their prayers for men to God ; that it is
good and'useful to call upon them with
supplication, and, in order to obtain
benefits from God through Jesus Christ,
who alone is our Redeemer and Saviour,
to have recourse to their prayers, help,
and aid." The prayer which we may
address to the saints is of course wholly
different from tliat which we offer to God
or Christ. "We pray God," says the
Roman Catechism (p. iv. oh. 6), " Him-
self to give good or free us from evil
things ; we ask the saints, because they
«njoy God's favour, to undertake our
patronage and obtain from God the things
we need. Hence we employ two forms
of prayer, differing in the mode [of ad-
dress] ; for to God we say properly. Have
mercy on us. Hear us ; to the saints,
Pray for us." Or, if we ask the Blesseil
Virgin or the saints to have pity on us
we only beseecli them to thiuk of our
misery, and to help us "by their favour
with God and their interces:^i(in " ; and
■" the greatest care must be taken by all
not to attribute what belongs to God to
any other" ("Cat. Rom."j6.). Two points,
then, are involved in the Catholic doctrine
— the intercession of the saints and the
utility of invoking them.
(1) Intercession of the Saitits. — The
whole of the New Testament enforces the
principle that we are members of Christ,
and so bound to each other as members
of the same body (see, e.ff., 1 Cor. xii. 12
seq.). God might, had it pleased Him,
have made us solely and directly depen-
dent on Himself, but He has chosen to
di.«play His own power by giving great
efficacy to the intercession of the just
(James t. 16). He tanglit us to go to
Him with the wants of others as well as
with our own, and He has deepened
charity and liumility by making us de-
pendent to some extent on the prayrs of
others. Everybody knows the store St.
Paul set on the pravers of his fellow-
Christians (Eph. VI. 18, 19; 1 Tim. ii. 1).
Prayer even for enemies was a duty en-
joined by Christ Himself (Matt. v. 44).
Now, it is hard to imagine a reason why
souls which have gone to God should
cease to exercise this kind of charity and
to intercede for their brethren. The Old
TestamiMit plainly asserts the intercession
of angels, as has been proved already (see
Mediator), and it seems at least to imply
the intercession of departed saints in
Jeremias xv. 1 ; and undoubtedly the
later Jews believed in the merits and in-
terce.ssion of the saints of Israel (Weber,
" Altsynagog. Theol." p. 314). We find
an exphcit statement of the doctrine just
where we should reasonably expect it.
The Apocalypse was written later at least
than the death of Nero (June 9, a.d. 68),
and the writer is filled with the thought
of his martyred brethren who had gone
before him to God. He believes that they
still sympathise with and intercede for
those whom they had left behind. "I
saw beneath the altar the souls of them
that were slain because of the word of
God and the witness which they had, and
they cried with a loud voice. How long, 0
Lord, holy and true, dost thou not avenge
our blood from them that dwell on the
earth. And there was given to each of
them a white robe, and they were told tn
lest a little, until their fellow-serviu;
and their brethren be completed [m
number," or else according to the reading-
avixiiKr)poi)(TOi(xiv, complete the number]
" who are to be killed even as they '
(vi. 9 seq.). So again, in v. 8 (cf. viii. 3),
the elders before the heavenly altar are
represented as falling " before the Lamb,
having each a harp and golden vials full
of perfumes, which are the prayers ol
the saints." It matters nothing for our
present purpose whether the "saints"
mentioned were or were not still on
earth. In either case their prayers are
offered to God by the elders in heaven,
so that the imagery implies that the
saints before God offer up our prayers
and so help us by their intercession.
But if Scripture were silent, tradition
witnesses to the doctrine so universally
and so constantly as to remove all doubt
of its Apostolic origin. The genuine
" Acts " of the early Martyrs abound in
testimonies. Thus, the contemporaries
of St. Ignatius, St. John's disciple, tell
us that some saw the martyr in vision
after death " praying for us " (" Act.
Mart." 7). The "Acts " of the Martyrs
of Scilla (anno 202) speak of them as
interceding after death before our Lord
(Ruinart, "Act.:\Iiirt."ed. Ratisb.p. L32).
Theodotus, before his death, says : " In
heaven I will confidently pray for you to
God"(!6. p. 384). "Pious men" built
the Martyrium of Trypho and Respicius,
" commending their souls to the holy
patronage of the blessed martyrs " {ih. p.
210). Fresh evidence comes from the
early Fathers. Cyprian, writing to Cor-
nelius (Ep. Ix. 5), thus exhorts those who
may be martyred first: "Let our love
816
SAIXTS
SAINTS
before God endure ; let not our prayer
to the Father's mercy cease for our
brethren and sisters" (see also "De
Habit. Virg." 24). Origen ("In Cantic."
lib. iii. p. 75, ed. Beued.) thinks it no
''unfitting" interpretation of a passage
in the Canticles if we take it to mean
that " all the saints who have departed
this life care for the salvation of those
who are in the world, and help them by
their prayers and mediation [interventii]
with God." It is useless to add passages
from later Fathers. A long list of them
will be found in Petavius.
(2) Invocnfiun of the Saints. — If it is
the will of God that the saints should help
us ou the road to heaven by their prayers,
we may be sure that He makes the com-
munion between the Church militant and
the Church triumphant perfect on both
sides ; that He enables us to speak to
them in order that they may speak for
us. Our Saviour tells us that the angels
rejoice over repentant sinners (Luke xv.
7), and a passage already cited from the
Apocalypse shows that the martyrs in
heaven are aware of what happens on
earth. The inscriptions in the Catacombs
recently brought to light witness to the
confidence with which the Church invoked
the prayers of departed saints. We
select a few instances from those given
by De Rossi (in the "Triplice Omaggio"
and " Collection of Epitaphs," as quoted
in Kraus, " Real-Encycl." art. Gebet) :
" Ask for us in thy prayers, because we
know thou art iu Christ" (n. 15);
"Beseech for thy sister" (n. 19); "We
commend to thee, 0 holy [Domma]
Basilla Crescentius and 5licena, our
daughter" (n. 17). The gi-eat Fathers of
the fourth century directly invoke and
bid others invoke the saints. St. Gregory
Isazianzen begs a martyr, St. Cyprian, to
"look down from heaven upon him with
kindly eye, and to direct his discourse and
his life" (Orat. xxiv. ad Jin.). So he
invokes his friend St. Basil (Orat. xliv.
ad fin.). St. Gregory Nyssen, fearing the
Scythian invasion, attributes past pre-
servation to the martyr, and not only
invokes him, but begs liim in turn to
invoke greater saints, Peter, Paul, and
John (Orat. in S. Theodor.). St.
Ambrose ("De Vid." cap. 9, n. 55) ex-
horts Christians to suppHcate {obsecrandi)
their guardian angels and the martyrs,
es])ecially those whose relics they possess.
" Let us not only on this feast day but
on other days also keep near them ; let
us beg them to be our patrons," are the
words of St. Chrysostom on the martyr*
Berenice and Prodoce. In his verses the
early Christian poet Prudentius habit ually
invokes the saints; and St. Augustine
(Serm. 324) tells a story to his people
of a woman who prayed to St. Stephen
for her dead son, " Holy martyr . . . give
me back my son," and was rewarded by
the miracle she asked. It must be remem-
bered that these passages are but samples
out of many which might be adduced.
They come to us from every part of the
Christian world, and the devotion which
they attest cannot have sprung up as if
by magic at once and in every quarter.
We may add that then, as now, Catholics
were charged with idolatry because they
venerated the saints. Such accusations
were made by the heathen generally, and
in particular by Julian the Apostate, by
the Manicheans, Eunomiaiis f'-xireme
Arians),by Yigilantius, vte. ("^ - i:i\ius,
" De Incarnat." xiv. 14.) Sr. Augu-tine's
reply is well known — viz. that the sacri-
fice of the Mass and supreme worship of
every kind was offered, not to the mar-
tyrs, but to God who " crowTied the mar-
tyrs " (so, e.g., " Contr. Faust." lib. xx.
cap. 21).
The fact that the saints hear our
prayers was held by the Fathers as
certain; the way in which the}' do so is
a matter of philosophical or theological
speculation, about which neither they nor
we have any certainty. In some way,
unkno-ttTi to us, God reveals to them the
needs and prayers of their clients, and
Petavius warns us against curious specula-
tion on the matter. The very uncertainty
of the Fathers on this point throws into
relief their unshaken confidence in the
intercession of the saints and the advan-
tage of invoking them. Augustine,
Jerome, and others suggest that some-
times departed saints may actually be
near those who are calling on them.
Modern theologians have generally
thought that the blessed beholding God
see in Him, as in a mirror, all which it
concerns them to know of earthly things.
Whatever theory we adopt, the know-
ledge of the saints depends entirely on
the gift of God. We should be idolaters
indeed were we to think of them as
omnipresent or omniscient.
An account has been given of the
institution of the Feasts of the Saints in
a previous article [Feasts]. The devotion
of the Church has turned chiefly to the
saints who died after Christ. The ancient
liturgies do indeed commemorate the
SALT
SANCTUS, THE 817
Patriarchs and prophets. Abel, Melchise- I
dec, and Abraham are mentioned in the
Roman Mass, and more than a score of
Old Tcf-tament saints in the Roman
Martyrology. Abel and Abraham are
invoked by name in the Litany for the
Dying: prescribed in the Roman Ritual.
The list of feasts given by Manuel
Comnenus mentions one feast of an O.T.
saint, that of Elias ; but the Church of
Jerusalem had many such feasts, and at
Constantinople churches were dedicated
to Elias, Isaias, Job, Samuel, Moses,
Zacharias, and Abraham. But the Macca-
bees are the only O.T. saints to whom
the Latin Church has assigned a feast.'
The reason, as Thomassin thinks, for
the exception is, that the mode of their
martyrdom so closely resembled that of
tbe Christian martyrs, and that their date
was so near to the Christian period.
(The chief authority followed has been
Petavius, "De Incamat." lib. xiv., which
treats the subject exhaustively, and for
the last paragraph Thomassin's " Trait6
des Festes," lib. i. ch. 9).
SAXT. [See BiPTTSir.]
SAXiVE, REGXN-A. The antiphon
said after Lauds and Compline from Trinity
Sunday to Advent. Some, with Durandus,
ascribe its composition to Peter of Com-
postella in the tenth century, but Cardi-
nal Bona, with better reason, attributes it
to Hermannus Contractus, a Benedictine
monk of the eleventh century. St.
Bernard, according to the Chronicle of
Spires, added the last clause " 0 clemens,
0 pia, 0 dulcis Virgo I\raria." Gre-
gory IX., in 12-30, is said to have ordered
the recitation of the " Salve " after Com-
pline, and it is certain tliat the four
antiphons of the Blessed Virgin now in
use among us were said daily by the
Franciscans after Compline as earlv as
1240. "But even the 'Salve, Regina'
which was the earliest antiphon of the
Blessed Virgin commonly recited in the
Church, did not find a place in the
Breviary till it was put there by Cardi-
nal Quignon, and was thence transferred
to the Roman Breviary of Pius V."
( Probst, " Brevier iind Breviergebet,"
p. 134.)
SAM-CTXTART. The part of the
church round the high altar reserved for
clergy. Euseb. ("H. E." x. 6) speaks
of the altar *in the church built by
1 I.e. a fenst kept by the whole Church;
for the Carmelites keep the feast of St. Elias,
and. e.g. at Venice, there are churches dedicated
to Moses, Job, &c.
Constantine at Tyre as enclosed with
wooden rails. In ancient times, says
Morinus (" De Pen.'' vi. c. 1, n. 10), both
the Latin and Greek churches were
divided into two parts, the atrium or
court for the laity and the sanctuary
(called by the Greeks Ifparfwv, but most
commonly ^rjfia, from its raised position,
also ayiov TQ>v dyiw", uSvra, IXacrTripwv,
<ii (iKTnpov) for bishop, priests and deacons.
The porch, or vap6>)^, is not mentioned
till 500 years after Christ. [See Xae-
THEX.] The Latin word sanctuarium oc-
curs in the thirteenth capitulum of the
Second Council of Braga, in 563, which
forbids any lay person to enter the sanc-
tuary for the reception of communion.
(Le Brun, tom. iii. diss. i. a. viii.)
The name of sanctuary is also applied
to a church or other holy precinct, to
which, in the middle ages, a criminal or
a refugee from secular justice might
resort and find immunity [AsTLrJi].
The degree of this immunity varied at
different times and under different cir-
cumstances. The most ancient and
famous sanctuary in England was that
of Beverley, the immunities of which
originated in a grant by Athelstan to
St. John of Beverley (d. 721) after re-
turning from his victory over the Danes
at Brunanburg. Under the grant the
limits of sanctuary extended for a mile
around the town, and were marked out
by four crosses, of three of which tiere
are still some remains. Violent and
arbitrary men often strove to break
through or disregard the immunity.
" The pax of this dead man " ]St.
Cuthbert], said Barcwith,* one of Earl
Tosti's soldiers, " ought not to be observed
so strictly, that thieves, robbers, and
murderers, if they flee to his shrine,
should triumph over us and escape with-
out punishment." Burj- St. Edmunds
was also a famous sanctuary ; see a story
in the work of Hermannus (" ^lem. of
St. Edmund," i. 31, Rolls series) about
the breach of sanctuary attempted by
sheriff Leofstan, about a'.d. 1000, and its
immediate punishment. In London the
precinct on the south side of Fleet Street,
where had stood the monastery of the
TSTiite Friars (Carmelites), retained the
privilege of sanctuary long after the
Reformation. Debtors, swindlers, and
worse criminals frequented it ; it was
known by the cant name of Alsatia ; see
Scott's "Fortunes of Xigel."
SAircTTTS, THE, also known a»
■ Sim. Dan. i. 244.
8s
818 SAXCTTS, THE SARDICA, COUNCIL OF
the Tersanctus, as the angelic hymn i symbol of the teacher's duty of revealing
among the Latins, as the triumphal ' the Gospel to the faithful and concealing
hymn (eVu-iKioj vfivos) among the Greeks, it from infidels. Pseudo-Alcuin in the
forms the conclusion of the Preface in tenth century (" De Div. 0£Bc." 39)
all the liturgies. It is composed of the copies the authors just named. On the
■words. "Holy, holy, holy. Lord God of i other hand, Hugo of St. Victor ("De
Sahaoth," from Is. Vi. and a fragment of I Sacram.*" ii. iv. 14), Innocent HI. (" Dc
Ps. cxvii. '26 (Heb. cxviii), " Blessed is i Altaris Myster." i. 10, 34, 48), Honorius
he who cometh iu the name of the Lord. of Autun (" Gemma Animce," i. 210).
Hosanna in the hig-liest." In the Roman ' sboTr that in their time the sandals of
rite, except in the Pontifical chapel and bishops only, not of priests, belonged to
during exposition of the Blessed Sacra- the liturgical dress, as is the case still,
ment, a small bell is here rung. But Innocent mentions the stockings of
Benedict XIY. says he could not discover bishops {caligcE,'^ also tibialid), which
•vrben this custom began. It is to be since the twelfth century have been of
observed ihat the Missal here follows j silk. (Hefele, " Beitrage," Tol. iL p. 210
the old Latin version, which retained seq.)
the word Sabacth, while the Yulgate has I SASSZCA., THE coimczx. or,
exerciUium. This, no doubt, is the right ] was summoned, as the members of the
translation, but scholars are not agreed j synod expressly state, by the two em-
AS to the original reference. Ewald perors Constans and Constantius (av-ot ol
believes the reference is to the armies of €i(Te3€crraToi ^acriXe'is crvi-rjyayov fjfias —
angels (Ps. ciii. 21, cxlviii. 2 ; 1 Eiiiirs apud Athanas. " Apol. contr. Arian." 44).
[3 Reg.], xxii. 19, "the camp of God" ; The wish for the convocation of the synod
Gen. xxxii. 2). Schrader suggests, which began on the part of the bishops Julius of
is very unlikely, that the hosts of Israel Rome, Hosius of Cordova, and Maximin
are intended; while. probably, the opinion of Treves. They addressed themselves
of many other critics, Kuenen, Bandessin, t o Const ans, and he arranged matters with
Tiele, belitxsch, is the right one — viz. his brother (Athanas. "Apol. ad Con-
that the original reference was to the ; stant." 4). The date of meeting was long
stars. These are constantly spoken of a subject of debate, but the discovery of
as the " host of heaven,'' and in Is. xl. the Paschal letters of Athanasius in a
26 as the host which God musters. The Syriac translation (first published by
title never occurs in the Pentateuch, Cureton, London, 1S52) makes it certain
Josue, or Judges. But it is constantly that the synod was held either in 343 or
employed in the historical books from ! 344, and Hefele (" Concil." i. 535) is in
Samuel onwards, in Psalms, in the Pro- | favour of the latter date. The place of
phets, but not in Osee, Ezechiel, or in I meeting — Sardica, now Sophia in II-
ATicheas. except iv. 1-4. j lyria — ^lay conveniently on the borders of
SAXroiLXtS form part of the bishop's ! the two empires.'' The synod gives three
liturgical dress. The fact is interesting, reasons for its convocation : first, the
as one of many proofs that Church vest- troubles which had arisen from the per-
ments are derived from the dress of daily secution of orthodox bishops, particularly
life, and had originally no connection with Athanasius, MaiceUus of Ancyra, Asclepas
the garb of Jewish priests, who officiated of Gaza; next, the extirpation of the
barefoot. Axian heresy ; and, thirdly, the restoration
Sandals are first mentioned as part of of true faith in Christ (see the letter
the liturgical dress bv Amalarius of Metz quoted above, and a slight variation in the
("De Eccl. Offic." i* 25 and 26). He statement, Mansi, " Concil." iii. 40.) The
distinguishes between the sandals of the bishops of the Eusebian or Arian ising
bishop, which were fastened with thongs, party numbered 76, those of the Catholic
because he had to travel, and those of , party 94 (see Hefele, "Concil." i. p. 541).
priests. The deacon's sandals were the I Julius bishop of Rome was represented
same as those of the bishop, whom he had j by the priests Archidamus and Philo-
to accompany : those of the subdeacons i i So Hefele understands the term,
were again distinct. Rabanus Maurus is j ^ It -n-as in Illvricum Urientale, and so in
the next to mention sandals (" De Cleric. \ dcrainion of Ci>nstantius. about 59 miles
Institut." i. 22): he sees a reference to ' '"•est of Constantinople. The present town is in
Afo^t-^ ci T.r.v„~ ^ 1= „„j 1 European Tnrkev. It has .'-0,000 inhabitants,
them in Mark vi. 9, Ephe». n. lo, and, „f g ,^(,0 ^-^ christians, and is the seat of
as they covered the under but not the ] a Greek metropolitan and Catholic vicar-
upjer part of the foot, he sees here a aj^iostolic.
SARDICA, COUNCIL OF
SAEDICA, COr^TCl
lemns: bat it was Hoeias bi-iop of a H?lK-ip are to be Jn'I^i b-
Cori:'va who presided (Atfaamii. - Hist, of ta-? prorinci. Tt^n f
Arian ad Mocach.'' IT. 16, i} 0710 <rEW>'?cs ©jnciiniin^ appeal ■ R — -
^« rrjfliTyopos Tf» 6 fieyas 'Oo-to< : aliO b»r*ii tt-i sar jei;t of ■rO^-r
Thtr ''- 7 ■■ 'H' ~ ':. : -2 ->-r end of canon 3. il:
e. Ar
medi
tird-'
AttanAaos.
bLih - - ■
to t_-
whe:
i»v ■
Atfc
Aicl
ran-
Til-
IT rli-r meoic-rv
H-fek -Conci" L
'liwing- j7i3x-r:i77 of"
-/.acio'Ds ':rL "iii rl^i*
. : loosed by his coe.-
-IV icreal to' the Pore
. or ihriogii rle
" Li^t.LZiCij — viz. the '?jnipr.-
- i —L; navs- cocdenm-rii lira.
Sari;
Ar-
of V
("HrE-":
the Bailer-.
Leo, torn, ii- ixx-i. .
bftbilitT. that this Creed.
which J---' b -1- T-
TU"
T7.-
the
a coat cf mend
..atta eodit is to eoosst ^
^ aootii^, aad &at a ™»«gti>-
PjfeinaTapr. ■ -
rs and to pr-e-
i^hopappeit " . -
i-r L ; : : ; be filled op 621 f :. . l-t - t .
e^nlinned the OEEiEiai seitfcaice or defered
- :natter to a eosrt «^ seened iKtajoee
z 4 ) . Of eoci%, in the Ia£t« ea^
J erald be taJss tia the
. Tried a ^eeood time^
Iz. many eopKS tie
weze appen<i<Hi to. aod soeoafiBedwitk,
:^ of the first Nicene eoancB. ft was
ia an prT'bability, whidi led Pope
- Li. in his dispute with the A&ican
> to allege a Sicene eama wh&r&
rTO .ymiied the Pope's ij^s& at te-exaaiz£-
izi^ the eaose of a la^op eoBdsomed hr
Ms eone^oes. Aad, actiiig en this pdo-
eiple. he leeeired the appeal of ^ pcsest
ApiarxQS of Sicca, -wSn had beea ccb-
i-rzed IB his own waUj (K*feie, L
oT). The AftiEBB pidk&es lepfied
:aey eoald not find the caoen ia
. » ; and, is &ct, eren the Saidsan
:. .z a does not «KitMH|[^te appeals feom
priests^ It was not oil the oizith cen-
tury , in the eoo£r<>i«n5-> with Hxnemar of
Bhetzns, chat the SaF&an raleoBdenpent
e^eeotial ahezatioti, so that all ritafws
irvi'TiBg- thedepoatioB oi liAa^ wwe-
--ed to Bome as rmmtm mmjwet^ eT«
r fiist iostaoee. This latter prinapfe
i compfeie expnessiiriB in the fbcffed
dr<; ■rtak i Hrfele, L p. 57TV'
> T!t« Car-ftagfnim ^omi of -£34 *,fx n-
820 SARDICA, COUNCIL OF
SCAPULAR
Canons 7, 8, 9 restrict, and in <rreat
measure prohibit, the visits of bishops to
the Imperial Court. Canon 10 forbids
episcopal consecration/w saZ^wwi. Canons
11 and 12 enforce episcopal residence,
and forbid a bishop to officiate in a strange
diocfse. Canons 13 and 14 forbid one
bishop to restore a cleric whom another
bisiiop has excommunicated, but permit
the cleric to appeal to the metropolitan
or, in his absence, to the nearest biAop.
Here the Latin text inserts a canon which
forbids a bislinp to ordain for his own
diocese a cleric who is subject to another
bishop. Canon 16: clerics, like bishops
(see above, canon 11), must not be absent
from their diocese more than three weeks.
Canon 17: only if unjustly expelled from
his see may a bishop remain iu a strange
city. Canons 18 and 19 concern the strife
for" the bishopric at Thessalouica and the
quarrels that had arisen thence. Canon
20 enforces the previous canons (7, 8, 9)
on episcopal visits to the Court, and gives
a certain control over travelling bishops to
the prelates of the sees on the great roads.
Three additional documents of im-
portance are still extant: the first an
encyclical to all Christian bishops: the
second a letter to the Church of Alex-
andria, declaring the innocence of Atha-
nasius ; the third a letter to Julius bishop
of Rome, recognising his reasons for
absence and giving bim an account of the
proceedings.
By some historians and critics, viz,
Baronius, Natalis Alexander, the Balle-
rini, and Palma, the Council of Sardica
has been considered oecumenical. No
doubt it was convoked as an oecumenical
council. Moreover, its canons were
approved by the council in Trullo, and
received, according- to Pope Nicolas I., bv
the whole Church ( spp " Hefele " i., p. 622 ).
This latter fact, however, proves nothing,
since the disciplinary enactments of many
other councils — e.g. of Ancyra and Neo-
cwsarea — were generally received. On the
otlier side it is to be remembered that,
although the episcopate of East and West
was summoned, scarcely any Eastern
bishops were actually present at the deli-
berations. This might have been com-
pensated by subsequent subscription of
the decrees on the part of absent bishops.
jected appeals to Rome as infringing the ricrhts
of the African Church (Hefele, ii. p. 137 sey).
Yet Popes Celesiine and Leo the Great and
the 12th synod of Toledo make the same con-
fusion between Nicsea and Sardica (Hefele, i.
p. 621).
But, although the decrees were trans-
mitted through Christendom, only about
200 absent bishops signed, of whom
ninety-four were Egyptians. No single
ancient authority speaks of the council
as oecumenical. St. Augustine (" Contr.
Crescon." iii. 34, iv. 44: Ep. 44 ad
Eleus. 3) did not even know that an
orthodox synod had met at Sardica.
Gregory the Great (" Epist." lib. ii.
Ep. 10) and Isidore of Seville (" Etymo-
log." vi. 16) recognise four General
Councils only, viz. Nicaea, Constantinople,
Ephesus, and Chalcedon. These are the
chief reasons which have constrained
Bellarmine, De Marca, TiUemont, Fleury,
Du-Pii), Ceillier, Neander, and many
other scholars, to deny Sardica a place
among the General Councils. [Hefele,
" Concil." i. p. 533
SARTTia irsE. rSee Littjegies.]
SAT AW. [See DevelJ
SATZSFACTzoio-. [See Penance
ro .
SATTrRSAT. [See ABSTrSTINCE
and Little Office of the Blessed
Virgin.]
SCAPUXiAR (from scapulcB, shoul-
ders). A dress which covers the shoul-
ders. It is mentioned in the rule of St.
Bt^nedict as worn by monks over their
other dress when they were at work, and
it now forms a regular part of the re-
ligious dress in the old orders. But it is
best known among Catholics as the name
of two little pieces of cloth worn out of
devotion over the shoulders, under the
ordinary garb, and connected by strings.
It was through the Carmelites that
this devotion began, and the following is
the story told of its origin : The Blessed
Virgin appeared at Cambridge to Simon
Stock, general of the Carmelite order,
when it was in great trouble. She gave
him a scapular which she bore in her
hand, in order that by it "the holy
[Carmelite] order might be known and
protected from the evils which assailed
it," and added, " this will be the privilege
for you and for all Carmelites ; no one
dying in this scapular will suffer eternal
burning." Another marvel is related by
John XXII. in the famous Sabbatine
bull. The Blessed Virgin, he says,
appeared to him, and, speaking of the
Carmelites and those associated to them
by wearing the scapular, promised that,
if any of them went to Purgatory, she
herself would descend and free them on
the Saturday following their death.
" This holy indulgence," says the Pope,
SCAPITLAR
SCAPULAP.
821
*'I accept, corroborate, and confirm, as
Jesus Christ for the merits of the glorious
Virgin .Mary granted it in heaven." To
gain this privilege it is necessary to
•observe fidelity in marriage or chastity
in the single "state. Those who read
must recite the Office of the Blessed
Virgin, unless already bound to the
Divine Office ; those who cannot, must
abstain from flesh meat on "Wednesdays
and Saturdays, unless Christmas falls on
one of these days. So the Sabbat ine bull,
as given in the Carmelite " Bullarium."
Two statements, then, have to be
examined. Is there any proof that the
Blessed Virgin appeared to St. Simon
Stock and made the promise related
above? Is the Sabbatine bull genuine,
and the story it tells true ?
We tiike' the latter question first be-
cause it may be despatched very quickly.
Launoy, in a dissertation of wonderful
learning, to be found in the second
volume of his collected works (the edition
we have used is dated 1731, " Coloniaj
Allobrogum "), proves by a superabun-
dance of reasons that the bull of John
XXII. is a clumsy forgery, and that nf
Alexander V. another forgery made to
cover the former. The autograph has
never been found, nor has it any ])lace in
the Roman ''Bullarium." Its authenticity
is unhesitatingly denied by the great
BoUandist Papebroch in his reply to the
attacks made upon him by the Carmelites,
and by Benedict XTV. ("Do Fest." Ixxiv.
l.xxvii".). The latter says it is as hard,
perhaps harder, to believe in this bull
than in the storj- of the chapel built on
Mount Carmel in honour of the Blessed
Virgin during her life. He says he could
give more reasons against it than he cares
to produce, and arguments drawn " from
things [in the bull] which Avant all
appearance of truth. ' llc' alludes, we
suppose, to the style of the bull, which,
as Launoy points out, betrays in many
ways the hand of the impostor.
As to the fact of the apparition to
Simon Stock, it is accepted by Benedict
XIV., Papebroch, and Alban Butler on
the faith of a " Life " of the saint by
Swaynton, who was his secretary and
wrote the story of the apparition at his
dictation. A fragment of this " Life "
was produced from their archives at
Bordeaux, and printed by one of the
Carmelites — viz. Cheronensis. We may
observe that the Cai-melites refused a
sight of this " Life " to Papebroch. (See
Bollandist "Acta SS." Mali, tom. iii.)
Next, to understand the force of liaunoy's
arguments for regarding tliis passage in
the "Life" if it be authentic, as an
interpolation, we must remember that
the miracle is represented as gaining
immediate notoriety. These are Swayn-
ton's or pseudo-Swaynton's words : " The
story running through England and
beyond it. many cities offered us places
in which to live, and many nobles begged
to be affiliated to this holy order, that
they might share in its graces, desiring
to die in this holy habit." If so, the
silence of Carmelite authors for more
than a century after is remarkable.
Simon Stock died in 1250. Ribotus,
provincial in Catalonia (about 1340), in
his ten books "On the Institution and
Remarkable Deeds of the Carmelites,"
ignores it. So does Chimetensis in two
books specially designed to glorify the
order ('• Speculum Ilistoriale " and
"Speculum Ordinis Carmeli"), and so
do three other authors of similar books
{ quoted by Launoy. Strangest of all,
Waldensis, a Carmelite, an Englishman,
and writing in England (" De Sucramen-
talibus"), trieshard to prove the religious
habit a sacramental, and speaks particu-
larly of the Carmelite habit and the form
which it is given. Nothing could have
I been more to the point than Swaynton's
story, but he never alludi'S to it. The
vision is mentioned, ap]';ii'ently for the
fir.st time, so far as is known I'or ei^rtain,
by Grossus, a Carmelite of Toul "i-e. hi
his " Viriflai-ium"(l-'!'^!lKtlieii by I'aleoiii-
dorus ("Anti(i. Ord. C'ann." vi. ajiud
Launoy), published in 14!i5. It is right
to add, however, that the Carmelites
' claimed the support of an anonymous MS.
in the Vatican said to have been written
early in the fourteenth century.
Many of the later Popes have granted
' numerous indulgences to the Confra-
ternities of the Scapular, and no Catholic,
I Launoy as little as anyone, doubts the
j utility and piety of the institution. "The
j scapular," says Bossuet. " is no useless
badge. You wear it as a visible token
that you own yourselves Maiy's children,
and she will be your mother indeed if you
live in our Lord Jesus Christ (" Sermon
pour le Jour du Scapulaire," vol. xi. p. 309,
in the last edition of Bossuet). Benedict
XIV. speaks in a similar tone, but he
admits that too many abuse these symbols
and badges by a misplaced confidence in
them.
There are four other scapulars used in
the Church : that of the Trinity, of white
822
SCHISM
SCHOLASTICUS
linen -witli a red cross, given by tlie
Trinitarians or priests delegated by them :
the Servite scapular of the Seven Dolours,
which is of black woollen stuff ; that of
the Immaculate Conception, of light blue
woollen cloth, propagated by Ursula
Benincasa in the sixteenth century, and
given by the Theatines who governed the
congregation to which this nun belonged;
the red scapular of the Passion, origi-
nated by a Sister of Charity at Paris,
who is said to have received a revelation
on the matter in 1846, and given by the
Yincentian Fathers. All these Confra-
ternities are designed to promote prayer
and other good works in their mem-
bers.
(This article has been compiled from
Benedict XIV. "De Festis"; the Bol-
landists, Maii, tom. iii. ; Launoy, " Dis-
sertat." tom. ii. Swaynton's " Life " does
not seem to have been published entire.
At least, we have searched in vain for a
copy at the British Museum. There is
nothing in Alban Butler which had not
been alreadystated by the authors quoted.
The brief notice on the other scapulars is
from a little book of Labis, " Notices et
Instructions sur les Scapulaires," &c. It
is merely practical, and has no historical
worth.)
SCHZSMC {a-xia-fjia.). A tear or rent
(Matt. ix. 16 ; Mark ii. 21) ; a division of
opinion (John vii. 43; ix. 16; x. 19);
party spirit in the Christian Church (1
Cor. i. 10 ; xi. 18; xii. 25) ; and then, in
Fathers and theologians, a technical word
to denote formal separation i'rom the
unity of the Church. " Schismatics,"
says St. Thomas (2'' 2«=, qu. xxxix., a. 1),
" in the strict sense, are those who
of their own will and intention sever
themselves from the unity of the Church."
This imity of the Church, he continues,
consists in the connection of its members
with each other, and of all the members
with the head. "Now, this head is
Christ, whose representative in the
Church is the Supreme Pontiff. And
therefore the name of ' schismatics ' is
given to those who refuse to be under
the Supreme Pontiff and to communicate
with the members of the Church subject
to him." Further, he thus explains the
diflbrence between heresy and schism.
Heresy is opposed to faith, schism to
charity; so that, although all heretics
are schismatics, because loss of faith in-
volves separation from the Church, all
schismatics are not heretics, since a man
may, from anger, pride, ambition, or the
like, sever himself from the coinmunion
of the Church and yet believe aU which
the Church proposes for our belief. StiU,
a state of pure schism — i.e. of schism
without heresy — cannot continue long —
at least, in the case of a large number of
men. The words of St. Jerome (on Titus,
cap. 3), quoted by St. Thomas, are to the
point : " Schism, at the beginning, may
be understood as something different from
heresy, but there is no schism which does
not invent some heresy for itself, in order
to justify its secession." History abun-
dantly confirms this observation. Bodies
which at first separate from the Church
merely because they think their personal
rights have been infringed are sure, in
the end, to deny the Church's unity and
to lose the spirit of faith. And so St.
Thomas remarks that, as loss of charity
is the way to loss of faith, so schism ia
the road to heresy.
Schismatics do not, of course, lose
the power of order ; their priests can say
Mass, their bishops confirm and ordain.
But they lose all jurisdiction, so that
" they cannot either absolve, excommuni-
cate, or grant indulgences, or the like;
and if they attempt anything of the kind
the act is null " (loc. cit. a. 3). Whether
pure schismatics do or do not cease
thereby to be members of the Church is
a question controverted in the Schools.
Many theologians consider that aU who
retain integrity of faith are members of
the Chui-ch. But all agree that they are
not united to the Church by chai-ity —
that, if members, they are dead members
— so that the question is of no great
moment.
SCHOI.ASTZCU'S (Fr. ecoldfre).
An ecclesiastic attached to, but generally
not a member of, a cathedral or colle-
giate chapter, to whom the administra-
tion of its schools was entrusted. The
scholasticus is also called, in charters of
the eleventh century, capiscJwlus, caput
scJwkn-is, and mayister scholarum. The
office seems to have arisen along with the
schools which the Capitularies of Charle-
magne order with such earnestness and
reiteration to be erected in all the
Frankish dioceses. Those who held it
often combined teaching with the super-
intendence of teachers ; this was the case
with St. Bruno, the founder of the
Carthusians, appointed in 1056 Scholas-
ticus in the Church of Rheims. The
Council of Trent ordered that the Scho-
lastic! of a diocese and others who wer&
bound to lecture or teach should, if com-
SCHOOLS
SCHOOLS 82S
petcnt, themselves give instruction in
the seminaries of which the Council de-
creed the erection in all dioceses; and
that in future the office of a Scholasticus
(sc/tolastena) should only be conferred on
doctors, masters, or licentiates in theology
or in canon law, and other fit persons
capable of teaching ; the collation other-
wise to be void.i (Thomassin, i. 3, 70.)
SCHOOXiS. A boy is usually sent
to school in order that he may obtain,
■with greater ease and fewer interruptions
than would be possible at home, know-
ledge which will be serviceable to him
in after life. This is a motive which acts
on parents independently of State insti-
gation ; it filled the school of Flavins at
A'enusia with " big boys, the sons of big
centurions,"- and took Horace to that
superior establishment at Rome which
received the sons of " knights and sena-
tors." To these voluntary schools, which
doubtless existed in every part of the
Roman empire, and were closely con-
nected with the movement of Pagan
society, it does not appear that Christian
parents in the first three centuries sent
their sons. The earliest Christian school
of which we have a distinct account —
that of Pautsenus at Alexandria (a.d. 180)
— was one for religious and catechetical
instruction (I'epajy Xoycov mTri^riatav).^
The earliest State provision for secondary
instruction was made by the Emperor
Vespasian,* who established a group of
" imperial schools '" at all the great pro-
vincial towns ; Besanf on, Aries, Cologne,
Rheims, and Treves are particularly men-
tioned. In these schools rhetoric, logic,
and Latin and Greek literature were well
taught, and many a Christian apologist
owed to them the mental culture which
he employed after his conversion in the
service of Christ. "When the empire had
become Christian, the schools still re-
tained the old methods and subjects of
instruction, and even, to a great extent,
the old spirit. St. Jerome, who had him-
self been educated in one of them, was
alive to the perilous nature of this in-
fluence, and interdicted the reading of
the Pagan authors to all those under his
direction who were in training for the
religious life. Every bishops residence
was from the first more or less definitely
a school, in which clerics were trained
1 Sess. xxiii. c. 18, De Ref.
2 Hor. Sat. i. 6, 73.
3 Eus. Hist. Eccl.
* J. B. .Mullinger, The Sfhoolt of Charlet
the Great (1877), p. 12.
I for the ecclesiastical life. SimDarly,
after the commencement of the monastic
I life under St. Antony and St. Hilarion,
I the monastery, besides subserving the
[ ends of self-discipline and continual in-
tercession, became a school for training
monks. This was especially seen in the
monasteries in Gaul which followed the-
rule of the abbot Cassian of Marseilles.
Early in the fifth century the invasions
of the bai ljarians began ; for four cen-
turies M'estern Europe weltered in chaos,
and the institutions of civilised life
perished. In the cities of Gaul, as the
Franks jiressed southwards, the old
municipal schools — the schools of the
Rhetoricians and the Grammarians —
dwindled and were dispersed. Lay life
became barbarous ; and the arts of bar-
barism—wliich are chiefly fighting, de-
struction, and coarse indulp nee— do not
stand in need of schools. But in the
wreck the episcopal and monastic schools
survived, and, through the degTadation
of lay life, became ever more attractive.
In the island of Lerins, the abbot Honor-
atus, about 400, founded a celebrated
monastery, the school of which was
known as the Studium Insulanum. Ire-
land, soon after its conversion by St.
Patrick, was dotted over with monastic
schools, in which such learning as was
then accessible was prosecuted with re-
markable success.
The suppression of the schools of
Athens by order of Justinian (529)
sounded the knell of the educational in-
stitutes of antiquity. These schools were,
in fact, a university, although that name
was of later introduction. They had
never been able to shake off the Pagan
modes of thought which gave birth to
them, and now the advancing tide of
Christian ideas engulfed them, without
being able for a long time to supply their
place. A few months after the suppres-
sion St. Benedict founded the abbey of
Monte Cassiiui, and the schools for the
erection of which his rule provides were
soon spread over Western Europe. These
gTadually produced a race of teachers and
students whose higher and wider views
suggested the resuscitation of academic
life. It is sufficient to mention the names
of lona, Lindisfarne, Canterbury, York,
Fulda, Rheims, Corbie, Fleury, and
Seville — not as being all of Benedictine
origin, but as among the best schools to
be found in the troubled period from
the fifth to the tenth century.
The great organising mind of Charle-
820 SCIEXTIA MEDIA
SCOTISM
foundation of its lasting hope in the
know ledge and service of God.
scxEiTTZA. MEDIA.. [See Geace,
and 1'kei)i:stixatiox.
SCOTCH COXX.ECE. In the time
of Henry VIII. the Scotch possessed an
ancient church and hostel at Rome.
Mary Stuart, soon after she assumed the
government of Scotland, put the institu-
tion on a sound footing; but in conse-
quence of her long imprisonment in Eng-
land it was abandoned. Clement VIII.,
by the bull " In Supremo," founded in
1600 a college for training natives of
Sfotland to the sacred ministry near the
Church of St. Mary of Constantinople;
whence, in 1004, he removed it to a site
opposite the Palazzo Barberini, granting
to it at the same time the neighbouring !
Church of St. Andrew. In 1616 the
college was made over by Paul V. to the
Jesuits, who had the management of it
down to their suppression in 1773. It
was revived in 1820 by Pius VTI., and i
placed under the charge of a Scotch
secular priest as rector. The college is
under the Propaganda. The students
pursued their university course in the j
Collegio Romano, before the iniquitous
confiscation of that establishment by
the Italian Government. [See Romait
College.]
scoTZsnx. Scholastic philosophy,
as has been shown in other articles, was
the philosophy of Aristotle interpreted,
developed, and reconciled with the Chris-
tian faith. In the latter part of the
middle ages, scholastic theology, accept-
ing the data of Catholic faith, occupied
itself in arranging, defending, and draw-
ing deductions from them on the prin-
ciples of the scholastic philosophy. Of
this scholastic philosophy and theology,
there were two great schools, of which
the Thomist found its home in the
Dominican, the Scotist in the Franciscan,
order. The Nominalist school found ad-
herents in both of these orders and in the
Church generally, but never exercised an
influence like that of the older systems,
and really marks the decay of Scholas-
ticism as a whole.'
Very little is known about the life of
Scotus. His full name, Joannes Duns
Scotus, has been variously interpreted.
Some {e.g. Camden, Leland, Wharton,
&c.) suppose that he was bom at Dun-
stane, in Northumberland. Scotch writers
(Camerarius, Dempster, McKenzie) have
1 We refer to Nominalism in its later form,
M represented by Occam and his followers.
claimed him as their countryman, and
argued that " Duns " means " Dunse," a
little town to the north-west of Berwick.
Wadding, the Franciscan annalist, makes
him an Irishman, born in the county of
Down and province of Ulster. He con-
tends that he cannot have been an Eng-
li.shman, since his epitaph runs, "Scotia
me genuit, Anglia suscepit ; " not a
Scotchman, since Bonaventure, in a hst
of the Franciscan provinces, mentions
that of " Scotia, or Ireland." The date
of his birth is given by some as 120.5, by
others as 1274. When he made his novi-
ciate is quite uncertain. Of the names
of his teachers one only has been handed
do-mi — that of William Varo, or Ware,
whom he succeeded in the chair of theo-
logy at Oxford. He went to Paris in
1304 ; to Cologne in LSOS, where he died
suddenly the same year and was buried
in the Franciscan church. His works
consist of commentaries on the logical
works of Aristotle and the "Isagoge" of
Porphyry, a commentary on Aristotle's
" De Anima," two commentaries on Ari-
stotle's " Metaphysics," besides a shorter
work, " Conclusiones ex xii Libris Me-
taphys. Aristot.," "Grammatica Specu-
lativa," " Tractatus de rerum Principio"
and " De Primo Principio," " Theore-
mata," " Collationes," "Quoestiones Mis-
cellanese," " Qusestiones Quodhbetales,"
and an unfinished " Tractatus do Cogni-
tione Dei." All these books, except the
" Collationes " and " Quodlibetica," were
written at Oxford. There, too, he wrote
his " Opus Oxoniense," a commentary on
the "Four Books of the Sentences,"'
which contains his whole philosophical
and theological teaching in a collected
form. The "Reportata Parisiensia" is
an abridgment by Scotus himself of the
" Opus Oxoniense." At the end of book
iii. dist. 18, Scotus was called to Cologne,
and left the work incomplete. The
" Quodhbetica" consists of twenty-one
questions on which .Scotus disputed in
public when he took the degree of doctor
at Paris. In general chapters of the
order, and, as Wadding thinks, soon after
his death, decrees were passed requiring
the Scotist doctrine to be taught in all
the Franciscan schools. His works were
collected by the Irish Franciscan Wadding
in twelve folio volumes (Lyon.s, 1639).
Commentators on Scotus appear in the
latter half of the fifteenth century.'
1 But long before this Scotus had distin-
guished disciples — e.g. Antonius Andres, the
" Doctor Dulcificus " (d. circ. 1320) ; Franciscus
SCOTISM
SCOTISM 827
Such were the Irishman Mauritius a
Portu (d. 1513), professor at Padua,
afterwards archbishop of Tuam ; Francis
Lychetus of Brescia (d. 1520), minister-
general of the order; Joannes Poucius
(d. 1550), an Irishman and professor at
Rome; Hu^ro Cavellus, professor at Rome
and Louvain, minister-general of the
order, finally archbi.-hop and primate in
Irehiud; Antonius Iliquteus, also an
Irishman. Among Scotist theologians j
the best known are Albergoni ('• Resolutio
Doctrinae Scotisticaj,'' Lyons, 1643); Baro
on the Scotist philosophy (Cologne, IG66) ;
Frassen (" Scotus Acadcniicus," Paris,
IGSO) ; Hieron. de Moute Fortino, who
an-anged, in a very convenient manner,
the teaching of Scotus in a "Summa"
which corresponds question for question
to that of St. Thomas (" Summa ex Scoti
operibus concinnata juxta Ordinem et
Dispositiontan Summae S. Thorn. Aq."
Romae, I7'2b, 5 vols. fol.). In the middle
of the last century Ferrari undertook the
defence of Scotist against modern philo-
sophy (" Philosophia Peripatetica adv.
veteres et receutiores praesertim firmiori-
bus propugnata rationibus Joannis Duns
Scoti," Venice, 1746).'
Scotists no less than Thomists were,
in the strictest sense of the word. Scho-
lastics. The one as well as the other
accepted the whole tradition of the
Church as it was collected by Peter
Lombard ; to Scotus no less than to St.
Thomas the " Pope is the supreme
guardian and divinely-instituted expo-
nent of the deposit of faith left to the
Church, the highest guide and ruler of the
Christian commonwealth, the supreme re-
presentative of the Church's judicial
power" (Werner, p. 497). Again, to
Scotus as well as to St. Thomas Ari-
stotle is the representative of human
reason, the decisive authority in philo-
sophical discu.sftion.^ Hence, the ditler-
ences between the two schools, numerous
as they are, move between very narrow
limits. Far wider, far more interesting
and important, questions arose in the
deMayronis.the" Mafrfster Abstractionuin,"or
"Doctor Illuminatus" (d. circ. 1325) ; Walter
Burleifiii, " Doctor Planus et Pei-spicuus "
(1275— eirc. Vi^7). (Ueberwepj, p. 457.)
' There is also a handy work (not, however,
Scotist) by Joannes de Bada, Controcersim
inter T/iomam et Scotum, Venice, 1599.
- Still. Scotus adopted many Platonic and
Keojilalonic conceptions, with which he became
familiar through Avicebron's (Ibn Gebirol'.s)
Fountain of Life (Ueberweg, Hi$t. Phil. Engl.
Transl. i. p. 45ii).
conflict on the power of the Pope begun
at Constance and Basle and prolonged in
the learned French church, and on a multi-
tude of questions after the rise of .'scholar-
ship and historical criticism, in the war
between the old and the newi)liilo..:opliii's.
Probably just because the limit x if (>])iii ion
were so narrow, it came to jiii^-s that
Thomists and Scotists fought on so many
points which have httle interest for us.
j So numerous are they, that we can but
make a selection from them here.
(1) Both Thomists and Scotists were
Realists, but the Reahsm of the latter was
more pronounced. To St. Thomas no
universal exists as such. The essence is
only actually found in the individual ; it
is by a process of the intellect — viz. ab-
straction— that we separate humanity in
general from humanity as it manifests
itself in this particular man and reach
the idea of humanity in general. "Univer-
sale, dum intelligitur: siugulare, dum
sentitur." At the !-ame time, St. Thomas,
unhke the Nominalists, held that the
universal has a " foundation in reahty,"
because the species exists with identical
qualities in a number of individuals. It
has precisely the same character, though
it is not numerically one. But this nu-
merical unity was just what the Scotists
maintained. To them the nature in all
individuals of the same species was nu-
merically one. The obvious ditiiculties
of this theory led later Scotists to modify
it till it was scaree'ly di>tiuguishable from
Thoraism, or else to take refuge in unin-
telligible subtleties. (-2) The Thomists
made matter the principle of individua-
tion, so that, e.g., in spiritual beings like
the angels there could only be one indi-
vidual in each S])ecies. The Scotists
believed that in individuals there was an
" hcecceitas," something which made them
individual apart from matter. (3) St.
Thomas held that second causes, in-
cluding the will, only move so far as
they ai(! moved by the first cause. God
moves t he will to act, gives the action as
well as the power to act, in such manner,
however, as to leave the freedom of the
will unimpaired. So, at least, the Do-
minicans— rightly, as it seems to us —
understood their master. Scotus, on the
contrary, held that " the created will is
the total and immediate cause of its
volition, so that God in respect thereto
has no immediate but only mediate
efficacy." The will is like a " free horse,"
grace like the rider, and the horse can
throw its rider ; otherwise, the will could
828
SCOTISM
SCOTISM
not be free, and there would be no possi-
bility of sin. Observe that both Scotus
and St. Thomas argue on general philo-
sophical grounds. Very dift'erent from
either is St. Augustine's position. To
the first man, he says, a grace was given
" without which he could not abide [in
grace] if he willed ; but to will was left
in his own power." After the fall, God
gives " to those on whom He sees good
to bestow it an assistance so great and
of such a nature that we do will." " The
first freedom of the will consisted in the
power not to sin {posse non peccare) ; the
last is to be much greater, not to be able
to sin {non posse p'ccare)." "One is the
help without which a thing is not done
[i.e. grace of perseverance before the
iair, and another the help by which a
thing is done" ("De Con-ept. et Gratia,"
cap. xi. xii.). But, clearly, Scotus is far
further removed from St. Augustine.
Kindred to his teaching on the freedom
of the will is the tenet of Scotus that
" man without grace may avoid all
mortal sin " against the natural law.
Again, whereas St. Thomas places final
beatitude in the intellect which knows
God, Scotus attributes it to the will
which loves God.^ (4) Scotus, against
St. Thomas, denies that the immortality
of the soul can be proved by reason ; and
he separates, by a much sharper line than
St. Thomas, natural from supernatural
theology. (5) Scotus held it " more
probable " that the Blessed Virgin never
contracted original sin, and he proved
this belief consistent with the fact that
she was redeemed by Christ. (6) He
taught that the Word would have
become man, even had there been no
full ; that the merits of Christ were not
infinite in themselve and from the union
of his human nature with the Word, but
only from the acceptation of them as in-
finite on the part of God. Consequently,
he denied the infinite value of the sacri-
fice of the Mass. (7) With respect to
the Sacraments, his treatment of the
mystery of the Eucharist differs on a
multitude of subtle points from that of
St. Thomas (Werner, p. 283 seq.). It
is more interesting to observe that he
rejected the Thomist doctrine of physical,
and admitted only a moral, efficacy in
the Sacraments. [For an explanation of
this, see Sacraments ; and for the Scotist
doctrine on the matter and form of
• "The fundamental position of Scotus in
psychology and ethics was this: Voluntim est
superior inUllectu " (Uebenveg, foe. cit. p. 456).
Penance, see the article.! (8) On moral
points, two doctrines of Scotus may be
noted here. St. Thomas denied that any
deliberate action, however indifferent in
itself, could be really indifferent at the
time it was done. Either the action was
referred to a good end and so morally
good, or not so referred and therefore
evil. Scotists rejected this reasoning,
and held that the end, and therefore the
action, might be indifferent. The other
point is connected with the principles of
toleration. Scotus, against St. Thomas,
held it lawful to take away the children
of Jews by force, baptise, and educate
them as Christians.
The Scotist philosophy and theology
are now, we believe, abandoned, or all
but abandoned, in his own order. But
many of his opinions have been adopted,
— e.ff. by the eclecticism of some Jesuit
theologians {e.g. on the moral efficacy of
the sacraments ; on grace, to a certain
extent) — and have exercised an enduring
influence. His opinion on the Immacu-
late Conception finally prevailed, and his
theory on the Incarnation has recom-
mended it.self, as a philosophical view of
that mystery, even to writers of name
outside the Church. His differences
from St. Thomas served the useful pur-
pose of maintaining intellectual life and
preventing a servile adherence to that
great author.'
(This article is drawn chiefly from
Werner, " Johannes Duns Scotus, Wien,
1881. It forms the first volume of his
" Scholastik des spateren Mittelalters.")
SCOTTISH CHtTRCB. The Gospel
was originally announced in Scotland
by three principal teachers, St. Ninian,
St. Kentigern, and St. Columba. The
first, a Briton, who had been care-
fully instructed at Rome,^ fixed his see
at Whithem in Galloway, and thence
evangelised the Southern Picts. His
death is placed in 432. St. Kentigern or
1 The Sacred Congregation, by order of
Paul v., declared the doctrine of Scotus flee
from censure, and furbadc anyone to presume to
prohibit the printing of any book known as
bis (Viva. Disp. 59, 6, n. 5 ; Franzelin, De Deo
Trinn et tjno, thesis 40). Scotus, as Ueberweg
jioints out, was a critical rather than a creative
genius. His early mathematical training made
him impatient of demonstration which was not
rigorous ; and, accepting the Church's doctrine,
he dismisses manj* Thomist arguments in its
favour. Just in the same way, Kant accepted
the convictions of the moral sense and of the
" religious consciousness, ' while he rejected the
proofs which Leibnitz thought valid.
» Beda, Hut. Eccl. iiL 4.
SCOTTISH CHURCH
SCOTTISH CHtTRCH 829
Mungo, a Stratli-Clyde Briton, became
the first bishop of Glasgow, and in the
course of a long episcopate planted the
faith firmly in Strath-Clyde, and helped
to root out paganism, "dying probably
about 003. St. Coluniba, a Scot from
Ireland, founde'd lona (o63), and planted
Christiiinity among the northern Picts —
i.e. in the Ilebrides, and in the Northern
■mk\ Wt stern Highlands. For more than
a thousand years only one religion was
known in Scotland, that taught by the
Catholic Church, and the immense good
done by it is acknowledged even by
enemies. A Protestant historian ' draws
a glowing picture of the state of the
country before the Reformation, covered
over as it was by a network of well-
planned uistitutions, and adorned with
magnificent ecclesiastical and monastic
buildings, where learning was prized and
art encouraged— where the hungi-y were
fed and the miserable consoled. One
special service which the land owed to its
clergy was the removal or mitigation of
slavery. "The priesthood set the first
example of mitigating domestic slavery — ■
that curse and disgrace of the middle
ages — having emancipated all the bond-
men belonging to their estates, before
the lay proprietors could be taught either
the advantage or the obhgation"* of
doing so.
In the art. Pkesbtteeians. Scottish,
the religious revolution of 1560 was de-
scribed. The perferviditm ingcnium of the
Scotch was not content with the estab-
lishment of the Iviioxian system, unless
the old faith was proscribed at the same
time. Tytler' describes the anti-Catholic
legislation of 1560 as consisting mainly
of three acts. " The first abolished the
Papal supremacy in the realm ; the
second repealed all previous acts in
favour of Popery ; the third enacted that
any person hearing or saying Mass should
suffer for the first offence confiscation of
his property, for the second, banishment,
and for the third, death." Surprise has
often been e.xpressed at the feebleness of
the resistance offered. But we may
assume that the bishops knew their
countrymen, and felt that resistance
•would no longer avail. The pride and
' Russell, History of the Church in Scotland,
- Russell, History of the Church in Scotland,
3 Quoted in Dublin Review, vol. xxvii. p.
431 ; see also Robertson's Hist, of Scotl. book
overweening self-confidence of the Scot-
tish character had become irrevocably
engaged on the wrong side ; and the
great majority of the active spirits were
favourable to change. For men so obsti-
nate, so self-satisfied, so intensely and
enthusiastically bent on having their own
way, after they had once turned out of
the path of Catholic obedience, it was
impossible, humanly speaking, to return
to it. Error must take its course ; the
Scottish people must test to the very
utmost the system which it had preferred
to the Catholic faith ; and not till the
proud edifice of Presbytery had been
shivered to pieces, and its ambitious
discipline become a laughing-stock, would
the possibility of a Catholic reaction
arise.*
The head of the Scottish hierarchy,
Archbishop Hamilton, of St. Andrew's,
was executed by order of the Regent
Lennox in 1571. The last survivor of
the bishops dispni;?es>ed in 1560 was
James Betoun, archbishop of Glasgow ;
he died at Paris, in his eighty-sixth year,
in 1603. Till 1623 the Scottish clergy
were subjected to the jurisdiction of the
archpriests of England, and afterwards to
that of local prefects of the Mission.
From 1653 to 1694 Church affairs were
administered by three prefects-apostolic,
"\V. Bannatyne, A. Dunbar, and J. Walker.
The first vicar-apostolic was Thomas
Nicholson, who was consecrated in 1695,
and arrived in Scotland in 1697, finding
only twenty-five priests in the whole
coimtry.
The names of twelve or thirteen
Scottish noblemen are recorded in 15'*3,
and again in 1")'.)2, as belonging to the
Catholic party ; the chief of these was
the Earl of Huntly. The contemptible
character of James VI. suggested various
plots and enterprises to turbulent men of
all parties during the twenty years pre-
1 Mr. Hill Burton {Hist, of Scotl. v. 204)
says that Scottish Presbyterians at the present
d.iy are split up into a number of sects, all
tracincT their de-cent from the Kirk of 1580,
"of which every Presbyterian communion in
Scotland" — and there are some that "count
their adherents by hundreds" — "prot'es-es to
be the representative, and the only le;;itiniate
representative. m11 others n ho profess that title
beinLT impostor^." Some of tli-se sects are —
besides tlie Kstahlishcd Churcli and the Free
Church— the United I'le-i.vterians, tlie Free
Preshvterian Church, tlic" United Original
SectsBi n Church, the Kefonncil r'resbvterian
Church of Scotland, the -.lohn Knox" Church
of Scotlanil. Ikc. (See Edinburgh and Glasgow
Directories.)
830 SCOTTISH CHURCH
SCOTTISH CHURCH
cedingliis succession to tin; English crown.
In these affairs tlu- Catholic party was
mixed up, but with no jjornuuient result.
About 1590, the state of things was this:
All the northern part oi' Scotland, in-
cluding the counties of Inverness, Caith-
ness, Sutherland, and Aberdeen, with
Forfarshire on the east, and "Wigtonshire
and Xithsdale in the south, were for the
most part in the interests of the Catholic
party, and led by noblemen professing that
faith.' Negotiations were opened between
Iluntly, Enoll, Angus, and others on the
one side, and Philip II. on the other;
Jesuit missionaries were the interme-
diaries ; even after the failure of the
Armada it was hoped that a Spanish
army of 30,000 men might be landed on
the south-west coast of Scotland, and,
covered by a force of cavahy to be raised
by the Scotch Catholic lords, march south
into England to put down the government
of Elizabeth.'' This was known as the
affair of the "blanks," because Huntly,
Erroll, &c., put their names to blank sheets
of paper, on the understanding that above
their signature.- the particulars of the
entcrjirise should l)e inserted, according
to what might !)e agreed upon between
the King of Spain and Fr. \\'. Creighton,
the Jesuit rector of Louvain.
The General Assembly ne\ er ceased to
press upon tlu' Government the execution
of the penal laws against Catholics.
Ordinary intolerance might be passed
over, but one of tlicir piM]M>als, made to
James I. in 160S, calls l\n- some remarlc.
It was " that the suns of noblemen pro-
fessing I'opcry should be committed to
the custody of [such of] their friends as
are sound in religion." ^ The penal legisla-
tion of England and Ireland, bad as it
was, never so absolutely ignored parental
authority as it was pro[)o>c(l to do on
this occasion.'' Aukjul; the many forms
of oppression which Catholic;- had to
bear, not thi^ least intolerable was that
which was described as " planting wise
pastors." A Catholic family was com-
pelled to give ho.-pitality to a minister,
' Statement of Burghley Riven by Tytler
in his History ; quoted in thi Month for januarv
1878.
- •' A Disciiverie of the unnatural and
triii^ci-Hus (■(.!). pira.-ic of Scottish Papists,"
black icli.T, i.uiHl. l.-n.3.
s Thf i\Iontli. Nol. xiii. p. 00.
In IioI.'ukI the sdii-iol ('iiili.>lic landowners
were lakiMi tmni the mi)tlii-] '> cMiilnil when the
father litid died Uaviii^ '.hcm lunler af;e, but
not otherwise. (See LecUv s Uisi. nf Irelmtd \
in the XVIIlth Century.) ' \
who of course constituted himself a spy
on all their movements, and was em-
powered to " catechize their families twica
a day." (Chambers, " Domestic Annals ol
Scotland," i. 351.)
About 1G12 the Jesuits and other
missionaries were very active ; many
conversions were made and apostasie?
repaired. The Government and the Pro-
testant clergy, both Episcopalian and
Presbyterian, were somewhat disturbed.
Two Jesuit missioners, Fathers Moffat
and Ogilvie, were aiTested : the former,
after a term of imprisonment, was banished ;
the latter, being plied with entangling
questions on the Pope's deposing power
by the King's order, and not answering
satisfactorily, was condemned to be
hanged, drawn, and quartered (1615) ;
and the sentence was can-ied out. How-
ever, it is only just to the General
Assembly to say that they appear to have
been averse to shedding blood : especially
after experience had proved that modes
of persecution which just stopped short
of killing were more elfectual than death
itself. Banishment from Scotland, with
threat of death or perpetual imprisonment
in case of return, was the usual penalty
both for priests and laymen. Being joined
to a greater or less confiscation of pro-
perty, and rigorously carried out year
after year, this policy of banishment
biouglit the Catholic party to a state
of extreme weakness and distress. In
1641 Father Afambrecht was the only
priest left in all the South of Scotland;
where:is in England, for years before that
date, the penal laws had been slackly
executed, and Catholics were going
openly to Mass in London down to the
meeting of the Long Parliament. The
same unrelenting bigotry pursued and
hunted down every symptom of the
revival of Catholic worship till fax down
in the eighteenth century. As if all
truth had come into the world with John
Knox, and existed not outside of their
own sect, the ministers rejected with
indignation the "toleration" and "liberty
of conscience" pn>acheil by the Indepen-
dents,and remin^led thelukewarm English
that their Parliament had joined in the
same covenant with the Scots for the re-
form of religion, with the extiipation of
Po))ery, Prelacie, and all tielonging to that
hiei-archie." ' In ItiS.") James II. vainlv
licsdiight the Scottish estates to relax the
]H'nul laws against the Catholics. He
' Scots' Derluration against the Toleration
of Sects, II)4<S.
SCOTTISH CHURCH
SCOTTISH CHURCH 831
then suspended these laws by an exercise
of the prerogative, brought over several
Jesuits to Edinburgh, and ordered the
chapel of Ilolyrood to be fitted up for
the celebration "of Mass. This transient
gleam was soon extinguished by the
Revolution. Under Anne the magistrates
must in some places have been tolerant :
for we find the General Assemblyin 1713
complaining that the Catholics had set up
" openly in divers places their idolatrous
worship, notwithstanding the penal laws
which stand in force against them." '
With no little etirontery, considering that
they and their predecessors had allowed
no Catholic to live in peace in Scotland
for a hundred and fifty years past, the
ministers attribute to their victims " the
hellish design of extirpating the Protest-
ant religion, under the name of the
Northern heresie." The sou and grand-
son of James II., in the risings of 1715,
and 1745, found great support in the
more ardent loyalty of those Highland
clans which had retained the ancient
■aith. The failure of the attempt of 1745
was disastrous to Catholic interests in
Scotland. At that time, says Archbishop
Strain,- " not only individuals, but many
entire families fell away from their re-
ligion." Deep inroads were made in the
Catholicity of the Nortli through the fall
of many heads of clans and great land-
holders, whose exauiple was usually imi-
tated in good faith by their simple
followers. " The territory inhabited by
the western Celts was portioned off, like a
chess-board,''^ into Catholic and Calviuist
<listricts. In the South the resolution of
those holding authority to repress any
Catholic manifestation was so weU known
that the attempt was seldom made.
There were but seven Jesuits in all Scot-
land when the order was suppressed.
Aberdeenshire was perhaps the county in
which religion was least persecuted ; the
noble house of Gordon (Earls of Huntiy)
always " gave ready shelter to priests " ;
and we read of " an inaccesssible college
of priests living like a band of robbers in
the wilds of Glenlivet." " A storm of
reviling swept over Scotland when it was
aimounced (1778) that the Government,
which the turn that events had taken in
America had seriously alarmed, was bring-
1 A Seasnjiable JFarning, &c., issued by the
■Gen. Afsomlilv, 1713.
' In the Memoir prefixed to the Works of
Bishop Hay, 1872-3.
» Burton, viii. 429.
*Ib.
ing in a bill to relax the penal laws. A
multitude of addresses, protects, declara-
tions, and overtures, from everA- kirk-ses-
sion, presby terj-, and synod in the kingdom,
poured in upon the Parliament at West-
minster, in order to arrest them in their
wild career. These were collected in a
neat volume of 350 pages ; ' in the intro-
duction to which the existence of an
" insidious design " to tolerate Jesuits and
seminary priests was deplored, and the
legal safeguards were declared insecure
which forbade " the very dangerous privi-
lege of Pa])i>is' enjoying heritable pro-
perty." In 17 j1 the Vicariate which had
been established in 1G94 was divided into
two districts, the Lowland and Highland.
A Papal rescript of 1827 erected three
Vicariates — the Eastern, the Western, and
tlie Northern. " This last arrangement
remained in force till the re-establishment
of the luerarchy by the Apostolic letter
' Ex supremo,' March 4, 1878." (" Cath.
Dir. for Scot.")
In the article on English Chtjkch
it was mentioned that the shock of the
rioting and destruction at London in 1780
was more than the agfdframeof ChaUoner
could bear. Bishop Hay, vicar-apostolic
for Scotland, had a rather narrow escape
at the same time. He had lately com-
pleted a chapel and house, from the
exterior of which, however, every mark
of their ecclesiastical use was carefully
lianished, in Chalmers' Close, High Street,
Edinburgh. In the February of 1779 the
excitement against the Catholic Relief
Bill was at Its height. Returning from
a journey the bishop found the High
Street occupied by an enormous crowd.
He asked a woman what it meant ; she
replied, " Oh, sir, we are burning the
Po])ish chapel, and we only wish we had
the bishop to throw him into the fire.""
The bishop after a time succeeded in
obtaining some compensation for the pro-
perty burnt and destroyed ; but he did
not venture to rebuild the chapel; that
was only done by Bishop Cameron, three
years after Dr. Hay's death, In 1814.
During the last half century the
Catholic population of Scotland has been
largely augmented by an Irish immigra-
tion, consequent on the demand for labour
arising at gi-eat industrial centres like
Glasgow and Paisley. In 1878 the Holy
See judged in its wisdom that the time
had arrived for restoring to Scotland some
1 Scotland's Opposition to the Fopish Bill,
1780.
* Archbishop Strain s Memoir.
f33
SCRUTINY
SEAL OF CONFESSION
of those ancient sees which had beeu
vacant for nearly three hundred years.
The mitre of St. Andrew's was now con-
ferred on Bishop Strain, of the Eastern
district, with the title of " Archbishop of
St. Andrew's and Edinburgh." The arch-
diocese of Glasgow, which formerly had
four suffragan sees, was committed to Mgr.
Eyre, translated from the "Western district.
The sees of Aberdeen, Dunkeld, Galloway,
and Argyll, which had all been vacant
since the Reformation, were resuscitated
at the same time, and made suffragan to
St. Andrew's. Bishop J. Mafdonald was
translated to Aberdeen from the Northern
district; to Argyll the old see of "The
Isles" was annexed. The number of
priests, secular and regular, having cure
of souls in Scotland, is 350. The Catholic
population appears to number about
350,000 souls.
SCI11TTXW7 (scrutintum). An ex-
amination of those -who were about to
receive baptism as to their foith and dis-
positions. They were taught the Creed
and the Lord's Prayer, exorcised, &c.,
during those scrutinies. The days ap-
pointed for the difterrut scrutinies vari^'d
in diti'erent places. At Rome the Creed
was given to the catechumens on the
"Wednesday of the fourth week in Lent
{traditio symhdh), and they made profes-
sion of faith (redditio si/iitboli) on Iloly
Saturday. In the Roman Church, under
Pope Siricius, there were apparently
three scrutinies only ; at a later date,
seven ; then, when baptism was seldom
-iven e.xcept to infants, the number fell
again to three, and from the beginning of
the twelfth century — as infants were bap-
tised soon after birth, even if there was no
apprehension of death, and not, as formerly,
at Easter and Pentecost — the ceremonies
of the scrutiny were joined, as in our
present Ritual, to the actual baptism.
The Gelasian Sacramentary contains four
Masses "pro scrutiniis electorum." (Char-
don, "Hist, des Sacr." torn. i. £(ij)teine,
P. I. ch. vii. viii.)
SEAXi OF AIiTAR. [See Altab.]
SEAX. OF CON'FESSZON'. The
obligation of keeping ahsolutely secret
knowledge gained through sacramental
confession. It rests on the natural law
which binds us to keep secrets communi-
cated in confidence, and on the ecclesiasti-
cal law, which, as we shall see, forbids,
under most severe penalties, anyrevelation
of sins confessed sacramentally. But it
also arises from the positive divine law,
and, as Suarez points out, the obligation
of the seal is probably connatural, and
belongs to the verj- essence of the sacra-
ment of Penance. In other words, Christ
did not impose the obligation of confess-
ing mortal sins committed after baptism
and then add a protective law binding
the priest to secrecy, but the obligation
of the seal follows necessarily from the
nature of confession as instituted by Him ;
otherwise, Penance, which is the ministry
of mercy and reconcihation, would become
a burden intolerable to mankind, "\^'hat
the priest hears in sacramental confession,
he hears not as a mere man, but as one
who stands in God's place. He must not
hy word, or look, or change of conduct
remind the penitent himself of anything
he has heard, much less convey such
knowledge to others. To do so is sacri-
lege, excusable by no advantage to him-
self, to the public, or even to the penitent.
The law admits of no exception, except
where the penitent freely gives the con-
fessor leave to use his knowledge. Not
only sins however slight, but moral or
natural weaknesses, sins of accomplices,
all that may bring the penitent inta
trouble, or contempt, or suspicion of any
sort, fall, if known through confession,
under the sacramental seal. A priest
mig'it break the seal, in certain circum-
stances, merely by admitting that a per-
son has confessed to him ; or, again, even
if there be no danger of suspicion fixing
itself on any individual, by revelations
which might bring bad repute or suspicion
on a community or a certain number of
men.
The first express mention of the seal
of confession, so far as we know, occurs
in Canon 20 of the Armenian Synod at
Dovin, in 527. It anathematises any
priest who breaks the seal (Hefele, " Con-
cil."' vol. ii. p. 718). In the West, there
is no mention of penalties for breaking
the seal till very late ; probably because
such a sacrilege was scarcely thought
possible. There is a decree attributed to
a Pope Gregory (as Morinus conjectures,
Gregory "^^11.), and quoted by the Master
of the Sentences and Gratian (Can.
" Sacerdos," 2, causa 33, qu. .3, dist. 6),
which sentences a confessor guilty of this
crime to deposition and to perpetual and
ignominious pilgrimage. The Fourth
Lateran Council ("Extra, de Poenit. et
Remiss. ; " Const, " Omnis utriusque
sexus ") condemns such a priest to depo-
sition and pei-petual imprisonment in a
monastery. The sanctity of the seal is
further recognised by all the Oriental
SECRET
3ECEET
-ecTs (Denziapi, " Bit. Orient." voL i. p.
101), and their eanoB law tkreatens with,
the mciSt serere panLshmeiita thoee who
br>rai it. Trne, a law of Peter the Grea:
re^nires Baaeian con6>«eors to Tt^vf^al rhe
c^ntVssions " -- . .-lilty of
tPraion. or - ■ mira-
cks, onltfSfe =i law
onlj prr.vr^T - - li'us^Aa
chunrh has rj«:om»: tiie slave of the
Li one - - ■ m are stricter
than med: ■: with respect
to the ieal. Suppl." li. 1,
adSisav-ir. i . ..nowi from the
confesf^ion ol iu-j prior that the office is
an occasion of ruin to him may, on some
•ricnie. relieve him of his office, if he
will not resian it wiUiBglv, provided
always there is no dinger of the confes-
sion bein^ revealed. According to St.
Lignori ( Thirol. MoraL"' lib. vi n. 656),
thi* is the doctrine of St. BonaTenture
and Alexander of Hales, bat he adds
that it can on no account be pat in prac-
tice, and this seffms to be certain from the
eleventh of the Pnjpositiooj condemned
in 1682 bv Innocent 3lL
SZCSZT. Either seereta, neat. pL
"seer'---' ' 1 --r
orpr-
voir-
him-
and this ■■Bliswas constantly increaein^r
in Le Bimfa tiBe. Thi.-* zr^r ^hrAai
has written aa dahorat^ -. ■ ■ -
siibiect, which fijrms th>^
of his " Explication, de '.i^ . -.
foE'vwiivj are the chief p' .- :
establishes.
(1; The Xeanituj of the word ~ Se-
creta.' — Boeenet ("^ Expfic. i - '-it
la ile-se,** n. 2j su;^;^e»te<I
came from tecret.ia^ as mi '
&c., either because said
tions, which were then ••
the rest of the bread otfr
said after the .*paration r ^ -.-
mens from the fiirhfuL TLis dcri. i:.:. -.
adopted as i>r;ain bv Vert, is pi-, -fi
faLe by Le — -..r
nenernereh: -v r-
chomens. ■ : ^--r . '
iecT'ta — i.f. --. _ .7 -L -
ancient Sa/cramratAry of E'-^obic 1.. :
Ordo Bomanus, which have " 1. ,
secreta.' '• dicta rjiatione secreta," 1.1
the old En-irgical writers —ej). Az. ■
who raj-- : "Secreta mjminatnr ■--
creto diciTnr."
(2 ) The prenent Ihncipline of the
Church majfp;' it unlawful for any cele-
brant (except bishops in the ^ass
(fination) to aay the Secrets or ' . 1
andibiv. The Coancil of Tre:.:
mtmt oce .
bv P : - -
or -
the marter -r . . :
the beii;niii^ ji -.ia.:->-Q:ii cturiiry.
Ah a: IT'*-", ^v^en "h- }-Ii^al was revised
f -r -he di-ce^ "jf ^lea'ii at the -order oc'
Biih-:'p Bi--y > riv^ years larer. Cardinal),
the ne-x ii-iri-ja appeared with an crmrii-rn'a"
■• An: - • ' ■■ 1" 3: in red at the and Quart!,
end •- in the Canon; tative inte:
an<i - . -ae prayerv to
be -i - . : ivJymvuia vocei
was exp.i^r^i 'jv the additional clause —
" {.f. wi-hout sinking ~ (ijt. nne raittu 1.
The ohar.-er ( Jan. '20. 1710* and the
hishop I in a m/mfleTrwnt two or three
days later I repu>iiated all complicity in
th- change, and the '?opies rf the >Iissai
were again corrected by episcopal au-
thority. Bat the innovation of .saying
tee ?ecreTr and Caa c aloud, wLich had
Veen or'-'d 'asly Cfjcd-mne'i by Salary,
bish.-p • t' ■>^z. in ;i rr-^/ui/'Tnent of lljO!?.
was e-i^-erly d-feii':"l .and a<l.:'pt»'d by a
number of pne-^r? ^eciiar and regular.
bv
Car:
faithful ise
the wnr-ia
834 SECULAE CLERGY
SEDILLA.
Florus, who lived in the ninth centwry, !
is the last -writer who mentions tms j
response. That the people did answer
" Amen " after the Consecration is an
unquestionable fact : but there is no
reason to beheve that they did, and
many weighty reasons for thinking that
they did not, "do so immediately after the
words of consecration were uttered.
Neither in the old Gallican Missal edited
hy Thomasius, nor in the first Ordo
liomanus, nor in any of the Missals older
than the twelfth century examined by
Le Brun, is any " Amen " marked till
after the " Per omnia saecula sseculorum "
which ends the Canon and precedes the
Pater Xoster. AU the Oriental liturgies
distinguish the prayers to be said aloud
from those which are uttered in an
under-tone. True, the modem Greeks
say the words of consecration in a loud
voice, but this custom was introduced by
a constitution of Justinian (Novella 132,
cap. 6. quoted by Le Brun), and even
now the Greeks say the rest of tbe Canon
in an under-tone. Add to all this that
the Canon of the Mass was never com-
mitted to writing in the first four cen-
turies ; that St. Cyril of Alexandria (" In
Joann." lib. xii. apud Le Brun) speaks of
the doors of the sanctuary which were
closed ; St. Chrysostom of the curtain
drawn during the Consecration, and we
shall scarcely doubt that Le Brun is
right in claiming immemorial antiquity
for our present use. "V\'e may quote, in
conclusion, two other authorities. Mar-
tene. in a letter to Le Brim (March 27,
1726), tells him he has treated the ques-
tion in a manner which leaves no room
for reply, and he says Mabillon, who was
his master, always held that the Canon
had never been said audiblv in the Latin
Church. The names of ^labillon, ^lar-
tene, and Le Brun are probably the very
greatest which could be adduced in such
a controversy. Nor can any valid ob-
jection be made on general grounds to
the practice of the Church. It is fitting
in every way that the priest, in these
solemn moments, should speak in the
ears of God alone, and that the fiiithful
should meditate in reverent silence on
that great mystery of our redemption
which is represented, continued, and
applied in the sacrifice of the Mass.
SECVK&R CIiSRCV {scscuhan, the
world). From St. Cyprian downwards,
the terms Sfeculitm, scecularis were habi-
tually used by Christian writers to express
the world outside the Church, and the
spirit of that world. In proportion as
the monastic institution grew and spread
itself, the contrast between the cloister
or the cell and life outside of these was
more vividly realised, and when the
profession of Christianity had become
general, the contrast was no longer be-
tween sacithan and ecclesia, but between
the secular or worldly and the monastic
or regular life. To the clergy of all ranks
and orders serving Christ in the world,
not bound by vows or by a rule of life,
the term " secular " seems to have been
first applied in the twelfth century.
Honorius II. (1125) permitted the monks
of Cluny to give their habit to secular
clerks who desired to join them ; laicos,
sen clericos saculares . . . ad convei'sionem
susctpere.^ (Ducange, Smcuhm.)
SECVX.AazsATXO>r. The extinc-
tion of the title by which property,
whether real or personal, is held by the
Church, and the placing of that property
at the disposal of the secular power. It
is obvious that such extinction of title
cannot justly take elFect except with the
consent of the Holy See. as representing
the whole Church. Historically, such
consent has seldom been asked or ob-
tained ; the utmost concession to equity
that civil governments are accustomed
to make in such a case is to enter into a
treaty with the Holy See for regulating
the compensation, generally a most in-
adequate one, awarded to the clergy,
secular or regular, whose property has
been secularised. This has been done
[Coitcorbat] in France, Austria, and
Catholic coxmtries generally. In England,
Ireland, Sweden, Denmark, and Holland,
no compensation for the expropriation of
Church property has ever been made.
The prmcipal European secularisations
have taken place in the foUowin? order:
Sweden, 1527; England, 1534-8; Den-
mark, 1536; North Germany, 1521-1048;
France, 1790. In Germany the great
secularisation took place in 1803, when
the teiritories of the three ecclesiastical
Electors, the Prince-Archbishops of
Cologne, Mentz, and Treves, with those
of an immense number of bishops and
convents, were apportioned among the
i German sovereigns as indemnity for the
' loss which the Empire had sustained at
the Peace of Lim^ville, through the cession
of the left bank of the Rhine to France.
Spain, 183.5-6; Italy, 1851-1882.
I SEDZXiZA. The seats in the sanc-
[ 1 Thomassin, ii. 1, 10,
SEMIARIAXS
SEitrXAET 835-
Ittarr occupied by the priest and hifl
miiiiiters. j
SEMZASXAirs. [See AsLLsraJ
SEIVIIDOTJBI.E. See Feasts.!
SEMIN-ART. A school OF college
for the craii'.ing of young persons destined
for the priesth'ood-' Under the headings
Schools and Ustveesittes will be found
some account of the methods employed bv
the Church to impart this training, and to
adapt it to the changing circumstances of
European society, in t£e primitiTe rimes
and during the middle ages. In the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the
university system was greatly extended ; .
faculties 'of' theology were everywhere |
erected in them ; and the old monastic or
cathedral schools, of the success of which |
Bee, Fleury, York, Rheims, and Cologne
had given" brilliant examples, fell into
decay. In the sixteenth century many
of the existing universities, comiug alto-
^'ether under Protestant influences, were
lost to the Church ; and even in the re-
mainder a spirit of disatfection or doubt
was rife, which made them ill adapted
to nourish and protect that pure and
peaceful ecclesiastical temper in which it
is so desirable that the future servants of
the sanctuary should be reared. The
Fathers of Trent, comprehending in their
full bearing the difficulties and confusions
of the time, and providing with equal
■f.iety and wisdom the suitable remedies, ■
resolved that, so far as in them lay, no
Catholic diocese should in future be j
u-ithout regular and permanent means ]
for supplying itself from generation to I
generation with pastors carefully trained !
to meet its spiritual needs. They accord- [
ingly ordered that the metropolitan of '
every province, and the bishop of every
diocese, should establish at some suitable
place (if there were no institution of the
kind already existing) a college or semi- ,
nary, into which a certain number of
boys of not less than twelve years of age,
bom in wedlock, able to read and write,
and giving some promise of perseverance
in the service of the Church, should be
adnutted. The sons of poor parents were
to be preferred ; but the rich, provided
that they paid their own expenses, were
not to be excluded. The tonsure was to
be given, and the ecclesi:\stical dress to
be worn from the very first. All branches
of study — such as the ecclesiastical chant,
the ritual, the administration of sacra-
ments, and especially what relates to the
tribunal of Peuance — which contribute to
form a well-instructed priest, were to be
taught to the students ; besides, of course,
Holy Scripture and theology. The rule
aut disce out discede was to be stiictly
enforced. The management of the semi-
nary was to be in the hands of the bishop
and two of the senior canons. On the
important question of " ways and means "
the Council was fuU and precise, ordei-ing
that the prebends of canons and the
revenues of ecclesListical benefices of
every description should be taxed to the
extent re<|uired for the sustentation of the
institution. Two poor dioceses might
unite to found one seminary ; and a rich
diocese might found more than one within
its own limits.
The wish of the Council was but
partially fulfilled. In France seminaries
arose in every direction before the Revolu-
tion ; the fame of Sr. Sulpice, founded by
il. Olier about 1650, became European ;
but the Eevolutic>n swept away every-
thing. The last sixty years have witnessed
the refouniling of the seminaries in most
of the dioceses of France, Lu the shape
both of grands shninaires, which give
the final training, and ofpetits seminnirei,
which, besides providing for the earlier
stages of the ecclesiastical traiiung, give
an excellent general education to all boys
admitted into them, whether intending
to become priests or not. In Germanv
various obstacles have all alon^ Impeded
the execution of the Council's decree.
The usual practice has been for clerical
students to pass two or three years at
a university, and afterwards one year or
even less in an episcopal seminary, to ac-
quire special professional knowledge. Of
this mode of meeting the exigencies of the
problem, so ditferent from that appointed
by the Councd, Pius VII., in a brief dated
August 10, 1S19, expressed his disapproba-
tion.' Recently, we believe, the German
bishops have made great advances towards
the introduction of the seminary system.
In Ireland, besides the great seminary
of Maynooth, there would appear to be
eight diocesan seminaries, and at least as
many diocesan colleges, the ecclesiastical
students from which go up to Maynooth
to receive their final preparation "for the
priesthood. In England and Scotland
there appear to be as yet seven diocesan
seminaries in the strict sense (West-
minster, Birmingham, Liverpool, Leeds,
Northampton, Southwark, and Glasgow);
but there are also a nimiber of diocesan
colleges, in each of which a certain
' Weuer and Welte.
836 SKMIPLLAGLVNISM
SEMirEL^GLLXISM
number of ecclesdastical students are
educated for the priesthood.
SBMZPErAGZAN'XSM. A heresy
■which arose from reaction against the
doctrine of St. Augustine on grace and
predestination. The Semipelagians did
not go so far as Pelagius, and they held
their errors, so far as can be known, with-
out any intention of rejecting Catholic
doctrine. They were not considered
heretics ; on the contrary, St._ Augustine
and St. Prosper speak of them as
" brethren." " holy men," &c., though
their doctrine was undoubtedly heretical.
Contention arose among the monks of
Adrumetum, occasioned by Augustine's
letter to Sixtus, priest, afterwards bishop,
of Rome in 41 S. To these monks Augus-
tine iu 426 addressed two letters ("Ad
Valentin. Abbat. et Monach. Adnuuet."),
and sent along with them his little work
"On Grace and Free-will," and afterwards
another" DeCorreptione et Gratia," which
Cardinal Xoris calls the key to the whole
doctrine of the saint. But in the follow-
ing year St. Augustine had to write to
Tit alls, "a certain learned man in the
Carthaginian church," who held that
"right belief in God and assent to the
Gospel was not the gift of God but of
ourselves — that is, from our own will."
(August. "Ep. ad Vital." ad init.) Here
we have Semipelagianism appearing in a
definite form. Further, Augustine learnt
from the letters of Prosper and Hilarius
that his book "De Correptione et Gratia "
had met with great opposition among the
monks of Marseilles. These letters are ex-
tant, and give a very clear and coherent ac-
count of theSemijielagian tenets which are
ofttn called the her<rsyoi the ilassilienses.
The monks objected to the Augustinian
doctrine that the number of the elect was
absolutely fixed by the decree of God.
They made predestination the mere fore-
knowledge of God that some would,
others would not, persevere. They also
held that God allowed some infants to
die without baptism, some adidts without
hearing the Gospel, only because He knew
they would have made no use of these
giaces had they been ofl'ered. Again,
admitting that "all mankind perishe'd in
Adam and could not be freed from that
state by their own free will," that " no
one was able iu his own strength to begin,
much less to finish, any [good] work,"
they still maintained that the wish to be
healed, the beginning of faith, " if not
entire faith," must proceed from the good
use of the natural faculties. Christ was
the physician, but the desire to be healed
by Him was natural and human. '• To
that grace through which we are new-
born in Christ, man comes by natural
power, by seeking, asking, knocking."
Lastly, they denied that God gave not
only the power to persevere, but also
perseverance itself (" ut eis perseverantia
ipsa donetur "). These two letters, from
which the words in inverted commas are
taken, are eminently trustworthy, for they
speak of the Massilieuses not only with
courtesy but even with reverence. St.
Auorustine replied by sending his two
I books, "De Predestinatione Sanctoriuu "
and " De Dono Perseverantiie," written
I in 428 or 429. It was at this time that
Cassianfinished the ■writing of his" XXIV.
Conferences " (begun in 423, finished in
42*-). He had come to Provence about
509, and, having been ordained priest,
founded two monasteries, one for men, the
other for women. He is regarded as the
founder of the celebrated abbey of St.
Victor at MarseiUes, and is said" to have
had 5.000 monks imder him. His " Con-
ferences " have always had a high reputa-
tion in the Church. But in them we find
Semipelagianism in its most developed
and offensive form. "Not only," says
Petavius ("De Pelag. et Semipelag.
Hser." cap. vii.), " did he attribute the
beginning of good-will to the will of
man, but even ascribed to it remarlcable
and heroic virtues." Thus in Collat. xiii.
cap. 14, he supposes that God " withdrew
His hand " from Job and left him to
obtain an actual victory over Satan in
t his o^svn strength. So he asserts {ih.) that
I the centurion's faith which Christ praises
: (^latt. viii.) was due to his natural efforts:
' else, he says, Christ would not have praised
it. and would have siud, not "I have
not found such faith in Israel," but " I
' have not given such faith in Israel."
, Cassian was attacked by St. Prosper in
i his '• Liber Ad versus CoUatorem.'" wi-itten
; about 4ci2 or rather later. It is specially
^ directed against Conference XIII. ali-eady
referred to.
. Before this, in 431, Pope Celestine,
appealed to by Prosper and Hilarius. had
addressed a letter of capital importance
to Veuerius, bishop of Marseilles, and the
other bishops of Gaul. The Pope, though
he speaks of St. Augustine as one whom
previous Popes had always reckoned
"among the best mastei-s," carefully ab-
stains from insisting on many points in
the Augustinian doctrine of grace and
predestination which had been regarded,
SEMIPELAGIANISM
SEPARATION
and moat naturally, as "hard sayings"
ty the Semipelagians. But he teaches
emphatically (1) that "the will is pre-
pared by God,"' that -'every holy thought,
good counsel, movement of the will comes
from God," that only through His grace
we "bei/in to will and to do any good,"
that He acts in us in order "that we
may do and will what He wills''; (2)
that " no one, except through Christ, can
use his free will aright,'' that none can
overcome temptation " save through God's
daily help " ; (3) that " we must refer
final perseverance to the grace of Christ."
These statements, he adds, are enough ;
■while he does not despise, he declines to
enter on, the " deeper and harder parts of
the questions which present themselves."
(Celest. '• Ad Episc. Gall. ' ep. 21.)
The controversy entered on its last
stage about 475. The Predestinationist
heresy appeared for the first time in the
person of Lucidus, a priest, and a certixin
Monimus of Africa. We have little
accurate information about these heretics.
Lucidus seems to have denied free-will,
and to have held that men were lost by
no will of their own and simply b-cause
they were reprobate by the divine decree.
He was opposed by Faustus, abbot of
Lerins, and afterwards bishop of Riez, and
submitted after he had been condemned
by two councils at .\rles and Lyons (pro-
bably in 475 ; see Hefele, " Concil." vol.
ii. p. 597 seq.). But Faustus, in his two
books " De G ratia Dei et IIiimanLe Mentis
Libero Arbitrio,'" showed himself a Semi-
pelagian, and Scythian monks laid the
matter before Pope Horuiisdas and then
before Fulgentius of Ruspe and other
African bishops who had taken refuge in
Sardinia, and who anathematised Faustus
in 5:^3 Fulgentius refuted Faustus in
three books, '■ De Veritate Prsedestina-
tionis et Gratire Dei.'' The CathoUc doc-
trine was defended in France by Avitus
of Vienne and Csesarius of Aries (d.
642). In 529, the Synod of Orange
(Arausio), in South Gaid, gave the final
blow to Semipelagianism. Although
only a provincial council, it possesses the
highest dogm:^tic authority, for it was
confirmed by Pope Boniface II. It de-
fines that man can neither " believe, will,
desire, attempt, labour, watcb, strive,
seek, ask, knock " " as it behoves him "
(can. 6), or even " think any good thing,
which pertains to the salvation of eternal
life" (can. 7), " by the strength of nature "
and " without God's grace." " No one
has aught of his own, except lying and
I sin " (can. 22). On the other hand, the
Council teaches that the free will of fallen
man is not destroyed, but '• perverted and
weakened " ; ''A reward is due to good
works, but grace, which is not due, comes
first, that the works may be done " (can.
18) ; " Men do their own wiU, not God's,
when they do that which displeases God "
(can. 23) ; That some are predestined to
evil by divine power we not only dis-
believe, but also Lf there are any who
believe so horrible a thing, we say ana-
thema to them with all detestation."
(The great authority oa the history
of Semipelagianism is Cardinal Noris,
"HLstoria Pelagiana," Florence, 1673;
Patav. 1677. See also Petavius, in the
work cited in the text. The chief sources
are the works of Augustine, Prosper, and
Fulgentius uientioneil above.)
SBiaPKIXrCBAM, OSDES OF.
This order was Sounded by Gdbert the
priest of Sempringham in Lincobishire,
about 1135, for both men and women.
The rule for the women was that of
Benedictine nuns, that of the men was
the same as that foUowei by Austin
canons; in either case St. Gilbert added
particular statutes of his own. The
habit of a Gilbertine canon wiis a black
cassock with a white cloak over it, and a
hood lined with lambskin. At his death
in 11S9 St. Gilbert left thirteen houses
of his order, of which nine were double,
and the others for men only. In the
double monasteries the only common
portion was the church, and in that the
nuns and canons could neither see nor
hear each other; the other buddings were
placed at a considerable distance apart.
Robert Mannyng, the well-known author
of one of the old English " Rhyming
Chronicles," was a member of this urder.
At the Dissolution, the following
twenty-five Gilbertine houses were sup-
pressed : —
Aivinsham (Line) I Mattersey (Xotts)
bulliuarton (Line) Mirmand' (Cambr.)
Cambridiie j Xewstede (Line)
C.ittelev (Line) North Ormesby
I Chicksind (Beds.) (Line.)
' Clattercote ( Oxf.) i Old Malton (York)
I Elreton (York) | Overton (York)
Fordham (Cambr.) I Pulton ( Wilts)
Haverholm (Line) Sempringham
Hitchin (Herts) Sishill (Line.)
I Holland Bridge Shonldham ( Nort)
(Line.) Walton (York)
1 Lincoln i York, St. Andrew's
' Marlborough '
j SEPARATION'. [See DiroBCS and
I Maeriage.]
838 SEPTUAGIXT
SEPTUAGINT
SEPTXTAGINT. By this name is
known the first Greek translation of the
Bible, made at Alexandria, about
B.C. 286-284. The various more or less
fabulous stories concerning its origin are
all founded upon a Greek letter purport-
in": to be written by one Aristeas, an
alleged partaker in the transaction.
According to Aristeas, "the Athenian
Demetrius Phalereus induced the Egyptian
king, Ptolemy Philadelphus, to have a
Greek translation prepared of the Jewish
Book of the Law. By buying the free-
dom (if the whole of the Jewish bondsmen
in Egypt for a sum of more than 1,000
talents he assured for himself the favour
of the Jews. He then requested the high
priest, by means of an embassy in which
Aristeas took part, to send him men
learned in both languages and suitable for
the translation, six out of each tribe. The
high priest sent the number of men
asked for, together with a Hebrew codex
written in golden characters. These
persons were highly honoured by the
king; they completed the translation in
seventy-two days, working together at it
in a beautiful building on the shores of
the Island of Pharos. Demetrius wrote
down the translation as soon as they
agreed on any portion of it. Then
Demetrius convoked an assembly of the
Jews, and read out the translation in
their presence and in that of the trans-
lators, and it found general approval.
The Jews asked Demetrius to let their
principal men have a copy of this trans-
lation of the law and to utter an anathema
on any who should venture to alter any-
thing in it. The king was highly rejoiced
at the success of the work, and, command-
ing Demetrius to take particular care for its
preservation, dismissed the translators to
their homes with rich presents" (Venables'
translation of Bleek's " Introduction to the
Old Testament," ii. p. 390). This ground-
work was successively embellished by Philo
(" De Vita Mosis," 1. 2, §§ 5-7), Josephus
(" Ant." xii. 2); Justin Martyr (" Cohort, ad
Graecos," c. xiii), who adds that the seventy
translators worked in seventy different
cells, had no communication with one
another, and yet translated every passage
in the same words witliout the sligbtest
diflVience. Irenseus, Clement of Alex-
andria, Augustine, and others repeat
Justin's narrative with but slight varia-
tions. The fundamental fact of Aristeas'
letter, viz. the translation of the Bible
into Greek under Ptolemy Philadelphus,
is corroborated by the testimony of
A ristobulus, who wrote about a century
alter the event (Clement of Alex.
" Strom." i. p. 342, and Eusebius, " Praep.
Evaug " ix. 6, xiii. 12). The genuineness
of Aristobulus is almost universally
admitted, whereas the letter of Aristeas
is almost universally regarded as spurious.
The reader will find the question fully de-
bated in Humphry Hody's " De Bibliorum
textibus originalibus, versionibus Graecis
et Latina Vulgata," Oxford, 1705, and
in Van Dale's " Dissertatio super Aristea
de LXX interpretibus," etc, Amster-
dam, 1705, or in the "lutrod. to the Old
Testament" by Bleek, Keil, etc. After
sifting the evidence at hand Bleek comes
to the following conclusions as to the
real origin of the Septuagint: (a) pro-
bably the translation of the Book of the
Law was put in hand by Ptolemy
Philadelphus and carried on by Demetrius
, Phalereus in particular, as stated by
Aristobulus ; (6) we have no ground for
! assuming that this translation embraced
' any books of the Old Testament besides
the Pentateuch; (c) it may be assumed
as certain that the Pentateuch was then
for the first time translated into Greek ;
{d) the character of the translation
i decidedly points out that the translators
belonged to Egypt and not to Palestine, and
certainly that they were not those whom
the high priest expressly sent to Egypt
with a codex of the Law for this purpose.
\ The other books of the Old Testament
were also translated in Egypt, some time
1 before 133 B.C., by various authors. A
variety of translators may be inferred,
both from the different character of the
translation in different books, and also
from certain perpetually recurring varia-
tions. These translations differ in impor-
tant respects from our Hebrew Bibles.
It is not only that we meet with various
readings, often strongly commended by
internal evidence, but we find certain
sections present in the Greek and want-
ing in the Hebrew, and vice versa. These
differences are most striking in the books
of Samuel and Kings, in Proverbs and in
Jeremias, in the last of which no fewer
than 2,700 words of the Hebrew have
nothing answering to them in the Greek.
It cannot always be decided whether the
translators had a different text before
them, or whether they themselves ven-
tured sometimes to make additions and
alterations, or whether the translation
afterwards underwent change. The Jews
considered the LXX as an authtntic and
even inspired version of their Sacred Books
SEQUENCE
SEKVITES
and used it even for doctrinal purposes.
Philo and Josephus, and the writei-s of
the New Testament, constantly quote it
instead of the Hebrew original. It was
read out and explained in the Alexandrian
and Hellenistic synagogues. This reve-
rence lasted until' the Jews returned to
the study of Hebrew, when by degrees it
gave place to a pronounced aversion. In
the Christian Church the LXX retained
a higher and more continuous authority.
Most of the Fathers held it as equally
inspired with the Hebrew text, e.g. St.
IreiifBus (iii. I'o), Clement of Alexandria
Strom." i. L'l>), St. Augustine (" De Civ.
Dei," xviii. 4-3 : " The same spirit who
was in the prophets when they spoke,
was in the seventy men when they
interpreted the prophets "). Origen, how-
ever, and still more St. Jerome, discrimi-
nate between the text and the version,
and in cases of discrepancy give the
preference to the original. Iii the Greek
Church the LXX has retained its
authority to the present day, whereas in
the Latin Church it has been superseded
bv the Vulgate of St. Jerome. (Johannes
Bleek, "Introd. to the Old Testament,"
§ o42; Keil, "Introd." § 175; Ewald,
" History of Israel," transl. by Carpenter,
vol. V. p. 249; Stanley, "The Jewish
Church," § 47.)
SEQUSirCE. A rhythm sometimes
sung between the Epistle and Gospel: also
called a "prose," because not in any regu-
lar metre. At first, the sequence was
merely a prolongation of the last note of
the Alleluia after the Epistle, till, to avoid
the wearisome effect of such a prolonga-
tion, words, approjiriate to the occasion,
were substituted. Notker, a monk of St.
Gall, who wrote about SSO, is generally
said to have been the first writer of se-
quences ; but he himself tells us, in his
preface, that he had seen some verses for
the notes of the sequence in an Anti-
plionary which a priest brought him
from Jumieges, a Benedictine abbey five
leagues from Eouen. Many mediaeval
Missals have sequences for eveiy feast
and Sunday, and they were made m such
number and so carelessly that the Car-
thusians and Cistercians were praised for
not admitting any of them. In the re-
vision of the Roman Missal in the six-
teenth century, only four sequences were
retained : " Victimre PascbaU," at Easter
(attributed to Wip^o, chaplain to Conrad
II., eleventh century) ; " Veni, Sancte
Spiritus," at Pentecost (bv Rob'^rt, king
of France, d. 1031) ; " Lauda, Sion," at
Corpus Christi (by St. Thomas of .\quin) ;.
the •' Dies Irie" in Masses of the Dead (by
Thomas of Celano, d. cLrc. 1250). A
tiftli prose, " Stabat Mater," by Jacopone
da Todi, on the two feasts of the Seven
Dolours, must have been added very re-
cently, since neither Le Brun nor Bene-
dict XIV. recognise it. Other sequences
are found in the Missals of religious orders
— e.g. one for the Feast of the Holy Name
in that of the Franciscans. The Lyon*
Missal, in use till a few years ago, is rich
in sequences, some very beautiful.
SERAPHIC DOCTOR, THE. St.
Bonaventurej he became Minister-General
of the Franciscans in 1256. [See Fran-
ciscans.]
SERVZTES. The order of the " Re-
ligious Servants of the Holy Virgin,"
commonly called the Servites, was
founded in 1233 by seven Florentine
merchants, whose names were Monaldi,
^lanetti, Amidei, Lantella, Ugiiccioni,
Sostegni, and Falconieri. The last, Alexis
Falconieri, who lived to be 110 years old,
was the uncle of St. Juliana Falconieri,
whom Helvot regards as the foundress of
the Servite Third Order (1306). The
seven founders, who were already mem-
bers of a confraternity instituted to sin^
the praises of Our Lady, being assembled
in their chapel on the festival of the As-
sumption, 1 233, were conscious of a com-
mon internal admonition that they should
renounce the world. They began by
selling their goods and distributing the
price to the poor ; then, having found a
mean house outside the city, they took
up their abode there, living in great aus-
terity and continual prayer, and, with
the consent of the bishop, Ardinghi,
begging their bread in the streets. En-
tering the city one day to ask the bishop's
blessing and counsel, they are said to
have been greeted \tj infants in their
mothers' arms with cries of " See the ser-
vants of the Virgin "; and the name thus
given has adhered to them ever since.
After a while they removed to the Monte
Senario, three leagues from Florence, and
built a convent on tbe top of the moun-
tain, which was for centuries the chief
seat of their institute. Monaldi was their
first superior; Sr. Philip Beniti, who-
joined the order in consequence of a
vision and became the fifth general
(1267), propagated it exceedingly, and
saved it from the ruin with which it was-
I threatened in 1276, when Innocent V.
\ wished to suppress it, as comin^ under
i the prohibition of the Council of Lyon*
840 SERVrS SER^'ORUM DEI
SE^-EX GIFTS
against tlie multiplication of religious
orders. The habit finally adopted by the
Servites was black, with a leather girdle,
a scapulary, and a cope. They took the
rule of St. Augustine, adding to it many
particular constitutions. Alter a period
of uncertainty, the pontificate of Hono-
rius IV. witnessed the first of a series of
Papal confirmations and graces conferred
on this order, culminating in the cele-
brated constitution "Mare Magnum"
(1487), whereby Innocent VIII., con-
firming all former grants, bestowed on
the Servites equal privileges and preroga-
tives with those enjoyed by the other
four mendicant orders — viz. the Francis-
cans, the Dominicans, the Augustinian
Hermits, and the Carmelites. So rapidly
did the order spread, that at the death of
the last of the seven founders, Alexis
Falconieri, it numbered over 10,000
religious, besides nuns, distributed into
more than twenty provinces. Its strength
lay chiefly in Italy and Germany; in
England it Lad no houses before the
Reformation. Among its distinpnished
members maj* be named — besides the
seven founders, who have all been canon-
ised, and St. Philip Beniti— the B. Pic-
colomini of Sienna, the learned Ferrari,
Francis Patrizzi, Latiosi, S:c. Fra Paolo
Sarpi, theologian and counsellor to the
Republic of Venice, belonged to this order
[see Tkent, Cottncil of J. The number
of Servite houses revived in various
countries since the French Re\ olution
is considerable. In England there is a
flourishing Servite community established
in the Fulham Road, London, with an
affiliated house at Bognor; also three
convents of Servite nuns, two in or near
London and one at Arundol.
SSRVITS SERVORirnX DEI. The
servant (if the servants of God. Thomas-
sin seems to say' that the phrase was
first employed by St. Desiderius, bishop
of Cahors, and tlien adopted by the
Roman Pontiff's. But a comparison of
dates precludes this supposition, for St.
Desiderius became bishop only in 630 —
i.e. twenty-five years after the death of
St. Gregory the Groat, who had fre-
quently used the phrase at the commence-
ment of his letters.- St. (iregory had
objected strongly to the title of Universal
Bishop, or (Ecumenical Patriarch, which
John, the patriarch of Constantinople,
had assxrmed ; if any new title was needed
1 Vet. et Nov. Eccl. Disc. i. 1, 4, 4.
« See Beda, Hitt. Eccl. i. 23, 24, &c.
for the Vicar of Christ, it should be one
which likened him still more to the low-
liness of Jesus, who " came not to be
ministered unto, but to minister."
SEVEN BOX.OTTRS. [See DOLOtTRS
OF B. V. M.]
SEVEir GXFTS OF THE HOX.T
SPXRXT. They are, according to St.
Thomas (l^' 2®, qu. Lxviii.), certain gifts
bestowed upon the just in order that they
may promptly follow the instinct and
movement of the Holy Ghost. He ap-
peals to the authority of Scripture — viz.
Isa. xi. 2, where we are told that seven
gifts of the Spirit are to rest upon the
Messias. "And the Spirit of the Lord
will rest upon him ; the spirit of wisdom
and understanding, the spirit of counsel
and strength, the spirit of knowledge and
piety, and the spirit of the fear of the
Lord will fill him." Even, says St.
Thomas, when the soul of man is per-
fected by the moral and the theological
virtues, he still needs to be moved and
led by the Holy Spirit, and the Seven
Gifts enable him to follow this movement
promptly. All this, however, is mere
speculation, for the Scotists deny that
there is any real distinction between the
gifts and the corresponding virtues.
Next, although the Fathers generally
(so, e.g., Ambrose, "De Sp. S."'lib. i. 16:
August, in Ps. cl. ; Greg. "Moral." i.
27) enumerate the seven gifts of the
Spirit, just as St. Thomas does, this is
because they followed the LXX or Vul-
gate instead of the original.' Both the
LXX and Vulgate render the same
Hebrew words " fear of the Lord '
('^ HN")'.) in two ways, first by " piety,"
then by "fear of the Lord." In the
Hebrew the words simply are, "The Spirit
I of Jehovah shall rest upon him ; the
; spirit of wisdom and understanding, the
I spirit of counsel and strength, the spirit
of knowledge and tlie fear of Jehovah,
and his delight^ shall be in the fear of
Jehovah." It was probably from mere
wish to avoid repetition that the LXX
varied their rendering, and Jerome may
' It is strange, however, that Jerome, in his
Commentary on Isaias. recognises the '-seven
gifts " as cmnmonly enumerated without raising
any ilitiiculty.
- Lit -liis smelling": sc. "a sweet savour" ;
others, '• the breath of his nostrils." Either
rendering i? possible, but the doubt does not
ti'ueh the point in the text. In the Targum
the London Polyglot has copied the false
pointing inBuxtoi-fs Rabbinical Bible, n^^Jip'
(Peal) for n^JSlT (Aphel).
bEXAGESIMA
SIMONY
841
iiave been unwilling to restore a mere
literal rendering, since the enumeration
of the seven gifts, based on the LXX and
Old Latin, was already recognised in the
Church. It is possible, however, to find
fieven gifts (on the analogy of Zach. iii. 9,
Apoc. iv. 5, V. 6) even in the original.
The Spirit of the Lord seems most
naturally to mean the Divine Spirit
itself, from which the six following gifts
descend. But the " Spirit of the Lord "
may be itself a special gift, and this view
is represented by the Cbaldee Targum,
which has, " The spirit of prophecy shall
i-f<t upon him ; the si^irit of wisdom and
understanding," &c.
SEXACSSZivtA. [See Qttinqua-
.0 ESI M A.'
SEXT. [See Ceeviaet.]
SEXT. [See Canox Law.]
SHROVETZBE. The three days
following Quin(]iiage>;ima Sunday — the
time for shrift or confession. Shrove is a
noun formed from the past tense of the
Terb to xhrii-e. [See Cae.vival].
SXIWOITY. Giving or receiving, or
intending to give or to receive, anything
temporal for anything spiritual. It is so
I'alled from Simon Magus, who offered
St. Peter money for the po'\\'er of com-
municating the gifts of the Holv Ghost
(Acts viii.). The guilt of this si'n arises
from the fact that spiritual things are
not fit matter for bargaining. And this,
says St. Thomas, for three reasons :
because the value of a spiritual thing
•cannot be estimated in money or the
like ; because the holder of anything
spiritual is merely a dispenser and not
the owner of it (1 Cor. iv. 1); and
because sale is opposed to the origin
of spiritual things, suice they come from
the gratuitous gift of God ("freely have
ye received, freely give," Matt. x. 8).
Hence simony is a species of real
sacrilege (see the art. Sacrilege). It is
of two kinds : (1) simony forbidden by
natural or divine law, and (2) simony for-
bidden by ecclesiastical law. The former,
which is simony properly so-called, is
committed when something temporal is
given or taken for something spiritual or
connected therewith, e.g. grace, blessings,
consecration, jurisdiction ; the latter when
something spiritual or connected there-
with is exchanged for the like, e.g. bene-
fice for benefice, or even when something
in itself temporal but annexed to spiritual
functions is bought or sold, e.g. the office
of sacristan. The ground of the distinc-
tion between the two kinds is that in
itself there is no harm in exchiinging the
spiritual for the spiritual or the temporal
for the temporal ; the Church, however,
out of reverence for holy things, has for-
bidden such trafficking.
In deciding whether an act is simonia-
cal we have to consider (1) whether there
is any idea of bargaining, i.e. of giving or
receiving the temporal as the price of the
spiritual. Though it is not lawful to
receive anything for exercising one's
sacred ministry, as the price of such
work, yet there is no harm in taking
something by way of stipend for one's
suitable support. "To sell or to buy
what is spiritual is simoniacal; but to
receive or to give something for the
support of those who minister spiritual
things, in accordance with the statutes
aud approved customs of the Church, is
lawful, yet in such wise that there is no
idea of buying and selling, and that no
pressure is brought to bear on those who
will not give by withholding spiritual
things which ought to be administered,
f n- this would look like sale. But after
the spiritual things have been freely
bestowed, then the statutory and cus-
tomary ofi'erings and other dues may be
exacted from those who are unwilling
but able to pay " (2^ l>« q. c. a. 3). We
may add that this doctrine is founded
upon the teaching of our Lord (Luke x. 7)
and of St. Paul (1 Cor. ix. 13, 14).
Hence all theologians hold that such
stipends are due ex justitia. Familiar
instances are the offerings made at wed-
dings, funerals, and baptisms, and when
Mass is said for anyone's special intention.
We have to consider (2) what is under-
stood by the word " temporal." Canonists
distinguish three kinds of '^munera" or
temporal objects which must not be given
for spiritual things, (a) tnunus a manu,
that is, anything exchangeable or passing
from hand to hand, e.g. goods, whether
movable or immovable ; (b) munus a
lingua, that is, favour, defence, and the
like; (c) munus ah ohsequio, that is, any
kind of service. (3) Lastly, by "spiritual"
is meant any supernatural thing, either
formally, such as grace and the gifts of
the Holy Ghost, or causally, such as the
sacraments, prayers, Src. ; or the exercise
and results of supernatural powers, such
as consecration, blessing, jurisdiction, &c.
" Things annexed to spiritual things " are
in themselves tenip('iral, but assume a sort
of spiritual character from their connec-
tion with what is spiritual, e.g. the sacred
vessels, vestments, right of patronage, &c.
842
SIMPLE
SIN
It is not easy to draw the line in such
matters. The Church has made many
positive enactments on the subject, and has
imposed the followingpenalties : (1) excom-
munication, reserved to the Holy See ; (2)
invalidity of election, presentation, confir-
mation, and institution, in the case of
benefices ; (3) incapacity for holding the
same benefices even if afterwards obtained
without simony. Moreover, restitution
must be made, as the whole transaction is
unjust.
Simony was one of the worst banes
of the Church in mediaeval times. The
great pontiffs St. Gregory VII. and
Innocent III. made strenuous efi'orts to
extirpate it. The Council of Trent
(Sess. xxiv. " De Reform.") also enacted
wholesome decrees regarding appoint-
ments to vacant benefices. (See St.
Thomas, 2» 2» q. c; Ballerini, "Opus
Theologicum Morale," ii. p. 298 seq.)
sxnxPi.E. [See Feasts.]
SIW. St. Augustine's definition of
sin — viz. "any thought, word, or deed
against the law of God," has been
adopted by St. Thomas and theologians
generally. We have spoken of original
sin in a special article, and many of the
popular classifications of sin, e.ff. into
carnal and spiritual, of omission and com-
mission, are easily understood, and need
not, therefore, detain us here. But some-
thing must be said of the distinction be-
tween mortal and venial sin, both because
of its dogmatic importance in itself, and
because of the objections made to the
distinction by Protestants.
The early Protestants regarded every
sin as deserving of eternal wrath. They
admitted that some sins were more heinous
than others, but they looked upon all
alike as mortal. Even the daily falls or
good men, accordingto Calvin ("Institut."
iii. 4 ■), make them " liable to the penalty
of death before the judgment seat of God."
On the other hand, no sin is imputed to
those who believe ; so that we may sum
up the Protestant doctrine thus : All sins
are mortal in their own nature, but in
effect no sin is mortal to those who have
faith, all sins are mortal to those who are
without saving faith.
Very different is the Catholic doctrine.
The Church holds that justification con-
sists in a real renewal o^ man's nature by
the grace of Christ, and cannot therefore
1 "The sins of believers are venial, not
because they do not merit death, but because
. . . there is no condemnation to those who are
in Christ Jesus, their sin not being imputed."
admit that one who is in friendship with
a holy God is guilty of sins which in their
own nature ' expose him to eternal death.
The fact of justification implies a passage
from death to life, from sin to holiness.
On the other hand, the Church, in accord-
ance with the plainest statements of
Scripture and tradition (James iii. 2; 1
John i. 8), has defined (Concil. Trident,
sess. vi. can. 23) that no one, not even the
most holy, can avoid sin altogether " ex-
cept by a special privilege of God, as the
Church holds concerning the Blessed Vir-
gin." Hence, by inevitable consequence,
it foUows that some sins are mortal, others
venial. There is an analogy between
human friendship and that of the soul
with God, and just as some oflfences are
sufficient to destroy friendship entirely,
while others weaken it, so there are some
sins which destroy, others which do but
weaken the grace and love of God in the
soul. There are some sins of which St.
Paul says (Gal. v. 21) that they " who do-
such things wiU not inherit the kingdom
of God," and these must be distinct from
less serious faults which none entirely
avoid. This is the basis of the distinction-
between mortal and venial sins. The
former are against the very end of the law,
which is the love of God, utterly destroy
charity and grace, cause the death of the
soul, and deserve eternal punishment.
Venial sin, though it disposes to that
which is mortal, and is the greatest of all
evils except mortal sin, still does not
annihilate the friendship of the soul with
God. Venial sin is a disease of the soul,
not its death, and grace is still left by
which the sin may be repaired. Mortal
sin is, on the contrary, irreparable, and a
man who is guilty of it has lost every
principle of vitahty, so that he is as un-
able to recover life as one who has suffered
bodily death. Renewal cannot come from
within, but only from the Almightypower
, of God, who can make even the dead hear
j Plis voice and live (St. Thomas, 1" 2»,
qu. Ixxviii. a. 1). It is very hard to decide
in particular what is or is not mortal sin.
We know that we cannot fall away from
God without a deliberate act of the will,
and those walk securely who avoid, not
indeed all transgression, for that cannot
be, but all deliberate transgression. The
' The doctrine of Baius stands midway
between that of the Reformers and the Church.
He held that " no sin is venial in its own
nature" — i.e. apart from the merciful ordinance
of God (Prop. 20; condemned b}- Pius V.,,
Gregory XIII., and Urban VIII.)
distinction, St. Au^>tine tells us ("En- \
chirid.'' cap. 24), between grave and light
eins is to be determined by the judgm^^nt
of God, not of man : and Scripture does
furnish many such divine judgments on
the point. ITie tradition of the Church
and natural reason, following the analogy
of faith, must als-o b*^ taken into account ; !
but when all is done much remains, and j
must ever remain, uncertain. S'Ome sins,
Buch as those of blasphemy, perjury, im-
purity, are, if deliberate, always mortal;
others — e.g. theft —though mortal in their |
own natxire, are venial, if the amount of
the wrong done is very small. Others,
again, are venial in their own nature, and
only become mortal under superadded cir-
cumstances. Mortal sins difier very much
in gravity. The chief subdivision of venial
sins is that into deliberate and indeliber-
ate, though, strictly speaking, the latter
are done with imperfect deliberation, for,
when deliberation is wholly wanting,
there is no act of the will, and therefore
no sin.
It must be remembered that in the
Fathers " mortal " and " venial " sin are |
terms which have quite a different mean- |
ing from the modem one explained above. I
The ancient distinction, often misunder-
stood by scholastic writers, is clearly put
by Petavius in his eflition of Epiphanius
(" Animadv. in Haer."' lii.). The Fathers, |
he says, mean by mortal sins (" mortalia |
sen capitalia," also " lethalia ^ not, as we
do, those which deprive us of grace, bat
eins of an aggravated character, which
were specially named in the canons and
synodal decrees, and which subjected any- i
one who was guilty or" them to canonical
penalties. To these they oppose " lighter
and daily sins," including in this class :
" some which we call mortal and some ;
which we call venial sins." Very often the
Fathers simply distinguish between "mor-
tal sins " for which public penance was
due and the dailv faults of good people.
SoTertuU. " Pudic."19: "Adv.^Iarc.' iv.
9 ; Ambrose, '• De Poenit."ii. 10 ; Cassian,
** Collat."xxii. 13: Augustine, "InJoann."
tract, xii. ad Jin. : Serm. 352, cap. 2 et 3 ;
*' De Svmbolo ad Cat." cap. 7. But the
Fathers acknowledged in fact our distinc-
tion between mortal and venial sin, though
they use other words Thn? St. Augustine
("De Fide et Op." 26) divides sins into
three classes — those which involve excom-
munication, sins without which we cannot
live (" sine quibus vita non agitur and
sins to be corrected, not indeed by public
penance, but by sharp reproof. We have
R70X, NOTRE DAME DE ^4-3
8«en alreadythat he distinguishes bet w»^n
grave and light sins, and means just what
we do by mortal and venial sin. Further,
in Serm. .393, and "InJoann." tract xli.
10, he distinguishes between "sins'" and
" crimes " (" peccatum "" and " crimen ~).
Man, he says, cannot be without sin, but
ought to be without crime, " such v,
murder, adultery, the impurity of fornica-
tion, theft, fraud, sacrilege " ; those who
are exempt from crime have reached *' an
inchoate liberty " which will be perfected
in heaven. And a little eariier in the
same treatise he defines crime as "a grave
sin, most worthy of accusation and con-
demnation." This is precisely the doctrine
of the modem Church.
szig'xsssn'Ess of cbs.zst.
[See Ch?.:..;
SZOI7. NOXaE SAME DE. Trie
Congregation o: our Lady of Sion took
its rise from a remarkable event which
occurred in 1842, when M. Alphonse
Ratisbonne, a member of an influential
and wealthy Jewish family at Strasburi,
and himself strongly prejudiced against
Christianity, being then in his twenty-
seventh year, was suddenly converted to
the Catholic faith by the apparition of
the Blessed Virgin Mary, with which, as
he declared, he was favoured while stand-
ing in a side chapel of the Church of S.
Andrea delle Fratte, at Rome. M. Ratis-
bonne at once asked to be taken to a
priest, and in a short time was baptised
and confirmed. He was engaged to be
married to a young Jewess, but an over-
powering impulse determined him to
embrace the ecclesiastical state, and he
broke off the engagement. His elder
brother, Theodore, had become a Catholic
many years before, and, having taken
orders, was at this time living at Paris.
Alphonse suggested to him the opening
of a house for the reception of Jewish
chillren, to be educated, with their
I^rents" consent, as Christians. There
se^ms to have been a movement in the
Jewish mind at the time inclining many
to embrace Catholicism, and when the
Abb^ Theodore resolved to act on his
brother's suggestion there was no lack of
candidates for admission. They were all
young girls, and were placed provisionally
m the Convent of the " Providence "
under the care of the Sisters of St.
Vincent of Paul. In May 1S43, Theodore
Ratisbonne. with the aid of the Abb^
Deseenett^rs. the venerable founder of the
.\rchconfratemityof the Sacred Heart of
Mary for the Conversion of Sinners, ob-
844 SISTERHOODS
SISTEEHOODS
tained the approbation of the Holy See
for a new institute, under the title of
" Our Lady of Sion," the ladles of which
should devote ibeiusflves princiiially to
the charge and education of converts from
Judaism. The centre of the new founda-
tion was fixed at Paris, and now occupies
a magnificent convent, embracing several
distinct departments, in the Rue Notre
Dame des Champs. The rule of the con-
gregation alms at the union of the active
with the contemplative life. " The no-
viciate lasts two years, after which the
religious consecrate themselves to the
Lord by the simple vows of poverty,
chastity, and obedience. These vows are
annual for the first five years ; at the end
of that time they are renewed for five
years. Finally, after ten years of perse-
verance, exclusive of the noviciate, the
vows can he taken in perpetuity." ' Before
long the institute planted itself at Jerusa-
lem ; a site was obtained bordering on
the Via Dolorosa, where tradition places
the praetorium of Pilate ; and a large
convent was opened in 1862. In recogni-
tion of the awful memories which make
this spot unique on earth, the religious
repeat three times a day, " Pater, dimitte
illis, non enim sciunt quid faciunt." The
congregation has since opened houses in
other parts of Syria and at Constanti-
nople ; in England it has three convents,
two in or near London, and the third at
AVorthing. A "Community of Missionary
Priests of Our Lady of Sion," working in
concert with the congregation, was or-
ganised at Paris with diocesan sanction
in 1863 ; both the brothers Ratisbonne
joined it.
SISTERHOODS. A title sometimes
given to religious orders and institutes of
women. These have been greatly multi-
plied in quite recent times ; and the fol-
lowing enumeration of some of them,
chietiy the most recent, must be taken as
very imperfect : —
1. Sisters of the Assumption. — Founded
by Monsignor Afire, archbishop of Paris,
in 1839, chiefly as an educational order.
The habit is violet, with a cross on the
breast, and a white veil. At the convent in
Kensington Square there is the Perpetual
Adoration of the Blessed Sacrament.
There are three other houses in England.
2. Sisterhood of Bon Secouvs. This
institute was founded by Mgr. deQuelen,
archbishop of Paris in 1822, for the care
of the sick in their own homes, and also
of orphans. It was formally approved
' Wetzer and Welte ; art. by Giischler.
by the Holy See in 1875. There are
three or four houses in England.
3. sidifrs of St. Briyid, or of the Holy
Faith. — This sisterhood was founded by
tile late Cardinal Cullen, in 1857, to take
charge of poor schools for girls and little
boys. They have eleven schools, all in
the diocese of Dublin. They do an im-
portant work in protecting the poor of
Dublin, so far as their slender means will
allow, from the attempts to destroy their
faith which are continually being made
by the Irish Church Mission Society (so
called), and other heretical bodies, assisted
by English monej\
4. Sisters of Charity. — Called also
" Gray Sisters,' " Daughters of Charity,"'
"Sisters of St. Vincent of Paul." This
congregation, after many and long-con-
tinued tentative operations, wasfounded at
Parisin 1634 by St. Vincent of Paul for the
work of nursing the sick in hospitals, and
placed under the care of Madame Legras.
The constitution of the society has never
varied. The sisters take simple vows,
which are yearly renewed; they add a
fourth vow, by which they bind themselves
to serve the sick. Postulants are admitted
to the habit at the end of six months ;
the period of probation lasts for five years.
The dress of a Sister of Charity is too
well kuown to need description. Their
houses were closed in France at the
Revolution ; but the intrepid woman, the
Mere Deleau, who was then superior,
yielded not a foot of ground that she
could keep; she urged her children to
continue to serve the sick, though in a
secular dress ; and a decree of Napoleon
(1801), even before the general restoration
of religion, authorised the reorganisation
of the society, and assigned to them large
premises in the Rue du Bac. About
18G0, according to a return furnished to
the Ahh6 Badiche (the continuator of
Helyot) by the secretary of the Lazarists,
(under whose direction the sisters have
always been), they numbered between
6,000 and 7,000, in upwards of 600 houses
scattered over all parts of the civilised
world. Besides nursing in hospitals and
taking charge of orphanages, the sisters
sometimes undertake the management of
poor-schools. In -England they have
(1891) twenty-seven houses, in Scotland
three, in Ireland three ; they were brought
to Ireland by the late Cardinal Cullen in
1857.
5. Sisters oj Charity of St. Paul. —
This congregation was founded by M.
Chauvet, a French cur6, assisted by
SISTERHOODS
SISTERHOODS 84S
Mdlle. de Tylly, in 1704. Since these
teaching sisters were introduced into
Endand in 1847 they have multiplied
witn surprising rapidity ; they have now
(1801) fifty-one houses in different
English dioceses. They do a great work
in tlie French colonies. In 1873 the
total number of theirpupils was estimated
at 12,000.'
6. Sisters of Charity (Irish).— This
institute was founded in 1815 by Mary
Frances Aikenhead, for the purpose of
ministering to the sick and poor in hospi-
tals and at their own homes. The sisters,
though not in any way connected with
the celebrated foundation of St. Vincent
of Paul, have "very nearly, if not
exactly, the same objects of Christian
charity in view."' Archbishop Murray
entered warmly into the plans of Mrs.
Aikenhead, gave the habit to the first
sisters, and established them in North
William Street, Dublin. The congi-ega-
tion was approved by the Holy See in
18o4. The vows are perpetual ; the rule
is that of the Society of Jesus so far as
it is suitable for women; a probation of
two years and a half is undergone before
admission to the habit. The community
is strongly centralised, the Superioress in
Dublin, or wherever she may reside,
having jurisdiction over all the convents
and members of the order in Ireland.
The Sisters opened St. Vincent's Hospital
in Stephens Green, Dublin, in 1834. The
order has at present twenty-two convents
in Ireland, and one in England (Rock
Ferry) ; the mother house is at Harold's
Cross, near Dublin.
7. Sisters of t//e (Jood She])herd.— This
society, the chief object of which is the
reforuuition of fallen women, was founded
by the Vhre Eudes [Ecdists] and Mar-
guerite TAml in 1646. It has now more
than a hundred houses; of these seven
are in Great Britain and five in Ireland.
8. Sisters of the Holy Child Jesus.—
This is a recent institute, founded by an
American lady, for teaching both the rich
and the poor. There are seven houses in
England.
9. Sisters (Little) of the Poo;-.— This
admirable institute was founded in 1840
by the cui6 of St. Servan, M. le Pailleur,
aided by four women of humble birth,
' See Term Incognita, by J. N. Murphy
(Lon 'iti.ins, 1873); a useful compilntion, from
which a large portion of the information given
in the te.\t is derived.
- Sketches of Irish Xiinneries, by the Very
Rev. Dean Murphv l»C,5.
whose names were Marie Augustine,
Marie Th^rese, Jeanne Jugou, and
Fauchon Aubert, for the support, relief,
and nursing of aged or infirm poor persons.
At present the sisters number 4,000, and
maintain (their resources being chielly
got by begging from door to door) 30,000
of the aged poor. They jiossess more
than 250 houses ; in England alone they
have eighteen, all in large towns. In
Ireland they are established at Dublin,
Cork, and Waterford. (See " The Little
Sisters of the Poor," by Rev. J. Con-
nelly.)
10. Sisfers of Mercy. — This important
and flourishing order, offshoots of which
are found in many States of the Americaa
Union, and in Australia and Xew Zealand,
was founded in 1827 at Baggot Street,
Dublin, by Miss Catherine McAuley, with
the approbation of Archbishop Murray,
for carrying on all the works of mercy,
both spiritual and corporal. The foundress
took the title of her order from that of
St. Peter Nolasco; its rule, with some
slight modifications, from that of the
Presentation Nuns. Except in the case
of recent filiations, each convent is inde-
pendent of every other, and is com-
pletely undei tlie jnrisdicticm and control
of the lji~hoji of tlie diocese. Besides
the three e^sriitial vows the sisters take a
fourth — to devote tlifiii>clves for life to
the service and iiistrtu tion of the poor,
sick, and ignorant. This order has about
3.50 hoii-es, of wliieh 120 are in Ireland
and 77 in Great Britain.
11. Sisters (Po,:/) of Nazareth.— An
offshoot from the institute of the Little
Sisters of the Poor, which it resmibles in
most respects. There are eleven houses
in England, two in Scotland, three in
South Africa, and one at Ballarat,
Australia.
12. Sisters of the Poor Child Jesus.'—
This institute Las two houses in Kiighiiid,
at Oxford and Southam. It is a cloistered
order.
13. Sisters of Providence. — Founded
some years before the French Revolution,
chiefly in order to meet the ditticulty of
obtaining sound editration in country
districts, by .M. ^foye, vicar of a parish
near Metz." The institute has spread into
Belgium, Italy, and South America; it
has five houses in England.
14. Sistei-s (School ) of Xofre Dame. —
1 A German order, forced to take refuse in
England by the persecutini; laws of Prussia.
" Poor Child " does not, of course, correspond
exactly to " amies Kind."
646
SLAVERY
sla^t:ry
A commencement made at Amiens in
1797 proved abortive; it was not till
1803 that, with the sanction of the bishop,
and by the counsel of the celebrated F.
Varin, Julie Billiart and her friend
Fran^oise Blin de Bourdon, Viscountess
de Gr6zaincourt, laid the permanent
foundations of the institute of the Sisters
of Notre Dame, "an order which had
for its primary object the salvation of
the souls of poor children." In 1809 the
mother house and the administration of
the order were transferred to Kamur.
The foundress lived to see fifteen con-
vents of her institute, dying in 1816.
The rules and constitutions received the
formal approbation of the Holy See in
1844. " The congregation is now flourish-
ing in Belgium, England, and America,
the number of liouses here being at pre-
sent (1891) about twenty." A process
for the beatification and canonisation of
Julie Billiart was opened at Namur in
1881, and has reached the stage entitling
her to be styled " Venerable."
15. Stste7-s of La Sainte Union des
SacrSs Caurs. — Founded at Douai by
the Abb(5 Debrabant. The rule and
constitutions are chiefly taken from the
mild rule prescribed by St. Francis of
Sales to the nuns of the Visitation
[Visitation, Ordee of the]. The
object of the institute is the education
of girls in every rank of society. There
are about 200 houses in France and
Belgium, and seven in England. Two
have lately been established at Buenos
Ayres.
16. Sisters of the Faithful Virgin. —
This order was founded about sixty years
ago, mainly for the care of orphans. The
mother house is at La Delivrande in
Normandy. There are convents at Nor-
wood and Folkestone.
SliAVERV. The state of a human
being whose present and future lot in
life is dependent on the arbitrary wil; of
another person, or of other persons. The
young child of free pareiits, tliough his
present lot in all countrie.-, whether
civilised or not, is largely determinable at
the will of others, knows that hxs future
will be his own; after reaching a certain
age he will be his own master. Tlie
slave has no such prospect ; even where
the law gives him some protection from
his master's cruelty or injustice, he has
not during the whole course of his life
the control of his own acts or movements,
and his children are born to the same
condition as himself
The earliest records of man contain
no mention of slavery. No slave went
into the ark with Noe and the other
seven persons who composed his family.
It seems to be represented in the book of
Genesis as the punishment of the sin of
Cham,^ whose son Chanaan was to be a
"servant of servants'' (Vulg. scrims
servorum) to his brethren. The first
mention of actual slaves is connected
with Egypt ; both male and female slaves,
with cattle, &c., were given to Abram by
the Egyptians on his surrendering his
wife to Pharao ; and Agar, the domestic
slave of Sarai, was an Egyptian woman/'
Under the law of Moses, the institution
was fully sanctioned among the Hebrews,
perhaps because of the "hardness of their
liearts " ; but they were to take slaves
from the nations around them, not from
their own people ; if any Hebrew were
compelled to sell himself into bondage,
he could go out free in the year of
j ubilee.* At the return from the Captivity,
the slaves are said to have stood to the
free Hebrews in the proportion of one to
six ; ^ but the rate was probably much
higher than this in times of national
prospei'ity.
Considering the corrupt selfishness of
human nature, unaided by grace, there is
nothing to wonder at in the institution of
slavery. Men, and women too, like to
live at ease, and to have the hard work,
without which neither food nor luxuries
are obtainable, done for them. Especially
is this the case in hot countries, in which
physical exertion is always more or less
distressing. When thenneitherconscience
nor civilisation restrains, any well-armed
human tribe has a strong motive for
making war upon any neip-hbouring tribe
which it believes to be weaker than itself,
in order to obtain the use of the enforced
labour of the vanquished. The instruc-
tive volumes of Dr. Barth, long a resident
in Central Africa, are one long commentary
illustrating this statement. Wars for the
sole purpose of obtaining slaves were then,
and are still, of constant occurrence among
the teeming nations of the Soudan. Con-
version to Islam, which for many years
has been making great progress in Africa,
far from checking slavery, tends to spread
it ; for it gives to the converts a feeling oi
superiority to the tribes still heathen,
which seems of itself to entitle the formei
to make slaves of the latter. Nothing
1 Gen. ix. 22-27. 2 Gen. xii. 16.
3 Gen. xvi. 1. < Lev. xxv.
5 1 Esdr. ii. 6,t ; quoted by Dr. Lightfoot.
SLAA-ERY
SLA\T:RY 847
but the twofold conviction (1) that all
men are equal in the sight of Gud,
(2) that a man is hound to do to others as
he would they should do to him, can
restrain from making slaves of their
fellows those who have the power to do
so. This conviction, now generally enter- '
tained among civilised nations, is the fruit i
of Christianity ; and it has produced a I
state of things, within the sphere of
peoples equally civilised, which removes
the power to enslave. Were the belief in
Christianity to tail, it does not appear
what principle would remain of sufficient
power to prevent the civilised from en-
slaving the uncivilised.
Among the Greeks the notion pre-
vailed that a man could not effectively
discharj:e the duties of a free citizen un-
less he were exempted from the drudgery
of life. This, except in the cise of a few
rich men, could only he done hy means of
slavery. Accordingly the institution was
an integral part of Hellenic civilisation ; [
and in proportion as a people was more 1
intellectual and refined, it availed itself 1
of slave labour more systematically. The I
late Dr. Lee, Protestant bishop of Man- !
che.'ter, one of the best of modern school- '
masters, used to say to his boys at
Rugby: — "Remember now: thirty thou-
sand Athenians ; four thousand Meto;cs ;
four hundred thousand slaves I " The
'contrast was perhaps accentuated a little
too strongly ' ; but its substantial truth
and significance are unimpeachable. We
are all too apt to forget, in admiring the
mai-vellous fertility of the Attic genius,
how ruthlessly these pattern men e-iploited
the labour of a gagged and fettered
multitude of miserable beings, created
equally with themselves for happiness
and immortality.
When the Greek mind began to
speculate upon slavery, it rejected the
cynical tenet of the old times, that force
is its own justification, and that any man
who can enslave another mny. It sug-
gested that some races of mankind are
naturally inferior to other races, and born
to be their servants. Aristotle mentions
this opinion, without however adopting it
as his own." But there were Greeks who
expressed nobler views. Not to mention j
the well-kuown lines of Homer ' —
Jove fixed it certain that the self-same day
"Makes man a slave, takes half his worth away,
I M. Wallon estimates the numbers thus :
Athenians. f,7.000 ; Metoecs, 4O.i.i00 ; slaves,
•bont -200,(100.
' PoL i. 2-6. 3 Od. xvii. 322.
Philemon wrote that "no one was ever
born a slave by nature ; it was ill-furtuue
which enslaved his body." '
The able work of M. Wallon describes
the extension of slavery among the
Romans, even under the Republic, and
delineates the fatal moral corruption
which it produced. The domestic side
of Roman Ufe is unveiled for us in the
plays of Plautus and Terence; we thus
see how slavery influenced society and
vitiated character. The sternly practical
turn of the Roman mind, imderstanding
that slavery was at all times dangerous
(the war of Spartacus was sufficient to
prove that), carried out with horrible
consistency the doctrine that the slave,
as against his master, has no riL'hts, and
that revolt is an unpardonable crime.
"\\Tien Pedanius Secundus, prasfect of the
city tmder Xero, had been murdered by
one of his slaves, the Senate, on the
ground that among the other slaves there
must have been some guilty knowledge of
the murderers intention, decreed that the
whole household, numbering four hundred
— old and young, men, women, and
chDdren — should be indiscriminately put
to death ; and this was done.'^ The gladi-
ators, who were bred to the use of ai-ms
that their deadly duels might furnish
sport for the Romans, were of course
slaves.
Slavery was everywhere one of the
conditions of human existence when
Christianity appeared in the world. The
method* of the Gospel are not revolution-
ary ; they do not deal in those sweeping
general assertions which fuller experience
always shows to be but half truths;
rather they introduce new moral principles
into the hearts of men, leaving them
there as germs, to bring forth fruit in due
season. So it was in the ©ise of slavery.
"The Gospel never directly attacks
slavery as an institution '' ; ^ nor was the
liberation of their slaves prescribed by
the Apostles to their converts as an
absolute duty. Christianity lifted men
to a moral height at which the distinc-
tions between .slave and free, Jew and
Greek, seemed of triHing importance.
"There is neither Greek n'>r.Tew; there is
neither bond nor free : there is neither
male nor female. For you are all one in
Christ Jesus. ''^ " Where the spirit of the
1 tvcr€i yap ovSels SovKos iyiwifiT) itote,
'H 5' aZ TVKri rh awixa KwrfiovX-Jiaaro.
Frapin. Meiiieke ((jiio'ed liy Wallon).
2 Tac. .Ana. xiv. 43 (quoted bv Lijihtfoot).
s Lightfoot, p. 389. * Gal. iu. 28.
848 SLAVERY
SLA^-ERY
Lord is, there is liberty " ; * the liberty of '
the mind, even though the body be in
bondage. " He that is called in the
Lord, being a bondman, is the freeman of
the Lord "; - but if a slave could be made
free, he was to prefer freedom (v. 21).*
A slave was taugrht to obey his master as
though lie were (^hrist TTiiusolf, not with
eye service, but heartily and strenuously,
'• as to the Lord and not to men."
Similarly, masters were taught to deal
huraaiieiy witli tlieir slaves, as recognising
that they had a common master in
heiiven, with whom there was no respect
of persons.''
"With such principles introduced into
human life, slavery, as being in ordinary
ca^^es unjiisr, was at once undermined,
and gradually fell. Besides manumission*
in life, it became a common practice for
Christian owners of slaves to emancipate
them by their last will. Long before the
end of the iifteenth centmy slavery had
disHppeared from Christendom, and even
serfdom bad be?n reduced within a
narrow compass. The influence of the
clergy, pressing with gentle force in the
same direction during many centuries,
was the chie!' agent in this beneficent
change. After the dii=covery of the New
World, tlie adventurers and planters
whom Spain sent out enslaved the wealc
Carili pojnilation of the "West Indies, and
forced llieni to work in the mines. To
save the O.irilis, the Dominican LasCasas
was instrumental in bringing over negroes
from Africa, whose hardy frames were
capable of bearing great labour under a
tropical sun. Other nations, Protestant
as well as Catholic, rushed eagerly into
the new field of commerce and settlement,
and all alihe enslaved the negro. The
unscrupulous cuiii'lity of the planters of
all nations was pretty much on a par;
but in countries oceujiied by Catholics
the Church ■u as a real power, and re-
strained to a great extent the greed and
cruelty (.f the laity. In the Spanish and
Portuniiese colonies, the slave was not
entirely a slave: a code of laws regulated
the relations between him and his master ;
he could buy his freedom for a fixed
pricp ; and the slave mother, by paying a
small sum, could emancipate her cliild at
1 2 Cor. iii. 17.
» t Cor. vii. 22.
' The pass.ise will bear the opposite inter-
pretation, but the opinion of the best mndern
commentators appears to incline to that here
adopteil ; conip. v. 23.
* Phil. vi. 5-9.
the font. These mitigations did not
exist in the English and Butch colonies,
where the ministers of the various Pro-
testant sects, divided by deep sectional
disagreements, took no common action,
but obeyed the public opinion of those
among whom they lived. Before the
late war in the Uni'ted States, the ^letho-
dist ministers at the North denounced
slavery as a sin: the Methodist ministers
at the Soutii defended it as an institution
sanctioned in Scripture, and eminently
pleasing to the Almighty.
In England, after the American War
of Independence in the last century, a
movement against sla\ ery in the British
colonies, and against the slave trade which
ministered to it, was set on foot by the
Quakers. Other philanthropists joined
them, and the names of Clarkson, Wilber-
force, Zachary Macaulay, Steplien, and
Buxton are deservedly revered. The
slave trade was abolished, so far as the
British Empire was concerned, in 1807,
and slavery iiself suppressed in 1833, the
planters in tlie West Indies being com-
pensated with a sum of twenty millions
sterling voted them by Parliament. The
French, proclaiming in their frantic re-
volutionary way that in Hayti and their
other colonies slavery was at an end,
threw t!ie entire system of their colonial
society info a confusion from which it has
not recovered to this day. Spain, proceed-
ing gradn.'dly and prudently, has reduced
slavery in its magnificent colony of Cuba
witliin very narrow limits, and in Porto
Rico has abolished it altogether. In
Brazil, and in .Mexico, and all the otlier
republics carved out of the colonial empire
of Spain, slavery no longer exists. In the
Lnited States, the Federal Government
(l!*r)o),as a war measure, declared that
all the slaves in the seceded States were
free, and as the war ended favourably for
the Nc)rth, the declaration has become a.
fact. Thus Christianity, aided, no doubt,
by mere humanitarian views and political
considerations, has a second time over-
mastered those selfish instincts in man
which favour the establi.'shment of slaverj-.
In Mahomedan and Pa^ran countries, nO'
such influence being in operation, slavery,
it is to be feared, will for a long time hold
its ground.
Since the above article was written,
the question of slavery has come into
special prominence, partly on account of
the efforts of the present Pope (Leo XIII.),
partly on account of the intere.«t aroused
by tlie English occupation of Egypt and
SLAVERY
SODALITY SiO
the opening up of the interior of Africa
b_T travellers and colonists of various
European nations. In a letter addressed
to the bishops ot Brazil (May 5, 1888)
his Holiness treats, with his usual erudi-
tion, of the ori.'in and history of slavery,
dwelling especially on the labours of his
predecessors in securing its suppression,
tit. Gregory the Great granted freedom
to all slaves who wished to embrace a
monastic life : Hadrian I. allowed them
to marry even against their masters' will ;
Innocent III. confirmed and encouraired
the Trinitarian Order for the Redemption
of Captives [see Teiniiabiax] ; a similar
order, under the protection of Our Lady
of Ransom, was approved by Honorius
in. ; Gregory IX. forbade the" sale of the
Church's serfs, and warmly exhorted the
faithful to free their slaves, as satisfaction
to God for their own sins. When the
great discoveries were being made in the
tifteenth and sixteenth centuries the
Popes raised their voices against the
oppression of the natives. Pius U.,
Leo X., Paul IH., and Urban Vlll.
used their influence with the Kings of
Spain and Portugal to prevent the spread
of slavery, and imposed censures on those
who took part in it. In more recent
times, Benedict XIV., Pius VII., and
Gregoiy XVI. have been the slaves'
friends. Leo XIII. has espoused their
cause with characteristic energy and
wisdom. He appointed the mtrepid
Cardinal Lavigerie, Archbishop of Al-
giers, to preach a crusade against the
infamous traffic in human beings, and
supplied him with the munificent sum of
;jOO,C)00 francs to help to carry on the
work. The African Primate's" visit to
England will long be remembered. His
address to the Anti-Slavery Society
excited an amoiujt of enthusiasm which
proved how deep and widespread is the
sympathy for the poor negroes. His plan
is to strike the evil at the root ; to des*^roy
the markets of the interior, or to render
them useless by estabUshing — as Gordon
wished to do for the ba.<in uf the Nile —
barriers a^rainst slavery, composed of
natives led and instructed by Europeans.
Large numbers of young men have en-
rolled themselves in the new military
order which he has instituted for the
purpose. As we write (1>91) they have
already begun operations in Africa. An
encyclical letter, addressed to all the
bishops of the world, has lately (Novem-
ber 20, 1890") been issued by the Pope,
in which he highly praises the Cardinal'.s
labours, and comniands that a collection
be made every year on the Epiphany
for the benefit of the cause.
(H. Wallon, "Hist, de I'Esclavage
dans I'Antiquit^," 1847; Dr. Lightfoot,
" St. Paul's Epistle to the Colossiai.s and
to Philemon," 1875; Barth's "'Travels
in Central Africa "' ; " Dublin Review,"
Januarv IS.^-O. **The New Crusade," bv
Miss E". M. Clerke.)
SOCXET7 or THE FAZTHFtTX.
coMPAzrzoirs of jesxts. This
congregation, founded at Amiens by
Madame de Bonnault d'Houet in 1820,
imder the direction of the Pere Varin, of
the Company of Jesus, to labour for the
sanctification of soiils and the reform of
female education, sent out branches even
in the lifetime of the foundress into Italy,
Switzerland, England, and Ireland.
Madame d'Houet usually began by
opening a poor-school, in which the
education was gratuitous, adding, as cir-
cumstances ptrrmitted, a middle school in
which moderate fees were charged, and a
j}ensio>inat for the children of the rich.
She died in 1858 ; her life has been well
written by the Abb^ F. Martin. The in-
stitute is now in % flourishing condition ;
it possesses fourteen houses in Endand,
the principal one being at Islew.irth, near
London, and two or three in Ireland, of
which the most important ia at Latirel
Hill, near Limerick.
SOOAXiZTT. A religious congrega-
tion or associarion consisting of lay
persons, male or female, or both male and
female, meeting together at stated times,
under ecclesiastical direction, for the
performance of pious exercises, and
recommending to each of its members
conformity in life and conversation to a
body of rules, framed in order to promote
the honour of God, devotion to the
Blessed Virgin, the spread of good works,
and the spiritual advancement of those
who faithfully observe them.
Under this general definition will
fall, besides other confraternities and
pious societies, the Little Oratory of
St. Philip Neri, established in every
place where there is a congregation of
priests of the Oratory.
There are Sodalities both in England
and Ireland for promoting temperance ;
there are also Sodalities foundf'd in
honour of the Sacred Heart of Jesus.
The greatest and most ancient Sodality
in the world appears to be that known as
the Pt-tma Prima Ha. ''See Child of
Mart.]
3 I
«50 SOMASCHA
SOUL
SOMASCHA, THE ItZ:GVZ.AR
CX.ERKS or. The founder of this
order was St. Jerom Eniiliani, a noble
Venetian, boni in 1481. In his youth he
adopted the profession of amis, and
fought with distinction in the war,
disastrous for the republic, which arose
out of the League of Cambray (1509).
After valiantly defending the town of
Castelnuovo, he fell into the hands of the
^^nemy ; but, being delivered, some say
miraculously, from his imprisonment, he
resolved to give his future hfe to God.
For some years he devoted himself to the
care of some orphan nephews, and to the
management of their property. Circum-
stances gradually led him to the esta-
blishment of an orphanage at Venice,
about 1 r):28 ; this was followed up by
similar fimudations at Brescia and Ber-
gamo. His first associates were laymen,
in concert with whom he fixed the centre
of their operations at Somascha, a village
between Milan and Bergamo. Some
fervent priests joined him, and they all
lived a life of great regularity and aus-
terity sanctified by continual prayer, at
Somascha. The holy founder died in
1637, before his institute had been ap-
proved by the Holy See ; he was beatified
by Benedict XIV. and canonised by
Clement XTII. The Papal confirmation
-came in L^O.-^ ; it erected the congregation
into a religious order, under the rule of
St. Austin, and gave it the name of
Regular Clerks of St. Mayeul, or of
Somascha. The order was in course of
time greatly extended in Italy, and was
introduced in France ; besides orphanages
and Magdalen asylums, it had the direc-
tion of several colleges. Its principal
house is now at Rome.' (H61yot.)
SORBOIO'M'E. This famous college
took its name from the founder, Robert
de Sorbon, who in 1^52 founded within
the University of Paris a college for
the maintenance of sixteen theological
students, four from each of the French,
Norman, Picard, and English "nations."
Burses were soon afterwards added for
Flemish and German students. The
discipline was in the hands of a provisor
or curator, appointed by a board, presided
over by the Archdeacon of Paris. The
formal a])j)rot)ation of the Holy See was
given in 12f).~^. The credit and influence
of the college continually increased; the
majority of the Paris doctors in theology
were there trained ; in its halls were
ordinarily held the meetings of that
» Wetzer and Welte.
faculty ; and in process of time " the
Sorbonne" and the theological faculty
became identified. This was certainly
the case as early as the beginning of the
sixteenth century. From that time, since
the theologians of the university were
then and long afterwards its chief cele-
brities, the history of the Sorbonne can
hardly be distinguished, down to the
Revolution, from that of the university
itself. On the important, and not very
consistent part which the Sorbonne played
in the great Jansenist controversy, see
the article Jansenism.
In 1629 were opened the existing
stately buildings of the Sorbonne in the
Quartier Latin, including the church in
which lie the ashes of Richelieu, an am-
phitheatre capable of seating more than
1,500 auditors, and residences for thirty-
six " doctors of the Sorbonne." The old
L^niversity of Paris was destroyed by the
Revolution ; when it was reorganised bj
Napoleon in 1808, a faculty of Cathohc
theology, with seven chairs, was esta-
blished at the Sorbonne. But the influ-
ence of the Government in the appoint-
ment of the professors caused the bishops
to regard their teaching with some mis-
trust ; the Seminarist routine is so firmly
established that even those who admit
its shortcomings find it scarcely possible
to abstain from taking advantage of it :
and from these and other causes, the
present faculty of Catholic theology is
little more than a nomtm's vmhra. The
faculties of the Sciences and of Literature
in the University of France also hold
their high days for the conferring of
degrees and prizes in the buildings of the
Sorbonne. Lectures are also given within
its walls by professors belonging to these
faculties.
SOTJXt. The Scholastics, following
Aristotle, mean by soul the primary
principle of life, and by living things all
such as have the capacity of motion from
within. Thus, a stone has no life, and
therefore no soul, because it does not move
but is moved by forces external to itself ;
while, on the other hand, vegetables,
beasts, and men all have souls. A plant,
for example, unlike inorganic substances,
has the power, so long as it lives, of
alisorbing moisture and of assimilating
it by the activity of its organs. Brutes
have the same power, and add to it that
of sense ; while the soul of man is at
once vegetative, sensitive, and rational.
We have to deal here only with the
human or rational soul, and the object of
SOUL
SOUL
Sol
this article is to note the principal heads i had decided the matter ("an vero ea duo,
ot* Catholic doctrine on the subject, not to | ac. pars rationalis animae et pars ejusdem
enter on philosophical discussion foreign sensitiva, re ipsa, an vero, quod magis
to the plan of this work. recepta est, sola ratione distinguantur,
1. The Soul is Immaterial. — Li respect ' philosophi disputant "). Li our own time
to his Tegetative and animal functions \ a celebrated German Catholic, Giinther
man does not differ essentially from the (d. 1S6S), defended the theory tLit there
lower animals ; but whereas the soul of were in human nature two distinct priu-
brutes is a principle which can only exist j ciples — one the animal soul, the principle
in matter and only operates in union with i of Tegetatire and animal life ; the other
it, the human soul, though it also exists j a spiritual principle.
in and operates through matter, " has, -i. Union of Soul and Body. — The
nevertheless, an existence apart from I Schoolmen speak of the one soul as the
matter and an operation in which the substantial form of the body. By the
body takes no part ' (Kleutgen). The substantial form they understand that
Schoolmen find the proof of such imma- [ principle by which a thing is constituted
teriality in the power which the mind in its proper species, that which makes it
has of forming abstract and immaterial what it essentially is. They appeal to
ideas. And although this immaterial or the unity of nature testified by conscious-
spiritual character of the soul and the ness and acknowledged in the common
freedom of the will are taught by faith, language of mankind. We express our
they may also be certainly proved by consciousness of our own unity when we
reason, and so the Congregation of the say, " I feel," " I reason," " I wiU." It is
Lidex declared June 11, ISoo. not, as Aristotle remarks, so correct to say
2. The Unity of the Soul. — The three "My eye sees" as "I see through the
classes into which the tunctions of the eye. ' Further, we are conscious that we
soul naturally fall led some to assert the who consider and resolve carry out our
existence of three distinct souls— vegeta- resolution through the bodily limbs. Our
tive, animal, and rational. In the middle faculties, indeed, are different, but all
of the ninth century the question assumed proceed from one common principle of life
theological importance, and Photius ex- which makes each of us a single being,
cited great opposition by his doctrine that The denial that the "substance of the
man had two souls — one rational, one rational or intellectual soul is truly and
irrational — and that the latter only siimed in itself the form of the human body "
(Hefele, " Concil." iv. p. 3.34). The im- | was condemned at the General CouncQ
moral consequences which flow from such of Vienne as erroneous and out of har-
a denial of the unity of human nature mony with iinimicnm) the truth of the
ai-e obvious, and in 869 the Fourth , Catholic faith. The condemnation was
General Council of Constantinople (can. directed against the teaching of John of
11), after stating that both Old and New Oliva (1247-1207), a Provencal Fran-
Testaments attributed " one rational and ciscan, who joined the heretical party of
intelligent soul " to man {unnm the " Spiritual " Friars. The condemna-
rationabilem et intellectualem, fiiav ylrvxv" tion was repeated by Pius IX. in lS-57,
Xoyucrjv Tf xai votpdv), anathematised the , in his brief to the Archbishop of ColoLTue
doctrine of " two souls '" as a heresy. In ' on the errors of Giinther. It is, however,
the middle ages, however, trichotomy, or well to remember that the doctrine of
the doctrine of " three souls," was upheld ; Scotus is diffe rent here from that of the
by Ockham. who alleged that the doctrine Thomists. He admitted that the single
of " two souls ■' — one good, one bad — not principle of life is the substantial form,
that of separate souls in itself and as a but held that the body had a form of its
hilosophical thesis, had been condemned j own, this form of corporeity, as he called
y the Eighth General Council (Ockham, I it, being distinct from that of inorganic
" Quodlib." n. qu. 10 and 11, quoted by | bodies.
Kleutgen). It deserves notice that al- | 4. Immortality of the Soul. — Here
though St. Thomas (on 1 Thess. v. 23) there is a marked divergence of opinion
speaks of the doctrine of "two souls" as j among Catholic philosophers. St. Thomas
" reprobated in the decisions of the and many who follow him believe that it
Church," the vaiy learned Estius, in his can be proved by reason. Scotus, on the
commentary on the same passage, regards contrary, r^^^ards it as a truth cognisable
the dispute as merely philosophical, and by faith" alone. The Roman Congregations
evidentlv did not admit that the Church have carefullv avoided even the appear*
3l2
852
SOUL
SPIRITUALISM
ance of condemiiing- the Scotist position.
In the decree of the Congregation of the
Index, already cited, it is the spiritual
nature, not the immortality of the soul,
which is said to be demonstrable by reason.
5. The Origin of the Suul. — Origen
held with Plato that souls existed before
they were united with the body, and this
theory forms the subject of the first of the
fifteen anathemas issued by o-vfoSos cVSij-
fioiiaa of Constantinople in 543 (see Hefele,
" Concil." II. p. 790 seg.). Putting this
aside, we find that at least three distinct
theories on the origin of the soul have
been held in the Church.
(n) A few held that the soul of men
was produced, like that of the brutes, by
natural generation, no special power being
attributed to the souls of the parents, ex-
cept so far as the soul is the animating
principle of the body. This theory is stated
with characteristic coarseness by Ter-
tullian (" De Anima," 27 ) ; was stated as a
possible theory by Rufiuus (see Hieron.
" Adv. Rufiu." ii. 8) ; and perhaps adopted
by Macarius (Hom. xxx. 1).'
(/3) It was a common belief in the
early Church (Clem. Al. " Strom." iv. 6,
p. 638; ed. Potter, vi. 16, p. 808; Hieron.
"In Ecclesiast." tom. iii. ed. Vallarsi,
p. 492-3) that the soul was immediately
created by God and infused by Him into
the embryo when sufficiently organised.
Jerome, however (Ep. 126 ad Marcellin.
et Anapsych.), adniits that most Westerns
held the soul to be "ex traduce."
(y) Augustine found it hard to
defend himself against the Pelagians on
the theory that the soul was immediately
created by God. If the soul came straight
from God, how could it come stained with
original sin ? The difficulty led Augustine
to investigate the assumption from which
it arose. He could find no proof in Scrip-
ture that the soul is directly created by
God, and, while he repudiated Tertullian's
theory, he thought it very po.><sible (Ep.
" Ad Optat." 190, al. 157)' that an imma-
terial element (" incorporeum semen")
was communicated by the father to the
mother. The philosophical reasons seemed
to him fairly balanced on either side,
though he inclined on theological grounds
to the doctrine that the soul came by
generation (" De Gen. ad Lit." x. 23).
St. Augustine's influence led Fulgentius
(" De Verit. Prjfidest." iii. 18), Gregory
1 "Earthlj* fathers from their own nature,
from their bodj' and soul, beget children." The
words are scarcely definite enough to show
which theory Macarins held.
the Great (Ep. ix. 52, " Ad Secundin."),
and Isidore (•' De Ordine Great." cap. 15)
to decide, or rather to abstain from de-
ciding, the matter, just as St. Augustine
himself had done. On the other hand,
St. Bernard (Serm. U. "De Nativ." sm6
Jin.) and the Schoolmen generally (see,
e.ff., St. Thomas, I. qu. xc.) reverted to the
older view — viz. creationism — and aban-
doned that of Augustine — viz. genera-
tionism. Benedict XII. required the
Armenian bishops to accept creationism.
The controversy was revived in 1854 by
Frohschammer, priest and professor of
philosophy at Munich. His errors on the
relations of faith and reason were pro-
scribed by Pius IX. in a brief to the
Archbishop of Munich (1862), but nothing
was said of his teaching on the origin of
the soul.
SPZRiTUAXiXSM. A term for-
merly employed for philosophical belief
in the immateriality of the soul, has been
used for the last half-century for a
supposed communication with the dead,
and for the doctrines connected with
such communication. The evocation of
persons deceased has been part of every
system of magic : its present form dates
from 1848, •when two girls of nine and
twelve in the village of Hydesville, in
the State of New York, began to com-
municate with the spirits by means of
" raps " on the walk or on articles of
furniture. The practice spread rapidly
in the United States, and was intro-
duced into this country by a Mrs. Haydon,
in 1854, and further extended, here and
on the continent of Em-ope, by the well-
known D. D. Home. From that time
spiritualism has been kept before the
public by a series of persons laying claim
to exceptional powers, as well as by
numerous ordinary mediums, and by a
few scientific men who have accepted its
teachings. Some idea of its present
extent may be gained from the account
of the International Congress of Spiritual-
ists, which was held in September, 1889,
in the rooms of the Grand Orient Masonic
Lodge of Paris. It was then stated that
more than ninety journals and periodicals
are published in diflerent countries in the
interests of Spiritualism.
The manifestations of the so-called
spirits were at first obtained by rapping
answers to questions according to a pre-
arranged code. This process was found
to be tedious, and has been generally
superseded by writing, either in the
ordinary manner — but, as is alleged, with-
SPIRITUALISM
SPONSORS
853
out any conscious act of the medium —
or by the use of " planchette." Other
phenomena appear to be designed as
proofs of the power of the spirits, such as
raising mediums in the air, elongating
the body, "spirit-photographs," playing
musical instruments, untying complicated
knots, besides other acts too numerous to
mention.
These supposed revelations from the
unseen world have given rise to doctrines
which vary in different^ schools of
spiritualists, but are found most fully
developed in the works of Allan Kardec,
in whose obscure and verbose system the
influence of the kindred views of Sweden-
borg may be traced. All space, he
teaches, is peopled by the spirits of
persons who once inhabited this or other
■worlds. Even when disembodied they
retain an ethereal human form; they are
of every degree of excellence and happi-
ness, according to their life in the flesh,
but all are subject to the law of progress
and capable of arriving at perfection. All
are able to conununicate with mankind
through "mediums."'
The largest part of the supposed
manifestations of Spiritualism may no
doubt be set down to conscious imposture.
This is especially true of the most strik-
ing phenomena, which have all in turn
seemed preternatural, and all been re-
peated by professed conjurors. The
mysterious character of many of the
communications, and their differences
from the apparent capacity of the
mediums, have been traced in some
instances at least to unconscious mental
action (" Cerebration "), which mani-
fests itself during hypnotism or some of
the allied states. In like manner an-
other series of phenomena connected with
Spiritualism — table-turning and thought-
reading — have been shown to be due
to unconscious muscular movements.
"Whether beyond all this there is rmy
residue produced by direct spiritual
agency is a point which must be left in
dcftibt. If there be such agency it is
enough to say that the Church is" amply
justified in treating it as dialwlical, and
in condemning alf such practices. See
particularly the Decree of the H. Ofiice.
June 23, I806, which permits the use of
hypnotism (animal uiagnetism)as a merely
natural process, but forbids all divination,
sorcery, or invocation of devils explicit or
implicit — every case, in short, where "or-
dinantur media physica ad eft'ectus non
naturales."
I The diabolical character of Spiritualism
I is most clearly shown by its being a
ghastly parody on those relations to the
dead wluch religion has consecrated, and
by the heartless deceptions and frauds
which have sprung from it.
Further details on the theological
aspect of the question will be found in
Perrone, " De Virtute Religionis deque
Vitiis Oppositis," and in Ballerini's edition
of Gury (I. p. 238, ed. S'V Yung,
I " Hypnotisme et Spiritisme,' Geneve,
j 1890, is a good general account of the
subiect, while Gilles de la Tourette,
I " L Hypnotisme et les ^tats analogues au
point de vue m^dico-l^gal," supplies full
details of the present degraded state of
Spiritualism in France.
spoifSORS. "Sponsoree," "Fide-
I jussore^," " Susceptore8,"or " Offerentes,"
mentioned by Tertullian, " Lib. de Bapt.,*"
St. Basil, Epist. cxxviii., and by St. Augus-
tine, are the persons who, according to the
1 practice of the Church, assist at the solemn
administration of baptism, to make profes-
sion of Christian faith in the name of the
j baptized. In later times they were called
'"Patrini" — in English "Godfathers"
and " Godmothers." " Gossips " was the
old Saxon name by which they were
known. They assist at the baptism of
adults, but the latter are required to
answer the questions put to them by the
priest. According to the decree of the
Council of Trent, two sponsors at most
are permitted — a male and a female
(Sess. xxiv. " De Reform."). The sponsors
in baptism contract a spiritual relation-
ship to the person baptized; hence, not to
, widen the circle of this spiritual relation-
; ship, the number of sponsors is kept at
two. According to St. Alphonsus, if a
greater number be named the priest may
permit them to be present, and even to
touch the child, provided he designates
from their number two who are the real
sponsors. Theologians generally are satis-
tied that the person acting as sponsor
should have been baptized and have at-
tained the use of reason, being at least
seven years old. A procurator may be
deputed to act as sponsor for another;
the sponsor or his deputy must physi-
cally hold or touch the child while it is
receiving the sacrament, or take it, after
j baptism, from the hands of the priest.
The Catechism of the Council of Trent
quotes St. Augustine on the duties of
sponsors towards their charges : " They
[the sponsors] ought to admonish them
to observe chastity, love justice, cherish
854
SPONSORS
STATES OF THE CHURCH
charity ; and, above all. they should teach |
them the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, the
Ten Commandments, and the tii-st rudi-
ments oi the Christian relicion"' ("Serm.
163. De Temp.") " Theologians, how-
ever, commonly teach,'' says O'Kane, in I
" Notes on the Rubrics," '' with St. Tho- '
mas, that sponsors are bound to fulfil these
duties only when there is reason to think ,
that they are neglected by the parents or
others on whom they naturally devolve in [
the tirst instance ; and hence, generally
speakinpr, sponsors need have no anxiety ,
about the discharge of these duties '
towards the children of Christian pa-
rents." A Protestant sponsor alone can-
not be admitted to act : but if one spon- i
8or is a Catholic, the other might be per-
mitted to act as a witness, or "the priest,
provided a heretic is presented as spon-
sor, may omit having a sponsor. Mem-
bers of the secular clergy, except when
they are excluded by diocesan or pro-
vincial synods, may act as sponsors.
Sponsors contract a spiritual relationship
with the child baptized and its parents,
which is an impediment to marriage
between the godfather and the child |
or its mother, and between the god-
mother and the child or its father.
Such a marriage would be no marriage at
all. unless a dispensation had lieen ob-
tained; but no spiritual relationship is ,
contracted between the sponsors, and I
consequently no impediment exists (Car- |
riere, *'De Matrimonio "'). Sponsors, if i
admitted in private baptism, contract no
impediment; but a baptism in a private
house with all the ceremonies is not a i
private Daptism, according to high authori-
ties. I
In the sacrament of Confirmation
there must also be at least one god-
parent, who becomes spiritually related
to the recipient and its parents. [See
Baptism : Coxfirjiatiox." I
STATES OF THE CHURCH. |
Under the Pagan emperors Christianity
was a religto iUirita, and the Roman
Pontiffs were exposed by their position to
the full severity of the laws ; a lar2-e
proportion of them suffered martyrdom, j
The edicts of Constantine in favour
of the religion which he had embraced
have been "noticed in a previous article
Thfech Peopektt, p. 200]. In the i
middle ages it was lomr believed that the ,
tirst Christian Emperor had made a solemn '
"Edict of Donation," conferring on the
Pope, Sylvester I., the City of Rome, the I
imperial palace there, and the "provinces, |
places, and cities of all Italy, and the-
western regions."' This donation was
long ago recognised as a forgery ; Mura-
tori assigns its invention to the eighth
century.
At the end of the sixth century the
Roman See was in possession of large
landed estates, chietdy in Italy and
Sicily. After the death of Gregory the
Great the power of the Eastern Empire
in Italy dwindled more and more, and the
Lombards, pressing down from the North,
threatened to seize upon Rome. Natu-
rally, in the absence of other authority^
the Romans and the people of the sur-
rounding districts came to look on the
Popes as their protectors and rulers. To
drive back the Lombards, Pope Stephen 11.
appealed for aid to the young Prankish
monarchy; Pepin (754) crossed the Alps,
defeated Astolt'o, the Lombard king, and
endowed the Papacy with the Exarchate
of Ravenna. This was the real beginning
of the Ecclesiastical State. Charlemagne
confirmed his father's grant, but with the
understanding that the supreme civil au-
thority remained in his hands as "Patri-
cian" of Rome. The nest great acquisi-
tion of territorv came through the bequest
of the Countess Matilda (till 5), the
fi-iend of Gregory VII. ; it consisted of
Southern Tuscany and other districts.
But just as other portions of the Papal
territory had been seized by various counts
and princes, so now the rich lauds of the
Countess were appropriated by the
German emperors, and for a hundred
years the Popes had little benetit from the
gift. At length, imder the vigorous rule
of Innocent III. (+1216), the right of the
Roman See was admitted, and a compact
Ecclesiastical State, in which the Popes
governed without a superior — except so
i'ar as a vague suzerainty was allowed to
the emperors — now arose for the first
time.
The emperors of the House of Hohen-
staufen, ever seeking to extend their power
in Italy, left the Popes no rest. After
the extinction of that family in the middle
of the thirteenth century, a new state of
things arose. Rudolf of Hapsburg, the
new emperor, guaranteed to the Pope
(Gregory X.) in 1274 the tranquil posses-
sion of" the Pontifical territory. The
Popes had for a long time nothing to fear
on the side of Germany ; on the other
hand, the establishment of the House of
Anjou at Naples, and the calamitous issue
1 Milman, Latin Christianity, i.65.
STATEa OF THE CHUBCH
STATES OF THE CHUBCH 5»
of the ttrno^ between Bonifaee THL
and Fbilip k gsre to the FiuocL
Bonardbj, in die kmtteeoA eeatarj, an
unhappy iirilnHBfte over die teaqixal
fd&ej at the TBfaej. Tbe Hi^See wne
Rmored to Avignaa,' and fixed tlise
more tliaa aerentj jean (13(&-lS7e>.
VtOTthne it« Italian tenilones veie fall
of eonfBaoB ; froni vhidi, indeed, the
genins of Cat£aal Albonoi (l^;5a-ld68)
RKoed them Sar a time; hot after the
MhiaB had hnJm out (1378) tfce I
fal and zegnlar toventmemt m tke
States heome urn loag time i
The vice of nPfioriiMi -mm jned^'t
aUe aganut aerenl at tihe Popes in
nof dmnr
Boc;^ orer all the j
pe-rr pcineee OeBtial and Northern j
I-u^T- Pope JoJks n. (ldOS-1513) eom- t
and -vkh great ahility and tigDnT took
measnrea against all who had eaaoncfaed '
nprm the ptfjmilflT of Cfaodk. Tfa t
hnmMedmeVenettana-ieeoTcrpd"Bolngna
R~:':«er a£ the States. In 1596
FefT&za, and in 1(S1 Uihino^ eame Vf
escheat to the Boman See. The atates
ci the Chareh irmaiiM i1 with their fion-
tieis practically nndianged down to dje
FreiiCA Berowion, rnwititiiiiug a tem-
tOTj at izregokr Aafe in the eentie at
Italy, from Femra on the north to
Tezradna on Ae fionth, having
iat its eistem and Giriti TeecUa far its
western se^ort. Bf the treaty of Ttden-
tino(1797) XapofetmeompeDed the Pope
to eede the Legadona, Boheaa, Femra,
and Bomagna, and admit a Freaeb gUD-
aon into Aneona; Avignon had heen
alrendr seized and annprwl to Fmnee.
Snheeqnentlj the whole of tike Flqpal
tenitosy waa aiipiOftialed hy the Fieneh,
and whm the Pope (Fins "VTL) hunched
against Sapoleon on this arrjoiint the sen-
tenee of einMiMBnication,he was aueeted
I dose priaaner, fiist at Sanma
FoBtameUeaa. After
the &n of XapokoD, die Fbpe was idn-
stated hi the goretnment of an andi-
BuniAedtenitoiy. Fine IX,heing elected
Po^ in 184B, proclaimed an aamesty to
pohtieal ofienden, and aiamdy endea-
Tonred ao thoroaghly to nfiam dm ad-
Hie hat^ crime of the
nunder (tf his miniiitfT P«Jlfy™*» Boss
was the answa of the Boman
democmu to the fiuherfy o^ettawa of
the Pontifil The Pope was cnmprfWi to
take r»^ige on Neapoiitan tenituij, and
a repitBc waa set ap at Home by \f arrnH
and GaiibkldL Loins Xnoleon, harii^
bsen elected Pteaidet of ttc new FieyS
BepoUie, aent tiiMfp to
Ges^ Oodinot, who^
tnwbk, iirrre awar the
and bp>caLt tka Pope back. AH dii»
took place in le49.
was \e£t at
that it did not enter into the designs cf
lioais Xap^leon to defend the entiRPim-
I termonr ; in ordet^ thereiarc^ to
it intact' he lueed a samll armr,
fay lie FnaA Geasal La-
md eompoeed to a laree
extent of fixeiga Catholics. the
war between Aastria and Fnnee, im
which the power of the former was beaten
dcnrn at Soifeimo (I%0),PiedaMm^n]ed
by the astate Cavonr aiid asHsted hy Oe
TEvcdntiaBazy i
K AFrenA guiiaon
; but the Pope knew
rngpoeeeeson
Modeoa,Pkni
the
dqaived in 1870 by the
;of
at Castrifidaido (1660).
now left with only am
" Paiiiiiionvflf St. Pbter,* extending i
titt v milea akmg the coast to tfe north of
BiBne. Of dus also^ and of his capital,
Kns IX. w* " ' '
PkdmontEsei
the tererses Eo&red by Fn
war with Germany to set at
treatr of lc6^ br «^ Im „
that Florence dwald he Oe capital of ^
Italian Idngdoaa. ft was now said that
Bome was &e inJ»sn«^ ' ihh f«f«t«l of
that Idi^dom, hot dut the Pope's ia-
dependenee shoold he R^wcted. The
P^^ palace of the Qaizinal and all the
public boildings of Bome were a^ro-
priatedby theiavadsR; but the Vatican
was 1^ nnasmiled, ai^ a " Law of
Goamntees," passed by the Italian Bv-
liiMrt (and capable of being repealed
by the same aadiosity), while ai>igBiiig
to Ae Pope an ammal dotadon of two
■mTIwii lire, ^aaiiiiiml to him noieieign
lights within the limitE of the Vatican.
It is ecarceh- neeeaeaiy to say that
dotation has'noc been accepted, while the
fragment of aowmiguty gnazuteed haa
aheady been encroaded wpau inTadoaa
wi^and is held OB a tennre (tf the BHMfc
STATES OF THE CHFECH
STATES OF THE CHITICH
precarious description. For the present,
Rome and the Papal States are lost to
the Papacy. "What the pious and the be-
lieving gave, men of a ditlereut temper
have taken away : and there is no present
sign of redress.
" The Popes have not ceased to declare,
on all fitting occasions, that the preserva-
tion of their temporal independence is
necessary, as human aflairs are consti-
tuted, to the free and fiill exercise of
their spiritual authority. It has been
argued that the ration <r efre of the tem-
fOT&\ power has ceased in modem times,
because the lay power in states has ceased
to be, as it often was in the middle ages,
arbitrary, corrupt, violent, and ill-in-
formed,'bnt on the contrary is admiuis-
tered on fixed and equitable principles
■which ensure equal justice for all. It is
further maintained that the danger of un-
<lue influence, which might reasonably be
ilreaded -while the European Governments
were seriously Christian in one direction
<^r another, and which made intolerable
to previous generations the notion of the
Pope as a French, or Spanish, or Austrian
subject, cannot pleaded Ln an age when
government has ceased to take theolog}'
into account, and is administered on a
purely utilitarian basis. What risk of
interference with the Papal government
of the Church could there be while
Cavours and Eattazzis held the reins of
power ? The Pope, on this view, though
ft subject of the Italian kingdom, might
both be and be known to l>e absolutely
iintrammelled in the government of the
Church. It is quite true that the objec-
tions to the inclusion of the seat ot the
Papacy in any modem state are no longer
precisely what they were. They have
changed their character ; but they are not
less cogent now than in former times.
The very fact that European Governments
have ceased to be Christian makes it im-
possible for the Papacy, of which Christ
and His gospel are the life, to live at peace
with them. Formerly, even if the influ-
ence of a Catholic king or emperor at
Rome appeared to be esce-sive, stiU it
professed, like the Papacy itself, to be
directed to Christian ends, and it made
use of similar meth.jds. The possession
of Rome by a Charles V. or a Louis XIV.
did not involve the deluging of the city
with immoral and infidel publications, or
the permission of the public exhibition of
every form of heresy and absurdity. It
did not mean that "'Little Bethels'" and
sectarian chapels and churches were to
spring up unchecked, or that the streets
were to be given over to the grotesque
proceedings of a Salvation Army." But
all this is implied, and cannot but be im-
plied, in the possession of Rome by such a
state as Italy, which has ceased to be
Christian. Truth and error, good and
evil, the beautiful and the unseemly, are
matters of indifference to such a govern-
ment ; it will countenance the preachers
of heresy as willingly as the preachers of
truth. 'With such "a state the Roman
See cannot possibly live on terms of
amity. It is not a question about reason-
' able toleration or respect for the rights of
conscience. As the Popes have not in the
past interfered, so they would not in the
' future interfere with any Protestants re-
siding in Rome who miglit wish to practise
I their religious rites in a quiet and unobtru-
j sive manner. The question is whether a
Government ought to treat all religions
I alike — that is, whether it otight to have
I no religion, and ignore the subject al-
; together.
Protestants themselves, or the more
reasonable and enlightened among them,
view with grief and scom the process by
which Rome is being reduced to the level
of an English or American town. They
would prefer that at least one place should
be left on earth where Catholic principles
of crovemment and maxims of life might be
applied without disturbance. They would
wish to see the Sacred Congregations
ag.^in discharging their critical and j udi-
cial functions. It might be said that the
discipline so set up must be ineffectual; a
Roman could obtain the works of Reuan
or Paul de Kock at Floience if the sale
were forbidden at Rome : he could turn
^Methodist and rant in public at Naples if
this luxury were denied to him at home.
But what then? Is it nothing that an
example of right practice should be given,
! towards which European society, dislo-
cated as it now is, might gradually tend ?
So far from the changed circumstances
I of Europe making it a matter of little
moment that the Pope should be inde-
pendent, there has never been a time
j since the conversion of Constantine when
I his independence has been more vitally
necessary, because in no previous age has
the civil authority so openly declared
itself unchristian. The Pope m'ugt oppose,
mmt be out of sympathy with the civil
power, when he sees it establishing
schools without religion, encouraging the
erection of heretical temples, vexing and
banishing religious orders, and throwing
8TATI0XS
STATIOXS OF THE CRO^ 857
©Vstacles in the -way of those who desire
to embrace the rellsiooa life. To nwke
the Pope a subject of any power that
governs in this fashion — and nearly all
civilised states do so — can onlv end in one
of two ways: either he will be forced Vj
acquiesce in what he knows to be a false
and mischievons system, or he will find
himself in a state of continual collision
with the ci-vil power. The first alterna-
tive is, of coarse, impossible ; the second
implies a state of thmgs more or less re-
sembling that which now eiists. bat still
worse in this respect, that even the
shadow of independence which the PLed-
monte~e left to the Pope in 1870, through
f jrbearing to seize on the Vatican palace,
would be swept away if he were openly
declared a subject of the King of Italy.
Against such a consummation all Catho-
lics worthy of the name will be ready at
any time to protest, and, if necessary, in a
manner more effectual than by words.
The pr<;sent position, painful and dis-
Lcn-'irinx as it is to the Holy Father,
dhs~3.'yi:^ to the Italian.?, and afSicting
to all faithful Catholics, evidently does
not p-ts^ess th-; character of darabiiity.
STATZOVS. <Y) A name giv^ to |
the fast kept on Wednesdays and Fridays.
In the R-'TTtan Church the fast was one
of devotion, not of precept, and it ended
at none — i.e. three o'clock (TertuIL " De
Jejon." 2). TertuIIian ("De Orat.' 19)
explains the word from the military
usage : the Static, ns were days on which
the Christian s-oldi-rs stood on guard and
" watched in prayer." It was eharact»- ;
istic of the Montiris-s to prolong the fast '
of the Stations till the evening T" De \
Jejrtn." 10). Prudentius (" Peristeph."
tL 52 *e^. ) relates of the martyr Fruc-
tuosus that he refosedthecop offered him
because it was a Station and the ninth
hour had not come. In the East, oa the j
other hand, the fast of the Stations was !
oblLritory (" Ap?st. Const."^ v. 20 ;
*' Canon. Apost."' 69 : ' Epiphan. Haer."
75. n. 3). In the West, the fast on Wed-
nesday, never obligatory, died out alfctK
gether, while that of Friday became
obligatory ab^ut the end of the ninth
century. The Greeks, on the other hand, !
still maintain the &st of Wednesdays
1 We f. n^^T ThonuMn in his icterpretalioa
of the f-'orth ranoa. The pa5;5is? in ihe Coo-
■TfKHrraa-a-Oftar ciur JTTtrrewetr) :s. as it >e«ais to
as ■iecidT'e against di<: view :'Z H^deia (CtmdL
ToL L p. SlVaad odieza. Tersas oAoi aeaiM
•tlie fbottk d^."
and Fridays. (Thomassln, "Trait*? des
Jeunes," P. iL du 15 : see .^TITB3-CH
and Fi5T.)
c2 1 The word, in another sense, still
holds its place in the Roman iliseaL Slany
of our readers must have tujticed the
words " Statio ad S. Petrum, ad 5.
lyfariann majorem," &e~, before the Introit
of certain Masses. ilabUlon (" iluseam
Italicum," torn. ii. p. xzzi) eiplaics the
term as meaning eithCT s fiut or " a
concourse of the 'people to an appointed
place — i.e. & church in which the proces-
sion of the clerry halts on stated day? to
say stated prayers. It is an ancient cus-
tom in Rome that the Boman dergy
should on particular days meet for prayer
in some one church where >fw and other
divine services are performed. The pro-
cession of the Bo map clergy to these
Starlons is ehher solemn or prirate ; the
latter when individuals betake thenaelves
privately to the appointed place, the for-
mer when the Pope and the rest sokmnly
proceed, thither singing litanies and other
prayers." The gathering of clergy and
people before this procession, Mabillon
continues, was called cr.Jecta. and the
name was then riven to the prayer said
over the petple before the prDces.sion
started from :ne church to the other in
order to make the Station. "It was
St. Grestry who reetiia^ed the Stations
at Rctne — i.£. the churciies where the
office wa^ to be performed daibr in Lent,
on the Ember days, and on the solemn
feasts. For the fea5ts of the saints were
celebrated in the churches which con-
tained their relics. St. Gregory then
marked tiiese Stations in his Sacram.en-
tarv, as they are now in the R. -man
IMissal. and attache-! them chiedy to the
patriarchal and trtular churches : but
although the Stations were fixed, the
Archdeacon did not fiuL after the P'Tpe 5
Communion, to announce the next Station
to the people' (Tleury. "H. E." livr.
xxrvi. 3 17). In the Easter of ai,
Charlemagne asasted at the Station of
Easter Sundav at St. Varv Major, of
Ea^t-r Mon.iiy at St. Peters' Tu-rsday at
St. Paul's — ^he same Stations still noted
in our MLssal CEirlniard. apud Fleorv,
iliv. 5 .1. ' '
STATIOSrS OF TBS CXOSS Fm
Crucii. I !d ' r'jrjTt. A series : f --r^ages
or pictures repr«enti:^' the diferent
events in the Pa*si :n of Christ. Sta-
tion etirrwf.onding to a particular event.
TTsually. they are nrge-i r-jund the oh-ircL,
the first station bemg pLiced cm one s: ie
858 STATIONS OF THE CROSS
STIGMATA
of the high altar, the last on the other.
The Stations are among the most popular
of Catholic devotions, and are to be found
in almost every church. Sometimes the}-
are erected in the open air, especially on
roads which lead to some church or shrine
standing on a hill.
The devotion began in the Franciscan
order. The Franciscans are the guardians
of the holy places in Jerusalem, and these
Stations are intended as a help to making
in spirit a pilgrimage to the scene of
Christ's sufferings and death. Innocent
XII., in 1694, authentically interpreting
a brief of his predecessor Innocent XL
in 1686, declared that the indulgences
granted for devoutly visiting certain holy
places in Palestine could be gained by all
Franciscans and by all affiliated to the
order if they made the way of the cross
devoutly — i.e. passed or turned from sta-
tion to station meditating devoutly on the
stages of the histoiy.
Benedict XIII., in 1726, extended
these indulgences to all the faithful;
Clement XII., in 1731, permitted persons
to gain the indulgences at Stations erected
in churches which were not Franciscan,
provided they were erected by a Francis-
can with the sanction of the ordinary.
At present the connection of the Stations
with the Franciscan order is almost for-
gotten, at least in England, except as a
matter of history. Our bishops can, by
Apostolic faculties, erect the Stations with
the indulgences attached to them, and
they constantly delegate this faculty to
priests. The English bishops received
faculties to this efi"ect, provided there were
no religious in the neighbourhood to whom
the privilege belonged, in 1857. In 1802
these faculties were renewed without this
limitation. The faculties are quinquen-
nial. (Cone. Prov. Westmonast. II. Ap-
pend. I. Concil. IV. Append. H.)
There are fourteen Stations — viz. (1)
the sentence passed on our Lord by
Pilate ; (2) the receiving of the cross ;
(3) our Lord's first fall ; (4) His meeting
with His mother ; (5) the bearing of the
cross by Simon of Cyrene ; (6) the wiping
of Christ's face by Veronica with a hand-
Icerchief; (7)His second fall; (8)His words
to the women of Jerusalem, " Weep not
for Me," &c. ; (9) His third fall ; (10) His
being stripped of His garments; (11) His
crucifixion ; (12) His death ; (13) the
taking down of His body from the cross ;
(14) His burial. In the diocese of Vienna
the number of the Stations at the end of
last century was reduced to eleven. On
the other hand, a fifteenth Station ha»
been sometimes added — viz. the finding
of the cross by Helena. These changes
are unauthorised.
STIGMATA. The word occurs in
Gal. vi. 15, " I bear the marks of Jesus
in my body." Such brands or marks
(trrty/iara) were set on slaves who had
run away, on slaves consecrated to the
service of a heathen god, rarely on cap-
tives, and sometimes soldiers branded the
name of their general on some part of
their body. Probably St. Paul's metaphor
is taken from the second of these customs.
(See Lightfoot, ad loc). He regarded
the marks of suff'ering m Christ's cause
as consecrating him the more to his
Master's service. The Latin versions re-
tain the word " stigmata," but no Catholic
commentator of repute, so far as we know,
ever dreamt that St. Paul received mira-
culous marks of Christ's Passion. Neither
St. Thomas nor Estius allude to such an
interpretation, and "^'indischmann only
mentions it to dismiss it.
Still, the idea that miraculous wounds
on the hands, feet, and side, like those
borne by our Lord, were a mark of divine
favour, certainly existed in the mediteval
Church independently of St. Francis, for
in 1222 at a council in Oxford an im-
postor who claimed to have stigmata of
this kind confessed his guilt and was
punished accordingly (" Fleury, " H. E."
Ixxviii. § 56). Only two years later — i.e.
1224— St. Francis of Assisi (d. 1226)
was on Mount Alvernus to keep his
annual fast of forty days in honour of
St. Michael. One morning, says St.
Buonaventure, about the 14th of Sep-
tember, the feast of the Exaltation of the
Cross, Francis saw a seraph flying to-
wards him. There was a figure of a man
attached to a cross between the wings.
After the vision disappeared, the hands
and feet of the saint were found to be
marked with nails, and there was a
wound in his side. The wounds were
seen by some of the friars and by Alex-
ander IV. during the lifetime of the saint,
and after his death by fifty friars, St.
Clare, and a multitude of seculars. St.
Buonaventure assures us that he had the
testimony of Alexander IV. from the
Pope's own lips. The Church keeps a
feast of the Stigmata of St. Francis, in-
stituted by Benedict XII.
The Dominicans claimed a similar
distinction for one of their own order,
St. Catharine of Siena (1347-1380).
They appealed to a letter from the saint
STIPEND
STOLE
859
to her confessor, Raymond of Capua, in
which she states that our Lord had im-
pressed the stigmata upon her, but had
at her own request made them invisible
to others. They also quoted the testi-
mony of St. Antoninus and the hymn
which alludes to the stignnatsi, inserted
in the Ollice of St. Catharine with the
approval of Pius II. The Franciscans,
who maintained that the privilege was
peculiar to their own founder, earned the
matter before Sixtus IV. in 1483. The
Pope (himself a Franciscan) forbade
under severe penalties anyone to paint
images of St. Catharine with the stigmata.
(See Fleury,"H.E."lxxix. § 5,cxv. § 103.)
Still the fact of her stigmatisation is
recorded in the Breviary office, and a
special feast in commemoration of it was
granted to the Dominicans by Benedict
XIII. In a work on the subject Dr.
Imbert-Gourbeyre enumerates 145 per-
sons, twenty men, the rest women, who
are stated to have received the stigmata.
Of these, eighty lived before the seven-
teenth century. Some are canonised,
others beatified, others simply persons of
reputed holiness. More than one is still
living. The work just referred to (" Les
Stigmatisees ") was published by Palm6
in 1873.
STZPESTD. [See Mass, application
STOZiE. A narrow vestment made
of the same stuff as the chasuble, and
worn round the neck. The Pope always
wears the stole. Bishops and priests
wear it at Mass — the priest crossed over
his breast ; the bishop, who has already
the pectoral cross on his breast, pendant
on each side. They also wear it when-
ever they exercise their orders by ad-
ministering sacraments or by blessing
persons or things. In some places it is,
in others it is not, worn in preaching,
and the custom of the place is to be
followed (S. C. R. Vl Nov. 1837, 23
Maii 1840). Deacons wear it at Mass,
or at Benediction, kc, when they have
to move the Bles.^ed Sacrament, over
the left shoulder and joined on the right
side.
Stole — i.e. o-toXij in classical Greek —
in the LXX and New Testament means
a robe of any kind, sometimes {e.g. in
Mark xii. 38, Luke xx. 46) a costly or
imposing garment. In Latin stola was
the upper garment worn by women of
position. The conjecture of Meratus (on
Gavant. torn. i. P. ii. tit. i.) that our
stole is the Roman stola of which only
the ornamental stripe has been left, is
very unlikely, considering that the stola
was, almost exclusively, a piece of female
attire. The stole is never mentioned by
that name before the ninth century.
Theodoret (" H. E." ii. 27) speaks of "a
holy stole " (lepa crroXij) given to Maca-
rius bj- Constantine, but he only means a
" saci-ed vestment "' in general, and Ger-
manus of ( "oastantinople at the Ijrgiiiiiing
of the eighth century identifie.s tlie oroX/;
with the (f)e\d)viov or chasuble, and dis-
tinguishes it from the apdpiov or stole
according to our modern usage (Galland.
" Bibliotliec." tom. xiii. p. 226).
This word orarium belongs to the
later Latin, and means a cloth for the
face, a handkerchief. It was also used
" in favorem," tn applaud at theatres,
&c., and sometimes worn as a scarf. The
first mention of it as an ecclesiastical
vestment occurs about the middle of the
fourth century, when the Council of
Laodicea (can. 22 and 23) forbade clerics
in minor orders to use it. A sermon
attributed to Chrysostom, and probably
not much later than his time, compares
the deacons to angels, and the " stripes
of thin linen on their left shoulders "
(raly XcTrraly odovaa ratt fVi raiv dpUTTepSyv
v) to wings (" Homily on the Prodi-
gal Son," Migiie, vol. viii. 520). In the
West, for a long time after, orarinm was
used for a common handkerchief or
napkin (Ambros. "De Excess. Sat.'" lib. i.
43; August. " De Civit. Dei,'" xxii. 8;
Hieron. P>p. lii. 9 ; Prudent. " Peri-
steph." i. 86 ; Greg. Turon, " De Gloria
Mart." i. 93 ; Greg. Magn. Ep. vii. 30.
So the Council of Orleans in 511). It is
in the Spanish church that we find the
earliest traces of the orarium or stole as
a sacred vestment among the Latins.
The Council of Braga in 563 (can. 9)
speaks of the orarium as worn by deacons;
a council of Toledo in 633 recognises it
as a vestment of bi:~hops, priests, and
deacons (can. 28 and 40). Another
.synod of Braga in 675 mentions the
present custom according tn whicli ])riests
wear the orarium crossed over th(> breast
(can. 4) ; while the SvikkI of .Mayeuce in
813 (can. 28) requires priests to wear it
not only at Mass but habitually, as the
Pope does now, to mark their sacerdotal
dignity. Several of the Ordines Homani
(tlie third, fifth, eighth, ninth, and
thirteenth) also mention the orarium.
Hence we may conclude that from about
the time of Charlemagne the orarium or
stole was generally adopted throughout
860
STOLE
SUBBEACONS
the West as a vestment of bishops, priests,
and deacons. The Greeks have always
regarded the oranum as a vestment
peculiar to deacons. The tVirpaxijXioi' or
nepiTpaxri'Stov of priests differs both in
form and in the manner in which it is worn
from the orarium of deacons. The Syrian
Chi-istians have adopted the same word
orro, ororo, but with them the orro is
worn by clerics of all the orders. Readers
among the Maronites wear the orro hang-
ing from the right shoulder, subdeacous
in all the Syrian rites round the neck,
deacons on the left shoulder, priests
round the neck and in front of the breast.
The Syrians also use the same word for
the difiocfiopiov or pallium of bishops. (See
Payne Smith, " Thesaurus Syriacus," col.
101, 102, sub voc. If^^l.) Hefelesays it
appears from ancient pictures that down
to the twelfth century the deacon's stole
hung over the left shoulder, and was not,
as now, fastened together on the right
side below the breast. Till a late period
the stole was worn outside the dalmatic
as now by the Greek deacons over the
sticharion. Ilefele finds the earliest
notice of a deacon's btole worn under the
dalmatic in a Salzburg Pontifical of the
twelfth century, and in the fourteenth
Roman Ordo, compiled about 1300.
Bishops, however, wore the stole over
the alb and under the tunicella and
dalmatic as early at least as Rabanus
Maurus (" De Cleric. Instit." i. 19, 20)—
i.e. about 816.
The same author (loc. cit.) speaks of
the orarium which " some call stole."
This is the first certain instance of the
use of the latter word, for its place in
the Gregorian Sacramentary may be one
of the many interpolations to which
liturgical books are peculiarly subject.
In the eleventh and twelfth centuries
stole became the common word (so, e.g.,
the Synod of Ooyaca, in the diocese of
Oviedo, anno 1050, can. 3). The oraria
on ancient pictures are exactly like our
stoles, resembling the pattern known as
Gothic. They were often adorned with
jewels, bells hung from them, and letters
or words were worked in. Hefele ac-
knowledges his failure after much search
to find the reason why the word " stole "
came to be used for orarium. The vest-
ment has been taken as a symbol of the
yoke of Christ (Pseudo-Alcuin), of Christ's
obedience (Innocent III.) The prayer in
our present Missal evidently refers to the
original meaning of the Greek oroXij.
" Give me back, 0 Lord, the stole or robe
of immortality," &c.
STOXiE-FEES. The fees, varying
in difi'erent countries, which it is custom-
ary among the laity to pay to a priest at
the time of his discharging any sacred
function for their benefit — e.g. in mar-
riages, christenings, and funerals.
SVBDEACOM'S. Ministers of the
Church who rank next to deacons. In
the Latin Church they prepare the sacred
vessels and the bread and wine for Mass ;
pour the water into the chalice at the
Ofi'ertory and sing the Epistle. Among
the Greeks they guard the gates of the
sanctuary during Mass, and prepare the
sacred vessels at the Prothesis. They
are therefore allowed to touch the paten
and chalice unless they contain the Holy
Eucharist. The 21st Canon of Laodicea
forbids them in general terms to touch
the holy vessels ; but Morinus and Van
Espen interpret this canon as referring
simply to the " Great Entrance " in the
Greek liturgy, when the prepared elements
are carried in procession at the beginning
of the MissaFidelium from the Prothesis
to the altar.
Among the Greeks and Orientals the
Eubdiaconate is a minor, among the
Latins a greater or sacred order. But it
was only about 1200 that even the Latins
reckoned the subdiaconate among the
greater orders. Martene indeed certifies
tliat in Sacramentaries as early as 800
or thereabouts he found tlie ordination of
subdeacous placed along with that of the
superior, and separated from that of the
inferior ministers. In 1097, the Council
of Benevento, over which Urban II.
presided, says expressly, ""We give the
name of sacred orders to the presbyterate
and diaconate.'" Fifty years later Hugo
of St. Victor speaks of the subdiaconate
as a minor order. But Peter Cantor, who
died in 1197, says that in his time "the
subdiaconate had been recently made a
sacred order." Innocent III. really closed
the question by ruling that subdeacous,
like deacons and priests, might be chosen
bishops.
Usually, subdeacons are ordained by
bishops. But the Synod of Meaux in
845 permits (can. 44) chorepiscopi, who
certainly were not bishops,' to confer
the subdiaconate with the sanction of
the ordinary, and the same permission
is said to have been given by the Pope to
' I.e. in the West and at that time ; see
Hefele on the Antiochene Synod i» encmniit,
c«n. 10.
SUB-DELEGATES
SUNDAY
861
Cistercian abbots. The matter of ordina- '
tiou in the Liitin Chiu-ch has always been
the tradition of the instruments. In the
very ancient colU'ction known as the
Canons of the Fourth Council of Carthage, j
can. 5 lays down the rule that a sub-
deacon is to be ordained by receiving- the |
empty chalice and paten from the bishop, j
while the archdeacon gives him the cruet i
and towel. This form is preserved with '
a very slight alteration m the present j
"Roman Pontifical. The Pontifical also j
prescribes the tradition of the book of I
the Epistles, but this rite was unknown |
till the twelfth century at least ; neither
Hugo of St. Victor nor the Master of the
Sentences, nor even St. Thomas, mentions
it. The form among the Latins consists
in the words which accompany the
tradition: "See what kind of ministry
is given to you," &c. ; " Receive the book
of the Epistles," &c. Even the form
accompanying the tradition of the paten
and the chalice is much more modern
than the tradition itself, for the Gregorian
Sacramentary has a prayer (" Benedictio
subdiaconi") as the form of ordination.
Among the Greeks the matter is the
laying on of hands, and the form the
prayer during this action. Such has been
their use from the fifth century at least,
as appears from the false Dionysius.
They have no tradition of the instru-
ments except after ordination, when the
newly ordained are, as it were, put in
possession, and this custom is of modern
date.
In the time of Cornelius (elected
254) there were seven subdeacons at
Rome. Their functions in the ancient
Church were very iuijtoi tant. They were
the secretaries of bishops, and were often
sent on distant and important missions.
They had a great part in managing the
alms and temporal goods of the Church.
The letters of St. Gregory the Great
show that in his time the Roman sub-
deacons administered the afiairs of St.
Peter's patrimony throughout the pro-
vinces, made reports to the Pope on the
conduct of bishops, and by the Pope's
orders admonished prelates, reformed
abuses, and assembled councils.
(Chardon, "Hist, des Sacr." tom. v.;
Juvnin, " Commentarius Historicus et
Dogmaticiis de Sacraraentis," diss. ix. qu.
vii. For the obligations of the office,
see r.HEViAHY and Celibacy.)
svB-Dz:x.z:cATE. One to whom a
judge-delegate transfers his jurisdiction
in a particular case. [See Delegation.]
This privilege is restricted to delegates
appointed by the supreme authority in a
state, e.xci'pt in the case of a delegate ad
nnii'i rsitatcm causarum — that is, one who
is empowered by his principal to try all
causes that fall within his jurisdiction,
for such a delegate is really a "judex
quasi ordinarius. ' A subdelegate cannot
be named (unless by the consent of both
parties) to try cases of great importance,
for with respect to these, the special
qualifications of the delegate must be
presumed to have been what moved his
principal to appoint him; and the inten-
tion might be frustrated if he could
commit the most weighty portions of his
charge to another. A delegate whose
commission only extends to the bare
performance of certain acts cannot do
them through a subdelegate.
SVFFRACAM-. [See BiSHOP SCTP-
FRAGAX.'
STTXCZDE. Those who voluntarily,
and while in the full possession of their
faculties {sui compotis) put an end to
themselves, are deprived of ecclesiastical
burial. But in such cases the canon law,
like the common law of England, in-
clines to a lenient judgment; and if a
person be found, for instance, drowned or
poisoned, and it be lu it " proved that he
had expressed the deliberate intention of
taking his own life, the law prefers to
presume some other cause of death, such
as the act of a malefactor, or accident, or
temporary aberration of mind.
In many countries the civil law now
requires that persons who have committed
suicide, even though the wilfulness of the
act and their sauitj- at the time be
established, shall be buried in the church-
yards. In such a case the ministers of
I the Church take no part in the funeral
j obsequies. (Ferraris, //owjCirfeM?«; Wetzer
I and Welte.)
i suXiPlcZAirs. A society of priests
I who devote themselves to the care of
! theological seminaries. They derive
I tlieir name from the seminary of S.
I Sul])ice in Paris, where they were esta-
I blished by their founder, M. Olier, ia
164-'. [See Semixaeies.]
SVBrDAV. The Jewish Sabbath was
the weekly day of rest with which the
week ended. On that day the Hebrews
were forbidden to gather manna (E.xod. xv.
23-29). Thus the observance of the Sab-
bath was made a general law; they were
I to do no work upon it; the Hebrew family,
j the stranger in the gates, the slaves, even
the cattle, were to rest; and this because
862 SUNDAY
SUNDAY
God Himself finished the work of creation
and rested on that day, blessing it and
sanctifying it (Exod. xx. 8-11). In Deut.
T. 12-16 it is the kindly and beneficent
character of the institution which is
emphasised, rather than its sacredness.
No reference is made to creation, but the
Hebrew is to keep the Sabbath, "that thy
man slave and thy -n oman slave may rest
even as thou. And thou shalt remember
that thou wast a slave in the land of
Egypt, and Jehovah thy God brought
thee out thence," &c. The importance
attached to the Sabbath in the Deutero-
nomical and Levitical codes is shown by
the very fact that Sabbath-keeping is the
subject of a precept in the Decalogue.
Further, the Sabbath is the basis of a
whole series of enactments. The seventh
month is the holy month of the year.
It is ushered in by the Feast of Trumpets,
its tenth day is the Day of Atonement, its
fifteenth the Feast of Tabernacles or in-
gathering, the "joy of the law." The
seventh is the sabbatical year; during
which the whole land is to rest ^ (Lev.
XXV. 1-7) ; there is to be no sowing, or
vintage, or reaping, and thus the Sabbath
extends its dominion over nature. After
" seven Sal)baths of years " {i.e. 7x7
= 49 years) comes the year of Jubilee,
when Hebrew slaves are to go free, laud
to revert to its original owner, &c.
Something must be said on three
points connected with the Jewish Sabbath
which are of theological importance.
(1) There is no trace of its being
observed among the Hebrews before the
time of Moses. No doubt, in Genesis ii.
8, we read that "God blessed the seventh
day and hallowed it," but it is never said
that He told men in the pre-Mosaic period
to do so likewise, and evidently the sacred
■writers knew nothing of a Sabbath kept
by the Patriarchs. It is implied that the
division of days into weeks, unknown
among the Romans till the Empire, was
very ancient among some of the Semitic
1 Accordintf to the " Book of tlie Covi'iiant "
(Exod. xxi.2-G), lU'brew slaves niT to ,u" iree
not on tho, l.iit ..n (■v<Ty, -cvciiili \r;ii-, ititiiig
from the beginning of tlicir ^la\ i r\ : .itnl cvitn
seventh year tlic linrvi^t i- in 1m' left for tlie
poor (xxiii. 10, 11). The lornier i.rnvision is
repeated in Deul. xv. 12-1)^, and the m-coihI h.i.s
its analogy iu (he law that on a .sevfiil li vi ar
proclaimed and fixed, debts are to be romiltcd
(Deut. XV. 1-r,). Tin' ilev. loprd Sa bl , , t ie:,l
year — i.e. the tixiiiu ••f on,- \v:\r U<r iIh'
countrv. in wliii-li the i.iinl lu ivm rnu,|ili >rh-
from beins sown no le>s iban Irom lu irii: reaprd
— is peculiar to Leviticus. Sii al.-o is the crown
of the whole system— viz. the year of Jubilee.
people, for Laban (Gen. xxix. 27) speaks of
the " week of this woman " — i.e. the week
of marriage festivities. We now know
that among the Assyrians the first twenty-
eight days of every month were divided
into four weeks of seven days each, the
seventh, fourteenth, twenty-first, and
twenty-eighth days being Sabbaths ; and
there was a general prohibition of work on
these days (G. Smith, "Assyrian Eponym
Canon," p. 19, seq.) The' date of this
usage among the Assyrians is still un-
certain (Dillman on Exod. p. 214). But
we may conjecture that the division was
based, not on the seven planets, but on
the phases of the moon, and was familiar
within and without Israel before Closes.
But from this it does not follow that
there was any divine command to keep
the Sabbath, or even that the Israelites
rested on it. Indeed, the day of rest
implies a settled and agricultural life ; to
a people of shepherds a Sabbath is not
necessary or even possible. (So "Well-
hausen, "Geschichte des Volkes Israel,"
ch. iii.)
(2) The Jewish was at all times dis-
tinct Irom the Puritan idea of the Sabliath.
It is the privilege of rest for the slave and
even for the beasts on which the Book of
Deuteronomy dwells with characteristic
kindliness. In IV. Reg. iv. 22, 23, it is
mentioned with the new moons, as a day
on which people went to hear the prophets.
One of the earliest prophets, Osee (ii. 1-3)
alludes to it (again in conjunction with
the new moons) as a day of joy ; Amos
(viii. 5), as a day on which no business
was done. The prophets of the Exile insist
on strict rest ; Jeremias, e.g., forbids carry-
ing of burdens (xvii. 19 -^eq.). They en-
large on the sin of breaking the Sabbath,
and the blessings which attend its observ-
ance (Ezech. XX. 16; xxii. 26; and so with
reference to the Exile, Book of Isa. Ivi.
2; Iviii. 1.3); and the Levitical Code
(Exod. xxvi. ; xxxv. 3 ; Num. xv.) enforces
the obligation of rest in minute detail,
but not a word is said against recreation
o\\ the Sabbath.' Even the Pharisees,
though they miiltipli(>d rules against ser-
vile worlc — forbade. e.(;., journevs more
than 2,000 paces liryoud the city': climb-
ing a tree, lest a tive ,^hould break ; wnrks
of mercy, &c., kc. — never prohibited
jileasure as such. Even a Chief Pharisee
' Is. Iviii. K! is often quoted in the '• Au-
tlinii.-.ed Ver.-,ion." '-It thou turn away thy
f 'Ot . . . from doini;- thy pli'.asure on nn holy
day." But "fj^fpn "leans '■ afilairs," " business,"
as elsewhere ii> later Hebrew.
SU^T)AY
SUNDAY 863
did noi bcniple to entertain on Sabbath
(Luke xiv. 1). The Rabbinical law on
dancing illustrates exactly the difference
between the Pliarisiiical and Puritan
view. The Kabbins forbid it, not because
it is a worldly pleasure, but because it
would lead to tuning the musical instru-
ments, which is reckoned work (Buxtorf,
" Lex. Rabbin." nUL").
(3) Our Lord did not during His
earthly life abrogate the Sabbath. To do
so would have been inconsistent with His
position as one " made under the law,"'
and with His own express teaching (see,
especially. Matt, xxiii. 1-3). But He did
expose the inconsistency and hypocrisy of
men who loosed an ox or ass on the
Sabbath and were shocked when Christ
■on the same day " loosed a daughter of
Abraham wbom Satan had bound '"(Luke
xiii. 10-16). He, moreover, enunciated
two great principles. The one was then,
perhaps, part of the better Rabbinical
teaching: "The Sabbath is made for man,
not man for the Sabbath." (The words
" The Sabbath is given into your hands,
not you into the hands of the Sabbath,"
are to be foimd in the " Mechilta." a
Midrash or Commentary on parts of Exo-
dus, belonging to the early part of the
third century a.D.) Man is made to fulfil
the law of love. Not so with regard to
the Sabbath, which is simply enforced for
man's own good. Next, the "Son of
Man is Lord also of the Sabbath." Just
as tlie Sabbath law must give way before
the natural needs of man, so, and much
more, before the ro4uirement of Him who
is the head and representative of mankind
(Mark ii. 23-28'.. If, again, the ministers
of the temple Ijroke the Sabbath law in
its service and were blameless, much more
might the disciples do so in the service of
One gi'eater than the temple (Matt. xii.
5-8).
(4) The precept of observing thg
Sabbath was completely abrogated in
the Christian Church. "Let no man
judge you,'" says St. Paul (Coloss. ii.
16), " in eating and drinking or in the
matter of a feast or a new moon or of a
Sabbath-day [<T(i33d7 <of , from the Chaldee
Nngjy, not'" Sabbath days;" cf. "Hodie
tricesima Sabbata," Hor. " Sat." i. 9, 69],
which things are a shadow of things to
come, but the body is Christ's" (cf. Gal.
iv. ; Rom. xiv. 5, 9). Christians are not
to be taken to task on such things ; they
do not furnish the materials of a judg-
ment, good or bad, since the shadows are
] characteristic of the Jewish law, the
substance of Christ's gospel. Once only
does the N. T. refer to a Christian Sab-
bath. "There is left therefore a Sabbath-
keeping {(Ta^^aTicTnoi) for the people of
I God " (Heb. iv. 9). The reference, how-
ever, is to no earthly Sabbath, but to that
eternal rest of which the Sabbath was a
type. The word " Sabbath " is kept in
the Greek and the Latin of the Church
to denote Saturday — a day which is not
sacred among Christians.
(5) In commemoration of Christ's re-
surrection the Church observes Sunday.
The observance does not rest on the
natural law, which does indeed require
us to give certain time to the worship of
God, but not a whole day rather than
parts of several days, much less any par-
ticular day ; nor, again, on any positive
divine law, of which there is no trace.
Sunday is merely of ecclesiastical insti-
tution, dating, however, from the time of
the Apostles. Such is the opinion of St.
Thomas (2^ 2«, cxxii. 4, ad 2) and of the
greatest Catholic theologians (so Billuart,
" De Relig." diss. vi. a. 1 ; and Turre-
crem., Thom. Wald., Cajetan, Sylvius,
and others whom Billuart cites). The
present rule obliges the faithful to hear
Mass on that day and to rest from servile
1 work — i.e. work done with the hands
[ rather thaTi with the head. But custom
[ permits cert;iin serv ile work even when
not required by necessity or mercy — such,
e.g., as cooking food — and ecclesiastical
authority may dispense from the law.
'^^'e proceed to trace the history of the
; observance.
Li a single passage of the N. T. — viz.
I Apoc. i. 10 — we find a special name for
the first day of the week, " the Lord's
day " (f 1^ rf; KvpiaKT) rnxipq — very different
from 17 Tov Kvplov Tjfiipa). In Acts xx. 7
we are told that St. Paul abode seven
days at Troas, and that on the first day
of the week the disciples came together
"to break bread." The same Apostle
writes to the Corinthians (1 Cor. xvi. 1
seq.), " Every first day of the week («nra
' plav (TaS^aTov) let eiich of you lay up at
I home and collect whatever ])rofit he has
1 had," words which do not, indeed, directly
j imply that there was public service on
Sunday, for nap' favrw ( = c/iez liii) cannot
refer to a collection in the Christian
assembly. But they do seem to indicate
that Sunday was already a sacred day,
on which deeds of love were specially
suitable. Heb. x. 2o shows this much,
that the Christians, when the epistle
834 SUNDAY
SUNDAY
was written, had regular days of assem-
bly.
(6) The Scriptural references given
above show that the observance of Sun-
day had begun in the Apostolic age ; but
even were Scripture silent, tradition
would put this point beyond all douht.
While, however, Sunday was observed
from the first, it is possible to trace seve-
ral stages in the observance.
(a) The earliest Fathers speak of the
assembly for worship, and especially for
the celebration of the Eucharist. As
this is well known, the following refer-
ences will suffice : Ep. Bamab. 15 ;
Ignat. ad Magnes. 9 : Justin Mart. i.
Apol 59; Dionys. Corinth, (apud Euseb.
" H. E." iv. 23) ; Tertull. Apol. 16 ;
"De Coron."3. These authors speak of
Sunday, which they call the " Lord's
Day," the "Day of the Lord's Resur-
rection," and sometimes, but only in ad-
dressing heathen, the " Day of the Sun "
(see Probst, " Kirchliche Disciplin in den
ersten drei Jahrhund." p. 247), as a day
of sacred joy and prayer. But we know
of only one passage in any Ante-Nicene
Father which alludes to the Sunday rest.
Tertullian, after mention of the ritual
usage according to which Christians on
Sunday prayed standing, not kneeling,
adds that on that day business was put
aside, that the soul miglit be left free for
God's service ("differentes etiam negotia
ne quern diabolo locum demus," " De
Orat." 23). Here was the contrast
hetween Sabbath and Sunday. The
former was primarily a day of rest from
work, and, although the morning and
evening sacrifices were doubled on the
Sabbath, no law of Sabbatical worship
was imposed on the L«raelite. Attendance
on the prophets, and afterwards on the
synagogue, arose naturally out of the en-
forced cessation of ordinary work. The
Sunday, on the other hand, was primarily
a day of prayer, and the words in the
Apocalypse strike the keynote of Sunday
observance : " I was in tlie Spirit on the
Lord's day." The law of rest arose as a
protection to the law of worsliip. It
may be objected tl*.^ after all, the
Church's law only requires a small por-
tion of Sunday to be spent in prayer.
But this objection rests on an anachro-
nism, for we shall see presently that the
ancient Church required the greater part
of the day to be spent in devotion.
{^) When Cln-istianity became, or
was on the way to become, the religion of
the state, it was necessary to pass some
law of rest; otherwise a Christian who-
kept Sunday might obviously sufl'er in-
convenience from being summoned to
court, to military exercise &c., or even
from the competition of his heathen rivals
in trade. Hence Constantine, as Eusebius
reports, required his subjects to rest on
the feasts of our Lord (also on Fridays,
if Valesius is right in correcting ray rov
o-ciiSiSdrov into Tiis npo rov cra/3/3(irov), and
on Sundays the Christian soldiers were
exempted from work that they might
have leisure to pray. (Euseb. " Vit.
Constant." iv. 18). A long series of im-
perial enactments on the matter is to be
found in the Rouian codes. An edict of
Constantine prohibited law business and
mechanical arts in towns, though the
country people were allowed to till the
ground on that day. Later emperors not
only closed the law courts, but also the
theatre and circus on Sundays.
The decrees of councils also became
more and more stringent. The Synod of
Laodicea (between 843 and 381) threatens
with excommunication those who Judaise
by resting on the Sabbath, but exhorts
Christians to rest on Sunday " if they
can " (c. 20). About the same time
Clnysostom speaks (Hom. xliii. in 1 Cor.
xvi. 1) of the Lord's Day as bringing
" rest and immunity from labours." The
Second Council of Macon (c. 1) (anno
5S.5) desires the faithful to spend the
whole day in prayer. Tlieodulf, bishop
of Orleans, in his Capitulary (cap. 24),
will suffer no relaxation of prayer ex-
cept to take food. The Third Council
of Tours in 813 (c. 40) is still more
explicit : the prayer and praise is to con-
tinue "till the evening," Sunday being
reckoned from evening to evening. The
Second Council of Aix-la-Chapelle in
836 (cap. 21) tried to restore the old
custom of communicating every Sunday.
Nor was this wide notion of Sunday
oliservance peculiar to France and Ger-
many. The Council of Friuli in 791
(can. 13) insists on the same devotion of
tlie whole day to prayer, and the Spanish
Council of Coyaca in 1050 (can. 6) pre-
scribes not only attendance at matins,
Mass, and the "hours," but also abstinence
from travelling except in casesof necessity.
Theodore of Tarsus (apud Thomassin,
"Trait(5 des Festes," p. 527), who became
archbishop of Canterbury in 669, assures
us that his fellow-Greeks would neither
sail nor ride (except to church), or bake,
or bathe, or write any unnecessary letters
on Sunday. In all these authorities and in
SUNDAY 863
the Fathers generally there is no confusion
between Sunday and Sabhath. References
to the Decalogue as in any sense the war-
rant for Sunday are extremely rare, though
Chrysostom ("In Gen." Horn. x. 7) deduces
this' much from God's blessing and
hallowing the seventh day, viz. that one
day in the week should be given to God's
service.' This principle is accepted by
modern theologians, so far at least that
they distinguish between the ceremonial
part of the Third Commandment, which
enjoins rest on the seventh day, and its
moral part, which urges us to consecrate
part of our time to heavenly thoughts.
But usually the Fathers, and even
medifEval writers, appeal simply to the
resurrection of our Lord and the descent
of the Holy Ghost, which happened on
Sunday, to "the custom of the Church and
to Apostolic tradition.
(7) Sunday used to be reckoned from
evening to evening — i.e. the sanctification
of the day began on Saturday and ended on
Sunday evenmg. "Itwas,"saysThomassin,
" about the eleventh or twelfth century
that after the abolition of public vigils in
the Churcli, people began the celebration
of Sundays and feasts on the morning of
the same day." He quotes Gratian (" De
Consec."d. 3,c. 1), Gregory IX. ("Extra,
de Feriis," c. 1, 2), who recognises the old
' A sermon once attributed to Augustine
(Appendix 280) says that the •'plory of Jewish
S.abbiith-lcoeping" was transfcrri'd to Sunday,
but tho change is attributed tii the " doctors df
the Church," and, tiesides, the Benedictine edi-
tors have proved that the sermon is at least later
than Alcuin. The universal teaching of the
Fathers is that the Sabbath is abrot;ated in the
letter, and that it is kept spiritually by rest
from sin, or will be kept bv cternnl rest u ith
Christ, this is the teaehini; of .Justin (Di.il.
12); Iren. (Aflr. Hcer. iv. 16); Clem. Al.
(Strom, iv. 3) ; Origen (Horn. viii. § 2, In Jos. \
Contr. Cels. ii. 7); Victorinus (Routh, Re/t.
Sacr. ii. pp. 4, 5, 8); -iugustine (C. Faust.
xviii. 5) ; Jerome (In Isai. liii. ad Jin., Ivi. 2,
Iviii. 13); Epiphanii's (Har. viii. 6, xxix. 7,
XXX. 32 ; Kxposit. tU. 82) ; Gregory the
Great (Mora/, xviii. 43); Aiethes (In Apoc.
xi. 2). The Puritau idea of a Christian Sab-
bath was unknown to the first Reformers.
Bat in Scotland we find the Book of Discipline
drawn up by John Knox and five other minis-
ters enforcing Sabbath observance ; and in
1.562 the General Assembly of the Presbvterian
Ch\uch of Scotland petitioned the Queen to
punish Sabb'ith-breakers. In England the
Puritanical or Judaisiiig doctrine was developed
and Bystematised by a learned Puritan cleriry-
man. Dr. Nicolas Bownd, of Norton in Suftblk.
The Westminster Cimfession of 1617 (ch. xxi.)
was the first Creed which embodied this view.
(For the history of Protestant opinion, see
Scbaff, Creeds of Christendom, vol. i.p. 775 seq.)
custom ; Alexander III. {ih), who speaks
of both customs as existing in his time;
and Haytho, bishop of Basle in his Capi-
tular}-(cap. 8), who says simply thut Sun-
day lasts "a mane usque ad vesperam."
(S) Down to the middle of the four-
teenth century it was admitted on all
hands that the faithful must hear Mass
on Sundays and liolidays of obligation in
thfir pari-li church. But about this time
the ^iciidicant Friars pleaded that this
law had been changed by Papal privilege
in their favour. This led to keen disputes
between seculars and regulars under
Innocent "VI.; and Sixtus IV., more than
a century afterwards, in his Constitution
"Vices illius," declared that the law
obliged parishioners to hear Mass in their
own church unless when they absented
themselves "for a good reason" ("e.^
honesta causa"). There has been much
controversy on the sense of this last clause.
(See Juenin, " Comment, de Sacram."
diss. V. § 11.) But in any case the
Council of Trent simply recommends (sess.
xxii.) att(>ndance at the parish church,
and it is certain from a Constitution of
Pius V. ("Etsi Mendicantium," anno
1567), that it is enough, so far as strict
obligation goes, to hear Mass in any
public church.
(f) Modern discipline has introduced
another and a much more important
change. Mass used to last for two hours
and more; it can now Ije heard in half au
hour. Further, the ]ml)lic recital inn of
Matins on Sunday before Ma-< wa> usual
even in secular chun/lu s till llie i_'n,l of
the middle ages, and it was well under-
stfHid lhat tlie faithful must assist at the
( (fliee as well as at ^lass This has been
shown above from the decrees of councils.
Mr. Maskell ("Monument. Bit." vol. iii.
p. xxxii.) proves that the obligation of
hearing Matins, Mass, and Evensong on
Sundays and holidays was recognised in
England till the change of religion. Even
in the last century Billuart and many
other theologians admit an obligation
(though not a grave one) of hearing
Vespers as well as Mass on Sundaj-s. At
present, a man who simply hears Low
Mass satisfies the letter of the Church
law. But if he absents himself from
sermons, if, above all, he does not use the
opportunity the day of rest affords for
increased prayer, for reading good books,
for instructing his family and the like, he
will in many cases sin against his own
soul. He can hardly fail to do so unless
he be like the perfect Christian of whom
«66 SUPERSTITION
SUTREMACY, ROYAL
Origen speaks ("C. Gels." yiii. 22, 23),
with whom every day is a spiritual feast.
A mau is in a bad way if lie makes a
practice of heariug a Low Mass, and
spending the rest of the Sunday in frivo-
lous recreation.
svPERSTiTzosr. [See Religion.]
SUPREIMCACV, SOYAIi. By this
is meant the doctrine that the king or
chief authority in the state has the
power to ordain and judge in the last
resort without appeal " in all causes and
over all persons, ecclesiastical as well as
civil,"' within his dominions. Christi-
anity is thus inferentially denied, inas-
much as the charge given by our Lord to
St. Peter, not to feed only, but to govern
(noifiaiveiv) his whole flock in the things
concerning everlasting life is ignored, and
the judgment of the civil ruler substituted
for that of the Apostolic See. Nor is this
claim to supremacy less obstinately main-
tained in democratic communities which
pretend to tolerate all religions, than by
old Protestant monarchies. The modern
Continental Liberal has no sense for the
lofty yet humbling thoughts, the pure
penetrating emotions, which are present
in the souls of believers, and dispose the
best of them to the practice of the evan-
gelical, counsels — chastity, voluntary
poverty, and obedience. He considers
that it is the duty of every man or woman
to contribute to the advance of civilisation,
understood as he understauds it ; and all
mental or bodily exercise which does not
so contribute he looks upon as so much
wasted force. This waste, if he has power
to prevent it, he will not permit ; he will
therefore disperse religious comnuuiities,
forbid the taking of vows, and, generally,
assume control in the last resort over
religious society. Tlie Radical Govern-
ment of Switzerland, with nothing but
toleration and enlightenment on its lips,
is as vigilant in repressing the free de-
velopment of Catholic life within the
republic as the Czars are iu Russia or
Queen Islizabeth was in England.
The doctrine that the civil power has
the right to control the ecclesiastical, even
in purely religious matters, is generally
attributed to Erastus, a German divine of
the sixteenth century; traces of it, how-
ever, may be found in the writinrrs of
Marsilius of Padua and other mediaeval
• Anglican bidding prayer.
2 His real name was Lieber; he was a
aative of Baden, and died in 1 .588. Soon after-
wards appeared liia celebrated treatise, Ue
Excommunieatione Ecdesiaslica.
writers. Cranmer, and afterwarda
Hooker, espoused it; it is indeed the
fundamental tenet of the Church of Eng-
land as such; Grotius and Hobbes argued
on the same side.' On the other hand,
all Catholic theologians maintain the in-
dependence and supremacy of the Church
within her own sphere. This inde-
pendence is of course imjjlied in the very
fact of canon law; for precepts which
may be lawfully set aside at the bidding
of some power claiming to be superior to
the authority which framed them are
not laws at all, but only regulations or
monitions. [See Canon Law; Jueis-
BICTION; FORTJJI ECCLESIASTICUM.]
The doctrine of the royal supremacy
was carried out more consistently iu
England than in any other Protestant
country. It was one of the main causes
of the civil war in the seventeenth century ,
the King, as head of the Cliurch, insisting
on ecclesiastical arrangements whicli the
conscience of the more advanced Pro-
testants condemned. The Puritan re-
public, since it maintained the penal laws
against Catholics, practically claimed the
right of excluding Catholicism from the
, country, but it conceded to all Protestant
sects the free management of their eccle-
siastical concerns without state inter-
ference. At the Restoration the old state
' of things reappeared ; but the Revolution
' of 1688 enforced the toleration of the
sects, and withdrew, so far as they were
concerned, the ecclesiastical supremacy of
the Crown. The liberty thus given has
been taken advantage of moi-e and more
in the two centuries which have since
intervened, and at the present day the
supremacy is admitted only by one-half
of English Protestantism. In Scoiland
the Erastian doctrine was reji i t.Ml from
the first. The Presbyterian ,-;mr,,|,tiou of
the Church has no solid basis in Scripture,
history, or general reason; but of this
Church the Scotch always stoutly uphi4d
I the independence as against the State ;
I and the record of their struggles and
sacrifices in this cause, from the date of
the First General Assembly in 1560 to the
disruption of 184.3, forms the most
attractive feature in the history of Pres-
byterianism.
In Sweden and Denmark the sover-
eigns appoint the bishops ; Lutheranism
is the national religion, and till within
the last few years no other has been
tolerated. The Calvinism of Holland is
more accommodating ; the battle of toler-
j 1 Hallam, Lit. Hist. ii. 436.
SUPPRESSION
SUPPRESSION mr
ation was fought out there in the seven-
teenth century, and practically won. The
established religion is professed only by
about one half of the people, andCatholics
form nearly 40 per cent, of the whole
population. In Russia the Czar appoints
the bishops, and is practically supreme in
religious matters. The sutlerings which
the exercise of this supremacy has entailed
on the Catholics of Poland, Podolia, and
Lithuania are matter of recent expe-
rience. In France the present aspect of
things is that of a country whose religi-
ous affairs are regulated by a concordat
or solemn treaty concluded (1801) be-
tween the civil power and the Catholic
Church. Many other countries [Concor-
dat] have followed this example. Of
course all Powers having concordats with
Rome implicitly admit her spiritual inde-
pendence. The British State does not
make concordats zcith, but laws for, the
Church of England, justly regarding it as
its own creature and subject.
SUPPBESSZOM- OF VtOflA.S-
TEBZES. In every country of Europe
there have been hostile suppressions of
monastic societies ; there have been also,
from time to time, friendly, or ecclesi-
astical, suppressions, carried out with the
approbation of the Holy See. The first
and most memorable instance of the
former class is the closing of the religious
houses in England (1535-lo40) ; the par-
ticulars are exhibited in the following
table : —
Monasteries with yearly revenue
under 200/. .' . . .374
Monasteries with yearly revenue
above that sum "... 186
Small Monasteries . . ,52
Friaries — AuKUstinians . 32
„ Cirmelites , . 52
„ Dominicans. . .58
„ Franciscans > . . 65
Total . . il9
In Italy a great suppression of reli-
gious houses and ecclesiastical founda-
tions, commenced by the Sardinian
Government in 1865, and scarcely yet
terminated, has seriously changed the
moral aspect of the countrj'. Between
1855 and 1873 there were suppressed
3,037 houses for men and 1,027 for
women, and small pensions were granted
to a large proportion of their inmates,
amounting to nearly 54,000 persons. Up
to the end of 1877, Church and monastic
lands representing a capital value of
• There were also forty-eight suppressed
houses of the Knights Hospitallers.
nearly 34,000,000/. had been confiscated
by the state, which, to disarm local
opposition grants to the communes in
which any such property was situated a
certain proportion or the proceeds of its-
sale. The establishments spared for the
present are compelled to submit to the
forced sale of all their immovable pro-
perty, the purchase money being entered
by the Government to their credit in the
Italian renter. (" Encyc. Brit." J«<y, 1881 .)
The Culturkampf in Germany, com-
menced very soon after the Franco-
German war (1870-1), employed the
suppression of religious societies as one
of its most effectual weapons. Th"
Jesuits, and many other orders and col-
gregations, were at that time expellea
from all the territories of Prussia.
In France, a law passed during the
Revolution (February 1790) enacted the
suppression of all orders and regular con-
gregations in which solemn vows were
taken, and prohibited their re-establish-
ment. This law had been long in abey-
ance, and a system of authorisation had
been followed, under which religious
societies which laid their rules, statutes,
and financial affairs open to the in-
spection of the Ministry of the Interior,
were permitted to exist. Besides these
authorised congregations, a large number
of non-authorised societies, which for
various reasons preferred a hazardous
independence to the irksomeness of
governmental supervision, had come into
being; in 1877 there were five hundred
such societies, comprising nearly 22,000
religious of both sexes. But the majority
of the congregations of women were
authorised. On March 20, 1880, the
Government of M. Freycinet, a Protes-
tant, issued two decrees, of which one
ordered the absolute and irrevocable
suppression of the Society of Jesus in
eveiy part of France ; the other required
that all other non-authorised corpora-
tions should within three months apply
for authorisation to the Government,
supplying at the same time full and
minute information as to all their con-
cerns, internal and external. It was well
understood that in the case of many
societies the authorisation, had it been
applied for, would have been refused.
In fact, it was in very few instances ap-
plied for, and when the prescribed period
had passed by, the Government resorted
to the various executive means at its dis-
posal for suspending the common life of
the non-authorised societies, causing
8G3 SUPPRESSION
SUSPENSION
closed doors to be broken open, seizing I
on property, and forcibly dispersing the
religious. Thus not only the Jesuits,
but the Dominicans also (except those
engaged in teaching), the Capuchins, the
Carmelites, and many other orders and
congregations, the membei-s of which had
supposed the revolutionary /wrore which
dictated the law of 1790 to be extinct,
were suppressed in France before the end
of 1882.
Ecclesiastical suppressions have been
made for various reasons: either for the
promotion of learning and education, or
in the interest of discipline, or for the
removal of presumed abuses and evils.
Thus a monastery was suppressed by
Bishop Alcock (1407) in order that he
might transfer its revenues to his new
foundation of Jesus College at Cambridge,
and two others were closed at the request
of the Countess Margaret, mother of
Henry VII., and her executors (150-5-
1508), to aid in the foundation of Christ's
and St. John's Colleges at the same uni-
versity. Another suppression was allowed
in favour of Bishop Smith (1515), when
he was founding Brasenose College, Ox-
ford. A measure of the same kind, but
on a much larger scale, was permitted by
the Holy See to Cardinal Wolsey, who
(1524) suppressed twenty-five small
priories, and applied their revenues to
Christ Church at Oxford and the college
at Ipswich which he was then founding.
In 1528, experience having shown that
when the number of monies in any house
was very small, the rule was seldom pro-
perly observed, Clement VII. granted a
bull to the Cardinals Wolsey and Cam-
peggio, authorising them to suppress
houses having less than twelve monks,
and transfer their revenues to the larger
monasteries.
A suppression far more comprehensive
was effected in France a few years before
the Revolution through the agency of
the " Commission on the Regulars," a
board composed of bishops and high
officials, appointed by the Crown in 1766
to inquire into the state of the religious
orders. The result of their operations,
which do not appear to have had at any
time the sanction of the Pope, was, that
all houses containing fewer than fifteen
religious were closed, that monks were
forbidden to take vows before the age of
21, and nuns before that of 18, and that
nearly 1 ,500 monasteries were suppressed.
(Tanner, " Notitia Monastica " ;
H61yot [ed. Migne], vol. iv. See especi-
ally, "Henrv VIII. and the English
Monasteries,' by Father Qasquet.)
ST7RPIiZCG. A garment of white
linen worn over the cassock in choir and
in the administration of the sacraments.
It is among the most familiar, and at the
same time is one of the most modern of
Church vestments.
The word snperjyeUicium means a
dress worn over a garment of skins.
Such dresses of fur {pellicia) came into
use among monks early in the ninth cen-
tury, probably to protect them from the
cold and damp during the long offices
in church. The great Synod of Aix-la-
Chapelle in 817 (can. 22) ordered each
monk to have two dresses of fur {pellidre).
Over these pellicice a linen garment, the
superpelUcium or surplice, was worn in
choir. It is uncertain when this last
custom began. The surplice is mentioned
in 1050 by the Council of Coyaca, and
Durandus in 1286 .speaks of its use as
already ancient, but by no means universal.
The Spanish synod just mentioned (can.
3) requires it to be worn under the
amice, alb, and the rest of the Mass
vest ments, and thisusage is still recognised
in the rubrics of the Roman Missal
(" Ritus Servand." i. 2). In the twelfth
century it reached to the ankles, and so
the Council of Basle in the fifteenth
century requires canons in choir to wear
sui-plices " ultra medias tibias."' Cardinal
Bona, more than 200 years ago, speaks of
surplices being already shorter than the
rule of Basle required, but the pictures in
Roman Pontificals of the last century
show that the present form of the
Italian surplice or cotta is very recent.
To this day the length varies much in
our Engli.sh churches, but it never reaches
below the knees, while in the new Italian
fashion adopted by many of the English
clergy the surplice does not reach nearly
so far. It was not till the seventeenth
century that surplices were commonly
adorned with lace. .(Hefele, " Beitriige,"
vol. ii. p. 174, seq. see also Rochet and
Cotta.)
SU'SPEsrszoir. A censure by which
a cleric is foi-bidden to exercise his orders
or his clerical office, or to administer and
enjoy the fruits of his benefice. It does
not, Uke deposition, deprive a cleric of
his benefice, or make him incapable of
lawfully exercising his office without
formal rehabilitation ; much less does it,
like degradation, deprive him of his
status as a clergyman. Partial suspen-
sion inhibits a man from the use of his
SUSPENSION
SUSPENSION
869
•orders, of his office — i.e. fiom exercise of
orders and jurisdiction, or, again, from
the enjoyment and administration of his
benefice.' It may prohibit from all exer-
cise of orders or jurisdiction, or only
from certain acts of order and jurisdic-
tion— e.ff. a bi*h<ip may be suspended from
ordaining, singing Mass poutitically, &c.,
and yet be perfectly free to say Mass,
govern his diocese, Sec. Entire suspen-
sion prohibits all use of order, jurisdic-
tion, or benefice. Suspension may be
perpetual — i.e. without any fixed limit,
or for a definite time. If inflicted for a
time, it ceases of itself when the time is
over. Pei-petual suspension for a fault
altogether past is removed by the dispen-
sation of the prelate who inflicted it, his
superior, successor, or delegate. If in-
flicted as a censure ' it may be removed
by absolution given solemnly according
to a form prescribed in the Rituale, if
the suspension is public ; or privately by
absolution in a general form, if the sus-
pension is secret. The power of absolution
IS sometimes held by every priest em-
powered to hear confessions, sometimes
reserved to the bishop, sometimes to tlie
Pope. According to the new reform of
the canon law in the Bull " Apostolicre
Sedis," October 12, 186!», the following
suspensions only are incurred ipso facto,
absolution being reserved to the Poj e.
They all depend on the giving, receiving,
or exercising orders or jurisdiction : — (1)
Suspension from the fruits of their bene-
fices is incurred by the chapter of a vacant
see if they admit a bishop before he has
produced the Apostolic letters for his pro-
motion ; * (2) bishops are suspended for
three years from all right to ordain, if
they give orders to one who has neither
patrimony nor benefice, on the condition
that he renounces all claim to support
from the bishop ; (3) for one year if they
ordain without dimissorials a person who
does not belong to the diocese or hold a
benefice in it, or a person belonging to
but long absent from the diocese, unless
he has a certificate of good character from
the bishop under whom he has been
living; or (4) if, apart from privilege,
they confer a holy order on one who has
' I.e. not merely a.s punishment, but for the
amenlment of the offender. The comninn de-
finition, to which we have adhered, tre.its sus-
pension 88 a species of censure, but this is not
always the case.
' In this case the penalties h.nvp been
extended and increased by the bull liuiiiunuii
Pontiftx, Aug. 28, 1873.
neither patrimony, benefice, or the titulm
2)aupertatis, acquired bv solemn vows,
already made. (5) Religious expelled
from their order are susi>euded from all
exercise of orders. (6) So are persons
linowingly ordained by a bishop under ex-
commimication, suspension, or interdict,
or notoriously heretical or schismatical
(if they were in good faith they must
wait for a dispensation). Then follow
some suspensions which afl'ect persons
living in Rome, incurred (a) by persons
living more than four months in Rome
and ordained by a bishop not their own,
without leave from the cardinal-vicar, or
1 ordained without being examined before
the cardinal-vicar, or ordained by their
own bishop after failing in the examina-
tion before the cardinal - vicar ; (JS) by
persons in the six suburbicarian dioceses
if they are ordained out of their own
dioceses, unless with dimissorials directed
to the cardinal-vicar himself, or if they
1 receive a holy order without ten days'
retreat at the house of the Fathers of the
Mission; bishops who ordain in tliese cases
are suspended "ab usu pu tificalium " for
a year. Further, the following suspen-
sions imposed by the Council of Trent
remain in force : — (1) " Ab exercitio
ordinum " on bishops who act ]iontifically
without leave in other dioceses, and on
jiersons ordained by them there (Concil.
Trid. sess. vi. De Reform, c. 5). (2) "Ab
i executione ordinum ad ber.eplacitum
prtelati futuri " on all who ren ive a holy
order in virtue of dimissorials from a
chapter within a year of the vacancy of
the see (sess. vii. De Reform, c. 10). (3)
I For a year " ab exercitio pontirtcalium "
on titular bishops who ordain without
dimissorials, and " ab executione ordi-
num ■' on the persons so ordaint-d, as long
as their ordinary pleases (sess. xiv. De
Ref. c. 2). (4) " A. collaiioiie ordinum"
for a year on bishops who ordain without
testimonials of character from the proper
ordinary, and " ab executione ordinum "
on those so ordained as long as their
ordinary sees fit (sess. xxiii. De Ref
c. 8). (5) " Ab officio et beneficio " for
a year on those who furnish dimi.ssorials
contrary to the Tridentine de 'rees (sess.
vu. De Ref. c. 10; xxiii. De Ref. c. 10).
(6) Absolute susjiension at the will of the
ordinary of the priest whose rights have
been infringed, on parish priests who
knowingly marry persons from another
parish without leave from their priests
(sess. x.xiv. De Ref c. 1) ; (7) on " e])iscopi
concubiuarii, a provinciali synodo ad-
870
SYLL.\BUS
SYLLABUS
moniti." Of course, provincial and dio-
cesan statutes may indict suspension to
be incurred ipso facto, and prelates are
empowered to visit the offences of clerics
subject to them with suspension (xxv. De
Lef. e. 14).
In the earliest times clerics were often
punished, not by simple suspension, but
by temporary deprivation of communion.
(Canon Apost. 45, Illiber. 21, Epaon. 3).
But as early as 314 (Concil. Neociesaren.
c. 1) we have an instance of suspension
perpetual and from all functions (oXtuj
XeiTovpyeiv), and SO frequently in the
following centuries (Agde, c. 43, in
Truilo, c. 26). In the so-called Fourth
Council of Carthage (c. 68), where a
bishop who breaks the law is forbidden
to ordain, we have an instance of partial
suspension, and in another early council
an instance of suspension from Mass
(3 Aurel. c. 7). Often clerics suspended
from order and office retained their
stipend (3 Concil. Aurel. A.D. 538, c. 19),
while in other cases they were suspended
from their stipend (Concil. Narbonn. a.d.
589, c. 11 and 13.)
SYX.X.A.BUS. On Dec. 8, 1864, two
important documents were issued at
Rome — the one, an encyclical letter of
Pius IX., beginning with the words
Quanta cura, the other a " Syllabus con-
taining the chief errors of our times which
are censured in the consistorial allocu-
tions, in the encyclicals, and in other
Apostolical letters of our most holy Lord,
Pius IX." In forwarding these documents
to the bishops of the world, Cardinal
Autonelli, the papal secretary of state,
wrote as follows: — "Our Holy Father,
Pius IX., being deeply anxious for the
salvation of souls and for sound doctrine,
has never ceased, from the beginning of
his ]iontificate, to proscribe and condemn
the chief errors and false doctrines, especi-
ally of this most unhappy age, by published
encyclicals and consistorial allocutions and
other Apostolical letters. But as it may
come to pass that all the pontifical acts do
not reach each one of the Ordinaries, there-
fore the same sovereign Pontiff has willed
that a Syllabus of the said errors should
be compiled to be sent to all the bishops
of the Catholic world, in order that those
bishops may have before their eyes all
the errors and pernicious doctrines which
have been reprobated and condemned by
him. He has accordingly charged me to
take care that this Syllabus when printed
should be sent to your [Eminence] on this
occasion and at this time when the same
Pontiff, from his great solicitude for tho
security and welfare of the Catholic
Church and the whole flock divinely
entrusted to him, has thought fit to write
another encyclical to all the Catholic
bishops. Performing, therefore, as is my
duty, with all suitable zeal and submission,
the commands of the said Pontiff, I send
your [Eminence] the said Syllabus annexed
to this letter."
The Syllabus, then, is a digest or table
of the errors condemned on various
occasions by Pius IX., drawn up and cir-
culated by his orders. It contains eighty
propositions arranged under ten beads.
After each proposition there is a reference
to the allocution or letter in which false
doctrine is condemned. Thus proposition
14, " Philosophy should be treated with-
out any regard for supernatural Revela-
tion," is followed by a reference to the
letter addressed to the Archbishop of
Munich on the occasion of the congress
held in that city. If the Syllabus is
compared with these documents it will be
found that, as a rule, the latter speak in
the concrete and the former in the
abstract ; or, to speak logically, where
the Pope enunciates a particular athrma-
tive, the Syllabus condemns the contra-
dictory, viz. the universal negntive. Again,
it will be found that some of the proposi-
tions, e.y. the 24th, are taken from certain
books. Hence, according to the rules of
interpretation, sucli propositions must be
understood in the sense of their authors.
These con.siderations must be borne in
mind, otherwise the propositions will
seem to have a wider extent than was
intended in their condemnation.
While all Catholics are at one concern-
ing the doctrinal authority of the docu-
ments from which the Syllabus is drawn,
there has been much discussion as to the
authority of the Syllabus itself. The late
Dr. Ward held that it was "quite certainly
issued ex cathedra," by reason of the
" solidarity of Encyclical and Syllabus."
He quotes the authority of the eminent
Jesuit theologian Schrader. On the other
hand. Bishop Fessler, secretary general of
the Vatican Council, writing in 1871
("True and False Infallibility "), says that
many theologians think it may be assumed
as doubtful whether the Syllabus was
issued e.v cathedra, and accordingly
whether any additional obligation of
assent to its teaching was imposed by the
Vatican CouncU — until some fresh declara-
tion is made by the Holy See. This work
was warmly approved of by Pius IX.
SYNAXIS
SYRIAN CATHOLICS 871
Cardinal Newman accepted this view in
his letter to the Duke of Norfolk, &c.,
since re-published in "Difficulties of
Anglicans " (vol. ii., 1885). Some writers,
while adniittin<r that the ex cathedra cha-
racterof the Syllabus was originally doubt-
ful, hold that these doubts have been set at
rest by subse^juent declarations of Pius IX.
and Leo XIII. (See " Acta SS.D.N. Pii
PP. IX. ex quibus excerptus est Syllabus
editus die viii. DecembrisMDCCCLXIV,"
Ilomse, 1865 ; Mgr. Dupanloup, " La Con-
vention du 15 Septembre et I'Encyclique
du 8 Decembre " — for which the author
was thanked by Pius IX. ; Ward, " Essays
on the Church's Doctrinal Authority,"
p. 472 geq.)
STirAXXS. [See LinrEsrES.]
SVirCEXil.lTS (a hybrid word, crvv,
cella : one occupying the same cell). The
thing signified by the term — namely, that
a priest or deacon should live continually
with a bishop, "propter testimonium
ecclesiasticum —was of very early insti-
tution ; the " Liber Pontificals " traces it
to Pope Lucius, in the second century.
The word (see Ducange) appears not to
be traceable beyond the eighth century.
Leo III., writing to Cenwulf of Mercia,
speaks of Augustine as having been the
syncellus of Gregory the Great. Concellus
or coticellifa would have been the natural
Latin expression ; and the latter term is
actually used by Sidonius Apollinaris
with reference to a monk of Lerins. The
word symellus must have been coined in
the East ; whence, probably not before
the eighth century, it found its way into
the Western Church. In the Eastern
Church the syncelli were the chaplains
and confidential ministers of metropoli-
tans and patriarchs. At Constantinople
they formed a corporation ; and their
chief, the protosynceUus. became in pro-
cess of time a personage of so much im-
portance as to take rank on public
occasions next after the patriarch.
Cedrenus (about 1050) says that before
his time the protosi/ncellus had commonly
succeeded to the patriarchal throne on
its becoming vacant. (Morone,"Dizion.
Eccl."; Smith and Cheetham, art. by
Tenables.)
SWDXC (Gr. o-Cv8iKos). In classical
Greek the word was used in three senses :
(1) an advocate, especially for the defen-
dant ; (2) a public orator ; (3) a judge.'
The term came into regular use in Italy
during the middle ages; the municipal
magistrates of cities were called svncdcs
> Liddell and Scott, Greek Lexicon.
{sindaci). Louis of Bavaria was crowned
at Rome (1328) by the four syndics of'
the city ; again, in 1.347, an official so en-
titled, chosen by the people for the pur-
pose, knighted and crowned Rienzi the
Tribune. At the present day it means
an agent of a particular kind — " one
chosen to take charge of the affairs of a
community, of which he himself is a
member." A proctor {procurator) may
be agent either for a community or an in-
dividual ; the term " syndic " is confined
to agents representing communities
(Morone).
STN-os. [See CoTJifcrL.]
STig-oD, BOXiT. [See Geeek
Chuech and Russian Church."!
S-TNODAX. EXAnXXXTEBS. A
committee of learned ecclesiastics, ap-
pointed in the diocesan synod,' niunber-
ing not less than six, and (as a rule) not
more than twenty members, whose duty
it is to ascertain and test the qualifica-
tions of candidates for benefices or other
Church preferment. They hold office
only from one diocesan synod to another.
If the committee be reduced below six
in the interval between two synods, the
bishop makes provisional appointments so
as to complete the prescribed number. In
countries where diocesan synods cannot
be held, as in North Germany, the Holy
See authorises the bishops to appoint
synodal examiners with the consent of
the chapters.
STxroDAXiS. A small payment in
the nature of a " cathedraticum " (q. v.),
due from the incumbents of benefices to
the bishop. The word occurs in the pre-
face to the Anglican prayer-book. The
name seems to have originated in the
practice of making this payment on the
occasions when the clergy met the
bishop in synod. (Hook's " Church
Dictionary.")
STIVTAGMA CAXTON-UM. Besides
the collection called the "Nomocanon"
(see that article), Photius, the Patriarch
of Constantinople, made, in 833, a second
collection of canons, which he designated
as above. It contains the canons of the
first seven General Councils, and of two
councils held at Constantinople by Photius
himself ; also a series of extracts from the
Fathers, and a few civil laws.
STBXAir CATHOX.XCS. The name
" Syrian Catholic " would naturally apply
to all those who use a Svriac liturgy, and
to whom SATiac, therefore, is the sacred
language. Such are the Chaldeans, or con-
» Cone. Trid. aeaa. xxiv. c. 18, De Ref.
872 SYRIAN CATHOLICS
SYRIAN CATHOLICS
verts from Nestovianism ; the Maronites,
originally Moiiotbelites ; and, finally, the
converts from the Jncobite or Monophy-
site Church in Syria. But in the recog-
nised language of the Church the name
of Syrian Catholics is given to the last
body, and to no other. These Syrian
Christians are subject to the Pope, and of
course hold the Catholic faith, but they
keep the ancient Syriac rites, which are
common to the Jacobites and themselves.
[See Liturgies.]
A congTegation of Jacobite Christians
Lad been reconciled to the Church in
1546,' and in 1781, on the death of
(George III., the Jacobite Patriarch,
Ignatius- Michael Giarve, Bishop of the
Syrian Catholics at Aleppo, went, with
the approval of Propaganda, to Mardir,
the seat of the Jacobite Patriarch, and
persuaded the Jacobite clergy of inferior
rank, many laymen, four bishops, and the
Archbishop of Jerusalem, to seek union
with the Catholic Church. Ignatius was
himself chosen Patriarch by the bishops,
and, after being enthroned, he and his
electors begged the ])allium from the
Pope. He nominated the Latiu Bishop of
Babylon his Procurator at Rome. INIean-
time, the rest of the Jacobites had chosen
another Patriarch. Ignatius, whose elec-
tion had been confirmed by the Pope in
1783, was driven from Mardin and took
refuge at Kesrevan, in the Lebanon, where
he founded the monastei-y of Sajideh el
Sharfeh (Sta Maria Liberatrix), which
Pius VI. took under his protection in
1787. He died in 1800, was succeeded
by Ignatius Michael Daher (resigned
1810); by Simon (re^igned L-^ls); by
Ignatius Peter Giarve, elected 1820, but
not confirmed, on account of the strife
which had broken out, till 182S. Pro-
gi-ess was made owing to the conversion
of the Jacobite Archbishop of Jerusalem,
Gregory Ilyza, and his vicar-general,
Ignatius Antony Samhiri, in 1827. In
1830 a firman of the Turkish Government
recognisedthe Catholic Patriarch, Ignatius
• So Silbernagl, p. 309. Herf^eniother (p.
6) says the Capuchins converted Acbigian,
Jacobite bishop of Aleppo, in 1650.
' So Sibernagl. Hergenrother (loc. cit.)
calls him " Dionysius Michael Giarve. '
Peter Giarve, as independent of the
Jacobites. In 1854 Pius IX. preconised
Ignatius Antony Sanctiri ' as patriarch
of the Syrians, and ruled that he should
reside at Mardin. In 1840 the number
of Catholics belonging to the Syrian rite
was reckoned at 30,000, but it is said to
have increased cousiderablj' since then,
many conversions having been made by
the Capuchin Castells (I860, Apostolic
delegate in Mesopotamia, Lesser Armenia,
and Persia ; 1866, Archbishop of Mar-
cianopolis; d. 1873). The Syrian Pa-
triarch Ignatius Philip Harcus (d. 1874)
was present at the Vatican Council. The
Patriarch is chosen by the bishops. He
is enthroned during Mass, receives the
pastoral staff', takes the oath of obedience
to the Pope, and makes the profession of
faith prescribed for the Orientals by Urban
VIII. in 1642. He sends these formulae,
subscribed and sealed, to Rome, and de-
putes a priest or monk to beg the pallium,
lie has jurisdiction over all Catholics of his
rite in Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt.
He is himself immediately subject to
Propaganda, and to the Vicar-Apostolic
of Aleppo, as Apostolic Delegate. He is
entitled Patriarch of Antioch.
The diocese of Aleppo is governed
immediately by the Patriarch, who is also
administrator of the diocese of Jerusalem.
Tliere are, besides, the dioceses of Beyrout,
Damascus, Diarbekir, Emesa or Horns,
Mardin, Mosul, Keriatiu, Tripolis.^ The
Syrians have two monasteries on the
Lebanon, that of El-Sharfeb, already men-
tioned, that of St. Ephveni, and a" third,
that of Mar-Behnam, north-east of Nim-
rud. They are not, however, monasteries
in the strict sense, but only houses for
communities of unmarried secular priests.
The first two serve as clerical seminaries.
(From Silbernagl, "Verfassuug und
gegenwartiger Bestaud sammtlicher
Kirchen des Orients," 1865, with a few
additions from Hergenrother, "Kirchen-
geschichte," 1880, vol. ii. p. 639 seq.,
1010 seg.)
' So Silbernagl. HergenrBther (p. 1010)
writes the name " Samhiri."
» The list in the Directory for 1883 adds
Babylon, Alexandria, and Gezir.
TABERNACLE
TEMPERANCE 873
TABE&irAC&E. [See Resebva-
noN OF THE Holt Euchaeist.1
TA.BOKXTES. [See Bohemian
Brethkits-.^
TANTTTiw EBCO. [See Pnnge
Lingua, under Htmss.]
TE nsvM. A hymn in the fonn of
a psalm, recited at the end of Matins on
all feasts except Innocents' Day, and on
all Sundays except during penitential
seasons.
1 . Itit Author and Date. — According to
the leeend, given in the so-called Chro-
nicle of Dacius, it was sung in alternate
TfTses by Ambrose and Augu>tine after
the baptism of the latter. Daciu*, bishop
of Milan, died about 555, but the Chro-
nicle which bears his name is now known
to be a late and worthless forgery, which,
in important particulars, contrailicts the
(•onre>sinns of St. Augustine himself.
As late as 1605 the story was defended
hy ail Augustinian hermit, Eustachius a
8. I'baldo. but everi-nne, say the Bene-
dictine editors of St. Ambrose (vol. ii. p.
1410. in Migne's reprint), "not utterly
ismorant (now plane rudis), treats it as a
fable.
The rule of St. Benedict (cap. 14)
orders it to be sung after the fourth
responsory; this and t^ie rule of Tiridius,
a disciple of CTsarius of .\rles, being,
according to Menard (" Annot. in S.
Gregor. Sacram." p. 586), the earliest
documents which mention it. Gavantus
("Thesaur." torn. ii. § v. xix.) found it
attributed, in an ancient MS. Breviary, to
St. Abundius ; Usher (see Bingham,
" Antiq." xiv. ii. § 9), to Nicetius, bishop
of Treves (d. i-irc. 5.35). Abbo, an author
of the sixth century, attributed it to St
Hilary of Poitiers. The fact is, the author
is absolutely unknown, but the fonn
" suscepturus hominem," or, rather, " sus-
€.-]>isti hominem," as the older texts have
it. p lints to an early date, for this expres-
sion fell out of use after the rise of
Xestorianism. Daniel, in his dissertation
on the "Te Deum" (in vol. ii. of his
"TliHsaur. Hymnolog.") seems to have
( >tiil.lished the fact that the psalm is
has. d on a Greek hymn, the text of which
he gives from an .\lexaudrian MS. The
Latin is an expansion of the GJreek, and
the verv different forms in which the
" Te Deum " occurs show that the hymn
gradually assumed its present fixed form.
2. Use as a Hymn of Thanksgiving. —
The " Gloria in Excelsis " used to be sung,
just as the "Te Deum " is now (Chrysost.
" In Cap. i. Coloss." Horn. iii. ; Greg.
Turon. " De Gloria Mart." i. 63 ; Anastas.
"In Vita Leon. III." vol. ii. p. 1216, in
Migne's reprint). It was the " Te Deum,"
however, which wa= sung at the corona-
tion of Charles the Bald, and even earlier,
under Pepin, at the translation of the
body of Sr. Germanus, bishop of Paris, if
we may believe the author of the narrative
in Surius (see Menard, Joe. cit. p. 585).
a. Use in the O^re.— This, in the
Roman Church, came later than its use
on festal occasions. "VMien Amalarius
went to Rome in 831 he found it was not
sung there except "in nataliciis Pontifi-
cum " (Amalar. " De Ord. Antiphon." ad.
init. p. 1246, in Migne). On the other
hand, the Benedictines, in the eleventh
century, were reproached with singing it
even in Lent and Advent.
TEMPERAsrcE. The 1a.st of the
cardinal virtues (.see that art.). In a wide
sense it is equivalent to restraint or
moderation ; but it is commonly used for
moderation in certain strong appetites
which are concerned with the preserva-
tion of the individual or of the race, such
as eating, drinking, and generation. These
desires are lawful in themselves, but on
account of their vehemence they lead
to excess, and so become sinful unless
they are kept within bounds. Modesty,
chastity, sobriety, and similar virtues come
under the head of temperance. (See St.
Thomas 2* 2'^, qq. cxli.-clxx.)
Among us, the word temperance is
still further restricted to mean moderation
in the u.^e of intoxicants, and sometimes,
but incorrectly, it is taken to mean total
aljstinence from these. The Catholic
Church teaches that the use of wine is,
in itself, perfectly lawful (see Ecclus.
xxxi. 32 seq. ; John ii. 1 seq. ; 1 Tim.
v. 23). The opposite opinion was part
of the Manicha?an heresy (see Epiph.
"Hjeres.'" 45 et 47. S^e" Abstixexce).
At the same time, the Church holds that
drunkenness is a mortal sin. Hence, all
her children are bound at least to be
temperate. Total abstinence is necessary
S74
TEMPLARS
to some, but only of counsel to others.
Those who cannot be moderate or who
know that drink, even in moderation,
is a dangerous occasion of sin to them,
are bound to abstain altogether. Gene-
rally speaking, we should insist more
upon the advantages of abstinence than
upon the obligation of it. Thus we
may abstain either to mortify ours -Ives,
or to satisfy God for our sins, or for the
benefit of our health, or for the sake of
example, or to save money for one's
family or for charitable uses. The
labours of Father Mathew and Cardinal
Manning in the cause of total abstinence
are weU known. The present Pope, Leo
XIII., writing to Bishop teland (March
'27, 1SS7\ has said: " We esteem worthy
of commendarion the noble resolve of our
pious associations, by which they pledge
themselves to abstain altogether from
every kind of intoxicating drinks. Nor
can 'it at all be doubted that this deter-
mination is a fitting and truly efficacious
remedy for this very great evil [intem-
perance] ; and that so much the more
strongly will all be induced to put this
bridle iipon appetite, by how much the
greater are the dignity and influence of
those who give the example. But greatest
of all in this matter should be the zeal of
priests, who, as they are called to instruct
the people in the word of life, and to
mould them to Christian morality, should
also, and above all. walk before them in
the practice of virtue. Let pastors, there-
fore, do their best to drive the plague of
intemperance from the fold of Christ by
assiduous preaching and exhortation, and
to shine before all as models of abstinence,
and so the many calamities with which
this vice threatens both Church and State
may, by their strenuous endeavours, be
ave'ned'" It is noteworthy that the Church
has not legislated on the subject. For a
long time, however, total abstinence pre-
vailed in the monasteries of Ireland. St.
Gilbert of Sempringham, the only founder
of a religious order in England [see Sesi-
PRnrGHAM, Obdeb of], forbade the use, or
the making, of strong drink in his houses.
[See LEAGrx of tss Cboss.] (St.Thom.
2*2",qq.cxlix.,cl.; " Discipline of Drink,"
by Father Bridgett.)
TEKPX.ARS. This military order
•was founded early in the twelfth century.
Boon after the establishment of the Chris-
tian kingdom of Jerusalem, by nine French
knights, among whom the leading spirit
seems to have been Hugo de Payens.
High self-denying fervour and undoubting
TEMPLARS
faith dictated the enterprise, of which
the object was to levy a permanent militia,
sworn to do battle 'for the defence and
extension of that small area of Christian
j light and truth pent in on all sides by
I dark deserts of Mahommedan misbelief.
On the whole, the Temple — at any rate
I till within a short time before its dissolu-
I tion — remained true to the purpose of its
institution. Aspirant* for knighthood
joined it in great numbers ; solemn forms
of initiation were devised ; like a religious
' order, it was organised into provinces,
each containing so many precept'jries and
commajjdtTiei. The knights took the
three vows of religion ; wealth poured in
upon them, was even thrust upon them,
but it aggrandised the order, not the in-
dividual. In little more than a century
the nine knights had grown into a trained
army of fifteen thousand warriors. That
fervour declined, that contact with Orien-
tal manners sometimes corrupted, that
the respect in which they were held en-
gendered pride, and overflowing wealth
sometimes brought luxury along with it —
all this is true ; but to admit it is but to
say that the Templars, like other men,
felt the pressure of circumstances and
were subject to human fraUty ; it is no
proof that their institute was either a
mistake or a mischief. While the Chris-
tian kingdom endured, the Templars
fought strenuously for its preservation;
i but the unfortunate rivalry between them
and the Knights of^St. John "Hospital-
' LERs] robbed the military efforts of both
orders of much of their efficacy. After
the loss of Jerusalem (11S7) the vassal
Christian principalities carried on the
struggle, with ever dwindling fortune, for
a century longer; and in thb struggle
the swords of the Templars, though
with far too little amenability to
any higher control or general plan of
operations, were ever wielded with dis-
tinguished bravery. At the closing
scene of Christian power in Palestine —
the faU of Acre in 1291 — the forces of
the besieged were commanded by the
Master of the Temple, who was killed
while fighting valiantly. The order then
established itself in Cyprus, where the
descendants of Guy de Lusignan srill
reigned, in the hope that time would
bring some opening whereby they might
regain their footing in the Holy Land.
But years wore on and nothing was done.
The Hospitallers, who had been driven
out of Palestine at the same time as th-^
Templars, still had work cut out for them ;
I
TEMPL-\ES
TERTI ARIES 875
■wherever they were they could tend the
eiclt ; and their -well-considered project of
attacking Rhodes (in which the Templars
refused to share) proved to Christendom
that the Knights of St. John had no inten-
tion of abandoning the conflict with Islam
which they had been waging for two
hundred years. The Templars, on the
other hand, took up no definite enterprise ;
they were so rich that they could afford
to wait, and so powerful that they dreaded
no attack. At once the question arose,
What was the use of the Templars?
WTiy should not the order dissolve itself,
now that the cause of which they were
champions had tailed, and that which
they had undertaken to defend was lost
beyond recovery ? In Spain and Portu-
gal only did the order continue to be
popular, because the knights flung them-
selves earnestly into the national contest
against the Moors. Philip the Fair, irri-
tated at the state and splendour which
the Templars observed, and coveting their
wealth, laid a deep plot for their destruc-
tion. An apostate Italian Templar and a
French heretic, his accomplice, informed ;
the king that they could make fearful ,
revelations. Charges were formulated
(1307), at the head of which was that of
formally denying Christ and spitting on
the cross at the time of initiation into the
order. They were also accused of sorcery,
of idolatry, of foul and unnatural lusts,
of causing parts of the Canon of the
Mass to be omitted in their churches, of
betraying the Christian cause in the East,
&c. The King caused all the Templars
throughout France to be suddenlyarrested
on the same day and thrown into prison.
Upon their answers to the charges made \
against them — their denials, admissions, '
re-denials, and prevarications — volumes
have been written, but no solid result has
been obtained. Xor can it ever be, since
whatever confessions individual Templars
made were extorted by torture, which ,
was applied all through this trial with
horrible frequency and severity, and were ,
invariably retracted when the victims I
f mnd themselves out of the King's power.
The Pnpe, Clement V., interfered so far
as he dared, but too weakly and irreso-
lutely to save them. Great numbers of
the French knights died under the torture
or from the eflects of long imprisonment;
about a hundred were burnt at the stake,
on the ground that having retracted their
confessions they should be dealt with as
relapsed heretics. The Grand Master,
Du Molay, after being long kept in prison
and driven by torture to admit the truth
of some of the charges, finally (in March
1313) retracted those admissions and was
burnt at the stake. The order wa.s dis-
solved in France, and all its wealth
seized by the King. In England (l:JlO)
Edward II., at the request of the Pope,
had caused all the Templars in the king-
dom to be imprisoned, but their trial was
conducted with less inhumanity, aU'l
though condemned, it was upon evidence
so flimsy that in the present day a man
could not be convicted on it of the m<><i
trifling offence. In Spain and Portugal
the knights were put on their trial on the
same charges, but honourably and enthu-
siastically acquitted. In Germany also
they were acquitted. The Council of
Vienne (1311) decreed the entire dissol'
tion of the order.
(The chief works on the history of
the Templars are by G. Dupuy, Jos. von
Hammer, Havemann, Michelet i'in his
" Hist, of France "'], Raynouard, and
Wilke.^
TEMPOKAXi powzs. [See
States of the Chttrch.]
TE»iPT.a,TXOir. [See Coycupi-
8C£yCE."
TEMPX7S cliAirsirnx. [See Low
TEiTEBRf. [See Holt Week.]
TESESZ.ajrs. ' Discalced Carmelites
of bi ith sexes, living under the reformation
of Sr. Teresa. [See CiEiiXLiTES.T
TERTZAKZES. The Status of a
tertiary, that is '• a member of the third
order," was originated by St. Francis
of Assisi, who, after he had founded his
own order, and after the order of Minorite
nuns [Poos Clares], living under a rule
prescribed by him, had been founded by
St. Clare, instituted (1221) a third order,
as a sort of middle term between the
world and the cloister, the members of
which, men and women, should be bound
by rule to dress more soberly, fast more
strictly, pray more regularly, hear Mass
more frequently, ami practise works of
mercy more systematically than ordinary
persons liviuir in the world. He called
them Brothers and Sisters of Penance.
They had to undergo a year's novitiate,
and to take a simple vow to observe the
rule. They were also to abstain from
dances and theatrical entertainments, to
eschew all quarrelling and contention, not
to take up arms except in defence of the
Church or their native land, and to take
no unnecessary oaths. An immense num-
ber of persons, anxious to sanctify their
876 TESTAMENT
THEATIXES
life in the world, joined the order; among
these in the thirteenth century were St.
Louis of France and St. Elizabeth of
Hungary. Many tertiaries in course of
time, as circumstances permitted, desired
to take solemn vows and live in com-
munity, while still conformmg to the rule
of the Third Order. Thus arose various
congreg-ations of tertiary monks and nuns
— in Lombardy, Sicily, Dalmatia, France,
Spain, and Portugal. One of these con-
gregations alone, the Sisters of St. Eliza-
beth, reckoned in the middle of the six-
teenth century 135 convents and nearly
4,000 members. The regular tertiaries
were in some cases invested by the Holy
See with independent jurisdiction ; more
commonly they were under the govern-
ment of the Observant or Conventual
Franciscans. The double aspect of the
Third Order wasnotict d byBem dictXTII.
in the bull "Patema sedis," where he
speaks of it as " a true and proper order,
uniting in one seculars scattered all over
the world and regulars living in com-
munity " ; adding that it is to be distin-
guished from all confraternities as having
its own rule, approved by the Holy See,
novitiate, profession, and a habit of deter-
minate form and material. St. Elzear
and his wife, St. Delphina, St. Roch, St.
Elizabeth of Hungary, St. Biidgit of
Sweden, St. Rose of Viterbo, and Anne
of .\ustria, were all members of the Third
Order of St. Francis. In a rescript of
the year 188;) his H'^liness the reigning
Pontiff recommended this order to the
careful attention of the faithful in every
p-irt of Christendom, as one most suit-
able to be embraced by seculars who sin-
cerely desire to livenenrer to God.
The Dominicans also had their Third
Order, founded by St. Dominic himself, in
what year is uncertain. These Penitents
bound themselves to labour for the re-
covery and preservation of Church pro-
perty. The glorious St. Catherine of
Sienna was for the greater part of her
life a member of the Third Order of St.
Dominic : St. Rose of Lima also belonged
to it. The Augustinian Hermits esta-
blished a Third Order at the beginning
of the fifteenth century. The example
was followed by the Minims (1501), the
Servites, the Carmelites, and the Trap-
pis ts.
There are in England at the present
time fifteen convents of Dominican and
five of Franciscan, Sisters of the Third
Order.
TSSTAMEirT. [See Will.]
TEtTTONIC XTrXGBTS. [See
Mis-ioxs, Thirfrenth Century.']
THEANDBZC ACTXOSrS. [Se9
MOXOTHELIXES."
THEATIXTES. This congregation ot
" Regular Clerks,"' the first that had been
so designated, derived its name from
Theate, or Chieti, of which John Peter
Caralfa, one of its founders, was bishop.
The idea of its institution arose in the
mind of St. Cajetan, a native of Vicenza,
who, having made his legal studies with
great distinction at Padua, was appointed
protonotary apostolic in the Roman Curia.
He became a fervent member of the con-
fraternity of the Divine Love : and,
thirsting more and more for the salvation
of souls, he resigned his office and took
holy orders. Family aifairs caused him
to return to Vicenza, whence he proceeded
to Venice, and laboured there for a con-
siderable time. On the advice of his con-
fessor he again fixed his abode at Rome.
The reform of the lives of Christians, and
especially of the irregularities too common
at that time among the clergy, presented
itself to him as the object to which God
willed him to devote his life. Meeting
with Bishop Caratra, wlin at the time wa.s
thinking of renouncing his preferments
and joining the order of Camaldoli, St.
Cajetan persuaded him to take part in
the holy enterprise which he had matured.
Two other men of piety and experience,
Paul Consiglieri and Boniface de Colic,
joined them ; and these four, renoimcing
whatever benefices they had, founded the
Theatine Congregation in 1524. It was
approved by Clement Yll. the same year,
in a brief which permitted them to take
the three ordinary vows, elect a superior,
receive new members, and frame statutes,
imparting to them at the same time the
privileges of the canons of St. Jolm
Lateran. They embraced a more than
Franciscan poverty, for they bound them-
selves not only to have no property or
rents, but to abstain from asking for alms,
being persuaded that the providence of
God and the unsolicited charity of the
faithful would sufficiently supply their
wants. Carafta was elected the first
superior ; at the end of three years he was
succeeded by St. Cajetan. By degrees
the value of their services was recognised
and their numbers increased. St. Cajetan
died in 1547; Caraff'a, having been ele-
vated to the cardinalate in 1536, was
elected Pope in 1555, and took the title
of Paul IV. The congregation received
many favours and made signal progress
THEODORE OF MOPSUESTIA ST. THOMAiS, CHRISTIA^■S OF 877
during his pontificate. Btsidea nunit-rou.-)
houses in Italy, they established them-
selves in Spain, Poland, and Bavaria;
with the aid of Cardinal .Mazarin they
opened a house at Paris. The learned
Cardinal Thomassi and Father Ventura
belonged to this congrregation, which at
the present day appears not to be found
out of Italy. The Theatine nuns were
founded by the B. Ursula Benincasa, who,
having been suspected of being a visionary
and a deluded extatica, was declared by
St. Philip Xeri to be a soul truly en-
lightened by God ; she died in 1618.
(.Helvf^t.)
THEOSOSS OF MOPSTTSSTrO..
[SeeNEbioiLLOfisil; EpHESus ;and Three
Chapters.]
TBEOBOSET. [See EpHBsrs ;
Chalcedox ; and Three'Chapxebs^
TBEOX.OCZCAI; VZSTTTES. Faith,
Hope, and Charity are called the theolo-
logical virtues, because they relate
immediately to God. The moral or
cardinal virtues (see that art.) are con-
cerned with our duties, and so relate to
Him indirectly; but the theological
virtues have Him for their immetliate
object — it is God in whom we believe
and hope and whom we love. These
virtues arr; supernatural because they are
beyond the reach of man's natural powers,
and because they enable him to attain a
supernatural end. (See Faith, Hope,
Charitt ; St. Thomas, !• 2», q. Ixii. for
the throl'-iini^al virtues ^r-nerally.")
TBEOX,OGirS,TBEOX.OC.a.Xi. [See
Cisox The.ilogiax.[
TBEOZiOCT. " [See Dogmatic,
MoRvL. Mt-tical Theology.]
TBEOF.a.scBrrE. [See Tkisa&ios-
and Mo.\-or}£TsirE.[
TBOMAS.ST.'.CBSZSTZAirS OF.
A name given to Cbristianjon the Malabar
Coast who were once all Nestorians, then
all, nominally at least, Catholics, at pre-
sent partly Catholic, partly Jacobite or
Monophysite. The name is supposed to
come from St. Thomas the Apostle, who,
according to their legendary account, led
them to Christian belief ; others explain it
as referring to a Thomas of Cananes,' who
is said to have come to the Malabar Coast
with authority from Eustathius of An-
ti'ich. Assemani, however Bibliothec.
Orient," tom. iii. p. 2, p. 443), puts this
latter Thomas four and a half centuries
after Eustathius. Be their origin as it
may, the Christians of Malabar ^MaXe,
tvBa TO TTfTTfpi yii-eTai\ are mentioned by
' So Howard. Assemani calls him Cana.
Cosmas Indicopleustes ("Topograph.
Christ." iii. p. ItJ'J ; xi. p. 445, ed. .Migne)
and at that time — viz. a.d. 0-2-2 — they
were in communion with the Xestorian
patriarch, for Cosmas says they had a
bishop ordained in Persia. Our Allred
is believed to have sent the Bishop
Swithelm of Sherborne on an embassy to
the shrine of St. Thomas in India (Tur-
ner's " Anglo-Saxons," voL ii. p. 145 ^e^.).
Marco Polo in the thirteenth century
speaks of them, and Vasoo di Gama in
1 4!>6, or at all events on his second arrival
in VjO-2, found them numbering 200,000
souls i^IIoward). They were Nestorians,
using the Syriac language and the three
Xestorian liturgies, with a fourth, that
of Diodorus (Howard). The Portuguese
endeavoured by very cruel means to unite
them to the Church, and did produce an
external submission. In loi^O Menezes,
archbishop of Goa, summoned them to a
synod at Diamper, a few miles S.E. of
Cochin. They were allowed to retain
their chief Syriac liturgy, that of SS.
Adeus and Maris, but striking alterations
were made after the Roman pattern — e.y.
the elevation of the host was introduced,
and the invocation common to all Eastern
liturgies was placed before the words of
institution. At this council Papal supre-
macy was solemnly accepted, all allegiance
to the Xestorian patriarch renounced, and
Xestorius anathematised.
The episcopal see was moved from
Angalamale to Cranganore on the coast,
80 as to make it more accessible to the
Portuguese. Menezes ordered their books
to be burnt or in cert.iin cases expurgated,
and he did his work so thoroughly that
j no one has succeeded in finding a copy of
I their liturgy as it was before the Roman
I alterations. Four Portuguese or Spanish
, bishops in succession were set over them,
I the tirst of them being Francis Roz, a
Jesuit.
These poor people cared very little
I about Xestorius, whom they had not seen,
' but they hated the Portugutse. whom
they had. No sooner did the Portuguese
settlements pass into the hands of the
Dutch, who expelled the Jesuits, than
I about half the Malabar churches ceased to
' be Catholic. At this time, in I600, after
fruitless endeavours to get a bishop from
Cairo, they succeeded in obtaining a visit
from the Jacobite ' Gregory of Jerusalem,
I Mr. Howant is nt a los« to know the
authority tor the -tatrmenr that a J.-iiobite
bishop w. nt to India in 6y6. The auth.iricy
13 Renaudoc, Hut. Patriank. Alex. The
878
THOMISM
THREE CHAPTERS
who consecrated a native metropolitan.
They adopted the Sj-riac liturgy of St.
James from the Monophysites. To judge
from a very interesting tract hy Philipos,
a schismatic chorepiscopus of Malabar,
translated and published in 1869 by his
friend the Rev. G. B. Howard, they have
adopted the Monophysite tenets, the oppo-
site extreme from their old error, in good
earnest. In many ways, however, the
tract of this chorepiscopus witnesses to
Catholic doctrine. Its statements on the
sacrifice of the Mass, the real presence,
obligatory confession, extre'me unction,
prayer to the saints and for the dead, are
entirely Catholic. The Schismatics re-
fused in 1806 to enter into communion
with the Church of England on account
of the uncertainty of Anglican ordinations
(Howard, p. 157). The metropolitan has
civil as well as ecclesiastical authority.
He elects and consecrates his coadjutor
and successor. The clergy are married ;
they say Matins and Vespers daily in the
church, but are free to follow secular
trades. Silberuagl gives (a. D. 1865) their
number as 70,000.
Soon after the Indian hierarchy was
established by Leo XIII. , two vicariates
(Kottayam and Trichur) were founded
for the Christians of St. Thomas, each of
which was made subject to a bishop of
the Latin rite whose vicar-general, how-
ever, should belong to the Syro-Malabar
rite (1887). The number of the united
Christians is at present about 200,000
with 395 priests and 340 churches and
chapels.^ They use the Syriac liturgy,
which they inherited from the Nestorians,
and hence are reckoned as belonging to the
Chaldean rite. (Assemani, " Bibliothec.
Orient." iv. P. 2; Silbernagl, " Kirchen
des Orients " ; the Rev. G. B. Howard (an
Anglican clergyman), " The Christians of
St. Thomas and their Liturgies," 1864 ;
" The Syrian Christians of Malabar," by
Edavalikel Philipos, chorepiscopus, &c.,
at Travancore, edited by G. B. Howard,
1869.)
THOMISM. [See Dogmatic Theo-
logy ; also SCOTISTS.]
THREE CHAPTERS. The Con-
demnation of the three chapters ^ means
whole matter is discussed by Assemani, Bibli-
othec. iv. P. 2, p. 4.51 seq., who argues that
Ethiopia, not India in our sense, is meant.
1 Werner, Orhis Terrarum Cntholicus, 1890.
2 Properly speaking, the KecpdXaia inv the
propositions contair.ini; tlie cojiilenuiiitioii, not
the condemned matter, lint in later imperial
edicts, the Acts of the Fifth Omn.-il. and Pniml
the condemnation of (1) Theodore of
Mopsuestia, his porson, and his writings,
(2) of Theodoret's writings against Cyril
and the Ephesine Council, (3) of a letter
from Ibas to Maris the Persian, also
against Cyril and the Council. Theodore
anticipated the heresy of Nestorius Ibas
and Theodoret were indeed restored at
Chalcedon, but only after they had given
orthodox explanations and shown that they
were free from Nestoriauism. Hence, it
was quite possible to condemn the Nes-
torian or semi-Nestorian error of the " three
chapters " without falling into the oppo-
site error of Eutychianism and rejecting
the definitions of Chalcedon. The Emperor
Justinian was led, chiefly by Theodore
Ascidas, archbishop of Ceesarea, and by
Theodora his empress, to believe that the
condemnation of the three chapters would
serve to reconcile the Monophysites in
Egypt, and strengthen the unity of tlie
Eastern Empire. In fact, the Severian
Monophysites had raised objections to the
Council of Chalcedon on the ground that
there Ibas and Theodoret had been
declared orthodox. (Mansi, viii. 829.)
Accordingly, in 544 an edict of Justinian
condemned the three chapters, and at the
same time maintained with Pope Leo the
orthodox doctrine that there are two
natures in Christ. This edict was ac-
cepted by the four Eastern Patriarchs,
but opposed in Africa, where Facundus cf
Hermiane led the opposition, in Illyria,
Dalmatia, and by Pope Vigihus, who
was summoned that same year to Con-
stantinople.
There the Pope changed his mind,
and in his "Judicatum" of 548 anathe-
matised the three chapters (Mansi, ix.
181).' This "Judicatum" excited great
opposition in the West, particularly in
Africa, where Pope Vigilius was excom-
municated in a Council of Carthage, a.d.
550 (Hefele, ii. p. 831). Besides Facun-
dus, the Africans Fulgentius, Ferrandus,
and the deacon Liberatus ("Breviar.
causae Nestor, et Eutych.") wrote in
defence of the three chapters. That same
year Vigilius withdrew his "Judicatum "
(Mansi, ix. 153), and agreed to let the
matter rest till a council could meet.
But, probably in 551, Justinian, without
waiting for the council, published another
edict against the chapters (ofxoXnyla Kara
letters, the term always has the meaning given
in the tex'. Hefele, Concil. ii. p. >-00.
I Only fragments of this document remain
in their authenticity. See Hefele, Concil. ii.
p. 82 i, note.
THREE CHAPTERS
TIARA
879
rZv rpiSiv Kt<f>n\alcDv, Mansi, ix. 537-582),
and the Pope, who would not approve it,
was subjected to cruel outrage, and at
last fled to the Churcli of St. Euphemia at
Chalcedon. In the n(>gottations between
Pope and Emperor, the former gave and
then withdrew his consent to the meeting
of a council from which the Africans were
to be excluded. The council (see Cox-
ST.VNTINOPLE) met in 553, and to it, on
May 14, 553, Vigilius sent his " Consti-
tutum," in which he censured sixty
propositions of Theodore, but strictly for-
bade any personal condemnation of him,
or any censure of the writin<rs of Ibas
and Theodoret (Mansi, ix. 61-106). The
council did precisely what the Pope had
forbidden, and on December 8, 553, the
latter declared in a letter to Eutychius of
Constantinople that " Christ had removed
the darkness from his mind," that "it
was no shame to admit and retract error"
after the example of St. Augustine, and
accordingly he condemned the three
chapters, just as the council had done
(Mansi, ix. 413-20). He repeated the
same decision in his second "Consti-
tutum " of February 23, 554, which ends
with an anathema of the three chapters
and those who defend them (Mansi, 457-
488). Vigilius died on his way home at
Syracuse in 554 or January 555. His
successor, Pelagius I., also approved the
acts of the Fifth Council, which, how-
ever, was bitterly opposed in Asia, North
Italy, Gaul, Spain, and Britain. The
Africans, except a few who were exiled
or imprisoned, gave way in 559. Milan
was in formal schism till the publication
of the "Ilenoticon" by Justin IT. in
571. It was in Istria that the schism
was most obstinate. In 007 the Bishop
of Aquileia-Grado and those of his
suflragans who were in the imperial
territory were reunited to the Cliurch.
On the other hand, those suffragan bishops
who were subject to the Lombard king or
to the Duke of Friuli set up a schismati-
cal patriarchate at Old Aquileia. Soon
after the Popes granted the title of
Patriarch to the Bishop of Aquileia-
Grado. The schism continued till the
Council of Aquileia in 700. After the
union the two Bi.shops of Aquileia
and Aquileia-Grado were both allowed to
retain the title of Patriai-ch. The Patri-
archate of Grado was transferred to
Venice in 1451, and still continues. The
Patriarchs of Old Aquil^^ia, after its de-
struction, transferred tlieir see to Udine,
.and the title was abolished by Benedict
XIV. in 1751 at the request of Austria
(Ilefele, ii. p. 923).
(Chiefly from Hefele, "Concil." vol. ii.
Balleriui, " De Priraat." cap. xv. § x. 38,
argues that Vigilius did not issue contra-
dictory definitions on the faith, but simply
changed his mind on a matter of expedi-
ency, and this of course is the only theory
consistent with the definitions of the
Vatican Council. Bossuet ["Def. Cler.
Gall." P. iii. lib. vii. cap. xx.J, though he
urges the history of Vigilius as an argu-
ment against Papal infallibility, still
allows that the Pope and his opponents
"de summa fidei facile consentiebant ; "
adding, however, "omnino ad fidei causam
quiE.stio pertinebat." The attempt of Vin-
cenzi [" Vigil. Orig. Justin. Triumph, in
Syn. V." Romae, 18C5] to deny the most
patent facts and treat some of the chici
documents as forgeries, is unworthy of
serious notice.)
THURIBXiES (dvniarripinv, thimiama-
teriuni, thuribulum) must be as old as the
use of incense in the Church [see that
article], and Anastatius in his Life of
Sylvester (n. .'iG), says Constantine pre-
sented two thuribles of pure gold, weigh-
ing thirty pounds, to the Lateran Church,
besides one of gold set with gems for the
baptistery. Evn>;nus (" H. E." vi. 21)
mentions a thurible sent by Ohosroes to
the shrine of St. Sergius. But thuribles
in their present form — -i.e. with chains
attached — do not occur, according to
Martigny ("Diet, des Antiq. ChrLH." art.
Encensoir), before the twelfth century.
Our word " boat " for tlu' vessel in
which the incense is carried ausweis to
the Low Latin vavlrvl,,, wlm li hi.d tl,e
same mi>aniiig (Ducanue, --uh rcc), and
to the French mwctte; Ital. navicella.
TZARA. A cylindrical head-dress
pointed at the top and surrounded with
three crowns, which the Pope wears as a
symbol of sovereignty. The word (napn)
occurs in the classics to denote the Per.sian
head-dress, particularly that of the " great
king." In the Vulgate it is a synonym
of cidaris and mitra, and is used for the
turban of the high priest (nSJVO)) Exod.
xxviii. 4), or of the common priest (nyaap,
ih. 40). Till late in the middle ares tiara
was a synonym of mitra, a bishop s mitre,
regnum being the word for crown (Du-
cange, suh voc).
The whole hi.story of the Papal Tiara
is uncertain. Nicolas I. (858-867) is
said to have been the first to unite the
princely crown with the mitre, though the
880
TIERCE
TITHES
BoUandists think this was done before
his time (BoUandists, " Thesaur." vol. ii.
p. 323, quoted by Hefele). The common
statement that Boniface VIII. (about 1 300)
added the second crown is false, for Hefele
shows that Innocent III. is represented
wearing the second crown in a painting
older than the time of Boniface. Urban
V. (1362-70) is supi)Osed to have added
the third ciown. The tiara is ]daced on
the Pope's head at his coronation by the
second cardinal deacon in the loggia of
St. Peter's, with the words, " Receive the
tiara adorned Avith three crowns, and
know tliat thou art Father uf princes and
kings, Ruler of the world, Vicar of our
Saviour Jesus Christ."' ' At ceremonies
of a purely spiritual character the Pope
wears the mitre, not the tiara. (Hefele,
" Beitriioe,'' vol. ii. p. 236 seq.).
TZESCS. rSee BUEVIARX.]
TITHES. Tit lies are commonly de-
fined as " the tenth part of all fruits and
profits justly acquired, owed to God in
recognition of His supreme dominion over
man, and to be paid to the ministers of
the Church." They were paid by Abrani
(Gen. xiv.), vowed by Jacob (Gen. xxviii.),
and regulated by the Mosaic law (Exod.
xxii. ; Lev. xxvii. ; Num. xviii.). In the
early Christian ages the free-will offerings
of the faithful supplied what was neces-
sary both for the Divine worship and the
support of the clergy ; but as the conver-
sion of the ^^'estern nations proceeded a
mure permanent provision was seen to be
necessary. In a canon of the Second
Council of Macon (oSo) occurs the first
exjiress mention of the Cliristian obliga-
tion of paying tithes.'^ They began to be
generally rendered in the eighth centiu'y,
not earlier. In 8o5, Ethelwulf, king of
Wessex, father of Alfred, "assigned the
tenth part of his land all over his king-
dom for the love of God and his own
everlasting weal."' The tithe of the
produce, not the tenth part of the land
itself, is certainly here intended. Many
authors, both Catholic and Protestant,
have imagined that the proportion itself
of 1 in 10 was fixed by a Divine pre-
cept for ever as that part of our sub-
stance which God requires to be devoted
to Him; and mystical reasons have been
I This formula is not found in the old Roman
Ordo, nor in the copv of the Ceerimoniale Roma-
nuiii (cf. Catalani, Comment, in Caerem. Rom. i.
119). So Thalhofer in the new edition of
Wetzer and W'elte, Kroenung.
Fleurj-, Hist. Eecl. xxxiv.
* Sax. Cbron.
invented to account for this. This belief
is now less commonly held. Cardinal
Soglia speaks of the tithe as " a certain
part, not the tenth part ; for it is some-
times greater, sometimes smaller, accord-
ing to the custom of ditferent places." '
Tithes are of two kinds, prijedial and
personal. Pnedial are those receivable in
respect of the annual crups, corn, wine,
oil, fruit, &c., and of the increase of cattle,
including milk and cheese. These last are
called by some "mixed" tithes, but the
distinction appears to be unnecessary.
Great tithes are of corn, wine, and oil;
small tithes, of vegetables and fruits.
Personal tithes are receivable in respect
of the profits of trade and industry.
Property acquired on the title of gift, be-
quest, or iniieritance is not itself tithe-
able ; but its annual increase, so far as it
is produced by nature or human industry.
Tithes were originally paid to the
bishops, but with the erection of separate
liriielices the right to them passed to the
piirish priests, in whom it is now vested
by the common law of the Church. Prae-
dial tithes are due to the parish in which
the farm lies, or in which the animals are
(udinarily fed ; personal, to that in which
the tithe-payer is bound to receive sacra-
ments.
Exemption from tithe may be obtained
by Papal privilege, by prescription, by
custom, or by convention. The Popes in
former times often granted the tithes of
certain places or districts to princes or
nobles who had rendered eminent services
to the Church, and allowed them to trans-
mit the same to their successors. Bisliops
used to grant tithes to laymen for similar
reasons ; but this was restrained by the
Third Council of Lateran (1179), which
ordered that no alienation of tithe be made
by a bishop without the consent of the
Pope. Prescription can only confer ex-
emption, as against a parish church, if it
1 be proved to have existed forty years,
and to rest on some title, or if — with-
j out a title — it can be shown to be
- immemorial. Against other churches
(monasteries, chapters, &c.) a shorter
prescription is sufficient. [Presckiption.]
Custom differs from prescription in that
it affects places or countries, while pre-
scription aftects individuals. By custom,
" personal and mixed tithes have almost
everywhere become obsolete, and praedial
also, in many places, especially where
1 Inst. Can. vol. iL 8.
TITLE TO OllDERS
TONSURE
881
competent revenues of a difierent kind I
have been a&sifrned to the parish !
churches." On the other hand, " the
law of tithes can never be abioifated by
prescription or custom, if the minister of •
the church have no suitable and sufficient '
provision from other sources; because
then the natural and Divine law,' which
can neither be abroirated nor antiquated,
commands that the tithe be paid."'-
(Spelman, "Of Tythes," Eng. Works,
1723 ; Ferraris, Ducima- : Soglia, " Inst.
Can.")
TZTXE TO ORDEBS. According to
the ancient law, no secular cleric could be
admitted to holy orders except titulo bene-
ficii: that is, he was required to show
that he had been nominated to a benefice
(of which he would have undisputed pos-
session) sufficient for his decent main-
tenance (Cone. Tr. xxi. De Ref. c. 2).
The same decree of the Council of Trent
which lays down this general principle
names two other titles to ordination as
exceptionally admissible — that which con-
sists in the possession of sufficient private
property {tittUus patrimonii), and that
which depends on a guarantee to the or-
dinand by some solvent person or persons
of an annual sum sufficient to maintain
him, in the event of the failure or with-
drawal of ecclesiastical resources (titulus
pensionis). A fourth title to orders {titu-
lus paupertatis) was. and is, the poverty
professed by those who have taken solemn
vows iu any religious order ; since this
poverty (as was shown in the article
Profession, Religious), while it debars
the professed from possessing any private
income, guarantees to him a maintenance
for life on the part of the religious house or
order of which he is a member. Benefices
having now ceased to exist over a large
part of Europe, one of the other titles
noticed by the Council is now, under the
name of " titulus mensse," generally re-
quired in German countries. The titulus
inensee is "the legal undertaking of a
third person to provide for the sufficient
maintenance of a clerk in major orders,
in case of, and during, his incapacity to
discharge his functions." (Wetzer and
Welte.)
Again, the pupils of certain seminaries
— as of the College of Propaganda at
Rome — and candidates for holy orders
in countries where the Catholic Church
is circumstanced as in Great Britain and
1 Xamelv. that "they who preach the
gospel should live of the frospel."
Soglia, vol. ii. 12.
Ireland, may be ordained titulo seminani,
or missiotiis. The acceptance of tliis last-
named title imposes on the bishop the
responsibility of providing for the support
of the ordinand if he shall become in-
capable of discharging his functions,
whether it be without fault {emeritus) or
through his own fault (demeritus). (Fer-
raris, Titulus, § 31 ; "Wetzer and Welte.)
TZTVX.AR BZSHOP. [See Bishop
IX PaKIIBTS IXKIDELII M.
TZTVX.ii.K OP CHirKCH. [Set
Patkox axd Titular.]
TiTlTXiX. A name given to the
parish churches of Rome, as distinct on
the cue hand from the patriarchal
chuiches, such as St. John Laterau, St.
Peter's, St. Mary Major, St. Laurence in
Agro Verano, St. I'aul's, which belonged
especially to the Pope, and on the other
from the Diaconia and Oratories. Each
titular church was under a cardinal pres-
byter, had a district attached to it, and
a font for baptism in case of necessity.
A Roman synod under Pi>pe Symmachus,
in 409, enumerates thirty tituU served by
.<Lxtv-six priests. (MabiUon, " Comm. in
Ord. Rom." c. 3.)
Baronius (An. 112, n. 5) supposes the
name to be derived from the sign of the
cross, which "title" marked them as be-
longing to Christ. Bingham (" Antiq.'"
vii. 1, 10), with far greater probability,
explains the name from the fact that
these churches gave a "title of cure or
denomiuation '' to the presbyters who
were S' t over them.
TOnrsiTKE. The shaving of the
crown in a circle, which is a distinguish-
ing mark of clerics. Among some of the
monastic orders and friars the tonsure
leaves only a circle of hair round the
head ; the tonsvu'e of secular clerks, on
the other hand, is small. The first ton-
sure is made by the bishop, in a form
prescribed by the Pontifical, and the per-
son receiving it is thereby admitted to
the state and privileges of a cleric. (See
Clerical State.) The bishop may confer
it at any place or time. Mitred abbots
may give it to their own subjects ; car-
dinal priests to the clergy of their titles,
and it may also be conferred by other
priests with special privileges.
The clerical tonsure, it is scarcely ne-
cessary to say, was unknown in the first
ages of the Church. Christians were
simply expected to avoid vanity in dress-
ing their hair (Tertull. " De Cult. Fern."
ii. 1), or at most to keep it short ("Const.
Apost." i. 3). Ascetics and clersrvmen
Si.
882
TONSURE
TRADITION
were thus naturally led to make a point
of cutting their hair close. Jerome (" In
Ezech." xliv.) deprecates eccentricity in
this respect, and expresses his dislike
both of long hair and shaven heads. The
so-called Fourth Council of Carthage
(c. 44) simply f. irbids clerics to wear long
hair : "nec comam nutriat, nec barbam."
"We have, however, clear proof that
the clerical tonsure was familiar at least
in Gaul during the latter part of the fifth
and in the sixth century. For Sidonius
Apollinaris (lib. iv. Ep. 13) says the
bishop Germanicus had his hair cut " in
the shape of a wheel " (" in rotae spe-
ciem "), and St. Gregory of Tours (" Vit.
Patr." 17) relates that Nicetius was mira-
culously designated from birth for the
clerical state, being born with a fringe of
hair like a " corona clerici."
The Fourth Council of Toledo (a.d.
633, c. 41) requires all clerics to shave
their heads, leaving only a rim of hair
behind, and reprobates the fashion of
making only a small tonsure, prevalent
among heretics.
Writers of the seventh and eighth
centuries distinguish three kinds of ton-
sure. (1) The Roman tonsure, known as
St. Peter's, which consisted in shaving
the whole head, leaving only a circle of
hair. It prevailed in France and Spain
(vide supra) and in Rome (Joann. Diac.
" Vit. Greg. Magn." iv. 83). It was only
late in the middle ages that this tonsure
was lessened, and the present distinction
between the tonsure of clerics and of
monks or friars arose. Chardon shows
that the large clerical tonsure continued,
at least in some places, down even to the
fifteenth century. But as early as 1240
a synod of "Worcester ( Wilkins, " Concil."
torn. i. p. 670) refers to a difference of
size in tonsures, the tonsure being in-
creased in size with each step in the
sacred ministry. (2) The tonsure of St.
Paul, usual among the Easterns, was en-
tire. When the Greek Theodore came to
the see of Canterbury in 668, he had to
wait four months and let his hair grow
that he might receive the Roman tonsure.
(3) The Celtic tonsure, called St. John's,
and by its Anglo-Saxon enemies that of
Simon Mngus, consisted in shaving the
head in front of a line drawn from ear to
ear. It was adopted by the British and
Irish churches and the disciples of St.
Columbanus on the Continent. No ques-
tion on the comparative merits of the
Roman and Celtic tonsures was raised
by St. Augustine either at the Oak or at
Bangor ; but the matter became the sub-
ject of violent controversy in the seventh
and eighth centuries— e.^. at the Council
of Whitby, A.D. 663. (Bede, « H. Angl."
iii. 25, 26.)
Even after the tonsure was intro-
duced it was never given separately, but
always with the order of reader. Nobody
could belong to the clerical state without
at least a minor order, and children dedi-
cated to God were not simply tonsured,
but made readers, since nothing short of
ordination to some grade of the eccle-
siastical ministry placed a persOii in the
clerical state. (Isidore, " Ecclesiast. Off."
ii. 1.) Then from the seventh centur}-,
according to Chardon, children were ton-
sured without ordination; and in an
ancient Ordo Romanus there is an office
"ad puerum tonsurandum " ; and lastly,
very much later, adults anxious to be
free from the secular courts, &c., were
tonsured without any ordination. This
last custom was of course an abuse.
It was only gradually that the right
to tonsure was limited to bishops, abbots,
&c. Till the tenth century it was given
by simple priests, or even by laymen to
each other. (Mabillon, "Annal. Benedict."
Prsef. ad Sacc. iii., quoted by Chardon.)
(Chiefly from Chardon, "Hist, des Sacr."
torn. V. p. 4o seq.)
TRACT. '\''erses of Scripture said
after the Gradual (not "a form which the
Gradual assumes,'' as Hammond supposes,
" Ancient Liturgies," p. 385), instead of
the Alleluia in all Masses from Sepiua-
gesima till Holy Saturday. Le Bruu
(" Explic. de la Messe," torn. i. p. 205)
says the name meant something sung
" tractim " — i.e. without break or inter-
ruption of other voices, as in responsories
and autiphons — by the cantor alone, and
that the theory of Duraudus — viz. that
the tract is something sung tractim, i.e.
in a slow or sad voice — arose by mistake
in the tenth century.
TRADZTZOW {napdhoa-Li) means
properly the act of handing down, and
thus the doctrine so handed down. In
its widest sense it includes all truths or
supposed truths handed down from one
generation to another ; and in all societies
which have no literature ti-aditiou is,
with all its manifold imperfections, the
great bond between the present and the
past, and one of the great distinguishing
marlfs between man and the brutes,
which latter have no tradition, and there-
ibre no history. Among the Hebrews, as
among all other nations, tradition was the
TRADITION
TRADITION 88a
onlj history till an historical literature
arose, but among the later Jews the word
assumed another and a much more re-
S'tricted sense. The early Hebrew tra-
dition arose naturally before there was
jiny written law or "history ; the latter
Jewish tradition interpreted the written
law and added to it.' To a certain
extent such a tradition arose of necessity,
for the Pentateuch is a " Corpus Juris,"
and no system of law can remain abso-
lutely unchanpred. Additions and altera-
tions are inevitable, aa the conditions of
society cliange in the course of ages, and
the Rabbinical traditions were as defen-
sible as the "fictions" of the Roman
lawyers. The danger, however, lay in
this, that the law of Moses determined
the relation of man to God, the relation
of love and kindness between man and
man, and in such a sphere the legal spirit
is sure to be dangerous, and even perni-
cious. Hence the charge which Christ
makes against the Pharisees, " Ye have
made void the law of God by your tradi-
tion." They used the same " fictions "
which lawyers employ to preserve the
letter of a law which can no longer be
really observed, in treating of God's
eternal law. Again, just as a human
legislator rightly and necessarily contents
himself with regulating the external ac-
tions of man, so the Jewish Scribes were
apt to make much of outward things,
little comparatively of justice and mercy
and truth. But we do not mean to dis-
cuss the merits and demerits or the unhis-
torical '- character of Jewish tradition
here. We will only add that Josephus
uses the same word, Trapddotris, which
was adopted in the N. T. and in eccle-
siastical writers. The Pharisees, he says
(" Antiq." xiii. 10, 6), imposed many
" enactments " (fo/iifxa) on the people, not
to be found in the written law; the
Sadducees, on the other hand, rejected
the "tradition of the Fathers" (ra ix
TrapaSoafojs irarfpav). Jewish tradition
• The Halakah is legal (from "l^|-]> to go) !
the Haggadah (from TJn> to relate) legen-
dary ; the Kabbala (from ^3p, to receive) mys-
tical ; the Massora (from to deliver)' is
textual tradition. The last of these has a
very real value.
The common account is given in Pirhe
Avoth, ad hiit. "Moses received the law [i.e.
the secret and oral law, the nB"^U3J5' mm-
See Buxtorf, Lex. tub voc. iqp], from Sinai,
and delivered it to Joshua, and Joshua to the
elders, and the elders to the prophets, and the
prophets to the men of the great synagogue."
j in the strict sense never invaded the
I Church. In the Judaising homilies
: which go under the name of Clement a
I false tradition is exalted at the expense
of the Scriptural text, which is said to
I have been corrupted by irreligious iuter-
I pretations. (Clem. Hom. ii. 38-39.) But
this, of course, is quite opposed to the
Rabbinical idea of tradition. In the
j Clementine Recognitions, on the other
hand, tradition is only put forward as
determining the sense of Scripture
("Recog." \, 21, cf ii. 45), a notion
! which is neither Rabbinical nor heretical,
but Catholic.
This brings us naturally to speak of
tradition in the Church. So far from
setting tradition, as such, aside, Christ
left His Church with no written books,
and with nothing but tradition to guide
it. St. Paul insists on the necessity of
holding to the Christian tradition. (1
j Cor. xi. 2 ; 2 Thess. ii. 15.) Even when
the Scriptures of the Js. T. were written
tradition did not fall out of sight, for the
early Christians were well aware that it
} was tradition which settled the canon of
Scripture, and they were not unreasonable
enough to reject tradition for Scripture,
since the authority of Scriptnre itself
was based on tradition. They knew
very well that many barbarous nations
furnished converts to the faith although
they had no trauslatiijns of the Bible as
yet in their own lan^ruages, and could
not therefore learn the truth from it.
They were convinced, moreover, that
though human tradition is in its own
nature shifting and uncertain, the Holy
Spirit preserved the tradition of truth
in the Church. Add to aU this the
obscurity of Scripture, the fact that it is
a collection of books which never pro-
fesses to contain the sum of Christian
truth, and the appeal of the Fathers
to tradition becomes quite intelligible.
Hence Heresippus (apud Euseb. " H. E."
iii. 32) appeals to the " wholesome canon
of saving preaching ; Irenaeus and Cle-
ment of Alexandria to the " canon of the
truth " (" Adv. Hffir." i. 9, 4, ii. 27, 1 ;
Clem. Al. " Strom." iv. 1, n. 564, ed.
Potter), and the " Canon of the Church "
{ib. i. 19, p. 375'). The latter wUl have
doubtful questions decided by an appeal
to the Apostolic churches, and considers
that tradition would have been a suffi-
' Clement has also the idea of a secret and
esoteric tradition, which is a verv difTerent thing,
and has its true analogon in Judaism. Strom.
vi. 7, p. 771. See also Euseb. H. E. ii.l.
3 l2
884 TRADITION
TRADITION
cient guide, even if the Church had heen
left without any Scriptures at aU (iii. 4,
1). Just in the same way Tertullian
invokes the decision of the Apostolic
churches (" Prsescr." 17 et passim), and
" De Corona," 3) asserts the decisive
authority of unwritten tradition, in
favour, it is true, of matters of custom
and ritual, but of custom and ritual which
involved questions of doctrine, such, e.(/.,
as " oblations for the dead.'' Tertullian
spealis for Africa and Rome, Trenaus for
Asia Minor and Gaul. Origeu, the great
representative of the early Alexandrian
church, holds the same language. Since,
he says ("De Princip." § 2), there are
diflerences among Christians, "let the
ecclesiastical teaching handed down by
order of succession from the Apostles,
and abiding till now in the churches.
the Church had added new truths, not
clearly taught even by the Apostles. The
N. T., he thinks (Orat. xxxi. § 26),
onlv hinted at (un-e'Sfi^f) the divinity of
the'Holy Ghost : " Now the Holy Ghost
dwells with us (e/ji"oXiT€verai), making
the manifestation of Himself more plain."
If we turn to the later Fathers of the
Latin Church, we meet with the same
appreciation of tradition. St. Augustine,
treating of the dispute about the validity
of heretical baptism ("Contr. Bapt.
Donat." ii. 7), writes: "I believe it [i.e.
the Roman rule of accepting such bap-
tism as valid] comes from tradition of
the Apostles, like many things which are
not found in their letters, nor in earlier
councils, and yet because observed by the
whole Church are believed to have been
handed down and commended by no
ed : that only is to be believed the | others than by them " (the Apostles ; see
truth which no way differs from eccle'
siastical and Apostolic tradition."
The following are some of the testi-
monies of later Fathers : " It is enough,"
•says Gregory Nyssen (" Contr. Eunom."
iv. ; "0pp." vol. ii. col. 653 in Migne's
reprint), "for the demonstration of our
position to have the ti-adition which
comes to us from the Fathers transmitted
as an inheritance by succession from the
Apostles through the saints that followed
them." St. Basil (" De Spir. S." § 66) :
" Of the doctrines and decrees {Krjpvy-
^<irui' = canons and decrees on discipline,
&e.), we have some from written teach-
ing ; others we have received, apportioned
to us from the tradition of the Apostles
in a mysterious manner, both of which
(i.e. Scripture and tradition) have the
same force." St. Chrysostom ("In 2
Thess." Horn. iv. § 14), after saying that
the Apostles did not hand down all by
epistles, but much also without writing
(vroXXa Kill dyjjiKfxos), adds : " The one and
the other are worthy of belief, so that we
consider the tradition of the Church also
worthy of belief. It is a tradition : ask no
more." St. Epiphanius (" Haer." Ixi. 6) :
" We must also use tradition, since all
cannot be got from the divine Scripture,
also ib. iv. 24, v. 23). Vincent, in his first
" Commonitorium " (cap. 2), the classical
vvork on the subject, argues for the
necessity of tradition fi'om the fact that
the Bible may be understood in many
different ways, although the canon of
Scripture is perfect, and " in itself suffi-
cient, and more than sufficient, for all."
Here the reader may observe a difference.
Other Fathers, and especially Basil, Gre-
gory Nazianzen, Epiphanius, Chrysostom,
look on Scripture and tradition as two
co-ordinate authorities, each divine. To
Vincent the authority is single, tradition
not completing but merely determining
the sense of Scripture. Cardinal New-
man (" Via Media," i. p. 327) pohits out
that even modern "Catholic contro-
versialists, while insisting that they need
not prove their doctrine from Scripture,
always do so prove it." In other words,
they would have no objection to admit that
all Catholic doctrine is in some implicit
way contained in Scripture, and to grant
with Vincent the sufficiency of Scripture
illustrated by tradition. There is, on the
contrary, a radical difference between the
Catholic belief on the necessity of tra-
dition and the opinion of Protestants pure
and simple that no doctrine can be an
therefore the divine Apostles handed I article of faith unless it can be clearly
down some things in writings, others in
tradition." So, much later, St. John of
Damascus ("De Fid. Orthodox." iv. 16)
supports the received doctrine on images
by a reference to "unwritten tradition."
"We have passed over one Greek Father,
St. Gregory Nazianzen, because he attri-
butes an exaggerated importance to tra- I dition. Therefore the Council of Trent
dition, and speaks as if the tradition of | (sess. iv. De Canon Script.), when it
deduced without the aid of tradition from
the sacred text. Of such a theory there is
no trace in antiquity, except perhaps that
Stephen Gobaras the Tritheist ("Phot.
Bibliothec." Cod. 132), laboured to set
Father against Father, apparently with
TRADITIONALISM
TRADITIONATJSM S85
teaches that the truth of Christ is con-
tained partly in the Bible, partly in
unwritten tradition received by the Apos-
tles from Christ or from the Holy Ghost,
and entrusted by them to the Church,
that Scripture and tradition (the latter of
course only -when proved Apostohc) are
to be reverenced alike, follows the express
teaching of many of the earhest and
greatest Fathers, the spirit of all. The
advocate of private judgment, on the
other hand, is committed to the conclu-
sion that the Church was left for a gene-
ration without any true and complete
rule of faith, that' when this rule was
given nobody, not even the holiest and
wisest, understood its purpose or use, and
that when after fifteen centuries this use
was understood, the rule intended to
secure unity in faith became the most
fertile source of strife and division.
In conclusion, the difficulties which
arise from the statements of some Fathers
who seem to make Scripture the sole
guide are only apparent. St. Augustine
<" De Doctr. Christ." ii. 9) no doubt
allows that the things " openly stated in
Scripture " contain the whole sum of
faith and morals. We have seen already
what St. Augustine thought of tradition,
and in this place he adds, " namely, faith !
and hope," meaning that a Christian may '
■find in the Bible all that he needs to
know explicitly in order to be saved, a
fact which is undeniable. Optatus
{"Schism. Donat." v. 3) is contrasting
Scripture, not with Apostolic, but with ,
human tradition. St. Cyril of Alexan-
dria (" Cat." iv. 17) tells liis catechumens j
that he will have them believe nothing
he tells them except he can prove it out I
of Scripture. But (1) he refers to the j
articles of the Apostles' Creed, which |
can certainly be proved from the Bible ; j
{2) he is contrasting Scripture, not with j
tradition, but with " probabilities," " in-
genious arguments" (Xd-yo)!' Karaa-Kcvais),
" inventions " of his own {(Vfxa-ihoyiait).
TRASZTZOiO'AX.zsm. A system
of piiilosophy ill which intellectual cogni-
tion, so far as the human mind is con-
cerned, is reduced to belief in truth
communicated by revelation from God,
and received by traditional instruction
through the medium of language, which
was originally itself a supernatural gift.
This system is also called Fidptsm, and is
a reaction from the extreme of rational-
ism into an opposite e.\treme of anti-
rationalism. De Bonald (t 1840) is
regarded as its author. In its strictest
! form this system reduces the intellect to
a merely receptive faculty, capable of
acquiring knowledge by instruction,
which comes originally from God by a
primitive revelation given to the first
progenitors of the human race. In its
modified and milder form it restricts the
absolute necessity of a traditional instruc-
tion derived from revelation to meta-
physical, religious, and moral trutli,
admitting the capacity of the human
mind to discover other intellectual truths
by its innate power. M. Bonnetty was
the most conspicuous advocate of this
modified traditionalism, which for a
time obtained numerous adherents among
Catholics, especially in France and Bel-
gium. It has been partially adopted by
some advocates of ontologism and com-
bined with that philosophical theory.
There are, besides, other tliinkers and
writers whose tendency is to minimise
the rational, and elevate towards the
ma.Hmum the traditional element in the
highest departments of human knowledge,
but who cannot be classed as advocates
of traditionalism properly so called. The
best Catholic theologians and philoso-
phers have always recognised the 7nornl
and practical need of revelation and tra-
ditional instruction, for the easy acquisi-
tion of complete and certain knowledge
of the highest truths within the scope of
the natural intelligence and rational
faculty of man, by men in general. The
reason of this need i- nccidcntal. extrinsic,
and to be ascribed to the act iial condition
and environment of mankind in its pre-
sent state. The specific difference which
places the system of traditionalism in
opposition to this common doctrine con-
sists in this: to wit, that it makes this
need to be a physical iiecemti/ arising
from the intrinsic essence and nature of
the human intellect. The former doc-
trine has been explicitly formulated and
promulgated by the Council of the Vati-
can in the Constitution " Dei Filius,"with
an exclusion of the latter opinion. This
is a condemnation of traditionalism
proper. It had been already condemned
by a decree of the Congregation of the
Index bearing the date of .lune 11, 18oo,
and approved by his Holiness Pius IX.,
which set forth four theses to be sub-
scribed by M. Bonnetty. These theses
are the contradictories of several pro-
positions e.iLtracted from his writings. It
may suffice to cite the second and third :
" II. Ratiocination can prove with cer-
titude the existence of God, the spiritu •
8S6 TEADITION OF INSTRUMENTS
TRAPPISTS
ality of the soul, the liberty of man.
Faith is posterior to Revelation, aud can-
not therefore suitably be alleged for
proving the existence of God against an
atheist, or for proving the spirituality
and liberty of the rational soul against
a follower of naturalism and fatalism.
" III. The use of reason precedes Faith
and conducts man to it, by the aid of
Revelation and of Grace."
The judgments of the supreme autho-
rity in the Church have been submitted
to with docility by those Catholics who
had adopted the theory of traditionalism,
and the controversy respecting this mat-
ter has come to an end. For a very full
historical and doctrinal exposition of the
main points in this controversy see the
works of Cardinal Dechamps, vol. vii.
" Opuscules."
TRA.BXTZON- OF ZlffSTItV-
MSiTTS. [See Oeder, Holt.]
TBADZTORES. A name given to
Christians who in the persecution of Dio-
cletian gave up to the officers of the law
" the Holy Scriptures or the vessels of
the Lord, or the names of their brethren "
(Concil. I Arel. a.d. 314, c. 13). The
first edict of Diocletian, a.d. 303, ordered
the churches and the sacred books of the
Christians to be burnt. Hence the sur-
render of sacred books (to be burnt), and
of vessels {ad Jiscum). The edict also
deprived Christians of honours and civil
rights, and made them, if slaves, incap-
able of freedom. Hence perhaps bishops,
&c., were asked for the list of their flocks,
though others think that the tradit.io
iwyninum was a consequence of Diocle-
tian's second edict, condemning all eccle-
siastics to prison, and requiring them to
sacrifice. The canon already quoted
orders the deposition of all clerical tra-
ditores, but allowed persons ordained by
traditores to remain in office. [See Dona-
TISTS.]
TRASxrcxAN-zsnx. [See Soul.]
TRANSEPT. In architecture the
part of the church which forms the short
arms of the cross on which the plan is
laid. It extends on the north and south
side of the area between the nave and
the choir.
TRAWSrZGVBATZOSr, FEAST
or (ij ayia fieTafi6p(f)co(ns Tov K. I. X.).
With the Greeks, who, like the Latins,
keep it on August 6, it is one of the
twelve greater feasts which come next
after Easter in dignity (Daniel, " Cod.
Lit." iv. p. 239). It is mentioned in the
Constitution of Manuel Comnenus, and,
of course, in the Menologies (Thomassin,
"Traite des Festes," p. 406).
In the West its institution is com-
monly attributed to Calixtus III. (1455-
58). But Thomassin {loc. cit.) shows
that the feast is mentioned in the Mar-
tyrology of Yandelbert (said to havfr
lived about 850) ; by Ildefonsus in 845,
who says it was kept the sixth day be-
fore the Calends of August, and waa
among the chief solemnities ; and by
Peter the Venerable in the Statutes of
Clugny. Gregory IX. (see Bened. XIV.
" De Fest.") speaks of it as celebrated on
the present day — viz. August 6. Cahxtus,
however, promoted the observance, in
order to obtain the help of God against
the Turks, by granting indulgences. He
also instituted an Office for the day,
which was afterwards altered, in the
hymns and lessons of the two first noc-
turns, by Pius V. (Gavant. "De Fest.
Aug." § 7, 10, 6.)
TRANSXATZOXr OF FEASTS.
An important change has been made by
the present Pope in the Apostolic Letters,
" NuUo unquam tempore," July 28, 1882.
By the new rule, mere doubles (" festa
duplicia minora"), unle.ss feasts of the
doctors of the Church, and semi-doubles,
if the celebration on the proper days is
impeded by the concurrence of a greater
feast, or of a Sunday, are not transferred.
Instead, they are commemorated on
the day itself at Lauds and Vespers, and
the ninth lesson at Matins is composed
of the two or three lessons which give
the history of the saint. If the solem-
nity of the day does not admit such a
mode of commemorating the excluded
feast, then all notice of the latter is
omitted during that year, according to
the rule already provided for simple feasts
" In Rubric, lit. ix. n. x., lit. x. n. viii."
TRAN-SVBSTAirTZATZOia'. [See
EULHAEIST.]
TRAPPISTS. A branch of the
Cistercian order ; see that article. The
founder, Armand Jean le BouthiUier de
Ranc6, born in 1626, was of a noble
family. According to an abuse common
in that age, the child, being destined to
be a priest, was loaded by his father with
preferment from his early years. Though
only ten or eleven, he was commendatory
abbot of La Trappe and two other abbeys,
prior of two priories, and canon of Notre
Dame at Paris ; his ecclesiastical income
was from 15,000 to 20,000 livres. He
was ordained priest in 1651 by his uncle,
the Archbishop of Tours, whose coadjutor
TRAPPISTS
TRAPPISTS 887
he hoped one day to become. His j-outhful
worldliness was gradually shaken by a
series of striking incidents ; the death of
a cousin, a remarkable escape from death,
a disappointment to his ambition in the
assembly of the clergy, were among the
occasions of his entering into himself,
and recognising the nothingness of all for
■which he had hitherto lived. In 1600 he
resigned all his benefices except the abbacy
of La Trappe ; disposed of his patrimony
for 300,000 livres ; and gave the greater
part of the money to the Hotel Dieu, or
great hospital at Paris. He then repaired
to La Trappe, and told the moidvs that
they would thenceforth have to live by
the rule of what was called the " Strict
Observance " of the Cistercian order. La
Trappe was an ancient monastery Iving
in the heart of La Perche, not far from
S^ez, foimded as a Cistercian house in
1140 by Rotrou, count of Perche. Tt
eufl'ered much during the long wars with
England, but its discipline was still more
fatally injured in later times by the system
of commendation, which gave the name
and emoluments of abbot to some non-
resident layman or ecclesiastic. When de
Ranc6 came there in 1662, the state of
things was deplorable ; the monks had
ceased to live in community, and if they
met at all it was for pleasure parties;
the buildings were going to ruin, and
persons from without were suffered to
live in them. "With much difticulty de
Ranc6 succeeded in bringing from a
neighbouring monasterj- some monks of
the Strict Observance, and in restoring
regularity at La Trappe. Still he was not
satisfied ; an ideal had been for some time
floating before his eyes in which were
blended the union with God through
contemplation and prayer, bodily morti-
fication, and severance from causes of
distraction. The final result was the
discipline of La Trappe, of which we
take an abridged account from H61yot.
" In summer the religious go to rest at
eight, in winter at seven. They get up at
two o'clock in the night to go to Matins,
which usually last till half-past four, be-
cause they add the Office of the Blessed
Virgin to the regular Office, and between
the two make half an hour's meditation.
. . . After Matins, in summer time, they
may go and rest in their cells till Prime ;
in winter they go into a common room
near the stove, where each reads to him- j
self. . . . At half- past five they say Prime,
and then go to chapter," wliich usually
takes up half an hour. " At seven they j
go to work ; the cowl is put off, and the
under garment tucked up ; some dig,
others riddle, others carry stones — each
according to the task assigned to liim, for
tliey are not free to choose the kind of
work which they like best. The abbot
himself works, and often takes up the
most abject sort of employment." Their
indoor employments, when the weather
does not allow of outdoor labour, include
carpentry, joinery, copying, binding,
sweeping, and many other useful toils.
" When they have worked an hour and a
half they go to office ; Tierce is said, fol-
lowed by Mass ; then Sext ; after which
an interval of reading in their own cells
is allowed." Xone is said at half-past
eleven ; on fast days a little later. Then
they go to the refectorv, a very large
room with a long row of tables on each
side. The abbot's table is laid for six ;
guests are entertained at it if they offer
themselves, but this does not often happen.
There are no table-cloths, but the tables
are kept very clean. Each monk has his
napkin, his mug, his knife, his wooden
fork and spoon, which remain always in
the same place. The repast consists of
coarse brown bread, some vegetable soup
made without butter or oil, a mess of car-
rots, or lentils, two apples or pears, and
a little cider. " At or about one o'clock
they return to work. . . . This second
period of work lasts from an hour and
a half to two hours. The recall being
sounded, every monk takes off his
'sabots,' puts away his tools, puts on
his cowl, and goes into his cell, where he
reads and meditates till Vespers, at four
o'clock." At five a collation, consisting
of dry bread and some fruit, with a little
cider, is taken in the refectory. After
collation there is a short interval in the
cells ; then the monks go to chapter and
listen to spiritual reading till six, when
Compline is said. At seven a bell rings
and they go to their dormitories ; they
sleep on straw palliasses, and in their
ordinarj' dress. Probably the most try-
ing part of all the discipline is the silence,
no monk being allowed to speak to his
brother on any occasion. The abbot and
the guest-master are the only persons in
the convent who are permittea to speak
to strangers.
The monks of La Trappe for the most
part resisted the sophistries of Jansenism.
The local authorities in 1700 petitioned
that so useful a body of men might be
exempted from the general suppression ;
and when questioned individually as to.
888 TREASURE OF MERITS
TRENT, COUNCIL OF
tlieir desire to change tlieir mode of life,
out of fit't y-tbree monks forty-two declared
that they wished to live and die in the
monasters", in the ol)servance of their
rule. After the suppression, an energetic
monk named Dom Augustin succeeded
in finding a retreat for himself and a score
of his brethren in the canton Fribourg,
where they occupied the deserted monas-
tery of Val Sainte. From this centre
Trappist filiations spread the austere rule
of the order into Spain, Belgium, Pied-
mont, England, and Ireland. Mount St.
Bernard in Leicestershire and the Trap-
pistine ' convent of Stapehill in Dorset
are their houses in this country ; in Ire-
land they biive flouishing monasteries at
Mount Melleray and Roscrea. (H(5lyot.)
TREASURE OF AXBRXTS. [See
Indtjlgexces.]
TREXTT, covircxx. OF. The
general councils of the fifteenth century
succeeded on the whole in one of the
principal objects for which they were
convened, that of restoring or maintain-
ing the unity of Christendom. At Con-
stance the great schism was closed ; at
Basle the difliculty with the Hussites was
arranged ; at Ferrara-Florence East and
AVest were momentarily reunited. [See
Constance, Basle, Councils of.] Hence
it was natural, that when religious dis-
sension and disturbance broke out in
the sixteenth century, a general council
sliould be confidently looked to as the
remedy. And yet, as Pallavicini remarlcs,-
the remembi'ance that the Nicene Council
did not put down Arianisni, nor that of
Chalcedon Eutycliianism, with other like
instances, niiglit have served to moderate
exjjectation and check disappointment, if
it should prove that the great Q-^cumenical
Council of the sixteenth century, though
inferior in no respect to any, even the
very greatest of its predecessors, never-
theless, far from suppressing Protestant-
ism, ushered in a long period of strife
between Catholics and the various hete-
rodox bodies in every land — a strife of
which the end appears to be still distant.
AVhen Leo X. by the l)u!l " E:xsurge
Doniine " (l-'i'O) condemned the doctrine
of Luther, the latter appealed from the
judgment of the Pope to that of a general
council. The Diet of Spires (1529) in-
sisted on the convocation of a council,
and the Recess of Augsburg (1530), while
forbidding religious innovation, promised
1 The Trappistine nuns were instituted by
Dom Augustin (t 1827).
" Historia, Apparatus.
that the case of the reforming party
ehould be laid before the council, which
the P'raperor would induce the Pope to
convene. With most of the Protestant
leaders this appeal was merely a device
of controversy. Luther wrote to Me-
lanchthon : " We must admit the council
in this sense, that our doctrine is true
j apart from the council, that the angels in
heaven can change no part of it, and that
the angel who should attempt to do so
ouglit to be put under anathema and
excommunicated ; much more, then, is it
inadmissible that the Emperor, the
bishops, or the Pope should judge of it."'
During the troubled pontificate of
Clement VII. (1523-1534) it was im-
possible to hold the council ; but Paul
III. (Farnese) from the time that he was
elected Pope bent all his energies to this
end. He issued letters to the bishops
and the sovereigns in 1537, proposing
Mantua as the place of meeting. Various
difiiculties arose, especially on the part of
the Protestants ; and after long negotia-
tion it was agreed between Charles V.
and the Pope that the place of meeting
should be Trent, the ancient Tridentum,
an imperial and episcopal city on the
Adige, where Italy borders upon Ger-
many, so that the Protestants could not
say that the council, being held in an
Italian city, would of necessity be unduly
infiuenced" by the Pope. The Papal
legates were at Ti-ent in 1542, but the
war which had just broken out between
France and the Empire rendered any
large gatherino- of bishops impossible.
The Treaty of Crespy (1544) restored
peace to Eiii-ope, ami the Pope imme-
diately announced his intention of hold-
ing the Council. The Emperor gave his
consent, and his brother Ferdinand,
meeting the German Protestant Princes
at the Diet of Worms (May 1545), en-
deavoured to induce them to accede to
the general desire of Christendom. But
they pleaded that the Pope, by whom
the Council was convened, and who
would preside in it through his legates,
had already pronounced against them, so
tliat th(>y would only go to Trent to hear
their own condemnation pronounced.
Yet how could they expect that the
Pope and the Catholics would leave the
authority of the see of Peter an open
question? To do so would have been
tantamount to admitting that the Pro-
testants had been justified in separating
' Art. "Trent," by Udinck, in Wetzer and
Welte.
TRENT, COUXCIL OF
TRENT. COUNCIL OF 8?0
themselves from the unity of the Church.
It was therefore clear from the first tha.t
no considerable body of Protestants
■would submit to the council ; still the
Pope hoped, and with good reason, that
the firmer definition of Catholic doctrine,
and the reform of discipline, which might
be expected from the deliberations of the
synod, would strengthen the position of
all the Catholic rulers of states, and help
them to arrest or undo imiovation wher-
ever the mischief had not grown to an
incurable height.
The first session was held on December
13, 1545. The Pope was represented by
three legates, the Cardinals Del Monte
(afterwards Julius III.), Cervino, and
Reginald Pole. There were present four
archbishops, twenty-two bisliops, five
generals of order?, and envoys from the
Emperor and the King of the Romans.
The Prince-Bishop of Trent named Count
Sigismund von Arco guardian of the
council ; its secretaiy was the able
Angelo Massarelli. Cardinal del Monte,
addressing the assembly, said : " Is it
your will, for the praise and glory of j
the undivided Trinity, Father, 8on, and
Holy Ghost, for the increase and exalta- I
tion of tlie faith and religion of Christ, I
for the extirpation of heresies, the peace i
and union of the Cliurch, the reformation [
of the Christian clergy and people, and
the putting down and extinction of the
enemies of the Christian name, to decree
and declare, that the sacred General
Council of Trent begins and lias Ijegun ? "
The Fathers auswered,"P/«(:-e^" The next
session was fixed for .January 7, 1546.
Three points of great importance were
settled soon after the opening of tlie
Council. First, that the bishops should
vote, as in the ancient synods, individu-
ally, and not, as had been done at Con-
stance, by nations. Secondly, that the
work of the definition of doctrine, and
that of the reformation of discipline,
should be carried on simultaneously.
Thirdly, that the style of the couciliar
decrees should bear the impress of the
Papal authority and presidency from the
outset. Several bishops desired that, as
at Constance, the Council should describe
itself as "representing the universal
Church." To this tlie legates would not
consent, and it was determined that the
style should run thus. " The sacrosanct
Synod of Trent, legitimately gathered
togetlier in the Holy Ghost, the three
legates of the Apostolic See therein pre-
-siding . . . decrees," &c.
In the second session the Council
regulated various matters of procedure.
In the third (Feb. 4, 1-546), the Fathers
present expressed their adhesion to the
Creed of Nicaea and Constantinople, and
caused it to be recited before them. New
arrivals gradually added to their numbers,
and at the fourth session (April 8, 1516).
the important decree on Scripture and
tradition, rendered signally opportune by
the irrational or fanatical opinions on
the subject which the Protestant press
had been pouring forth for many years,
was brought forward and adopted. It
declared that the truth and teaching of
Christ were contained "in the written
word and in unwritten traditions " (?'«
libris scriptis et sine scripto traditionibus),
defined the canon of Scripture as embrac-
ing all those books, and those only, which
we find in the Latin Vulgate and the
Douay Piible, and ordained "that the Vul-
gate translation sliould be accepted every-
where as " authentic." In the fifth ses-
sion (June 17. 1546), at which nine arch-
bishops and fifty bishops were present,
the doctrine of Original Sin was defined,
an important part having been taken in
the previous discussions by the Jesuits
Layuez and Salmeron, who had come to
the Council as papal theologians. The
usual method of procedure was this : the
projects of decrees on doctrine or disci-
pline, proposed by the legates, were dis-
cussed point by point in private con-
ferences of theologians and canonists,
and moulded into shape ; they were then
laid before general congregations, in
which each bishop had the right of speak-
ing to them in his turn, and their form
wa.s finally settled ; lastly, tliey were
adopted and promulgated in public ses-
sion. After a long interval, in the course
of which the disturbed state of Germany
nearly led to a prorogation of the Coun-
cil, the celebrated decree on Justification,
prepared in numberless conferences and a
long series of general congregations, was
adopted at the sixth session (Jan. 1-3,
1547). By this decree the Lutheran
errors, that man is justified by faith only,
and that his justice consists in the impu-
tation to him of the merits of Christ,
were solidly confuted and demolished.
It is generally agreed that the recirda
of no former general council contain a
theological statement which for complete-
ness, depth, and solidity of view, for care-
ful and precise expression, and for general
impressiveness and cogency, surpasses this
Tridentine decree. Thirty-three cauous,
890 TRENT, COUNCIL OF
TRENT, COUNCIL OF
sanctioned by anathemas, were appended
to it, in the twenty-third of which the
Council condemns the tenet that man can
avoid all, even venial, sins throufjhout his
life, " unless hy special Divine privilege, as
the Church holds concerning the Blessed
Virgin," thus paving the way for the
definition of the absolute sinlessness of
our Lady promulgated at Rome three
hundred years afterwards. The decree,
on reform passed at this session renewed
the ancient canons requiring the re-
sidence of bishops, and enacted new rules
to the same end.'
The doctrine of Justification having
been unanimously defined, the means by
which the soul receives grace, or recovers
it when forfeited, presented themselves
for consideration. Accordingly, in the
seventh session (March 3, 1647), the pre-
vailing errors on the doctrine of the
Sacraments in general were condemned
in thirteen canons; fourteen others
guarded and elucidated the doctrine of
Holy Baptism, three that of Confirmation.
The necessity of intention on the part of
the priest, at least to do what the Church
does in a sacrament, was asserted in the
eleventh canon, "De Sacramentis in
Genere." [See Sackaments.] A decree
of reform in fifteen chapters was also
adopted.
An epidemic now broke out at Trent ;
a bishop and the general of the Fran-
ciscans died of it ; and the alarm was so
great that ten or twelve bishops aban-
doned the Council and went home. The
legates deemed it expedient to transfer
the assembly to Bologna, and this view
was adopted by the majority of the
bishops ; a minority, being chiefly those
who were devoted to the Emperor, voted
for remaining at Trent. Charles V. was
strongly opposed to the removal of the
Council, and regarded the alleged epide-
mic as a mere pretext; from that time
there was no more cordiality between
him and the Pope. There was much
danger of a schism, for the imperial
bishops would not leave Trent ; but the
danger was averted by the prudence of
the Pope, who, though the labours in
conference and congregation went steadily
forward at Bologna, would allow nothing
to be published while the circumstances
1 Before this session it was long debated
whether the residence of bishops was obligatory
Jure divino or jure ecclesiastico. As the obliga-
tiou was the same in either case, the Pope was
of opinion that the question need not be de-
cided.
■were so critical. Sessions viii. ix. x. re-
late merely to this business of the trans-
lation. On September 14, 1547, in a
general congregation held at Bologna, the
next session, which was to have been on
the following day, was postponed nine
(lie. In the following May the Emperor
published the Interim (a system of doc-
trine substantially Catholic, but contain-
ing several important concessions to the
Protestants), which was to be observed
in all the German States until the General
Council had completed its work.
Paul III. died in Nov. 1549. His
successor, Julius III., lost no time in re-
calling the bishops to Trent, and the
second period of the Council commenced
with the eleventh session, held on May
I, 1551, under the presidency of the
legate. Card. Crescenzio. The Council
was formally resumed, and the next
session fixed for September 1, on which
day the business was further postponed
to October 11, with an intimation that
the Sacrament of the Eucharist would
then be treated of. In session xiii. (Oct.
II, 1551), a decree on the Blessed Sacra-
ment of the altar in eight chapters, with
eleven canons appended to it, was adopted.
The orthodox and primitive belief as to
the nature of the gift of His body and
blood left by Jesus Christ to His Church
was re-stated, and the Council (chap, iv.)
adopted the term " transubstantiation,"
as fitly expressing the change which takes
place in the elements upon consecration.
The Protestants, though their various
sects propounded doctrines of every shade
on the Eucharistic gift, naturally all fell
short in their definitions of the stupendous
reality ; and this decree has consequently
furnished ever since a ready touchstone
to distinguish truth and error. In Eng-
land, down to the date of Catholic eman-
cipation, no one could sit in Parliament
without first signing a declaration against
transubstantiation.
The Council also resolved in the
thirteenth session to postpone the dis-
cussion on four points of Eucharistic doc-
trine,' on which it was understood the
German Protestants desired to be heard,
to January 25, 1552, and meantime to
publish a safe-conduct, pledging the
public faith that all persons of the Ger-
man nation, of what status or rank soever,
should be free to come to the Council,
confer with the Fathers there, and leave
1 Three of these rel.ated to receiving under
both species, and the fourth to the communion
of infants.
TRENT, COUNCIL OF
TRENT, COUNCIL OF 891
it again, witbout molestation or inter- I
ference of any kind.
In tlie fourteenth session (Nov. 25,
1551) , the doctrine of the Sacrament of
Penance and that of Extreme Unction
were defined. A decree of reform was
also passed in thirteen chapters.
By the middle of January, 1552, a
considerable number of deputies from
Protestant states and cities had come to
Trent, and they were received by the
Council in a general congregation on the
24th inst. Their demands, presented in
writing, were found to be of an imprac-
ticable character. One was that their
theologians should have an equal consul-
tative and deliberative voice in the Coun-
cil with the bishops ; but to grant this
would have been to revolutionise what
had been the unbroken ecclesiastical
practice from the time of the Apostles.
A new safe-conduct, expressed in more
ample terms, was read at the fifteenth
session. But there was no other fruit of
all these negotiations with the Protes-
tants, except tq prove the earnest desire
of the Pope and the bishops to leave
the breakers of Church unity without
excuse.
At the fifteenth session (January 25,
1552) the business which had been an-
noimced was postponed to March 10.
But before that day Maurice of Saxony
had commenced hismarch from Thuringia,
Germany was full of confusion and alarm,
and at the sixteenth session (April 28,
1552) the Fathers pre.«ent adopted a
decree suspending the Council for two
years. In May tlie Emperor was nearly
Burprised by Maurice at Innspruck ; not
long aftem-ards, di.sheartened and weary
of life, he abdicated the throne, and
retired to the monastery of San Yuste.
Thus ended the second period of the
Council.
Paul IV. (CarafTa), who sat in the
chair of Peter between 1555 and 1550,
took no step to reassemble the Council ;
but on the accession of Pius IV. (.Medici),
it was evident that the Church had re-
ceived a ruler whose energy in her cause
no difficulties could tire, no resistance
overcome. He published a bull on
November 20, 1560, convening " a sacred
general and oecumenical council " to meet
at Trent on Easter Day, 1561. It was
not expressly said in the bull that this
was a continuation of the former Council.
That it should ultimately so be deemed
was the firm resolution of the Pope, and
in this he was altogether supported by
I Spanish opinion. But the King of France
and the Emperor Ferdinand, fearing to
exasperate their Protestant subjects,
whose opinions had been condemned in
the former session.s, were unwilling to
consent to the present Council's being
regarded as a continuation of the last ;
they wished it to appear that all debated
questions were still open, and might be
discussed de novo. Pius made two dis-
tinct efforts to interest Queen Elizabeth
in the Council. Of the first we have sj)oken
in a former article [English Church];
the second was made in 1561, when the
Abbot ^lartinenghi was sent to Belgium,
and application made on his behalf for
leave to cross to England and lay before
the Queen the Pope's entreaty that she
would ioin tlie Council. The reply ' to
the application was an absolute refusal,
])ased upon grounds some of which were
ilinisy enougii, but such on the whole as
the logic of the Anglican position re-
quired. The real drift of the document
was, that England had done with the
Pope, and then-fore it was useless, and
might, 1,.' inix liicvniis. fi.r lier rulers to
confer with lii> . iiii.-.-ario nii ;iny .-uljieet
whate\i r. Mr. Froutle thinks 'thi,-> atti-
tude \ery grand; Catholics may allow
that— assiuniiig for a moment the Pro-
testant contriition as to the Papacy to
have h.'i'H trii.'- it was consistent and
sagaeiniis. Kut a\ iiat if England, in re-
jecting the rai)ac\,was rejecting an in-
tegral j)art of Christianity? In that
case these proceedings were no matter
of gratulation, and eventually could not
but lead to evil results.
But in spite of the hostiUty of the
English Government, England was not
entirely unrepresented at the Council.
At some of the earlier sessions Cardinal
Pole and Pate, Bishop of Worcester, had
been present; now, in 1562, Thomas
Goldwell, bishop of St. Asaph, proceed-
ing to Trent after his deprivation by
Elizabeth, defined with tlie assembled
Fathers that ancient Catholic faith which
his countrymen had received more than
eight hundred years before. Ireland was
represented by three bishops, Thomas
O'Herlaghy of Ross, Eugene O'Hart of
Achonry, and Donald McCongail of Ra-
phoe. Mary of Scotland wrote a Latin
letter* in 15G.'}, to the " Sacrosanct Synod
of - Trent," in which she referred the
Fathers to her uncle, the Cardinal of
LoiTaine, for an explanation of her posi-
' See it in Dodd (ed. Tiemej'), ii. cccxxii.
» Le Plat, vi. 48.
892 TRENT, COUNCIL OF
TRENT, COUNCIL OF
tion. The Cardinal spoke on the matter
ut considerable length,' unfolding the
ruinous state of religion in Scotland, and
showing that the few Catholic bishops
could not be spared from their task of
watching over the feeble relics of Catho-
licity. The Council replied ^ in terms of
feeling and lofty courtesy. They accepted
the Queen's excuses, condoled with her
on the state of her kingdom, admitted the
Cardinal of Lorraine as her envoy and re-
presentative, and declared that among the
princes and rulers who in those evil times
had been bold in the cause of the Chui-ch
of God, " assuredly the illustrious name of
Mary, Queen of Scotland, would be com-
mended to the undying remembrance of
mankind."
The Council was re-opened in the
seventeenth session (January 18, 1562)
by the Papal legates. Cardinal Gonzaga
of Mantua and four others, and immedi-
ately adjourned to February 26. On that
day a decree was adopted relating to the
censorship of books; a committee was
appointed ; ultimately the matter was
referred to the Pope ; and the result was
seen at last in the erection of the Sacred
CongTegation of the Index [Index, &c.].
A fresh safe-conduct, addressed not to
the German nation only, but to all those,
whether nations or individuals, "who
have not communion witli us in the
things which are of faith," guaranteeing
their safety, and entreating them to come
to Trent, was soon afterwards published.
Sessions nineteen and twenty were
formal only. In the twenty-first (July 16,
1562), the four questions on Eucharistic
doctrine, postponed at the thirteenth
session, were dealt with. In the twenty-
second (Septemljor 17, 1562), the doctrine
of the sacrifice of the Mass was defined
in nine chapters ; things to be obser\'ed or
avoided in the celebration of the same
were noted ; and the demand for the con-
cession of the chalice to the laity (on
which Ferdinand, pressed by his Bohe-
mian and Hungarian subjects, and also
the Duke of Bavaria, had much in-
sisted) was referred to the judgment of
the Pope.
Disciplinary questions of great diffi-
cultj' and complexity, the satisfactory
settlement of which required an active
and patient interchange of views among
the bishops and theologians of various
' See the abstract of his speech in the diary
of Mendozn, a Spanish bishop (Dollinger,
Sammlung, &c.).
Le Put, he. cU.
I countries, caused the next session to be
deferred till July, 156.3.' In the previous
! March the Carclinal of Mantua died, and
was succeeded as legate by the able Car-
dinal Morone, under whose prudent man-
agement the remaining deliberations of
the Council were swiftly and successfully
carried through.
In January, 1563, the Anglican bishopa
had met in convocation at London, and
'• adopted a code of Thirty-nine Articles to
regulate the religious belief and practice
of tlie English people. It can hardly be
doubted that these articles came to the
knowledge of the Fathers of Trent, and
that several statements contained in them
were included among the " errores nostri
temporis," against which the dogmatic
decree of the twenty-third session (the
first held after the publication of the
London symbol) was especially directed.
Thus the twenty-fifth article denies
"Orders" to be a "sacrament of the
Gospel," and classes it among " those five
commonly called sacraments," which
"have grown partly o^ the corrupt
following of the Apostles, partly are
states of life allowed in the Scriptures."
On the other hand, the Council defines:
" If any one shall say that Orders or
sacred ordination is not truly and pro-
perly a sacrament instituted by Christ
the Lord .... let him be anathema."
A similar opposition of view will come
under our notice in other instances.
The decree of Reformation in eighteen
chapters, adopted at the twenty-third
session, contained a number of important
provisions on the residence of bishops
and priests, on ordinations, on the qualifi-
cations for the priesthood, and on the
* About the time of the arrival of the Car-
dinal of Lorraine and the French prelates (Nov.
1.062), stormy discussions took place on the
jurisdiction of bisliops ; did it come imme-
diately from God, or from God through the
PopeV The Spanish bishops generally held
the former opiniou. Mendoza's sjieech is inter-
esting (Dollinger, ii. 98). That episcopal
ordtr was jure divino, all, he said, were agreed;
on the second point, relating to jurisdiction,
" my view is that we receive it from the Su-
preme Pontiff." Next day the Spanish Bishop
of Guadix spoke vehemently on the other
side ; Cardinal Simoneta said he wondered at
the speaker's language ; there was great ex-
citement. The Archbishop of Granada took
part with the Bishop of Guadix, and protested
against his being interrupted. But many
bishops, with whom was the Cardinal of Lor-
raine, thought that at a time when the Protes-
tants were denying the authority of bishops
altogether, the point in dispute ' might stand
over ; and this view at last prevailed.
TRE>"T, COUNCIL OF
erection of seminaries for the training of 1
clergy.
At the twenty-fourth session (No-
vember 11, 1503), the doctrine of Chris-
tian marriage was defined, and anathema
pronoimced on whoever should deny it to
be truly and properly a sacrament. Here
again the couciliar decree is in precise
contradiction to the teaching of the
Anglican bishops in their twenty-fifth
article. A decree in ten chapters on the
reformation of marriage was added.
In the twentv-fifth and last session
(December -3 and 4, 1563), the Council
adopted decrees on Purgatory, on tlie In-
vocation, Veneration, and Relics of Saints
and Holy Images, and on Indulgences.
The .\nglican twenty-second article, by a
singular choice of words, describes the
doctrine of the Holy See on these various,
and, in part, dissimilar subjects as "a fond
thing vainly invented." The Council
states what is necessary to be believed
upon them all, neither confining the
liberty of theologians by an over-precise-
ness of definition nor leaving any essen-
tial point obscure. In the section on
Holy Images, reference is naturally made
to the decrees of the Second Council of
Nicnea against the Iconoclasts. A number
of important regulations affecting the
religious orders were embodied in the
decree " De Regularibus et Monialibus "
(on the regular clergy- and nuns).
Since the commencement of the third
period of the Council, the opposition of
the Emperor and the King of France to
the view that it was a continuation of the
former Council had gradually become
weaker, and now the fact of continuity
■was assumed without disguise, and agreed
to bv all. The Fathers, arrived at the
termination of their labours, agreed to
request the confirmation of the Council in
all its three phases from the Supreme
Pontiff. This confirmation wns given on
January 26, 1564. It was also deter-
mined that all the decrees of the Council
which affected ecclesiastical discipline and
modified positive law should be consi-
dered as coming into force on May 1,
1564.
Besides the ambassadors, the names of
nine cardinals, three patriarchs, thirty-
three archbishops, two hundred and thirty-
seven bishops, eight abbots, eight gene-
rals of orders, and a hundred and fifty
theologians and canonists, were inscribed
on the attendance-roll of the Council, as
having been present at one or more of the
sessions. As regards nationality, the
TRENT, COUNCIL OF 893
Italian prelates, numbering 187, consti-
tuted more than half the Council.
Among the prelates at Trent distin-
guished for their virtue and learning were
the Cardinals del Monte, Cervini,and Seri-
])andi, Bartholomew de Martyribus, arch-
bisliop of Braga, Paulus Jovius, bishop of
Nocera, Diego Covarruvias, bishop of
I Segovia, Yida, bishop of Alba, and Lipo-
i mani, bishop of Modon. Among the
! more eminent theologians were Peter de
Soto and Melchior Cano, Dominicans ;
Salmeron, Laynez, Le Jay, and Turriani,
Jesuits ; Michael Baius, Jansenius, Rami-
rez, Fernandez, &c., &c. The counsel of
his holy nephew, St. Charles Borromeo,
was a source of strength and enlighten-
ment to Pius lY. during the whole third
period of the Council.
(The voluminous literature of the
Council is well tiiven in Cardinal Ilergen-
rofher's " Ilaudbuch der allgeui. Kirchen-
gescliic]it","iii. 2;!2 [i d.P>\ Auiongthemost
iin]H>rt;int sources are, Sforza Pallavicini,'
" History, v<:c.'' in Italian, 1056, in Latin,
Antwerp, 1073; Le Plat, "Monumenta,
&c.," Louvain, 17.^(>; Theiner, "Diary of
.\ngelo Massarelli," 1874; Mendham,
[ "Acta Concilii Trid." 1812; Diillinger,
" Sammlung von L'rkuuden, Sec." 1876.
The hi>tories of Raynaldus, Gieseler,
Menzel, Alzog, and Rohrbaeher, and the
critical worlv of Brischar, may also be
consulted. Paul Sarpi's ' "History of
the Council of Trent,' first published in
Italian at London in 1610, under the
feigned name of Pietro Soave Polano [an
anagram of " Paolo Sarpi Yeneto "],
translated into French by Courayer, 1736,
is quite unworthy of trust.)
The martyr Edmund Campion (11580)
wrote in the following terms of the
Council of Trent : " The Synod of Trent,
the older it waxeth, the more it will
flourish. Good God ! what variety of
nations ! what choice of bishops of the
I whole world, what splendour of kings
and commonwealths, what marrow of
theologues, what sanctity, what weep-
j ' Pallavicini. a .Tesiiit, and aftcrward.s
I cardinal, wrote his history e.xpressly to con-
' futc Sarpi ; he had access to all the sources
of information contained in the Roman ar-
chives.
- Sarpi was a Scrvite friar and theolofrian
to the republic of Venice; but under the frocli
and outward demeanour of a religious .secretly
intrigued to introduce Protestantism into the
Republic. Pallavicini gives a list of 3G1 falsi-
fications or misrepresentations of fact in his
history, of which Bossuet wrote that it wa- the
work not so much of the historian as of the
I open enemy of the Council.
694 TRENTAL
TRDsITARIAIsS
ings, what fasts, what academical flowers,
what languages, what subtilties, what
lahour, what infinite reading, what riches
of virtues and studies, did fill up that
majestical sacred place ! " (Quoted in
Brent's English version of Sarpi's history,
Lond. 1(S40.)
TRENTAXi. Trentale, trentuale, tren-
tena, trentenarium, triccnarium, trigesi-
male, trii/iiitale, are dilferent names for
the same thing, viz. an office of thirty
Masses for the dead. (Ducange.)
TRZCBRXON- AHH BXCEKZOTT.
Candlesticks with three and two lights
signifying respectively the Trinity and two
natures of Christ, used by Greek bishops
in blessing the people. [Daniel, " Thesaur.
Liturg." torn. iv. p. 382.]
TRZM-XTA.BXAXi'S. This order was
founded at Rome in 1108 by St. John of
Matha, a native of Provence, and an aged
French hermit, Felix of Valois, in order
to redeem Christian captives out of the
hands of the infidels. Affairs in the
East had taken an unfortunate turn;
Jerusalem had fallen into Saladin's
hands, and great numbers of Christian
soldiers were in captivity, which, with
Mahommedans, was equivalent to sla-
very. The dangers of every kind which
beset these unfortunates were what
moved the holy founder to make a great
organised effort for their relief. The
order was sanctioned by Innocent 111.;
the rule was that of St. Austin with par-
ticular statutes; the diet was of great
au.'^terity ; the habit, at least in France,
M-as a soutane and scapular of white serge,
with a red and blue cross on the right
breast. The first monastery was at
Cerfroy, in France ; this continued to be
the mother house till the Frencli Revolu-
tion. The work was begun w ith ptvut
energy ; John the Englishman and "Wil-
liam the Scot, two of the earliest fol-
lowers of St. John, were sent to Morocco,
where they negotiated (1200) the ran-
som of 18G captives, and restored them
to their friends. It was a fundamental
rule of the order that at least one-third
of its revenues should be set apart for the
work of redemption. At Tunis, a short
time after the success in Morocco, the
saint, having redeemed 120 captives,
embarked with them in a ship bound for
Ostia. Some ^lahommedans hoarded the
vessel, took away the rudder, and tore
the sails to ribands ; but Sr. .Tohn is said
to have hung his cloali and those of his
companions from the yard, and to ha\e
obtained by prayer such effectual aid
from heaven, that the vessel was wafte''?
after a few days into the harbour of Ostia.
The Trinitarians had at one time as
many as two hundred and fifty houses.
It was estimated in the seventeenth
century that since its foundation the
order had rescued 30,720 Christian cap-
tives.
St. John of Matha died in 1213.
Five years later, the military order of
Our Lady of Mercy for the redemption of
captives, commonly called the Order of
Slercy, was founded at Barcelona by
James I., king of Arragon, and St. Peter
Nolasco, with the same general object as
that pursued by the Trinitarians. This
order, after a time, while adhering to the
rule of St. Austin which it had originally
embraced, elected a priest for its superior
and put off its military character. The
religious belonging to it threw themselves
with great ardour into the mission work
in America. One of them, F. Solorzano,
was confessor to Columbus and almoner
of the fleet in the memorable voyage of
1492; Henryon calls him "the first apostle
of the New AVorld." '
At the dissolution there were eleven
Trinitarian houses in England, five in
Scotland,- and one (x\dare, co. Limerick)
in Ireland. Though in fact regular ca-
nons, the>e religious were often called
in EnLz^rtiiil Red, or Maturin friars, from
the eolour of the cross on the habit,
and Ijecause they had a famous hou.-e
at Paris built near the chapel of St.
Maturin.
A reformation made by Father Juan
Baptista was approved by the Holy See
in \i)'JV, and resulted in the erection of
the congregation of " Discalced Trinita-
rians " in Spain, Their houses, as well
as those of the unreformed portion of the
order, were suppressed in Spain in the
reign of the late Queen, Isabella II.
From the vei-y beginning a number
of pious ladies were associated with the
order, and in 1236 were admitted to take
vows. With the approval of the Holy
See, a third part of their goods was de-
voted to the redemption of captives.
Hist. Gen. des 3!issions Cath,
c. 82.
2 Doninpton (Berks) Werland (Devon.)
Kston (Wilts) Worcester
Ilounslo-\v
Knnrcsborough In Scotland:
M(HU.n,lf.ii (Kent) Aliordeen
Tlirlcstonl ( W.arw.) Dernoch
Tlm-lirtl M>xf.) F.nil
Tot I, CSV ( Little) Peebles
W.ilUnoll (North- Scotlaud's Well
umberlaiid)
TRINITY, FEAST OF
TRINITY, HOLY 895
Their days were spent in prayer for the
same pious object, in the education of
jonng girls, and in the care of the sick.
They do not seem to have bad any
houses in England before the Reforma-
tion. A few years ago (1886) they came
to this country and !»ettled at Bromley,
Kent. More than thirty convents of the
order have been established in Algiers
since the French conquest, where the
nuns are engaged in the schools and
hospitals.
(Il^lyot; Henryon; Latomy, "Hist,
de la Foudation de TOrdre de N. D. de la
Mercy," 1618 ; Tanner ; M. Walcott,
" Scoti-monasticon.")
This order is sometimes confounded
with that of the CKrxcHED, ORorcHED,
or Crossed Friaes, which "was insti-
tuted, or at least reformed," says Tanner,
" by one Gerrard prior of St. Mary of
Morello at Bologna ; and confirmed, a.d.
1169, by pope Alexander III., who
brought them under St. Austin's rule,
and made some other constitutions for
their government." They fii-st appeared
in England at the Synod. of Rochester in
1244, armed with a sweeping papal privi-
lege. "At first they carried a cross fixed
to a staff in their hands; whence they
were called fratres cruciferi ; afterwards
they had a cross of red cloth upon
their backs or breasts " (Tanner). They
wore a blue habit. Their first bouse was
at Colchester: and in course of time they
established themselves at a few other
places — Barham (Camb.) (c. to Welne-
tham); Brackley (Northants) ; London,
near Tower Hill (their chief house) ;
Welnetham, Great (Sufi'.) ; AVotton-under-
Edffe (Glouc.) ; and Oxford (in Grandpont
Street). Matt Paris, iv. 303; v. 194
(Rolls ed.).
TRZITZTV, FBA.ST OP. A decre-
tal attributed to Alexander III. in the
" Corpus Juris," but really of Alexander
II., informs us tliat some churches kept
this feast on the Sunday after Pentecost,
others on the Sunday- before Advent,
while the Roman Church did not keep it
at all, since ever\' day the Trinity was
praised and worshipped. Terv' early in
the tenth century the fea-st was kept at
Liege, in the twelfth the Abbot Rupert
speaks of it as generally observed, and in
1334 John XXlI. ordered its observance
by the whole Church ou the Sunday next
after Pentecost. (Benedict XIV. "De
•Fest.")
TRZirzTT, HO&'T. The mystery
of the Trinity consists in this, that God,
being numerically and individually one,
exists in three Persons, or, in otlier words,
that the Divine essence, which is one and
the same in the strictest and most abso-
lute sense, exists in three Persons, really
distinct from each other, and yet each
really identical with the same Divine
essence. The Father is unbegotten, the
Son liegotten, the Holy Ghost proceeds
from the Father and Son. Each Person
is really distinct from the other, each is
the true, eternal God, and yet there is
only one God. We can understand how
tliree individual men are distinct from
each other and yet possess humanity in
common. The unity of the three Divine
Persons is altogether different. A\'hen
we speak of them as one God, we mean
not only that each is God, but that each
is one and the same God, and herein is
the mystery, incomprehensible to any
created intelligence. The word Trinity
{rpiai) first occurs in Theophilus of An-
tioch (" Ad Autol." ii. 15), who wrote
about 180, but the doctrine which the
word expresses appears in the New, and
has its roots in the Old Testament.
(A) The Doctrine in the Old Testa-
ment.— (a) Catholics, from the Fathers
downwards, full of faith in the Holy
Trinity, and knowing that the author of
the New Testament is also the author of
the Old, have naturally been prepared to
find traces of the doctrine in the ancient
Scriptures, and have often satisfied them-
selves that such trace* exist in cases
where scholarship proves the possibility
or even the correctness of another inter-
pretation. In what follows, we have kept
constantly in view the least an adversaiy
must admit, the least which grammatical
and historical considerations require us to
see in any particular text.
Passages there are, quoted by the
Fathers, in which God speaks of Him-
self in the plural. Such are Gen. i. :.'6,
iii. 22, xi. 7 ; Is. vi. 8. In the first two
I the Fathers generally see an allusion to
1 the Trinity, most of them do so in the
i third, a few only in the fourth, which is
generally understood as addresseil to the
seraphim who are mt^ntioned in the con-
text (references in Petavius, " De Trin."
I ii. 7). Let us take the first passage from
Genesis, the strongest, as Petiivius thinks,
among them all. "And God said, Let
us make man in our image." Tlie New
I Testament gives no exposition of the
; words The oldest explanation is found
in Philo, and adopted in the Targum of
Pseudo-Jonatlian, which paraphrases the
896 TRINITY, HOLY
TRINITY, HOLY
words thus: " Jeliorali said to tlie angels,
ministering before Him, wlio wore created
on the second day of the creation of the
world, Let us make man in our image."
This view has met with the approval of
some modern scholars, but there is no
mention of angels in the context, and the
notion of angelic agency in creation is
Babylonian and Persian, Ijut not Bil)lical.
Another very popular view in modern
times is that God uses the plural, just as
kings do, as a mark of dignity (the so-
called " plural of majesty "), but it is only
late in Jewish history that such a form
of speech occurs, and then it is used by
Persian and Greek rulers (Esdr. iv. 18;
1 Mace. X. 19). Nor can the plural be
regarded as merely indicating the way in
wtiich God summons Himself to energy,
for the use of the language is against this
(Gen. ii. 18; Is. xxxiii. 10). The most
recent explanation is that of Dillmann
{ad loc), who thinks that God, in the
solemn moment of man's creation, ad-
dressi's Himself as the complex of Divine
energies and powers. Akin to the argu-
ments drawn from the above texts is that
from the fact that the Hebrew word for
God is plural, while it is usually con-
strued with a singular verb. The real
origin of this plural form is obscure, but
anyhow Petavius most rightly refuses to
see in it any allusion to a plurality of
Divine Persons. The word for a human
master is also often plural, and the same
plural form of the word God with a
singular verb is used of Dagon (Jud. xvi.
'2'-j). Lastly, under this head we may !
mention the "Holy, holy, holy" of Is. vi., j
the triple blessing in Num. vi. 24, and j
the apparent distinction between God
and Goil in Gen. xix. i'4 : " And Jeliova
raineil on Sodom andGomorrhah sulphur
and fire from .Jeliova from the heavens."
The first two places may only show that
three, like seven and ten, was a favourite
(cf. Jer. viii. 4) and perhaps a sacred
number among the Hebrews ; in Gen. xix.
24, the repetition of the words "from
Jehova " is perhaps merely an old and
emphatic equivalent for from " Himself."
Its meaning is much the same as that of
the words which follow it — viz. from
" the heavens," just as « A«6y =
ovpavov.
O) The so-called Theopham'es.—Qod,
whom no man can see and live, is repre-
sented as appearing to the Patriarchs
without indication of time or mode, Gen.
xii. 7. xxvi. 2, XXXV. 9, by night, xxvi.
24: " the word of Jehova " is said to have
come in a vision, xv. 1. God spake to
Adam (Gen. iii. 8, but it is not said that
He appeared), and an angel ('JInSiJ, " le-
gatus,'' but properly " legatio "), who
appears in God's name is alternately dis-
tinguished from and identified with God
Himself (see, e.ff., Gen. xvi. 7 seq., xviii.,,
xxxi. 11 seq. : Jud. vi. 11 ser/.; Zacli. i.
19). The LXX (see Keil on Genesis, p.
128) regarded these cases as apparitions
of a created angel, and it appears to us
that the view is confirmed by various
passaces in the New Testament {e.ff. Acts
vii. 30; cf. Heb. ii. 2, 3; Gal. iii. 19;
Acts vii. 53). In the early Church, Scrip-
ture was interpreted in another way, and
the Fathers, down to St. Augustine's time
(references in Petav. "De Trin." viii. 2),
believed that " the angel of the Lord "
was the Word of God, taking the form
of an angel, and alleged such apparitions
as a powerful argument against Jews
and heretics for a distinction of Persons
in God. The interpretation, however,
was used by Arians to prove a diflei-ence
of nature between Father and Son, the
former being invisible, the latter visible.
St. Augustine's view is expressed in his
treatise on the Trinity, and finally pre-
vailed. He argues that God in any
Person cannot be seen corporeally, and
that a creature, such as the angel who
appeared to Abraham, &c., might repre-
sent any one of the three Persons.
(Augustine, " De Trin." ii. 18 ; cf.
Hieron. "In Gal." iii. 19, who regards
ihe appearances as of created angels repre-
senting the Mediator.) This, as it seems
to us, is tlir reasonable view, or rather,
we sliould prefer to say that the angel
ivpivseiits God quite independently of
His existence in one or more Persons.
A1 (lie same time, we may fairly look on
such apparitions as preparing the way
for a belief in the Incarnation, especially
when we remember that the "angel of
Jehova " is a title given to the Messias
(Mai. iii. 2). Again, the angel who led
the Israelites is called the angel of God's
" face or presence " (Is. Ixlii. 9), which has
a resemblance, though a very imperfect
one, to the New Testament doctrine that
God is manifested in Christ. So under-
stood, the Theophanies would have an
indirect connection with the doctrine of
the Trinity.
( y) Word, Wisdom, Spirit. — The per-
sonification of God's word and wisdom in
the Old Testament brings us far closer
to the doctrine of the Trinity. Even in.
TRINITY, HOLY
TRINITY, nOLY 807
Gen. i. God is represented as creating by
His spoken command, and in Ps. xxxiii. 6
the creative energ\- of God is summed up
in a single term — viz. bis word : " By
tbe word of Jehovah were the heavens
made (cf. Ps. cvii. 20, cxlvii. 15).
Elsewhere we meet with another form of
the same idea — viz. the wisdom of God,
which is personified ' in Job xxviii. 12 scy. ;
Prov. viii. ix. ; Pxclus. i. 1-10, xxiv. 8 ;
Baruch iii. 27-iv. 4. In the Alexandrian
Book of "Wisdom we get beyond mere
personificatiou, and a real personal exist-
ence is attributed to Wisdom (vii. 7-xi.).
This Wisdom is "the effulgence of eternal
light," " the image of God's goodness,"
the spirit in her is "intelligent, holy,
only-begotten " (vii. 22). On the other
hand, though the book speaks of God's
" Almightj- word'' (xvii. 5) ''leiipingdown
from his royal throne " to take vengeance
on the Egyptians, tliis seems to be no
more than a figure of speech, and the
conception of the Word of God falls into
the background behind that of Wisdom.
It is often difficidt to decide whether the
attributes ascribed to Wisdom answer
most closely to those of the Adyoy in the
New Testament, or to those of the Holy
Ghost. On the one hand, it is through
her that all things are made ; on the
other, she dwells in the hearts of the
just. It can hardly be said that the Old
Testament certainly expresses the hypo-
statical existence of the Holy Spirit,
natural as it is for a believer in the
Cathohc doctrine to interpret various
passages of the Old Testament in this
way. The Spirit of God works in nature;
it endows men with skill of various kinds
(Exod. xxxi. 3-6); and particularly with
moral virtues, whence it is called the
Holy Spirit (Ps. li. 13); it is to rest
specially on the Messias and the people
of the ^lessianic period (Is. xi. 2 seq.,
xxxii. 16, xliv. .3: Ezech. xtxix. 20;
Joel iii. 1, 2). There is indeed one
passage in the "Vulgate which expressly
attributis hypostatic existence to the
Spirit of God— viz. Is. xlviii. 16: "The
Lord God and his Spirit have sent me "
(Is. xlviii. 16 : " Dominus Deus misit me
et Spiritus ejus"). But in the Hebrew
"Spirit" may be, and probably is, the
accusative. "The Lord God hath sent
I It is, of course, hard to draw a clear line
between poetical personification and doctrinal
statement of hypostatical existence. The
beautiful passage' in Job, and the reflection
of it in Baruch, are clear instances of the
former.
[ me and his Spirit " — i^. His Spirit to
i dwell in and guide me.
! (S) In a few passages the Old Testa-
\ ment ascribes Divine attributes to the
; Messias, and this, as the Messias is sent
, by and is distinct from God (the Father),
implies a duality of Persons in God.
Some places often adduced, although
their true sense and reference to our
Lord are certain to us from the light of
the New Testament, are scarcely conclu-
sive in and by themselves. Thus in Ps.
ii. 7, " Thou art my son, this day have I
begotten thee," the sonship does not of
itself imply divinity. Israel collectively
j was God's first-horn (Exod. iv. 2.3), and
Solomon as king of Israel was the son of
God (2 Sam. vii. 14: "I shall be to him
for a Father niid he shall be to ine for a
son "), and the " day " might well he the
day of coronation, for the Hebrew Bible
never speaks of a mere private individual
as a child of God. Sonship belongs to
the people collectively or to their repre-
j sentative. In Ps. ex. 1, " Jehovah said to
my Lord, Sit thou on my right hand,"
the word translated Lord (^i'lS- not -yiX)
'\ is simply the common term for any lord
or master (1 Sam. xxii. 12); and in 1
j Chron. xxix. 23, we read, " Solomon sat
on the throne of Jehovah, as king."' In
Ps. xlv. 7, 8, " Thy throne, 0 God, is for
ever and ever," the interpretation of the
Hebrew words, on mere philological
grounds, and apart from New Testament
authority, is very doubtful. " Thy divine
throne, " is a rendering to which there is
no grammatical objection, and certainly
the Psalm in its natural and literal mean-
ing seems to celebrate a royal marriage
of the ordinary kind. " This is the name
which they shall call him, .lehox ali-[ is]-
our-justice," says Jen-niiiis (xxiii. (j),
speaking of the Mes.sias. Such a name
does not necessarily imply divinity, and
we must remember that the prophet says
the city of Jerusalem will be called by
the very same name. " And this is the
name which they shall call her [nS fem.
not masc. as in Vulg.], Jehovah-[is]-our-
justice." In Mic. v. 1, where the origin
of Messias from Bethleliem is predicted,
the Vulgate has " his going forth is from
the beginning, from the days of eternity."
It would be at least equally fair to trans-
late, "from of old, from ancient days,"
for the word which answers to " initium *
in the "Vulgate is used by Micheas (vii. 20)
of the oath made to the Patriarchs, in
leaias (xxiii. 7) of the Tvrian commerce,
3 Jt
898 TRINITY, HOLT
TRINITY, HOLY
and the -w ord translated " eternity " is
used of the rained walls of Jerusalem at
the time of the exile (Is. Iviii. 12). There
is nothing- which compels us to see more
in the words thiin a statement that the
Messiah would spring from the ancient
house of David. Much more weight
must be gixra to Is. ix. 5, 6: "A child
is born to us, a son is given to us, and
the princedom is on his shoulder, and
they have called his name — Wonderful-
Counsellor, God-the-]Mighty, Father-for-
ever, Prince-of-Peace." " God the mighty
one," though not an absolutely certain,
is still the most probable rendering (x. 21,
to which Gesenius, ad loc, appeals for
his rendering " Strong hero," tells quite
the other way ; of., however, Ezech.
xxxii. 21). The force of the phrase is
quite lost in the Septuagint (where, how-
ever, it was interpolated — d(6s Icrxvpos ;
see Field, " Grig. Hexapl." vol. ii. p. 448),
as well as in the other Greek v ersions
(Aquila, Symmachu,?, Theodotion, Field,
loc. ci't.), and this may account for its not
being quoted in the New Testament. It
is true that such an expression does not
mean as much in the Old Testament,
where the name of God is used far more
freely (see, e.;/., Zach. xii. 8, " the house
of David will be as God," and Chron.
loc. cit.), as it would in the New, though
it is of course very startling and remark-
able. In the Pook of Daniel the language
falls far short of the strength and sub-
limity which characterise Isaias. But
the doctrine on the personality of the
Messias is, as we should expect, more
definite and full. The seer beholds one
" like the Son of man " brought before
the ancient of days, who gives him eternal
dominion over the earth (Dan. vii. 13
seq.). Here, the pre-existence and super-
human personality of the Messias are
clearly taught.
To sum up. Here and there the Old
Testament clearly and by itself indicates
piirtifiiis ol' ( lie iloctrine, in more the New
Tr.-t;iiiH'iit lirlj.s US to discover certain or
prnb.ilil.' \vw> (if it in the Old, while it
IS grnprully held by Catholic divines that
some favoured saints of the old law had
a knowledge more or less complete of the
mystery.
(B) Ancient, Jetoish Tradition. — We
have seen how the conception of the
Divine Wisdom stands out in the Old
Testament, while the "Word of God"
is scarcely more than a metaphor, and
the idea remains undeveloped. But in
the largums or Chaldee translations and
! paraphrases of the Old Testament ttie
" word of Jehovah " is very prominent,
and fills a definite position. The oldest
\ of the Targums — that of Onkelos. on the
Pentateuch — cannot be earlier than the
latter half of the first century after
Christ, and that of Jonathan, on the Pro-
phets, belongs to about the same time.
But it is admitted by all, even by
scholars who put these Targums much
later, that they preserve a very old exe-
getical and theological tradition; and
this is the case to a certain extent even
with those which, like that of the Pseudo-
Jonathan on the Pentateuch, were com-
piled in the seventh century of our era or
even later. In the Targums the Word
of Jehovah or of God * appears in the
main for two reasons. First, anthropo-
morphical expressions used in the Hebrew
of God are applied in the Targums to his
word. Thus, for " they heard the voice
of Jehovah walking in the garden" (Gen.
iii. 8), the Targum of Onkelos has "the
voice of the word of God ;" for "Jehovah
smelt a. sweet savour, and said," &c. (Gen.
viii. 21), "Jehovah received his offering
with favour, and said by his Word : " for
"God came to Balaam by night, and
said," &c., " the word from before Jehovah
came to Balaam," kc. ; and where God i^
said to have "repented," the Targinns
qualify the expression, "God repented in
his word (Onk. Gen. vi. 0: Jon. 1 .Sam.
XV. 11). Next, the " Word " represent -
God, and is the instrument through which
He acts in relation to the world. " I by
my word made the earth " (Jon. Is. xlv.
1 -2) ; " Israel is redeemed by the word of
Jchdvah '' (Jon. Is. xlvi. 17, for "Israel
is saved in .lehovah ") ; " I will place my
word for thee there " (Onk. Exod. xxv.
' 22, instead of " I will make myself known
to thee there"). We see no proof that
person;! 1 existence was attributed to this
"Woi-d,"- and it was certainly not
identified I'ither with the "angel of the
face ■' or with the Messias (Jon. Is. ix. 5,
0 ; Is. Ixiii. 8, 9 ; Onk. Gen. xvi. 7). In
later Jewish theology the " Word " falls
' "^n Nnp^P generally, Nni3T the
Jerusalem Targum (Jer. ii.) The Pesliito has
adopted a third Semitic word to express the
Aiyos of St. John — viz. It is worth
noticinar that this Syriac term can only mean
i "word." so that the' authors of this early ver-
j sion .slioiv what seiiso they attached to {\.6yos.
2 Weber's references to the Targum I'li the
Prophew in proof that the " Word " was the
' object of prayer are false
TRI^^TY, HOLY
TRINITY, HOLY 890
into the background, and is replaced by
the Shechinah" (nVJB'), -which denotes
the presence of God among his people.
It manifested itsAf specially in the
Temple, but if ten persons pray together,
if even a man and his wife live piously,
the Shechinah is in their midst (Talmudi-
cal references in Levy, sub voc). Pro-
minent, too, is the " Mitatron " (pnOD'O-
perhaps from ^fra rvpawov or (xtTo. 6 povov),
the " angel of the presence," whose name
is like that of God. (TV'ith reference to
Eiod. xxiii. 21 : the numeral value of the
letters is equal, omitting the », to those in
the name of God.)
The theology of the Word is much
more complete in Philo, who was born
about 20 B.C. His position differed
widely from that of the Targumists.
Though he knew some Hebrew, he used
the LXX, not the original te.\t, and he
was deeply imbued with Greek philo-
sophy. The notions of Heraclitus, Plato,
and the Stoics, as well as of Jewish tra-
dition, contribute to his conception of
the Word. This Word, or .Voyor, is the
" idea of ideas " (" De Migrat. Abr." torn,
i. p. 452, ed. Mangey) ; through him the
world was made (" De Monarch."' lib. ii.
torn. ii. p. 225) ; he is the image of God
and the brightness which reflects his
essence ("De Somn." lib. i. tom. 1, p.
656); he is God, yet distinct from the
Supreme God (0f6r, but not 6 Qeos, " De
Somn." lib. i. tom. i. 655) ; he is also the
" oldest " or " supreme angel " (rrpfo-Sv-
TOTov ('yytXov, " De Confus. Ling." tom. i.
p. 427) ; "the first-begotten Son " (" De
Agricult." tom. i. p. 308) ; '•' high-priest "
(6 apxifptiit Xdyoy, " De Gigant.'' tom.
i. p. 65:i). " The .Wyor of Philo," says
Siegfried (" Philo von Alexandria," p.
223), " is a thesaurus of all that had
been thought out in the 0. T. and in
Palestinian Judaism on the ' face of God,'
the ' angel of Jehovah,' ' Wisdom,' the
'Word,' the 'Name,' on (ro(f>ia among
the Alexandrian Jews, on the Aoyos among
the Greeks. ft has been asked whether
the " Word" of Philo was personal,
and the question has received opposite
answers. The truth seems to be that
Philo often and distinctly affirms the per-
sonality of the Word, but that his lan-
guage on the point is not consistent with
itself. His theory requires him to believe
in a personal Word, for he postulates the
existence of the Logos on this ground —
that the Supreme God could not come
into immediate contact with matter, and
I here, plainly, the conception of the Word
I aa a mere attribute would not have
availed. This account of the matter
seems to be now generally accepted by
scholars (see Soulier, " Doctrine du Logos
chtz Philon," where there is a complete
resume of opinions). Most certainly, near
as Philo comes to the language of the
fourth Gospel, he would have utterly
rejected the idea of an incarnate Word.
Nothing could be more opposed to his
whole view of matter, and he does not
even " place the Logos in connection with
the Messiah" (Westcott, on St. John
p. xvii).
(C) The Trinity in the Xew Testa-
ment.— The absolute imity of God was
and is the great article of Israel's faith,
and it is asserted with equal emphasis
throughout the New Testament (Rom.
xvi. 27 ; 1 Tim. vi. 15 seq. ; John xvii. 3).
If, then, the New Testament teaches the
real, distinct, and divine personalitj- of
the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, this
comes to teaching the Catholic doctrine
of the Trinity.
1. The Son or Word of God.— Th&
first three Gospels and the Acts describe
Jesus as the "Son of God," a title which
primarily implies his Messianic oflice.
Because He is the Christ, death cannot
bind Him (Acts ii. 24) ; He is " the
prince of life" (iii. 15). After His resur-
rection. He "receives all power in heaven
and earth" (Matt, xxviii. 18). Nowherf,
however, is His pre-existence, much less
His eternal generation, asserted in terms,
but Christ in the Synoptic Gospels cer-
tainly claims attributes which can hardly
be less than divine (see, particuhirly.
Matt. xi. 27). In the earlier Epistles of
St. Paul, Ilis pre-t'xistence is clearly
affirmed. Through Ilim "are all things"
(1 Cor. viii. 6) ; He is " the image of
. God" (2 Cor. iv. 4); He is "the Lord"
(1 Cor. xii. 3 ; Rom. x. 0) ; He is abso-
lutely sinless (2 Cor. v. 21); He is "the
' Spirit" (2 Cor. iii. \7)—i.e. the Holy
Spirit is His Spirit, the living principle of
His working and indwelling. In Rom. ix.
5, as commonly translated, we have the
strongest statement of Christ's divinity
in St. Paul, and, indeed, in the N.T. :
" Whose are the Fathers, and from whom
is the Christ according to the flesh, who
is the God over all blessed for ever.
Amen." We cannot enter on a discus-
sion of the rendering here. In any case,
the text cannot be conclusively urged
against an opponent. There is no reason
in grammar or in the context which for-
900 TRIJsITY, HOLY
TRINITY, HOLT
bids us to translate, " God, who is orer
all, be blessed for ever. Amen '' — a
doxology suddenly introduced, but quite
in St. Paul's manner (GaL i. 5 ; cf. Rom.
i. 25; 2 Cor. xi. 31).
In the Apocaly])se we find the term
" Logos " peculiar in the N.T. to the
Joauuic writings (xix. 13, " Word of
God ; " not, however, 6 Xdyof, as in the
Gospel). He is the "beginning of the
creation of God " (iii. 14), though this
phrase seems to imply priority in dignity
rather than in existence.' He is " Alpha
and Omega, the beginning and the end "
(xxi. 6), the same phrase which is used
(i. 11) of the " Almighty." In the
Epistle to the Hebrews the " Logos " is
not used as a personal name, but the
ideas prominent in the Book of Wisdom
recur here, are applied to Christ, and
united to the doctrine of his generation
as the Son of God before the world was
made. Thus, Wisdom (vii. 26) is the
" effulgence (ciTravyaana) of eternal light,"
" the unstained mirror of the working of
God," and " the image of his goodness : "
and so (Heb. i.) the Son is the " efful-
gence " {dnai/yaa-na) of God's glory, the
"stamp" or expressed image of "his
substance." As Wisdom is the " arti-
ficer of all things " (Sap. vii. 21), so
through the Son all things were made,
and He upholds all things by the " word
of his power" (pi'jfxaTt, not Xoya). Not
only is the Son, because Son, raised above
the angels, but He is addressed as God (v.
8), and the description of God's majesty
I Ps. cii. 26-28) is applied to Him. Some-
what similar is the aspect which the doc-
trine assumes in the later Pauline Epis-
tles, particularly in that to the Colos.-ians,
in which Christ is "the centre of the
universe, of the spiritual and corporeal
world " (the words are Hilgenfeld's).
The Pastoral Epistles occupy themselves
chiefly with discipline and morals, and
supply little matter for our purpose. In
Titus ii. 13 — " the manifestation of the
glory of the great God and [of] our
Saviour, Christ Jesus" — a Unitarian could
not bp expected to admit that Jesus
Christ is called "the great God," for the
words will certainly bear the interpreta-
tion, " the manifestation of the glory of
the great God and the manifestation of
the glory of our Saviour," &c. — viz. at
the second coming. In 1 Tim. iii. 16, 6r,
not Gfoy, is thi' true reading. (So Lach-
mann, Tischendorf, Tregelles, Westcott
> See Job xl. 19.
and Hort. Even Scrivener — "Introduc*
tion to the Criticism of the N.T." p. 556
— considers it " highly probable " that
"Qfos of the more recent many must
yield place to or of the ancient few.")
The divinity and distinct existence of
the Word are most clearly taught in St.
John's Gospel. The Word (absolutely
only in i. 1 and i. 14) existed before
all time ; " in the beginning," before
things were made, He was. This ex-
istence was a personal one, for the Word
is no mere attribute, like the reason
or wisdom of God, hut was Trpoy t6v
Qfov — i.e. in active communication with
God. (For the force of npos compare
Mark vi. 3, ix. 19 ; Matt. xiii. 56, xxvi.
55; 1 Cor. xvi. 6; Gal. i. 18, iv. 18.)
As the spoken word is distinct from
him who utters it, so was the Word
distinct from God the Father (6 Qfos).
j Yet in nature or essence He is one with
the Father — " the Word was God "
(Geo's) ; " all things came into being
through Him," and this without any ex-
ception. And the continuance of things,
no less than their origin, depends on Him
— " That which was made was life in
Him." As He is the Word or perfect
expression of God the Father's being
before creation, so, after it. He is the
source of all spiritual illumination (i. 9) :
and lastly, He " became flesh and taber-
nacled among us," replacing the partial
revelations of the past by one which was
full and perfect. He is Son as well as
Word, but His sonship is different from
that which is common to believers. He
is Son in the strict sense, -n-ith the same
nature as His Father: whence He is "the
only-begotten from the Father," " the
only-begotten Sou" (or, perhaps, "the
only-begotten God ; " so Westcott and
Hort, i. 14, iii. 16, 18 ; see also 1 John iv.
9). He and the Father " are one " (x.
30) ; to have seen Him is to have seen
the Father (xiv. 9). All that had been
previously revealed in the Bible, all the
results of extra-biblical speculation iu
i the Jewish Church, are here combined —
the " Word " of the Hebrew Bible and of
the Targums; the Xoyoy or " reason " of
Philo, the creative Wisdom of Proverbs
and the Deutero-Canonical books. And
the Bible, in one of its latest books, is
the exposition of an idea which can be
traced back to the words with which the
Bible, as we have it, begins : " In the be-
ginning God created the heavens and the
earth, and God mid, Let there be light,
and there was light."
TRINITY, HOLY
TRINITY, nOLY 001
2. The Spirit of God.— On the whole,
the New Testament, like the Old, speaks
of the Spirit as a divine energ-y or power
particularly in the heart of man. The
Spirit rests on Christ, and is a power
■within Him distinct from Himself (Matt,
iii. 16, xii. 28; Luke iv. 1-14; John i. 32),
having first caused His miraculous con-
ception (Luke i. &c.) The Spirit is im-
parted to Christ's disciples, the citizens
of the Mt^ssiiinic kingdom, and is their
guide (1 Pet. i. 12 ; Acts ii. 4 seq., xv. 28 ;
cf. V. 2). This divine Spirit is clearly
distinguished from the Spirit or con-
science of man (Rom. viii. 16), and the
authority of the Spirit is identified with
that of God Himself (Matt. xii. 31;
Acts V, 3, 9; 1 Cor. iii. 16; but cf. Exod.
xvi. 8 ; 1 Thess. iv. 8). But is a personal
existence clearly attributed to the Spirit ?
No doubt, all through the N. T. his action
is described as personal. He speaks (Marie
xiii. 1 1 ; Acts viii. 2'.i), bears witness (Rom.
viii. 16 ; 1 John v. G), .searches (1 Cor. ii.
10), decides (Acts xv. 28), helps and inter-
cedes (Rom. viii. 26), apportions the gifts
of grace (1 Cor. xii. 11). 3Iost of tliese
places furnish no cogent proof of person-
ality. The Spirit of God and Christ
(Gal. iv. 6) may be said to do what He
operates through man ; and ngain, we must
not forget that the N. T. personifies mere
attributes such as love (1 Cor. xiii. 4),
and sin (Rom. vii. 11), nay, even
abstract and lifeless things, such as the
law (Rom. iii. 10), the water and the
blood (1 John v. 8). However, if we look
well to the piissage above quoted from
St. Paul (1 Cor. xii. 11), we find that
the Spirit is distinguished from the gifts
of the Spirit, and that personal action is
predicated of Him : "All these things one
and the same Spirit worketh, dividing
to each separately, as He [the Spirit]
■wills." Poetical personification would be
quite out of place here, and Mey( r rightly
treats the words as decisive. In the
fourth Gospel, however, this personal
existence is stated more fully and plainly
{ch. xiv.) Even the author of the article
on the Trinity in Schenkel's " Dictionary
of the Bible" (" Bibel-Lexicon," art.
Dreieitiiijlifit), though he writes to show
that the doctrine of the Trinity is not
Biblical, admits that the hypostatical
existence of the Holy Spirit is taught
here. "I will ask the Father and He
will give you another advocate, that He
may be with you for ever, the Spirit
of truth .... I will not leave you
orphans, I will come to you" (v. 16-
! 18). "Advocate" is the same name
given in 1 John to Christ Himself, our
advocate with the Father, and in each
case the name is a personal one. In
essence He is one with Christ, so that
when He comes, Clirist comes too. But
He is not, as the writer just quoted thinks,
represented as one in person with the
glorified Christ; on the contrary, He is
" another advocate."
3. Trinitarian formulae occur through-
I out the N. T. books. Baptism is to be
given " into the name of the Father, and
I of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit "
(Matt, xxviii. 19; cf. 1 Cor. i. 13-15, x.
j 2), which indicates the prevalent idea of
: baptism, as bringing the baptised into
relation with living persons. The persons
of the Trinity are further mentioned to-
gether by St. Paul (2 Cor. xiii. 13) and
by St. Peter (1 Ep. i. 1-2). Considering
the strict Monotheism of the N. T., such
language implies the divinity, as well as
the personality, of Father, Son, and Holy
Ghnst. and they are sufficient warrant for
! refusing to believe that N. T. writers did
not know the doctrine, because they did
not, like St. .Tohn, state it explicitly.
(D") The Developmmt of the Doctrine
in the Church.— \. The Scriptural doctrine
of tlie Trinity, as a whole, is neither
expanded nor reduced to system in the
Apostolic Fathers. Clement of Rome
I follows closely the language of the Epistle
! to the Hebrews. Christ is the "sceptre
! of God's majestv" (1 Ep. 4G), "the
effulgence of his" majesty " (30). The
Logos is not used as a personal name (see
: 27, and cf. Heb. i. 3). The spurious but
I early Epistle of Barnabas speaks of Christ
as the Son, not of man, but of God (12).
Ignatius, on the other hand, is familiar
with tlie technical sense of Logos. Christ
I is God's "word proceeding from silence" •
j (Magnes. 8). He is God (Ephes. 1 and 7);
I He is, " God having become in tlesh "
"from Mary and from God, first im-
passible, then passible," &c., so that His
divine and human natures are distin-
guished. Among the earliest writers gene-
rally, "Spirit" is the term for Christ's
pre-existent nature (Hernias, " Sim." ix. 1 ;
" 2 Ep. Clem." 9). and this use, which may
be traced back even to the O. T. (Is. xxxi.
3 : " The Egyptians are man and not
God, and their horses flesh and not
Spirit"), survived in writers much later
than the Apostolic Fathers (Theoph.
1 This is the correct reading, as has been
shown by Bishop Lijihtfoot, Contemporary
Review, Feb. 187.), )>. 357 $eq.
902
TRINITY, HOLY
TKINITY, HOLY
" Ad Aut"l." ii. 10 ; Tertull. " Adv.
^larc." iii. 16).
Passing to the middle of tlie second
century after Christ we find mucli fuller
statements, and an approach to a definite
theology on the three divine Persons.
All the Fathers between the Sub- Apostolic
and Nicene age are permeated by the
teaching of the fourth Gospel. Justin
Martyr is the single exception, and even
he is familiar with the doctrine of the
Logos. All these writers recognise the
divinity of the Word, and in many we
meet with statements that the Son is one
in substance with the Father, that He is
in the Father and the Father in Him,
that there are three divine Persons, each
answering to the idea of God. Thus,
Christ is said to be God by Justin
("Trypho," 126), by Tatian ("Orat. ad
Grsec." 21, p. 90), by Theophilus (" Ad
Autol." ii. 22, p. 120). Justin speaks of
Christ as Son, and good in the strict sense
(1 Apol. 23, p. 60) as begotten like fire
from fire ("Trypho," 128, p. 432), and
Tatian expresses himself in like manner
(" Oi-at. ad Graec." 5, p. 20) ; Tertullian
("Adv. Marc." iv. 25) asserts Christ's
equality with the Father, and his unity
with Hiiu in substance (" Adv. Prax." 2).
Athenagoras confesses the Father, Son, j
and Holy Ghost, to be each God (" Leg." |
10, p. 44 seq.), their distinct personal i
existence and their union in power ("Leg." '
24, p. 124). These early Fathers reconcile
the unity of God with the Trinity of
persons by their doctrine of the monarchia
or priority in nature of God the Father. \
Just as in later theology the Father is |
acknowledged to be the " fountain of God-
head " (771777; 6(dTr]Tos), because the one
divine essence is communicated from Him
to the Son and the Spirit, so the Ante- ;
Nicene Fathers call the Father "the God" j
(6 Q(6s) or God absolutely (
the Son only " God " (0eos without the I
article). This distinction is made expli-
citlv by Clement of Alexandria ("Strom."
iii. "12, p. 548 ; "Quis Dives," 6, p. 939),
and usually observed by Justin, though in
three ]ilaces ("Trypho," 5G, p. 184; 86,
p. .^00; 113, p. 180), as the text now
stands, lie calls Christ 6 Geoy. Tertullian,
writing in a language which has no
article, makes an equivalent distinc-
tion. To him the Father is " ipse Deus,"
the Son " bactenus Heus, quatenus ex
ipsius Dei substantia " (" Adv. Prax."
26).
2. But in two ways the teaching of
many Ante-Nicene Fathers was imperfect
and inconsistent with itself. First, their
belief on the principatm and on tha
Theophanies, the mediatorial work of
Christ, &c., led them to speak as if the
nature of the Son were inferior to that of
the Father. Justin, e.y., describes the
Word as a " God under the maker of the
uuiverse," as "a God diflerent in number
from the God who made all" ("Trypho,"
56, p. 180, p. 184). Clement of Alexan-
dria attributes to the Sou a " nature most
near to the sole Almighty Father
("Strom." vii. 2, p. 831). The word
<^i'a-is cannot be pressed, still it is note-
worthy that in the passage quoted he is
exalting the Son's sanctity, which, of
course, belongs to His nature in the proper
sense. Tertullian (" Adv. Prax." 9) de-
clares that the whole substance of the
divinity is in the Father, a "portion" of
it only in the Son ; Origen, that the Son
is worthy of a " secondary honour
(rtfiTjs 8evTepevo{i(Tr]s) after the God of all
_(" C. Cels." vii. 57), that he is " diflerent
in essence " from the Father (eVfpoy xar'
ovalav, " De Orat." 15), and in a passage,
which can scarcely refer to Christ as man,
that the Son perhajis foreknows the actions
of all creatures.
Next, though in a sense the Ante-
Nicene Fathers generally hold the eternity
of the Logos, many of them affirm that
His generation as Son happened in time.
Logos may mean either reason or the
Word. Now God, of course, was never
without Logos or intellect, and Theophilus
(" Ad Autol." ii. 10, p. 80 seq., ii 22, p.
118) distinguishes between the Aoyoy
(vduWiTos, the immanent reason of God,
and the Adyos Trpocfjo/HKos, which came
forth from God, as a spoken word at the
creation. This temporal generation of the
Son is also held by Justin (2 "Apol." ii),
Tatian ("Orat. ad Grajc." 5, p. 20 seq.),
Hippoly t. (" Contr. Noct." 10), the author
of the " Philosophumena " (x. 32-33),
Tertullian ("Adv. Prax." 5, "Adv.
Hermog." 3), Novatian ("De Trin." 30),
Lactant. ("Instit." ii. 9, iv. 6). On the
other hand, the eternal generation of the
Son was maintained by Irenaeus ("'Adv.
Hser." iv. 20, 3), and, as Cardinal Newman
thinks, by the Alexandrian school. Cer-
tainly, this is true of Clem. Al. (" Strom."
vii. 1, p. 829), of Origen (" De Princip."
iv. 28, i. 2, p. 2 ; cf. Athanas. " De Decret.
Syn. NiciBu.'' 25), if the Latin translation
(ifRufinus and the quotation of Athauasius
are to lie trusted. Moreover, we have a
clear statement of the eternity of the Son
by Dionysius, bishop of Rome, in the
TKl^•n'Y, HOLY
TRINITY, HOLY
middle of the third century (Koutb, "Rell. |
Sacr." torn. iii. p. li'o). Enough husheen
said in previous articles on the Arian and
Sabellinn heresies. Here, however, wo
may remark that the Catholic doctrine
unites the positive elements in two oppo-
site systems, each of which errs, not by
assertion, but by denial. Catholics agree
with Sabellians in holding that the Son is
consubstantial with the Father, and with
Avians in maintaining that He is a dis-
tinct Person.
3. The full and perfect divinity of the
Son and His eternal existence were defined
once and for all in the Nicene Creed.
True, the eternity of His Soiiship was not
defined, and for many years after the
Council a few even of the orthodox con-
tinued to deny it. Cardinal Newman
(" Tracts Theological and Historical," p.
'2-12 sefj.) .-ihows that this was tin' oasia
with St. Zeno of \'erona (cons, ( nitnl
362), with his contemporary Victoiiuus j
and, for a time, with St. Hilary. But
shortlyafterthe Arian Councils of S(>leucia |
and Ariminum this inconsistent opinion
died out, and it is mentioned indeed by
St. Augustine, but only mentioned as a
heresy. (See Newman, loc. cit.)
4. ' The Nicene Creed in its original
form ends with the words, " and [I be-
lieve] in the Holy Spirit," and the very
lact that belief "in the Holy Ghost is
placed on the same level witli liciicf in
the Father and the Son iini)lles tlie
divinity of all three. Indeed, so much
is involved in the very confession of a
Trinity, as St. Athanasius points out
(" Ep." ad Serap." n. 2 '). This inference,
however, was not pressed homo by the
Council. , Some even of those who were
orthodox on the divinity of the Son
feared to call the Holy Gbosi (ind,
])artly because they doubted ^\lll'tlu■l■
Scripture justified such use of language,
partly because they feared seeming to
confess three Gods (Greg. Nazianz.
" Orat." xxxi. n. 1, n. 18). St. Gregory
Nazianzen believed that the divinity of
tlie Holy Ghost was to be tauglit gradu-
allv, with great caution, and not to all
(" brat." xli. n. 6), and he defended St.
Basil the Great for his prudent reserve
on this point. Basil believed that the
Holy Ghost was God, but did not at the
time say so openly in set terms (Greg.
Naz. " Ep." Iviii.). But it became plain
that the matter could not rest here. The
Semi-Arians, who thought it enough to
* Tloia oZi> oi/T7) 6(o\oyia 4k Srjixioupyov koI
Kria/iaros aufKaiiivrt;
admit the Son's likeness to the Father,
but would not allow tlie second Person
to be equal t<i or coiiMilisiantial with the
first, were driven liy the force of logic to
make the Holy (I host a creature. To
them, difference in order implied differ-
ence in nature, and hence, if the second
Person, because second, was oidy like tlie
Father, the thinl, hccause third, could
not be even lilvi', with the same exclusive
likeness whieli behmged to the Son. And
so Macedoiiius admitted that "the Sou
was God, both in all things and in essencn
like the Father, but he declared that thu
Holy Ghost had no part in the same pre-
rogatives, calling Him servant and minis-
ter" (Sozomen, "II. E." iv. 27). The
true divinity of the third Person was
asserted at a Council of Alexandria iu
•'SOi', by two sviioils at Tiome under Pope
l»;.ni:iMis, tiniillv l,y the Council of
Consdiiii inniilc of ill a decree ac-
cepl-a Kv Ihr Nvliol,' Clnirch.
■"). (iii.'ijivat ijiir-i 1. Ill st 111 remained —
viz. tlir ii.itiu-'' of I he iMii(\ in essence
bet w, , 11 1 hr I -ailier, Son, and Holy Ghost.
'I'hr li' ]-, ,,y o!' Trilheisiu was maintained
bv AM ii.-.iin-e> (Asseinani, "Bibl. Or." il.
]." :;l'7), mil! hy riiiloponus (d. after 610).
A- !i' I'll ni ihi (I by])ostasis or person with
iil;i;il nature, he argued that, as iu
Clirist thi re is but one Person, therefore
also line n.itiu'i' mily, and that as in the
'I'rinily thni' are three Persons, therefon;
also three iiulixiilual natures. On this
view (he miliy of essence is specific, not
numerical, ami the thi'ee Persons are God,
only so lar as three individual human
beings are each man. Such a theory-
overthrows the unity of God, which is a
primary truth of religion, and it contra-
il lets the 7rfpix&)pt;<rif or inhesion of one
liivine Person iu another, which our
Lord teaches when He says that tho
Father is in Him, and He in the Father.
Petavius discusses the history of opinion
on the point with that fulness of learning,
acuteness, and impartiality which are his
characteristic gifts, and we can only give
liis conclusions here. Many Fathers in
their contest with Arians, who held a
specific diilerence, wrote as if they be-
lieved merely in a specific unity of the
Divine Persons. Of thisTritheistic theory,
" certain seeds," says Petavius, " may seem
to have been cast in the old Fathers, not
only in such as lived before Arius, but
also in those who lived in the very midst
of the Arian controversy" (Petav. "De
Trin." lib. iv. cap. 13 ; see also cap. 0, and
14-16). The same Tritheistic error was
904 TRINITY, HOLY
TRISAGION
revived in the We.-t by the Abbot Joachim
and condemned by the Fourth Lateran
Council (cap. 2, Def. contr. Abb. Joachim)
in 1215. The Council defines the dis-
tinction of the Persons from each other
and the absolute identity of each with
the one "individual essence" of God.
Another theological principle is involved
in the Lateran definition. The Council
speaks of the Incarnation as effected " by
the whole Trinity in common." Of course,
the second Person only was incarnate,
but aU works exterior to the Trinity
itself are effected by the three Persons.
They are distinct only in virtue of their
relations to each other. The Father
alone generates, the Father and Son
alone breathe the Holy Ghost. But all
three have one single nature, and there-
fore one indivisible operation with respect
to the outer world. We do indeed ap-
propriate certain external actions to one
of the Persons. We speak, e.(/., of the
Holy Ghost as the sanctifier because that
work of love is attributed with special
fitness to Him who proceeds from the
mutual love of the Father and Son. In
reality the renewal of man's heart is the
work of all three Persons equally. It
cannot, however, be said that all three
Persons are sent, because mission consists
in the procession of one Person from
another with the production of a temporal
effect, visible or invi.sible (" processio cum
habitudine sen connatione temporalis
eflectus," Suarez, " De Trin." lib. xii. De
Missioiie). All three Persons enter a
soul which loves God, but the second aud
third Persons alone are sent, because they
come by an impulse which is one with the
nature which tliey receive, the Son from
the Father, the Holy Ghost from the
leather and Son. Suarez {loc. cit.) limits
mission to cases where a supernatural
eti'ect is produced, because in these only
God is present in a new way, so present
that He, would be there even if not already
there by His omni])i-ese)ice.
(E) The Trhiilii and Natural Season.
— All Ondmlie tliPnlnLiiaiis are agreed that
the exist, lie. of till' Trinity cannot be
proved ljy n iison, and although they add
that tlie diH ti-ine i.s above but not con-
trary to reason, still 13illuart at least
(" De Trin." Procem. a. 4) admits that we
cannot prove "positively and evidently"
that the doctrine does not involve a con-
tradiction. The obvious objection presents
itself that we cannot believe what is
absolutely unintelligible, and 'again it
may be said that a revelation which tells
us nothing of God's character brings ua
no closer to Him, in no way affects our
own life, is not a revelation at all.
We reply, that each single proposition
held by Catholics concerning the Trinity
is quite intelligible, and may, therefore,
be the object of real assent, little as we
can understand the consistency of these
propositions with each other. Further,
it is easy to see that the long contest on
the Godhead of the Son and the Spirit
had a most important meaning. Given,
that the Son was the object of worship,
then unless his unity of essence with the
Father had been established, Christianity,
instead of perfecting the Jewish revela-
tion, would have been a relapse into
polytheism. As it was, the Trinitarian
doctrine was a safeguard to the belief in
the one God ; it revealed an inner and
eternal life of God which made all Pan-
theistic confusion between the life of God
and the life of the world, all representa-
tions of God as the soul of the world,
a sheer impossibility. Moreover, every
other article of the Christian belief is
affected by the faith in the Trinity. It is
one thing to regard our Lord as the most
perfect of human teachers or even of
creatures, quite another to adore Him as
the God-man. The daily life of Christians
assumed a new sanctity when they came
to believe that every good impulse within
them came from God the Holy Ghost,
that their very bodies are His temple.
Nor is it without a special significance
that God proclaims Himself as the Father
of individual souls, that He teaches us to
address Him as our Father in heaven,
just when He reveals Himself as the
Father from all eternity of our Lord
Jesus Christ.
TKZSAGXON'. (" O holy God, holy
and strong, holy and immortal, have
mercy on us ; " ayios 6 6ehi, ayios lax^pos,
ayios (Wdi'dTos, eXfrjaov Tjfias), a brief hymn
so named from the triple ascription of
holiness to God. It is sung in the liturgy
of Constantinople in the Mass at the
" little entrance " — i.e. when the book of
the Gospels is solemnly carried from the
prothesis to the altar. It occurs more than
once in the Syriac liturgy, and probably
is identical with the " ajus ' mentioned in
the " Expositio Brevis attributed to St.
Germanus. This " ajus "was sung in the
(lallican rite before the Old Testament
lesion and before and after the Gospel.
In our liturgy the Trisagion is said by the
celebrant at the " adoration "' of the Cross
by the people on Good Friday. (Ham-
TROPE, TEOPAEION
TRULLO 905
mond, " Ancient Lit." p. 381.) It is also
said in the ferial prayers at Prime for
penitential days.
The legendary account of its origin is
given by St. John of Damascus (" De Fid.
Orthodox," iii. 10). He says Proclus,
bishop of Constantinople in the middle of
the fifth century, was leading the prayers
■during a tempest, when a boy was cauglit up
into the air {a-vvilBrj dpnayrjvai) and taught
the Trisagion by the angels. Towards
the end of the fifth century Peter the
Fuller inserted the clause, "who wast
crucified for us" (Ilefele, "Concil." ii. p.
5G8), in the interest of the Monophysite
heresy, though the addition was capable
of a good sense and was defended by
some Catholics (Petav. " De Incarnat."
V. 4). (^alendins, who replaced Peter
the Fuller at Ant loch, added the other
words " 0 King Christ," so as to remove
the heretical taint. But the addition was
generally rejected in the West, and in the
East except among the Monophysites, who
made it a watchword and were thence
called Theopaschites. It was bitterly
opposed by the monks called AccEmetae
[see the article], who, however, fell into
the heresy at the opposite pole — i.e. Nesto-
rianism. The addition was also rejected
by Acacius in a avvo^os evBrifiovaa at
•Constantinople, A.D. 478 (Ilefele, ii. p.
603), and by the Synod in TruUo (c. 81).
Gregory VII. ordered the Armenians who
were reunited to the Church to abandon
it as an occasion of scandal, and the pro-
hibition was repeated by Propaganda in
1635 (Benedict XIV. " De Fest."cccxxx).
TROPE, TBOPARZON', &.C. In
the Latiii Ohiircli tropes were verses sung
at Iligli Mass, before or after and some-
times in the middle of the Introit. They
were introduced as early at least as 1000
by the monks, but entirely removed at
the revision of the Missal under Pius V.
The Trojierion, Troparion, Troper, &c.,
i.e. the book containing the tropes, is
often mentioned in Church inventories,
though the word seems to have been
also used for Sequentialis or Book of
Sequences. The Bodleian contains a fine
MS. Troperium. After Kyries and hymns
written on the first few pages comes the
title " Incipiunt Tropi de adventu Domini
Nostri Jesu Christi." Then follow the
other parts of the liturgy which were
sung. (Maskell, " Mon. R,it." I. p. xliii.
teq.)
In the Greek Church rpon-aptov is the
generic name for the short hymns with
■which the Offices of that Church abound.
(Neale, " Introduction to History of Holy
Eastern Church," p. 832, note b.)
TRUCE or Gon (Lat. treuffa Dei,
or treua Dei, from German Treue, faith).
An institution of the Middle Ages, de-
signed to mitigate the violence of private
war by prohibiting hostilities from Thurs-
day evening to Sunday evening of each
week, also during the entire season of
Advent and Lent, and on certain festival
days. Respect was shown to Thursday
as the day of Christ's ascension ; to Fri-
day as that of Ills Passion; to Saturday
because on that day He lay in the grave ;
and to Sunday because it was the day of
His resurrection. The truce was first
proposed in the Council of Charroux in
1)89. St. Odo, or Odon, sixth abbot of
Chmi, and Blessed Richard, abbot of St.
Vannes, did much to extend it among the
Neustriaus. A synod at Roussillon in
1027 ordered that it should be observed
from the nones of Saturday to prime of
Monday. After the great famine of
1028-;]0 the bishops of Aquitaine pro-
claimed a universal peace, but were un-
able to enforce it, and then limited it to
certain days. The light of sanctuary
was denied to violators of it. Soon the
regulation spread all over France. In
1041 the bishops of Aquitaine ordered
that no private feuds slmuld be prose-
cuted from .sunset on WeiLu'sdaj' to sun-
rise on the fiUowiriL' .M. ii'Iay, and this
the Council of Clcini.nit cvii'nJed to the
time from Advent to the Epiphany, from
Lent to the octave of Pentecost, and after-
wards to the feasts and vigils of the Ble.s-
sed Virgin, of St. John the Baptist, of St,-.
Peter and Paul, and All Saints. In 1042
England and Italy adopted it. At the
Council of Rheims in 1119 Calixtus II.
renewed the truce of God for the above-
named seasons, pronouncing excommuni-
cation against violators, and commanding
that, unless they or their children made
satisl'actiou, they should he deprived of
Christian burial. The Second and Third
Councils of Lateran (IKSDand 1179) con-
firmed the truce, and gradually the neces-
sity for it wore away.
TRUX.X.O, COVKCXXi IN. The
word " trullus " (rpoOXXoy, rpovWa) is
base Greek for 66\os, or dome, and the
Council in TruUo takes its name from
the domical hall in the imperial palace
at Constantinople which was the place of
meeting. It is also known as neudiKTrj,
or "quinisexta," because it was regarded
as a supplement to the fifth and sixth
councils, which passed no disciplinary
906
TUNIC
TYPE
decrees. It was convoked Tby Justinian II. |
in 602, mid its decrees were subscribed
bv the Eastern Patriarchs, and by other
bishops and episcopal proxies (211 in all,
but all Easterns). Tn some of the 102
canons on di-eijiline which the Council
pas-eil, the emnity a^'-ainst Rome and
the ^\ e>t which at'last led to the schism
clearly lietrav- itself. Thus (c. 2), 85
apo>tolic eaiiiins are admitted as authen-
tic, th(nii;h corrupted by heretics, whereas
Rome only accepted 50 ; and in a long-
list of canonical authorities there is no
reference to Papal decrees or to any
AVestern council except Sardica, and a
synod of Cyprian, the latter being evi- 1
dently mentioned only out of opposition |
to Rome. In canon 13, priests and
deacons are allowed to continue in the
married state, and the rule of Rome is
contrasted with that of the Apostolic
canons. Canon 55 strictly forbids the
Roman custom of fasting- on the Saturdays I
of Lent; can. i-enews in defiance of
Rome the I'Stli canon of Chalcedon on
the patriarchal rank of Constantinople; ■
canon 67 condemns the eating of blood,
permitted long before in the West, as
unscriptural. Pope Sergius I. naturall}"^
refused to accept these decrees, and an
insurrection prevented Justinian from
ffu-ciiig him to subscribe them. John VIII.
accepted the Trullan canons, so far as
they are consistent with sound morals
and " earlier canons and decrees " of the
Popes. Hadrian I. looked on the Council
in Trullo as a continuation of the Sixth
General Council, and accepted the canons i
"which were promulfrated lawfully and j
by Divine help" in the tir I si\ i-ouncils, i
including that in Trullo (M;insi, MS2).
Hefele ("(Joncil." iii. p. .'ils) inl^es tlio 1
clause asqualifying thePajial ai-( e|,i :nice.
To the schismatic Greeks the Council in
Trullo is a continuation of the si.\th and
therefore oecumenical.
TUWIC (tunica or tunicella). A
vestment proper to subdeacons, who are
clothed in it by the bishop at ordination,
and exactly like the dalmatic, except
that, according to Gavantus (" Thesaur."
P. 1, tit. xix.), it is rather smaller. Even
this distinction is not, so far as we know,
generally observed. It is also worn by
bishops under the dalmatic when they
pontificate. Gregory the Great (Ep. ix.
12), says one of his predecessors had
given the subdeacons linen tunics, and
that some other churches had adopted
• It is to " enjoy the same privileges " as
old Rome.
this usage, but he himself had restored
the old fasliion, and left his subdeacons
without any sjir-eial \ estment. There is
no notice of t lie Tiinieella in the Gregorian
Sacranientaiy. iiut the first (§ 6) and
the Mftli 1) of the Roman Ordines
distine-uish between a greater and less
dnlmatic, and the latter probably is our
tuuicle. Amalarius expressly marks
(" Eccles. Ollic." ii. 21, 22) the difi'erence
between dalmatic and tunicle, and tells
us that some bishops wore one, some
the other, some, as now, both. He says
the tunic was also called " subucula,"
and was, when worn as an episcopal
vestment, purple (hyncinthina). Hono-
rius of Autun calls the tunicle (" Gem-
ma," i. 229) " subtile," and " tunica
stricta" {i.e. narrow); Innocent III. ("De
Altar. Myster." i. 39 and 55), " tunica
pod ere s."
TWEliFTH SAY. Another name
forthe Ei)i]ihany [q.v.],it being the twelfth
day after Christmas.
TYPE. Types, according to St.
Thomas, are persons, things, actions, and
events of the Old Testament ordained by
God to forei^hadow the future. The
exi.stence of types is expressly set forth
in both the Old and the New Testament.
The terra "type," which originally means
model, form, or figure, is taken from the
New Testament. St . Paul says that the first
Adam was " a figure of Ilim that was to
come " {tvitos Toil /jAXoitos), inasmuch as
his carnal paternity is an image of the
spiritual paternity of Christ (Rom. v. 14).
The things which happened to the
Israelites in the desert " happened to
them in figure {tvttoi), and were written
for our correction" (1 Cor. x. 11). The
c orrelative term anti-type (avr'i-TVTTOs) is
used 1 Pet. iii. 21, where baptism is
ealled the anti-type of the flood and the
ark. The notions of type and anti-type
are sometimes inverted. Thus the holy
places made with hands are termed the
patterns (avrirvTra) of heaven, the true
holy place (Heb. ix. 24). And in
Gai. iv. 22 the two sons of Abraham are
set forth as an " allegory " of the two
Testaments — allegory being here used for
type, as St. John Chi-ysostom observes.
The tabernacle and the sacrifice of
Abraham are a "parable" (n-apa^joXij) of
the present time (Heb. ix. 9; xi. 19).
The priests who served in the tabernacle
served " unto the example and shadow of
heavenly things " (vnodfiynari Kai a-Kiq,
Heb. viii. 5). Feasts, " new moons, sal>-
baths " are a shadow of the things to come, .
UBIQVITAEIANS
UNITED GREEKS 007
Init the body ( = the reality) is Christ's
{to aufjia Xpiarov, Colos. ii. 16, 17).
" For the hiw had a shadow of the things
to come, not the very image {avrriv rfju
(Ikovu) of the things '' (lleb. x. 1). The
typical character of the Old Testament is
due to Divine ordination : " The end of the
law- is Christ " (Kom. x. 4). This doctrine
is implied in all passages of the New Testa-
ment in which occurs the formula " that
it might be fulfilled (Matt. ii. 15,xiii. 35 ;
John xix. 3G), or " then was fulfilled,"
e.ff. Matt. ii. 17 ; xxvii. 9, &c. Types or
figures, then, are symbolical prophecies.
Their object, like that of symbols, is to
impart supersensible notions through the
agency of things that strike the senses.
They may refer to the present, as e.ff. the
wooden or iron yokes worn by Jeremias ;
or to the past, as e.t/. the veiling of the
head to the sin of Adam ; or to the future,
as the paschal lamb to the sacrificial death
of Christ. (From Kihn's art. "Hermeneu-
tik,''in the new ed. of Wetzer and Welte.
TYPus or TYPE. [See Monothe-
LIIES.]
u
VBZQTTZTARZAirs. Ubiquity, or
omnipresence, is a natural property of
(iod, and the Apollinarists and Kuty-
chians, who confused the two natures in
Christ, taught that Christ, as man, was
omnipresent. Some taught that this
confusion, by which divine attributes
became proper to Christ as man, took
place at the incarnation, others only
after His death and resurrection. This
theory is, of course, directly contrary to
the definition of Chalcedon (Petav. " De
Incarn." x. 7).
The Eutychian doctrine on the omni-
presence of Christ's body was revived by
Luther in bis controversy with the
Zwinglians. The latter denied that God
Himself could cause a body to exist in
more than one place at the same time ;
Xiuther, in a sermon of 1527 (" Quod
Verba Stent "), and in the " Confessio
Major " of 15:^8, replied that Christ's
body -was not only in heaven and in the
Eucharist, but everywhere, and this of
necessity. The humanity, he argued, is
united to the divinity ; the latter is
omnipresent, therefore the former also.
Again, Christ as man is at the right hand
ot God ; God's right hand is everywhere,
therefore also Christ as man (iiossuet,
"Hist, des Variations," liv. ii. n. xliii.).
Not only Calviiiists and Zwinglians, but
.Melanchthon opposed this doctrine. He
pointed out that it led to a confusion of
the two natures, and also to a denial of
that very mystery of the Real Presence
•which it was intended to support. Christ
■would not be more truly pre.-<ent in the
Eucharist than in any piece of wood or
stone (Bossuet, loc. cit. viii. n. xxxvii.).
The belief in the ubiquity, however, be-
came a mark of the Lutheran orthodoxy,
and was insnrted in the famous For-
mula of Coni-ord,'' a.d. 1577.' although
the doctrine had been silently omitted in
the Augsburg Confession, a.d. 1530 (Bos-
suet, ih. n. xlvi.).
VNAJtXT/lOVS COSrSSIfT OP
FATHERS. [See Bible and Tradi-
TI0X.~
VM-zGEiuzTus. ^See Jansexism.]
VNITES CREEKS. The name
includes all who follow the Greek rite
and, at the same time, acknowledge the
authority of the Pope — i.e. the United
Melchites in the East ; the Ruthenian
Catholics, who use the Greek liturgy in
a Slavonic version : the Greek Catiiolics
of Italy; and the Ciitholics of the (-Ireco-
Roumaic rite in Hungary and Siben-
biirgen. Of the Melchites and Ruthenians
an account has been given alreadv.
(1) T/ie Greeks in Itali/. — 'Shiny
Greeks came thither from Albania about
I 14(58, and the Greek settlements became
more and more numerous after Solinian
(lo3H-40) drove the Venetians from the
Archi])elago : after the conquest of
Cyprus by Selim II. in 1571 ; and after
1718, when Venice lost the last remnant
of her po.*sessions in the Morea. In the
eighteenth century there were alwut
100,000 Greeks in Italy, esjiecially in
Calabria and .Sicily, and they obtained
various privileges from Leo X., Paul III.,
I and Julius III. Pius IV. witlidrew
1 But this c«ncorrfi>«/;>r/ne/ was not ic i ivnl
anion;: all the Lutherans. It wns dru« ii u\> by
AuilreS, chancellor of TUbin^'Cii, ii>.--islecl by
Chemnitz. Striinpe to say, the srcdUfl |>art nf
this Concnnli'i, known as solida declarulin, pro-
' fesses to be a mere repetition and explanation
I of the Confession of Auj^burg.
UNIVERSITY
UNIVERSITY
these concessions in 15G4, and placed
them under Latin bishops, allowing
them, however, to retain their rites.
Their position was finally determined
by the bull of Benedict 'XIV., " Etsi
Pastoralis" (May 26, 1742). According
to the rules there laid down, they have
their own clergy, who may marry when
in minor orders and continue in the
married state after they are priests.
They are forbidden, however, under pain
of deposition, to contract a second mar-
riage. They have three seminaries — viz.
the Greek College of St. Athanasius at
Rome, erected in 1577 by Gregory XIII.;
the College at Palermo, erected in 1715 ;
the College of S. Benedetto di Ullano,
in the Oalabrian diocese of Bisignano,
erected by Clement XII. in 1732, and
transferred to the Basilian monastery of
St. Adrian in 1820. Eacli college has a
bishop of the Greek rite residing in it,
for the ordination of candidates ; and
those at Palermo and in the seminary of
S. Benedetto have to visit the Greek
churches and see that the rite is duly
observed. Otherwise, the Greeks in
Italy are entirely subject to the bishop of
the diocese in which they live. This
bishop, however, must appoint a Greek
as well as a Latin vicar-geueral ; and the
Metropolitan must appoint a Greek judge,
if Greek cases come to the Metropolitan
court of appeal. Silbernagl estimates
the number of Greeks in Italy at 30,000,
of whom 25,000 are in Calabria. They
have 06 churches, 144 priests. There are
colonics at Ancona, Leghorn, Pianino in
the diocese of Aquapendente, Naples,
Villabadessa in the diocese of Atrie
Penne, Barletta in the diocese of Trani,
Lecce, Cargese in the Oorsican diocese of
.iMaccio. Further, in Calabria the diocese
of Cassano has eight colonies, Rossano
five, Bisignona two, Anglona four.
Sicily has Greek colonies at Palermo,
where there is also a Basilian monastery
founded in 1009, at Monreale, Girgenti,
Contessa, and Messina.
(2) Greco-Roumaic Church. — In the
thirteenth century many Roumanians
belonging to the Greek schismatic church
found a refuge in Siebeuburgen and
Hungary. In 1690 a few conversions
were made, with the help of the Jesuits,
by the imperial commissary TuUus Miglio,
when two priors of Greek monasteries
and six parish priests abjured the schism
in the Jesuit church at Fiinf kirchen.
Nine years later, the efforts of Cardinal
Kolonitsch and of the Jesmts Hevenes
I and Barany were rewarded with much
greater success. The Greek bishop of
Siebenbiirgen, Theophilus II., became
Catholic ; and on Feljruary 16, 1 699, the
diploma of union from the Emperor
Leopold I. was solemnly read at the
Landtag. The united Greeks of Hungary
and Siebenbiirgen number about 900,000,
and form an ecclesiastical province. The
Archbishop of Fogaras (see erected,
1721 ; made head of a province, 1850)
is Metropolitan; his suffragans are the
Bishops (if (irnszwardein (erected, 1776),
Lugos (erected in 1850), and Szamos-
Ujvar (erected about 1865). The secular
priests are married. There is a clerical
seminary and a small Basilian monastery
at Balasfnlva. [Silbernagl, "Kirchen
des Orients."]
uwiVERSiTT. The Museum of
the Ptolemies (on which see Cardinal
Newman's sketch in the " Office and
Work of Universities"), the philosophic
schools of Athens, the institute of Gon-
disapor under the Abasside Caliphs, and
perhaps Cordova under the Moors, were
all eminent examples of schools for the
higher education, existing apart from
Christianity. With regard to the matter
of instruction, the universities of modern
times, in which " arts '' hold the chief
place, stand in a direct line with the
Roman imperial schools. On the other
liaiid, their historical institution, ma-
chinery, and terminology are Christian,
and are traceable to the activity of the
Catholic clergy in the middle ages.
A gi-eat medical school arose at
Salerno in the eleventh centurj-, but
Bollinger seems to be hardlj' justified in
describing it as a university.' The first
institution in Europe to deserve that name
was undoubtedly the School of Paris,
which passed through the stages of
" High School" and "Studium Generale,"
and, favoured by its situation at the
capital and the patronage of the bishops
of the see, became, towards the end of
the eleventh century, the University of
Paris. That it was ecclesiastical in its
origin is manifest. It grew up out of a
concourse of able men, attracted to Paris
partly by the encouragement and protec-
tion which they received from tlie au-
thorities, partly by the intellectual sym-
pathy which they were sure to find
among an increasing body of students of
mixed nationalities.'^ These men could
* P. 1 ; see end of art.
2 Ordericus Vitalis speaks of Normans being
sent for instruction to the " schools of France
UNIVERSITY
UNIVERSITY
009
not lecture until licensed by the Chan-
cellor of the diocese, who thus prradually
came to he considered the Chancellor
of the university also. By the end of the
twelfth century, instead of the Chancellor
licensing any one whom he chose at his
own discretion, we find the teachers in
the schools recommetidirxj to hiui those of
their jnipils whom they judfre fit to receive
the hcence. By the end of tht^ thirteenth
century, the prestige and privileges of the
university continually increasing, the
Chancellor's right to 'license has disap-
peared ; that right is now in the hands of
the Faculties, and is given upon examina-
tion.
Regarded from the intellectual side,
the university, when its organisation was
complete, consisted of four groups of
teachers and students — viz. the Faculties*
of Arts, Theology, Jurisprudence, and
Medicine. Arts had the pre-eminence;
the university was always said to " have
its foundation in arts;" for these were
the branches of learning and science
which were the development and con-
tinuation of the old Trivium and Quad-
rivium. The Masters of Arts, strictly
speaking, were the " Universitas ; " the
teachers in the other faculties were loug
regarded as more or les< outsiders. At
the same time, the theological school,
especially after it took into itself the
study of canon law, rapidly attained to a
world-wide celebrity. The professorial
campaigns of the great lecturers of the
twelfth century — Abelard, St. Bernard,
AVilliam of Champoaux, Saint Amour,
Roscelin, &c. — are the very romance of
education. The Church encouraged the
free play of mind, which, as such, can
never be otherwise than favourable to
her ; at the same time, she watched care-
fully that no heretical teaching should
mar the soundness of that foundation of
Catholic faith without which neither
university nor any other teaching is of
much value. The Popes were lavish of
piivileges to the rising institute; Gregory
IX. gave to the teachers {magiftri,
doctores) ihe riglit of scholastic legisla-
tion— i.e. of settling all that concerned
the manner and time of lecturing ;
another Pope authorised Paris masters to
open a school anywhere. So great was
the fame of the theological school that,
(Paris is probably meant), though he does not
disiinctly name the University. — Eccl. Hist.
viii. 17.
' " Faculty " probably meant ability to
tc.icb.
I according to Thomassin,' several universi-
' ties were erected under Pai)al sanction
without a theological faculty, on the
understanding that students who wished
to proceed in that branch should go to
Paris. As the Church of Rlieims was
esteeuK^d a model of discipline for other
Churches, so the University of Paris was
regarded as the model and rule for other
universities in learning. For two cen-
turies, says Dollinger, Germany sought
, learning at Paris or Bologna. The efl'orts
of a rival school set up in the abbey of
Ste Genevieve, which was outside of the
jurisdiction of the see of Paris and
appointed its own chancellor to license
teachers, served eventually to enhance
the glory of the one great university, in
which the singular phenomenon of tico
chancellors, preserved to the end of its
existence, survived as the only monument
of a once formidable opposition. The
degree of Bachelor (the origin of the
word is doubtful) grew out of the
scholastic disputations. That of Master
originally depended on the licence to
tench given by the Chancellor. "When
this came to be given by the teachers
themselves, it became an honour — a
dignity — a degree; and many competed
for it who had no intention of opening a
school. A pileux or hat was conferred, as
the symbol of admission inter 7naffistros.
From the circumstance that a body of
masters was thus gradually formed who
did not teach arose the distinction
between Regentes and non-Regentes.
Thus far we have considered the
University of Paris from the intellectual
side. But the aggregation of large num-
bers of students presented an important
disciplinary problem also, and to this we
must devote a few words. " Outside the
lecture-room the scholars fell into clans,
based on community of language and
manners, and technically called 'na-
tions.'"* These assumed spontaneously
an independent organisation. Each of
the four nations at Paris — the French,
the Picards, the Normans, and the English
— elected a Proctor as its ruler and re])re-
sentative; collectively they chose a Rec-
tor, who was head of the whole " Corpus
Scholarium," and in time appears as the
ruler of the teaching body as well as of
the " nations." The student's life outside
the lecture-room was the alfair partly of
the Rector and Proctors, i)artly of the
authorities of the various colleges — if he
happened to belong to one of them — of
» II. i. 101. » Huber, i. 24.
910
UNlYEi;SITY
UESULTNES
the Sorbonne [Sorhoxne], of Navarre,
Des Dix-Huit, of St. Thomas of the
Louvrf, Pes r>orn;u-(lii)s, of Chmy. of
rroiiunitiv. of I'.ay.Mix, ^'c— wliicli,
in course of time, were founded wifliin
the versify. ]iut the Popes, "even in
tlu' fidlest power of the universities,'"'
chiinied to and did interfere if the interests
of morality and order demanded it.
The Universities of Oxford and Cam-
bridpfe -were founded in imitation of that
of Pari.s, and arose not hinu- afterwards.
The schools of Oxford liegan' to be largely
frequented in the reign of Stephen.
About 1134, Robert Pullus or PuUeyn,
educated at Paris, i.s said to have lectured
on Scripture. In the conflict of jurisdic-
tion between Henry of P)lois, liishop of
Wmchester, the Pa])al T.e-ai.', and Arch-
bishop Theodore, diliieult (jiir.-tions of
law were involved, and a general wish
arose that the learning of the great
Italian jurists shouhl be made availal)le
in England. The l^onihard A'acarius was
sumnioni'd over, and " tauoht law at
Oxfird," - about 11411. The ])lace was
central, relatively to the tlirn di-lril)u-
tion of the population ; it \\:i> al-n n^'ii-
tral ground— a long way bo(li li-,iin ('an-
terbnry and Winchester. I'he students
were divided into two " nations," the
Novthei-n and the Southern fhiglish, each
with its proctor; he?ice tlir discipline of
O.vf .rd is t., this dav in tlie liands of two
proctors. The siijirmir aiilliority in the
uni^■el■<ity was tli.' ( '!i:ineellor, originally
np]ioiiil I'll b\ ilir I'.i-lin]! of lancoln. in
vsdio^i- dioer-i' ( txf ,r.l \va~ ,>it iiat ed ; al'ter-
■wanls elected liy tlie Ma-Ii r- and con-
firmed by the Bisbo]i. Tn Ihr tliirtoi nth
century both Oxf ad and (.'andn idgr were
in high repute; Paris ami llologna also
were at the height of tlu ir jn-ospei-ity.
At Pologna, in I'iC.i', tli.ae were 20,000
students;* at Oxfoi'd, in there are
.said (a Wood) to have bren .:JO.()(K).
Halls {/io,y)i/ia, cii/// ). jinv-ided over by
mast(>rs of arts, pi-ioiilnl ilie nore.-sai-y
accommodation. Tlie lii -i i nlli i.i 1 1 '
foundal ion within nNfnnl C'l iii vi ■i-i i \ " t
<l,at,.> Irom llMl" : the oldrM .oll,-i;,t,.
Iniildings (" .Merton '•) from al)out ll'TO.
(iradually the great majontv of the
etndi'nts were drawn witliin the colleges,
in Avhich discipline was more easily
maintained.
1 Huber, i. 37.
2 Gervase of Cant. (Rolls ed.), ii. 387;
Kol)ert de Monte, a. 1149 (Migne, Patr. vol.
IGO).
3 Diillinger, p. 2.
j Germany came into the field in the
fourteenth century. Charles lY., taking
Paris for his model, founded the Uni-
versity of Prague in 1348 ; that of
"\'ienna dates from 13Go. Salamanca in
Spain and Coimbra in Portugal were
founded in the thirteenth century. Tsine
univei-sities were founded in Germany in
the coiir-i' of the tifteentli century, besides
five aiiiady rxl>tiiig. In this central
I land, ow nig to thf jilurality of indeper.dent
' stales, the solicitudes which beset a
unitied ambitious nationality, such as
Erance or England, were absent: audit
fell to Teutonic thinkers, pondering
deeply on the philosophy of the matter,
[ to develop the modern notion of a uni-
I versity, as a place where all sciences and
all liberal arts are prosecnted and taught,
with the aid of the lie>t ai)}>liances, by
the mo-i coiiijii'lont jirr-ons anywhere to
be found;' tlio h-arner,- being' all those
studonts, and no otljers, who willingly
come to the prof'ssors to be taught. If
I to this notion the conce]ition of tlu> pas-
' toral oversight of the Catholic Cliundi be
added as a postulate, nothing will be
AN ant mv: to our ideal oC a jierlect Accdeme.
The Revolution ,le,-t roved the Uni-
versity of Paris ; in it~ jdace the first
Napoleon erected the huge examining
machine which he called the "University
of Erance."
(Tlioniassiu : Ruber, the "English
j UniverMties." ed. bv E. Newman, 1843;
a ^^•o,„l, " UlM . and Autiq. of the T'niv.
I of fiNiiini," eil. b^ (-Hileli, 17!W; F.niaMis,
" Him. 1 iiiv. I'ariMensis," IGIm ; Dcil-
lingcr, " ] lie Unix ersitiiten sonst und
jetzt," E. T. 18i!7.)
UXrX.EAVCIO'ED BREAD. [See
Al.T.VK PiKKADS and El'CHAETST.]
VRBANZSTS. [See PooE Cl.\r;:s.]
VRBZ ET OltBZ. [See Pkomulga-
TION.!
VRSUXiZN-ES. This teaching order
was lonnded by St. Angela Merici, of
P>res(ia. in lo.'17. An|T-ela was born at
!»r.i..i/.:,no, on the hdie of Garda. in 1470.
ili'i lilo was one long endeavour after
IMTfirlion : -he ]oin,.d tlie third ordei- of
SI. l-ranei,^, prai-ti-rd the givatoM aus-
teritie.-", made a pilgriiiiai:i' to .TiM-u>aleni
and Rome, and on her retiiiu settled at
Brescia, where she obtained a great in-
fluence among the pion.sly disposed of her
1 'Plif priifes.'iori.'iti' of tlio University of
Berlin, f'laniileil in IslO. -vvould have consistod
of foieiiiiHTM ill the iiioportiei) of two to one if
all til" invitations sent out had been aocepted
(Dolliuger, p. 16).
URSULIXES
mSULDTES
911
■own sex, and gradually matured the plan '
of a new institute. She seems to have
desired a freedom of action and of move-
ment for her?elf and her associates, which
would not hav- been compatible with
enclosure and solemn vows. A fervent
company of seventy-three women met
together in the kitchen of Angela's house,
at Brescia, in 1537 : the objects of their
institution — nursing the sick, teaching
voung girU, and sanctifying their own
lives — were knowu to them all : the rules
by which Angela endeavoured to conciliate
a certain community of work and wor-
ship with the routine of domestic life
in the world were considered and ap-
proved; and she was elected superior —
foundress she would not be called — of the
" Company of St. Ursula." A young
girl might join the company from twelve
years and upwards : at entrance each
was to express the firm resolution of
living chastely in the society, without
taking the vow of chastity : they were to
hear Mass daily ; on the first Friday in
each month they were to meet in some
church in the city previously fixed upon,
and all receive communion : on the last
Sunday of the month they were to
assemble in the oratory belonging to the
^mpany to hear the rule read ; their
dress was to be always plain in texture,
and sober in hue and make, but a costume
was not at first adopted. St. Angela
died m 1 .>4Ct. A buU of Paul IH. ( 1 544)
confirmed her foundation imder the title
which she had given to it. The work of
teaching was from the first the riistinctive
employment of the s-xjiety; and as their
success and popularity increased, the need
of greater stability than was furnished by
the ori^rinal rule would naturally be felt.
A unif >rm costume, with a leathern
girdle, was introduced soon after the
appearance of the Papal bull. St. Charles
Borromeo brought the Ursulines to >filan
in lo*W. and favoured them in everyway,
advising all his suffragan bishops to intro-
duce them in all the larse towns in the
North of Italy In the Milanese alone
there were eighteen Ursuliiie houses at
the death of St. Charles. The excellent
C^sar de Bus assisted a lady of Avignon,
Franfoise de Bermont, to establish there
a colony of Ursulines, on the original
plan, in 1594. Franfoise was a person
of great energy ; she travelled from city
to city in the South of France, and
{lanted Ursulines at Aix. Marseilles, and
iyons. She adhered to the design of St.
Angela. iTtcept that, in ob^ience to a
suggestion of C^sar de Bus, she substi-
tut«i the common life for dispersion in
various homes. The couAersion of the
society into a religious order was chiefly
the work of a French ladv. Mme de Ste-
Beuve, who built and endowed a monas-
tery for Ursulines in the Rue St. Jacques
at iParis in 1610, and obtained from Paul
v., two years later, a bull, by which her
foundation was subjected to the rule of
St. Austin, under the invocation of St.
Ursula : the nuns were to be strictly
enclosed : they were to take solemn vows ;
and were to add a fourth, that of instruct-
ing the young. This was the commence-
ment of the Ursuline congregation of
Paris, which soon numbered forty-five
houses. The followers of St. Angela who
preferred still to abide by her original
plan were called "congregated " Ursu-
lines— Urtulinti congregee* ; but the
" religious " Ursulines, who observed
enclosure and took solemn vows, appear
to have better suited the prevalent mode
of thought in the seventeenth century,
and they were multiplied in every direc-
tion.
Several distinct congregations, each
numbering many convents, were formed.
Of the congregation of Paris we have
spoken: that of Bordeaux was founded
in 1606 by the Cardinal-Archbishop de
Sourdi-, with the aid of Mother Madeleine
de la Croix, and approved by the Holy
See in 1618: before long it had eighty-
nine affiliated houses. The coogregation
of Dijon (1619) owed its existence to the
zeal of Francoise de Xaintonge : the vows
in it were simple not solemn, and a fourth
vow, of perseverance in the society, was
taken. The congregation of Lyons, of
which the commencement was the house
founded by Franjoise de Bermont in
1610 for Urmimeg congrfgits, adoptefl
enclosure and solemn vows in 1620.
Mention is also made of a congregation
of Tulle, and another of Aries, founded
about the same time. The order was in-
troduced into Canada, through the zealous
exertions of Mme de la Peltrie, in 16:30.
The site at Quebec which they still
occupy was soon obtained for them, and
till 1850 might be seen within the con-
vent precinct a venerable ash tree, sole
relic of the ancient forest, under which
the first Ursulines used to teach the
catechism to little Indian children.
Having belonged to different con^rr^ga-
tions in Europe, the Ursulines of Quebec
had for some yeare no determinate con-
stitution, but in \&<-2 they affiliated them-
912
USURY
USURY
selves to the congi-egation of Paris. The
services rendered by this community,
during the two centuries and a half of its
existence, in preserving a religious spirit
among the French population and hu-
manising and instructing the Indians and
half castes, are beyond all estimation. In
the chapel of their convent may be seen
the tomb of the brave Marquis de Mont-
calm, slain in the unequal combat on the
heights of Abraham (1759), which de-
cided the fate of Canada.
The Irish Ursulines owe their estab-
lishment at Cork in 1771 to Miss Nano
Nagle, the foundress of the Presentation
Order (see that article). They regard
themselves as a filiation of the convent
St. Jacques at Paris, because all but one
of those who founded the house at Cork
were trained there; that one was Mrs.
Kelly, a professed nun of the Ursulinc
convent of Dieppe, who, accompanying
her countrywomen to Cork, governed the
new monastery for four years, establish-
ing regular discipline with prudence and
gentleness, and then returned to her own
monastery.
The Ursulines do not now increase so
rapidly as in former times ; congregations
taking simple vows, like the Faithful
Companions and the Sisters of Provi-
dence, or of Mercy, appear to be more
answerable to "modern wants. There are
four houses in Ireland — at Cork (Black-
rock), Thurles, Waterford, and Sligo;
and seven in England— at Upton (in Es-
sex), "Wimbledon, Greenwich, Berwick-
on-Tweed, Wincanton (Somerset), and
Swansea (2). (H^lyot, and Contin.)
TTSITRT. Usury, in its wider signifi-
cation, means all gain made Ly lending.
This is a sense which usury often has in
the classics, and so understood usury
occurs whenever a man lends capital at
interest. Now, however, usury signifies
unjust gain on a loan, unjust because not
justified by the loss, risk, &c., of the
lender or the advantage to the borrower,'
or because the amount of gain is exorbi-
tant. In this latter case usury is for-
bidden lioth by the natural law and by
the Bible. It is always unjust, and its
wickedness is aggravated when advantage
is taken of the needs of the poor to secure
usurious interest. But we shall see pre-
sently that both in the Old Testament and
for a long time in Christian legislation
1 I.e. the ordinary worth which money has
to the borrower ; for it is, of course, unjust to
take advanta^^e of the borrower's necessity in
order to exact exceptional interest.
I little distinction was made between the
I two kinds of interest. The laws of the
Old Testament on the suhject had a most
important influence on Christian feeling,
so that something must be said about the
former here.
(1) Uswy in the Bible. — Public loana
and the humane spirit of the law in
Christian nations have taught us to draw
a clear line between lawful and usurious
interest ; but in the ancient world, as it is
in the East at this day, interest was
always usurious. The Egyptian law con-
tented itself with prohibiting interest
which was more than cent, per cent.
(Diodor. Sic. i. 79) ; the laws of Menu
permitted an interest of 18 or even 24
per cent, (see the reference in Smith's
Bible Dictionary, article Usury), and 1^
per cent, is, or was till quite lately, a
minimum rate in the East. Partly, no
doubt, for this reason, partly because
in an agricultural nation like Israel
loans were only asked by those whose
need put them at the creditor's mercy,
partly to encourage kindness towards the
poor, the Mosaic law prohibits lending at
interest. The most ancient code (Exod.
xxi.-xxxiii.) prohibits lending at inter-
fst (TC'^) to poor Hebrews. Deut. xxiii.
■M forbids interest to be taken from
j Hebrews generally ; Levit. xxv. 35-37
repeats the precept of Exodus, forbidding
also interest in kind (n'?")?, also JTa"!!?).
Lending at interest generally is repro-
bated in the strongest terms in Ps. xv.
5, Prov. xxviii. 8. Nehemias, after the
exile, restored the observance of the law
against taking interest from Hebrews,,
and made the usurers restore the "hun-
dredth part " of the money {i.e. " cen-
tesiraiB usurse," 1 per cent, a month = 12
per cent, a year; 2 Esdr. v. II). The
New Testament gives no definite rule on
the subject, though of course the spirit of
Christ's words, " Give to him that asketh
thee" (Matt. v. 42) excludes lending at
interest.
(2) Usury in the Church. — The money-
lender's trade presented much the same
aspect in the Roman State as in the old
Eastern world. Loans were still usually
made to the needy who could not protect
themselves. The " usura centesima "(12
per cent.) was under the later Republic
i and the Empire the legal rate of interest^
which was due every mouth {i.e. 1 per
cent, a month), so that Ovid very naturally
calls the Calends "swift," and Horace
I " sad." This accounts for the feehng of
USURY
USURY
the Church on the matter doTvn to modem
times.
(n) The Fathers are unanimous in re-
garding all interest as usury, and, tliere-
fore, as a species of robbery. Their
general opinion was that tlie prohiliitioiis
in the Old Testament bound Christ iuiis,
and that in a more stringent form, siiid'
the taking- of interest from strangers liad
only been tolerated among the Jews for
the' hardness of their hearts. Tertulliaii
("Adv. Marc." iv. 24, 25), Cyprian
("Testiraon." iii. 48), Ambrose ("De
Tobiii ■■ throughout, see especially 14 and
15), Basil (in Ps. xiv), .Jerome (in caji.
xviii. I'^zech.), Chrvsostoni (in Matt.
Hom. Ivi. al. Ivii)", Augustine ("Do
Bapt. contr. Donat." iv. 9, in Ps. xxxvi.),
Theodoret (in Ps. xiv. 5), in their con-
demnation of interest appeal, or at least
add a reference, to the Old Testament.'
Other Fathers, probably from mere
accident and for the sake of brevity, omit
anv such appeal — e.g. ApoUonius (apnd
Euseb. "H. E." v. 18), Commodian
("Adv. Gent. Deos," 65), Lactantius
("Inst." vi. 18), Epiphanius (in the
"Exposit. Fid." at the end of the " Hjer."
n. 24), Augustine (Ep. 153). These
passages are all explicit. TertuUian, e.g.
("fceneris sc. rediuidantiam quod est
usura ■'), Ambrose (" quodcunque sorti
accidit"), Jerome ("usuram appellari et
superabundantiam quicquid illud est, si
ab eo quod dederit, plus acceperint "),
define usiury as taking interest ; the word
Epiphanius employs is tokoX^iI^uj, " taking
interest ; " " it is unjust," saj-s Lactantius,
" to take more than one gave."
(3) Concilinr and Papal Laws. — From
early times the clergy were forbidden,
under penalty, to take interest. So Canon.
Apost. 44, Council of Aries a.d. 314 (c.
12), of Nicaea (c. 17), Laodicea (c. 4),
Leo I. (Ep. 5, " Ad Episc. Campan."),
Council in Trullo (c. 10). Not that taking
interest was considi'red by these authori-
ties permissible in laymen; such a thing,
says Leo, is Lamentable in the case of
any Christian, and so of course specially
reprehensible in clergymen. The mediaeval
canon law extended the penalties to lay-
men. Thus the Second Lateran Council,
A.D. 1139 (c. 13, lib. V. Decret. tit. 19,
c. 3, cf. c. 7), condemns usurers to ex-
communication and deprives them of
' Clem. Al. (ii. 18 p. 473) explains the
word '• brother," from whom interest may not
1)8 taken, as meiining not only one of the same
kin. but any one who "shares in the same doc-
trine."
Christian burial. Clement V. in the
Council of Vienne (Clem. lib. v. tit. 5,
Ue Usuris, c. Ex gravi) declares it heresy
to maintain pertinaciously that usury is
no sin. It is plain from St. Thomas
(2a .2ce_ q„ ixxviii.) that all taking of
interest was still regarded as usury.
Further, Alexander III. (lib. v. Decret.
tit. lit, c. K) decides a case proposed by
tin r.i-linp of Genoa. The merchants of
that eity used to sell spice above the
market value, agreeing to wait a stated
j time for payinciu. The Pope replies that
j such a contract, unless there was some
doubt wliether the market price might not
ri.-i or in the meantime, though not
strictly spi'aking usurious,' was sinful.
(y) The Miidn-n Vieir. — It became
more and more evident that commerce
could not exist without a rate of interest,
and reflection showed many just grounds
on which a moderate rate could be
exacted. Such are the risk to the lender,
the loss to which he is put by the want
of capital with which he miglit trade, the
fruit which the money yields, &c. The
law can remove many of the dangers of
usury liy fixing a legal rate, and the poor
are now just the persons wlio would sutler
most, were all interest prohibited. It was
long, however, before opinion adapted
itself to new circumstances. Luther con-
sistently, and Melanchthon with some
hesitation, stood where the lathers and
canonists had stood before them. (See
the quotations in Herzog, art. Wucher.)
]?ossuet represents Calvin as the first
theologian who propounded the modern
distinction between interest and usiuy,
and this seems to be true, so far at least
as writing goes, though, according to
Funk ("Zins und Wucher," p. 104), Eck
and Iloogstraten had defended the same
distinction at Bologna. Bossuet himself
maintains the old doctrine as of faith
(" Traits de I'Usure" in vol. xxxi. of the
last edition of his works), and this though
he was fully aware of the arguments on
the other side. He rejects as sinful the
charge of interest on the general ground
that the lender could have used the
capital he lends in trade, though, very
inconsistently, he allows interest to be
charged if the lender has foregone a
particular and definite gain,** which he
' Because there \v;is no formal loan.
Tliv oilier theoloLfians — e.g. St Thomas (at
least, in his work, •• De Malo ") and Sootus —
wcnild not admit even this excuse for interest,
if the loan was voluntary and repaid at the
time agreed upon. (See Ballerini's Gurv, 2nd
ed. vol. i. p. 598.)
8»
«14 USURY
VALDENSES
had in prospect. Benedict XIV. in his
encyclical to the Italian bishops, " Vix
pervenit," A.D. 1745, condemned the doc-
trine that interest might be taken, merely
on the grouud of loan, ho-n-ever low the
rate of interest, and although the borrower
mifrht be ever so rich and have profited by
using the money in trade, though he
leaves the questions about the accidental
or extrinsic reasons for taking interest,
the risk, loss of profit, &c., quite un-
settled. Further, this Pope, according to
Ballerini (loc. cit. p. 015), allowed books
defending the modern view to be dedicated
to him. Keen controversy on the point
among Catholics had arisen during that
century, and the work of the famous
Scipio Maff'ei (1675-1755) on the laxer
side ("deir impiego del danaro") had
attracted great attention. In 18-30 the
Congregatii 'n of the Holy Office, with the
approval of Pius VIII. , decided that those
who regarded the fact that the law fixed
a certain rate of interest as in itself a suffi-
cient reason for taking it, were " not to be
disturbed." This principle is now accepted
throughout the Church, though the Holy
See has given no positive decision on the
matter. Even the laws restraining the
clergy from taking interest are entirely
obsolete. Gury accepts the position toler-
ated in the decree of the Sacred Congrega-
tion, and argues that the State has power
in certain cases to transfer the property of
one subject to another. No doubt. But
where is there the faintest proof that the
State means to exercise this power in the
case, and to transfer the interest from the
pocket of the boiTower to that of the
I lender ? We may add that the Fathers,
I in the places quoted above, expressly deny
! that the State-law makes usury lawful,
Ballerini, rejecting Gurys explanation,
argues that the words "loan" {mu-
ti'iim), &c., imply spontaneous liber-
ality, but that interest may be taken if
there has been a previous contract to that
effect. It is scarcely necessary to answer
that the Fathers and Schoolmen meant
much more than a truism like thi? — viz.
that a man must not require interest if he
professes to lend without it. Later on,
Gury (ii. p. 611) seems to give the true
reason. The ancient world believed that
1 money was barren, and the Schoolmen
inherited this principle from Aristotle.
Experience proves that money, far from
being barren, " produces fruit and multi-
plies of itself" (" fructum producit et
multiplicatur per se,'" Gury, loc. cit.), and
a man may justly take 5 per cent, for
money which is well worth that to the
merchant, bank, railway company, &c.,
who receive the loan.
(Herzog, " Encycl. fiir Prot. Theol."
art. Wucher, gives useful citations from
the Heformers. Smith and Cheetham,
Funk's work " Zins und Wucher," Hefele,
" Beitrage " and " Concil." vol. i., have also
been used. But for exhaustive learning
and clear statements of the points at
issue we have seen nothing comparable to
Bossuet's " Traits de I'Usure.")
, UTRAQUXSTS. A section of the
' Hussites who were so called because
they demanded the Holy Communion
j under both kinds {mb utvaque specie),
I [See Hussites ; Coiiiiuiaoir (6).]
VAZiDSUSES, or VAITDOXS. It
does not fall within the plan of the
])resent work to give even an outline of
the long and varied history of this sect ;
but since it exists now, and has been
undoubtedly in being since the twelfth
century — since, moreover, it now professes
Protestant doctrine, and is regarded with
the strongest favour and interest by
English Protestants, who commonly be-
lieve that it can trace its origin to
primitive if not even to Apostolic times —
it is necessary to examine with some
minuteness the nature of the evidence
bearing on two questions, (I) when did it
arise? (2) what kind of tenets did it
originally profess P
(a) At the Council of Verona, held in
1184, Lucius III. condemned those who
falsely called themselves the " humbled "
or the "poor men of Lyons," with several
other heretical sects. The first on the list
of errors attributed to the condemned, or
some of them, was that they presumed
to preach in public without mission or
authority from Pope or Bishop.
Writing to the Archbishop of Aix and
his suft'ragans in 1198 (Migne, "Patrol."
vol. 214), Innocent IH. requests him and
them to assist Rainier, the commissioner
VALDEXSES
V.ALDEX3ES
915
whom he is sending to Provence, in his
eflbrts to put down the heretics in those
5 arts, "qui Yaldenses Catari et Paterini
icuntur," and by other names. This
seems to be the earliest occurrence of the
name in ecclesiastical history. The com-
mon characteristic of all these sects is
stated to be, that they " reject the
authority of the Eoman Church."
Bernard, abbot of Font-Cauld, wrote
a special treatise, apparently about 12()0,
" against the sect of the Yaldenses." He
says nothing as to their founder, but
playing upon their name derives it "a
valie densa," from the thicket of errors
in which they were entangled. Dis-
obedience to ecclesiastical authority is the
first and principal fault imputed to them,
but they are ako charged with allowing
women to preach, with a .systematic
desertion of the churches, and with re-
jecting prayers and other ministrations
for the dead. (See this tract in Migne,
vol. 210.)
Alanus de Insulis, a celebrated theo-
logian, in a work which must have been
written before 1 202, ' attacks heretics
generally, the Yaldenses, the Jews, and
the " Pagans or Mahometans." In the
book devoted to the Yaldenses he says
that they are so called " from their heresi-
arch, who was named Waldus, who, led
by his own spirit, not sent by God, in-
vented a new sect, so that he presumed
to preach without the authority of any
prelate, without divine inspiration, with-
out science, and without learning." "They
assert,'" he says, " that no one is bound to
obey anyone but God."
Conrad, elected abbot of Ursperg in
1215, when about to describe in his
Chronicle the rise of the Franciscans and
Dominicans, contrasts with these orders
the " Poor Men of Lyons " and the
•' Humiliati." Both these sects, he says,
arose in Italy. He thinks ("ut puto")
that the founder of the Pov)r Men was
one Rernhard, whom, attended by his
followers, he had himself seen soliciting
approbation for his institute at the Papal
court. Bemhard alleged that they imi-
tated the life of the Apostles, having no
property or fixed abodes, and that all
their peculiar practices, among others
that of men and women travelling about
in company, had " descended from the
Apostles." But the Pope, apprehending
that some of their customs were super-
' See the "Xotitia'" prefixed to Migne'a
reprint of the works of Alanus (Patrol. yoL
204).
stitious, and others inexpedient, refused
, to confirm them. Such is Conrad's ac-
I count. It seems likely that his memory
' misled him, and that he confounded
Bernard, the archbishop of Narbonne, an
active opponent of the Yaiidois in the
last years of the twelfth century, with
J the real founder of the sect.'
It cannot be doubted that the "Pauperes
de Eugduno " of Conrad of Ursperg and
the Council of Yerona are identical with.
1 the " Yaldenses of Innocent III.. Alanus,
I and Bernard. Tliis identity is exi^ressly
I stated by Rainier Sacho, a somewhat
later authority, and it became the general
belief. Thus in a tract by an uiikno^\"n
Carthusian monk (printed "by Martene -),
written about 1440, with the title " De
Religionum Origiue," this sect is called
"Yaldensium hseresis seu pauperum de
Lugduno." The early evidence all points
to the rise of the sect as having taken
place about thirty years before the end of
the twelfth century. Their claim to great
antiquity is indeed noticed by Courad,
but it seems easy of explanation. K the
living authority of the Church was to be
resisted, it could only be done by inducing
the belief that their tenets were apostolic,
" ab apostolis descendisse." The pa.ssages
Acts ii. 44 and 1 Cor. iv. 11 and ix. 5
probably led to conscious imitation on the
part of the Yaldenses, and from such imi-
tation to the assertion that their customs
had come down from the Apostles the
step was not great.
(b) Rainier Sacho, a Dominican, who
died in 1260, and in his capacity of in-
quisitor must have had great opportunities
for obtaining exact information, gives
the following account of the origin of the
Yaudois." Peter Yaldo, a rich merchant
of Lyons, about 1160, shocked and stunned
by the sudden death of a friend, resolved
to strip himself of his wealth, and both
practise and preach an Apostolical poverty.
Followers soon gathered round him, and
they were variously named " Yaldenses,'*
! " Pauperes de Lugduno," "Leonists '' (from
the city), and " Insabatati " (from the sabots
j or wooden sandals which they wore).
Yaldo caused portions of the Bible to be
translated into the vulgar tongue ; these
he used himself in preaching, and caused
others to use ; and when the clergy- re-
• From some similar confusion. Philippe de
Coniine.*. describing' the visit of St. Francis de
Paule to the court cf Louis XL, nniformlr
CJdls the ^aint " Robert."
' Amp/is). Coll. vol. vi. p. 56.
s We take his narrative as excerpted by
Dupin, Auleurs Eccles. stec. xiii. ch. 9.
o S2
916 YALDENSES
VALDENSES
monstrated te paid uo heed to their
admonitions. A rapid development of
sectarian tenets was the natural conse-
quence of this first resistance. Rainier
divides the errors of the Valdenses into
three classes — against the Church and the
clerg-}-, against the sacraments, against
sacramentals. Under the first head they
taught that the Church of Rome was not
the Church of Christ, but, rather, the
harlot mentioned in the Apocalypse ; tliat
it had become corrupt in the time of Pope
Sylvester, when the poison of temporalities
first infected it ; ' that scarce any but them-
selves held the true Gospel doctrine ; that
the Pope is the author of all errors ; that
tithes ought not to be paid, and the Church
should not possess property ; and that all
members of the Church are equal. Under
the second head, they found fault witli
all the sacraments of the Church ; as to
Baptism, they said that the washing of
infants was of no avail to them, and they
rejected many of the ceremonies proper to
the rite. Confirmation they set aside ; as
to the Eucharist, they held that priests in
mortal sin could not consecrate, and fell
into a variety of other errors which we have
not space to enumerate. As to Penance,
they said that a bad priest could not ab-
solve, but that a good layman could. With
regard to Marriage, they set at nought the
impediments established by the Church,
and acknowledged no spiritual affinity as
resulting from the sacrament. They dis-
approved of the sacrament of Extreme
Unction, because it was only given to the
rich. AVIiat respect they would have for
the sacrament of Holy Orders is apparent
from what has been already said. All
laymen, they held, were entitled to preach,
and women also." Whatever was not in the
Scriptures they held to be fabulous. They
believed in no saints but the Apostles.
With regard to the third head, that of
Sacramentals, they made a clean sweep of
all the beautiful and touching ceremonies
— all the salutary institutes — with which
the Church had surrounded the life of
Christians here below. No festivals, no
fast-days, no holy-water, uo lights, no
ornaments, no incense, no images, no
chanting ; to hear a Valdensian ranter at
' The Vaudois evidently believed the fig-
nieut i)f the Donation of "Constantine. (See
States of the Church.)
- From this account it would appear that
^lilm.in's statement, that "they rejected the
sevi II snrrament^, except Baptism and the Eu-
chiirist." which, it true, would assimil.ate them
closely to the Anglic.iiis. is not very accurate
(^Lalin Christianity, v. 39..i).
uncertain times seems to have appeared
to these poor sectaries the sum of all the
support and delectation that the soul
could possibly require. They held that it
was unlawful to swear. "They condemn
all princes and judges, being persuaded
that it is not lawful to punish malefactors.
Lastly, they condemn the ecclesiastical
judgments."
Severe measures of repression were
used against the Vaudois from time to
time, but failed to extirpate them. A
letter from a Franciscan inquisitor to the
Council of Basle,' dated in 1432, statt^s
that although the writer had " made
great executions on many heretics "'
within the past two years, the sect stiU
flourished on both side of the Alps, that
he had several relapsed heretics in prison,
both at Yverdun and at Brian^on, and
that these had revealed to him the exist-
ence of more than five hundred others.
At the Reformation some of the Pro-
testant leaders, who perceived the use
that might be made in controversy of
the alleged existence of a sect which had
maintained a " pure "religiou and resisted
the authority of Rome for many cen-
turies, made overtures to the Yaudois,
and in 1530 their deputies, Masson and
Morel, met Qlcolampadius and Bucer at
Basle. According to Dupin, these last
engaged the deputies to renounce some
of the more extravagant of their tei.ets —
e.ff. that a Christian might not lawfully
swear, that ministers might not hold
property, and that the ministrations of
wicked pastors were invalid ; and, on the
other hand, to hold with the Protestants,
that the Body of Christ was not in the
Eucharist, and that confession of sins
was unnecessary. But the complete
adoption by the Yaudois of Protestant
doctrine is said not to have taken place
till about 1630.
Such is the view which authentic
history presents of the rise of the Yaudois
and of their original doctrines. The
modern popular view, which represents
them as a race of primitive manners and
simple piety, dwelling in remote Alpine
valleys, and cUnging to a Scriptm'al and
Protestant religion, handed down from
the first ages, in the teeth of continual
persecution, appears to be founded in
great part on a falsification. Soon after
the Reformation broke out, " their whole
history, and a part of their written docu-
ments, were subjected to a process of
re-casting — just as already some older
' Slartene, Ampliss. Coll. viii. 162.
V'ANXE, ST.
\ATICAX mUNCIL
pi 7
writings had been re-fashioned in a
Hussite sense, owing to contact with the
circle of Hussite sects." ' For particulars
of this falsification {" Fal^c/mn;^"). we
must refer the render to the Protectant
writer just quoted, who states tliaf no
€xistinff ^'audois MS. is of date failicr
than the fifteenth century, althoiigh uiauy
were made to appear to have been written
in the twelfth.
In 1655 the Duke of Savoy sent troops
against the Vaudois of Angrogna and the
neighbouring valleys, who were said to
have spread themselves outside the limits
to which they were confined by treaty.
Great excesses were reported, and were
denounced by the indignant ]Muse of
Milton in the well-kiunvu snmict begin-
ning, "Avenge, O Lord, thy slniightrred
saints." Cromwell interposed vigoroir-ly,
and the Duke was obliged to grant the
Vaudois favnural)le terms. At the jiresent
dav, thevare said to number about 2U,()( 10;
a large place of worship was built for them
at Turin, chietiv bv English money, in
1853.
(Fleury ; Innocent HI. " Epist." in
Migne, vol. 214 ; Alanus do Iiisulis. in
Migne, vol. 204 ; Bernardus Abbas
Fontis Calidi, in Migne, vol. 210 ;
" Chronicon Urspergense " ; Rainerius,
" Summa de Catharis et Leonistis " ;
^lartene, " Aniplissiina CoUertio": Dupin,
"Auteurs Eccl^siastiques"; TL'rzog, "Die
ronianischen Waldenser," J '^o.S; .lane L.
Williams, " Short History of the Walden-
•sian Church," with preface bv Dr. Gilbv,
1855; Milmau, "Lutin Christianity," v. ;
Mohler, " Kircln iig —r hk hte, ' ii. (527.)
VATTITE, ST., COITCRECATXOIir
OP. [See Bexedictines : Maitrists.]
This congregation, of which the famous
commentatorCalmetwas the chief literary
ornament, was in a flourishing state at the
outbreak of the French Revolution. Its
houses were then suppressed, and it has
not since been revived.
VATICAW coTrNCZX.. This coun-
cil met on December S, 1869, and is not
yet concluded. No general council had
been held for throe lumdred years, and
the author of the article on Trent in
rierzog's " Encyclopedia," writing only
about seven years before the bishops met
in the Aula of the Vatican, speaks of
another general council as a moral im-
possibility. Yet it is easy enough to see
that the events of half a cent my had
been preparing the wav for the General
Council of 1869. Tlie interference of
> Herzog, p. 398.
statesmen with the freedom of the Church
had turned the law (Concil. IVid. sess.
xxiv. " De Reform." c. 2) which requires
provincial synods to be held every three
years into a dead letter. The ."same cause
would also have proved an obstacle, and
])robably an insuperable one, to great
assemblies of the bishops at Rome. But
the revolution which slri]>]i(Ml the C!iui-cii
of her wealth certainly U'lt h^r tVt'er in
action. The first rrovincuil SvikhI whicii
had been known for long, as^'nihliMl ;it
Tuam in 1817, and its decn-i^s were eon-
firmed at Rome. It was followed by
the >.'ational Synod of Hungary, held at
Pressbiiru'- in 1x22. But it was from
the Unitt'd Stiitps that the revival of
Provincial Councils really came. There
were Provincial Svnods of Baltimore in
1820, 18.13, 1837, '1840, 1843, 1846, and
]849. Pius IX. early in his Pontificate
urged the observance of the Church's law
upon the bishops. Soon, no fewer than
twenty provincial councils bad assembled
in France; Austria au'l lliin::ary i'^illowed
the example in 18")>i (Smioi1< of \"ii-nna
and Gran"), Holland in' 1805 (Synod of
Utrecht), and numerous synods were held
in (lermany, in Englaml, just after the
hierarchy had been restored, in Ireland,
in Australia, and in South America (Quito
and Xew Granada). Even the Catholics
of the ( triental rites were atfected bv the
nio\enieut. Syrians, Maronites, Arme-
nians, met in council, and the last Coun-
cil of the Armenians at Constantinople
in INOO deserves special notice. In Italy,
on the other hand, ])olitical troubles made
the number of provincial councils very
small. Nor was this revival of synodical
action the only preparation for a general
council. Piux IX. had three times seen
a vast number of bishops gathered round
him — viz. at the definition of the Im-
maculate Conception, at the canonisation
of the.Iapanese martyrs, on the eiehteenth
centenary of the martyrdom of St. Peter
and St. Paul. Since the Second Lateran
Council of 1139, Rome had never wit-
nessed such an assembly of bishops as
this last one. Nor was it simply the
fact of these unions which led the way
to the General Couni'il in the Vatican.
It is evident now that the chief definition
of this Council — viz. that of the Papal
Infallibility, came as the result of forces
which had been long at work. The
French universities had disappeared in
the storms of the Revolution, and Gal-
ilean principles were dying out in France
itself. In Italy, Spain, and Portugal,
913 VATICAN COUNCIL
■where, owing to the infliieuce of the
GoTernments, Gnllicanism had found,
even late in the last century, such repre-
gt-ntatives as Tambiirini, Bishop Solavi,
Foutani, Palmieri, Degola, Bishop Cle-
ment of Barcelona, &c., it was now wholly
extinct. Many of the provincial councils
and the bishops in their assemblies at
Rome had held language which showed
that a proposal to define the Pope's in-
fallibility would meet with no opposition
among' the majority. With the German
Catholics it was otherwise. There many
of the clergy were still educated at
•'mixed" universities — many of the Ca-
tholic pro'essors had already manifested
their distrust of the " Roman " theology,
and some of them had come into collision
with the Roman Congregations. They
clung, in the supposed interests of science,
to methods different from those which
prevailed at Rome. And even in France,
there was a party, small in numbers, but
strong in talent and character, which
was attached to liberal principles in
politics and distrustful of Roman inter-
ference in such matters. They had
fought the Church's battle for freedom
of instruction, and they were unwilling
to admit that the appeal they had made
to the principles of freedom and tolera-
tion was after all only an uryinnenhim
(id hominem. Ultramontanism then pre-
vailed throughout the Church, but it
was opposed by a small band of Catholic
"liberals" in France, and by a number
of learned men in Germany. The former
advocated the interests of freedom, as
they understood it ; the latter, those of
philosophy, history, and theology, as they
understood them There were, besides.
Catholic statesmen in both countries who
saw danger to the State in a definition of
Papal infallibility.
Pius IX. first imparted his idea of
convoking a General Council to the car-
dinals of the Congregation of Rites in
December 1864; and shortly afterwards
he Consulted all the cardinals who re-
sided in Rome on the matter. They were
requested to submit to the Pope their
opinions, in writing, on the opportuneness
of such a convocation, and the subjects
which, supposing the Council ojjportune,
ought to be discussed. Nineteen ndvised
the convocation, two were aL:;iirist it,
one was doubtful. In March l.-^iio, five
cardinals (Patrizi, Reisach, Panebianco,
Bizarri, Caterini) were appointed to con-
sider the votes sent in, and these, with
the addition of some other cardinals and
VATICAN COUNCIL
of eonsultors, were formed into a Congre-
gation of Direction (Cecconi, "Storia del
Concil. Vatic.'' lib. i. cap. 1). In April
and May a circular was addressed to
thirty-six bishops, begging their opinion
on tiie subjects to be treated {ib. Doc.
iii ), and letters were also addressed to
the Nuncios at the various Courts, asking
them to find theologians fit to act as con-
suitors in the preliminary congregations
{ib. P/oc. iv.). Next year, in February
and March, certain Oriental bishops and
bishops of the Greek rite in the Austrian
Empire, were also consulted {ih. Doc.
vi. and vii.). All these consultations
were made in the strictest confidence. On
June 4. l S(i7,' Cardinal Caterini wrote to
all tile bishops present for the centenary of
the martyrdom of St. Peter and St. Paul,
lie added a list of seventeen questions
on points of discipline, and invited sug-
gestions on other matters {ib. Doc. ix.).
At last, in the same month, the Pope
annoimced in a public Consistory of some
500 bishops his intention of convoking
the Council {ih. Doc. x.), and bv a bull
of June 29, 1860 {ib. Doc. xxxVi.), the
Council was summoned to meet at Rome
on Decembers, 186!*. Meantime, in Sep-
tember of the previous year, " all bishops
of the churches of Oriental rite not in
communion with the Apostolic See" {ib.
Doc. xxxvii.), and all "Protestants and
non-Catholics " {ib. Doc. xxxviil.), were
invited to attend. There was some
thought of addressing a similar invitation
to the Jansenist bishops in Holland, but
it was resolved not to do so {ib. vol. i.
p. 119 seq.). It was intended that these
(hiental bishops should be allowed no
part in the Council till they professed the
Catholic Roman faith whole and entire ;
and it was explained in a letter to Arch-
bishop, afterwards Cardinal, Manning that
the Protestants were only invited to attend
that they might be referred to "expe-
rienced men," and have their difficulties
solved. No eff'ect followed from these
letters to Orientals and Protestants, ex-
cept a fewprotests (Friedrich, "Geschichte
des Vatikan-Concils," i. p. 723 seq.).
Besides the Commission of General Direc-
tion, mentioned already, the Pope nomi-
nated six special commissions — for Cere-
monial, the Relations of Church and State,
the Churches and Missions of the East,
the Religious Orders, Dogmatic Theology,
and Disciphne. Each consisted of a car-
' So Schneemann, Kanonen und Beschlijsse
ties VatiJtan. Concils, Einleit. p. xv. Tlie dtite
in Cecconi— viz. .June 6, 186G— must be a slip.
VATICAN COUNCIL
VATICAN COUNCIL 919
dinal president, and of consultors from all
parts of the world. Vercellone, Theiner,
Tarquini, Franzelin, Schrader, Perrone,
Gibert, Freppel, Hcfele, Ilaneberg, Her-
•renrother, Alzog, Molitor, Moiifang, Het-
tinger, Feijje, were among the consultors.
Dr. (afterwards Cardinal) Newman was
asked to be a consultor, but declined on
account of bad health. It was the duty
of these special congregations to prepare
" schemata " — i.e. draughts of canons and
decrees for the consideration of the
Fathers. Their members were bound to
absolute secrecy.
Till the Council met nothing was said
by anyone in authority of any intention
to define Papal infallibility. But atten-
tion was roused by statements in the
French correspondence of the " Civilta,"
February 6, I860 (reprinted in Cecconi,
Doc. cxl"). In this Jesuit organ, published
at Rome, and believed by many to possess
very high authority in the Roman Court,
it was stated that the Council would
probably set its seal to the condemnations
of the Syllabus ; that the bishops would
define the Pope's infallibility by acclama-
tion, and that the corporal assumption of
the Blessed Virgin into heaven would be
made an article of faith. This was the
occasion soon 'after of the famous articles
in the Augsburg "Allgemeine Zeitung,"
which aftei-wards appeared in the form of
a book entitled " Janus."' It professed to
be written from a Catholic point of view,
but was in reality a bitter attack on the
Papacy. In ApriH869 Prince Hohenlohe,
Foreign Minister in Bavaria, sent a circular
to the European Governments warning
them of the political dangers which the
Council might cause (Friedrich, ib. i.
p. 774), and in September a large majority
of the German bishops assembled at
Fnlda laid l^efore Pius IX. their fears as
to the consequences in Germany should
Papal infallibility be defined. This docu-
ment was undoubtedly despatched to the
Pope, but Cecconi, after laborious search,
could not find it in the Roman archives
(Cecconi, part i. vol. ii. sect. i. p. 479).
The time of convocation was drawing
near, and Pius IX. in a brief" Multiplices
inter,"' November 27, 1S69 {ib. Doc. Hi.),
arranged the order of business at the
Council. The preparatory commissions
had done their work, and were to be re-
placed by new ones. The Pope appointed
five cardinal-presidents ; viz. Rcisach
(who died shortly afterwards and was re-
placed by De Angelis), De Luca, Bizzari,
Bilio, Capalti, a secretary — viz. Bishop
I Fessler of St. Polten — and a deputation of
members of the Council, who were to
I examine proposals made by the bishops.
Four other deputations for Dogma, Disci-
I pline, Religious Orders and di iontal Rites,
I were to be chosen by the Fathers of the
Council, but each was to be placed under
a cardinal-president nominated by the
Pope himself. The schemata drawn up
by the preparatory commissions were to
be printed and distributed to the Fathers.
The bishops might send proposals to be
examined by the directive dej)utatioii.
Tiiese new schemata or proposals, if ap-
proved by it, were also to be printed and
circulated among the bishops some days
before the discr.ssion on them began.
Bishops who wished to speak on any
subject must notify their intention at
least a day before. They were to do so
in order of rank, and, after they had
ended, others might obtain leave to speak
from the presidents. If there was no
prospect of agreement, schemata, accord-
ing to their subject-matter, were to be
refen-ed to the special commissions for
revisal, and then voted upon in general
congregation. Finally, the canon or decree
was to be read in the Pope's name iu
solemn session, the Fathers were to
answer " Placet " or " Non placet ; " the
Pope was to announce the result, and, in
case of acceptance by the Council, to con-
firm its decision by Apostolic autliority.
The Council opened on Decembers, 1869.
There were 719 members present, and by
March of the following year as many as
764. Of these 12t) were archbishops or
bishops iu partibus itijidelium, now called
titular prelates, and 52 were abbots,
generals of orders, &c. (From the lists
in Schneemann.)
Much time was spent iu discussions
on discipline, the preparation of a Short
Catechism, &c., which have issued as yet
in no definite result. The work actually
finished consists of two Constitutions —
one, "De Fide Catholica," made up of
chapters and canons on the primary truth.*
of natural religion, on revelation, on faith,
and the connection between faith and
reason ; the other " De Ecclesia Christi,"
treating chiefly of the primacy of the
j Roman See, and defining the Pope's imme-
i diate authority over all Christians. The
former constitution passed with compara-
; tivelyhttle dirticulty. It was unanimously
accepted by the 6(i7 Fathers present, and
confirmed by the Pope in the third public
session, April 24, 1870.
Very difi'erent was the fate of the
920 VATICAN COUNCIL
VATICAN COUNCIL
second constitutiou. We haxe seen that
nothing had been said, at least publicly
and bv authority, before the Council met,
of any intention to define the Pope's
infallibility, and Cecconi (lib. i. cap. i.)
assures us that of the cardinals first con-
sulted by the P. pe — i.e. in ] 864 — two only
even mentioned the subject. Scarcely,
however, had the Council met when a
" postulatum '' representing the views of
the great majority nf the Fathers begged
that the question should be proposed for
decision. On the other hand, in January
1870, forty-five German and Austrian
bishops, thirty-two French, joined by three
Portuguese and four Orientals, twenty-
seven from nations of Fuglish speech,
seventeen Orientals, seven Italians, begged
the Pope to prevent the discussion.
(Original texts in Friedrich, " Docunienta
ad Illustrandum Concil. Vatic." Aljth. ;.
pp. 250, 251, 254, 256.) At the same
time, outside the Council, a protest was
made by Br. Ddllinger as well as by ttie
French Minister Daru and the Austrian
von Reust, supported by the liavarian,
Portuguese, Prussian and Fuglish Cabi-
nets. Archbishops Dt scliamps of Maliiies,
IManning of "V^'ostminster, Spalding of
TSaltiniore, and Eislinp Martin of Pader-
borii, were ])rominent on tlie side of tlie
luajority ; while the learned Hefele, who
was promoted to tlie bishopric of Rotten-
Inirg in November 1869, Strossmayer,
bishop of Diakovar in Slavonia, Cardinal
Pau^cher, arclibisliop of Vienna, Darboy,
archbishop of Paris, r'u])anloup, bishop
of (Orleans. ]\laret, bi.-liop iii partibiix,
Keiiricl;. arcliliishop of St. Louis in the
I'nited States, Clifford, bi.shop of Clifton,
were strenuous supporters of the opposi-
tion.
New complications arose fi'om a docu-
ment issued by the cardinal-presidents at
the wish of the Pope on February 20,
1870. Complaints were made of the way
in which the discussions were protracted,
and accordingly new arrangements were
devised. Inthediscussion on any amended
scliema no one was to tnl<e part without
giving notice ))eforehand ol'that particulnr
]]ortion of the said schema on which he
meant to address tln^ Council. Further,
dt the request of any ten Fathers, the
presidents might ask the Council if tlu'y
desired the discussion to proceed, and if a
majority said no, they miglit close it
there and then. This led more than a
hundi'ed jirelatesto ]irot(>st, in a document
addressed to the presidents, that by these
regulations " the freedom of the Council
might seem in several respects to be im-
paired, nay, destroyed" ("miniii imo
toUi posse videatur"). They implored
that nothing should be defined except
with the moral unanimity of the Fathers,
and ajipealed to the example of Pius IV.
at the Council of Trent. Otherwise they
feared that " the character of the Oecu-
menical Courcil might be exposed to
doubt" (" wcumenici concilii character in
dubium vocari possit." Te.xt in Friedrich,
Abth. i, p. 258 seq.) It must be remem-
bered, however, that the whole discussion
was extended over seven weeks. The
points at issue must have l)een perfectly
familiar to those with whom the decision
lay, and the majority could not be ex-
pected to tolerate a protracted discussion
whicli had no real influence on opinion,
and only served to impede definition.
Fariy in 31ay the schema '• Di- Ec-
clesia," with the added clauses on Papal
infallibility, was laid before the Council,
and the conciliar discussion upon it liegan.
On July 13, it was voted upon in general
congregation: of the Fathers present 451
said "Placet," sixty-two "Placet juxta
modum'' — I'e. they were ready to accejit
the Constitution with modifications, but
not as it stood ; eighty-eight said " Non-
placet," seventy did not vote at all. In
the last general congregation the Fathers
protested against tlie calumnies of the
press, especially against the report that
the (~'ouncil was not free. In a letter to
the Pojie fifty-five bishops declared that
their niin<l was unaltered, but that they
meant to absent themselves from the public
session. This was held on July 18. The
bull "Pastor ^-Eternus," containing the
Constitution "De Fcclesia" and the defi-
nition of Papal infallibiiity, was read.
Thereupon 535 answered " Plact^t," the
two others — viz. Bishop Kiccio of Ajaccio
and Bishop Fitzgerald of Little Rock —
" Non placet." The Pope then confirmed
the decree by Apostolic authority. On
that same day Napoleon III. declared war
against Prussia. On September 20 the
Italians possessed themselves of Rome,
and by a brief of October 20 the Pope
prorogued the Council. It has never
been reassembled.
In the articles on Faith and on the
Pope, we have said sometJiing on the
meaning of the Vatican decrees, and in
that on Old Cathoiics we have spoken
of the opposition made to them. No
single bishop refused assent, and for that
and other reasons a schism of any con-
siderable magnitude was impossible.
VEIL
VEIL
921
(The histories of the Council byCecconi
and Friedrich resemble in more points
than one those of the Tridentim^ roimcil
bv Pallavicino and Sarjii. with this iiotnhli'
ditl'ereiicp that S:ir]ii wrote before Palla-
vicino, whil-' Frii 'lrifli tal(es care to write
.after Ceccoiii. aiiil \<> use his materials.
Neither historian has ri-ached the actual
assembly of the Council. Cecconi has
-access to the Vatican archives, so that
his -work ''first part pnliIish(Hl ]f<7-V will
always be indi.spensable. P>nt ir has
already exceeded 3,000 pafii^~ \;irui- oit avo;
it is filled with much irrfl. vaiit iiiattrr,
is badly written and hailly arranged.
Friedrich's first volume ' ]S77] is well
arranged and interestiup-, and does not,
so far as we can trst it. alter the facts;
but it is disfip-ured by a vrlu'mcTit iiivi'c-
■tive against the Roman Court and Cltra-
montanism in gi'iieral. Foi' the actual
bistory of the Council Friedrich's collec-
tion of documents ri>i71'1 ^yas useful but
incomplete, and has been replaced by the
fuller collections of Bishop Martin [1873]
and the Protestant Friedberg flR711.
The Jesuit Father Schneemann '^1 n71 ^ has
prefixed a short history of the Council to
his edition of its decrees, and there is
another brief histor\ by the learned
Protestant Frommann 1872^. The latest
addition to the literature of the subject is
"Acta et Decretn S. (Ecumenici Concilii
A'aticani et permulta alia documenta ad
Concilium ejusqiie historiam spectantia,"
the last volume of the Collectio Lacensis
[isno].
VEZl {velum, a covering). Pagan
customs in regard to the use of the veil
cannot here be considered, but we shall
endeavour to give some account of the
various kinds of veil recognised in the
Catholic ritual for covering either thinps
or persons. Three Eucharistic v(>ils were
in use in the ancient Eastern Church, the
paten veil for covering the bread before
consecration, the chalice veil, and a very
thin transparent veil for covering both
paten and chalice. The offertory veil
(offfrforhnn) was used, according to the
ritual of the Church of Sarum,' in various
parts of the ceremonial of High Mass,
It seems to be the same as the super-
liumeral veil with which the subdeacon
now covers the chalice at High Mass, and
■which is alsc used at Benediction [Bene-
diction OF THE BlESSEP SaORAMENtI.
Magri (quoted in Morone), says that in
' See the Onsuctudiuary of Sarum, recently
edited in the Rolls series with a translation, in
the Register of St. Osmund, vol. i. p. 150 seq.
Spanish churches from the first day of
Lent a veil is drawn before the high
altar while the hours are recited, and
during Mass on ferias; it is withdrawn at
the (iosjiel and the elevation of the host.
On AN'ednesday in TToly Week, when in
the " Pa.-.-mn '' the w..ril- occur "et
velum templi scissuni est." the veil is
withdrawn and no more u>ed.
The nu])tial veil or faimneum, as
is well known, was in use among the
lioTuans. St. Ambrose speaks of a veil
( pallium) stretched over the heads of the
bride and bridep-i-oom during the cele-
bration of marriage, with a mystical
,sig7iificance.' Thf> priest otficiates with
veil(>d head in several (Jriental rites —
Co])tic, of St, Anthony, Abyssinian,
Maronite.
In Maskell's "Monumenta Ritualia "
is printed a form ^ for the " Order of
Consecration of Nuns'' according to the
use of Sarum, from whicli we shall
extract what relates to the ritual of the
veil. f)n the day of profession, the
novices, clad in white, each bearing on
the riplit arm the " iiabite that the re-
lygyoti and profesyon reijuireth, wyth the
\eyle, ryng, and scroll of hir profesyon
attached upon the sayd habite, and in
hir left hande t)eryna- a taper wythoute
lyght,'' go in procession from the place
where they were arrayed towards the
western door of the clioir, with looks
bent on the ground, singing the respond
" Audivi vocem," kc. Passing through
the choir and going up to the altar, they
lay their veils, rings, and scrolls on the
j right end of it. Thev then make the
, ^•ow of chastity, and after receiving the
habit from the bishop n^turn whence
thc\v came. After the Credo the virgins
return to the \\ estern door of the choir,
beai'ing lighted tapers in theirright hands.
The rite proceeds; after the Litanies each
makes her prof.'ssion before the bishop
and abbess, and signs her scroll of pro-
fession with a cross. After the psalm
"Domine, quis halntabit," during which
the virgins prostrate themselves, they
rise and go with the bisliop to the right
end of the altar, and taking their veils
therefrom, hold them in their hands, with
their faces turned towards the bishop,
lie, standing in his place, blesses the veils
in the virgins' hands, "with orysons."
The first of these prayers is, " We sup-
pliantly beseech Thee, O Lord, that in
Thy clemency a blessing may come downi
upon these veils which are about to be
1 Morone. ^ Vol. ii. p. 308.
922
VENERABLE
VESTMENTS
placed on the beads of Thy handmaidens,
so that they may be blessed, and conse-
crated, and spotless, and holy for these
Thy handmaidens. Through." The
second, " 0 God, Creator of things visible
and invisible, be mercifully present with
us, and vouchsafe to bless and sanctify
-R-ith the streams of Thy grace these veils
■which are the type of holiness and the
sign of humility ; may Thy servants
deserve through Thy gift to take and hal-
In-u- them in heart and body. Through."
Every virgin, before the bishop puts the
veil upon her head, kisses his hand.
Being veiled, she sings, " The Lord hath
clothed me with a garment' woven of
gold, and with immense jewels hath he
adorned me." The ritual of the ring
.-uccfeds, fdllowed by the "long bene-
diction," during which the vii'gins lie
prostrate. Before their " houselling "
the bishop draws down their veils over
their eyes. After their communion each
gives up her taper to the bishop, after
kissing his hand, and he gives to them
all his benediction. Then the abbess
pulls their veils down beneath their
chins, and so they remain for three days,
On the third day, after they have com-
municated, the abbess lifts up their veils,
and from that time " they shall were and
goo and cumme as other of the convent
doth." (Morone,"Dizion.Eccl.''; Maskell,
" Monum. Ritualia," 1846 ; Smith and
Cheetham.)
vsn-ERABXE. [See Canonisa-
TIOX."
VEJTi, CREATOR. [See Hymns.]
VESrZ, SAXrCTE SPZRXTVS. [See
Htmxs : also SKCit'EXCE.]
VENXAI. SIN-. [See Sin.]
VERONICA.. [See Christ, Peesonal
AprEAEANCE OF.]
VESPERS. [See Beeviaet.]
VESSEX.S, SACRED. [See Cha-
iiCE; rATr:x; Pyx, &c.]
VESTlvrElUTS. (1) Their Distinc-
tive Character. — It was the common be-
lief in the middle ages that the vestments
used by the Church at Mass and other
services were derived from the Jewish
temple, though Walafrid Strabo had a
better notion of the historical aspect of
the question, and affirmed (" De Reb.
Eccles." c. 24) that Christian priests in
the early ages officiated in the common
dress of daily life. Strabo's view (with a
1 Cyclade. Cydas is "a kind of garment,
named from its roundness, drawn in above and
full below." (See Diicange, who cites " circuni-
textura roseo velamen acantho," jSn. i. 649.)
modification to be mentioned presently)^
is confirmed, to use the wo rds of Dr.
Rock, " by the concurrent testimony ot
writers who have best owed much laborious
research upon the investigation of this
subject " (" Hierurgia," p. 414). No
quotation can be adduced from any author
of the first five centuries which so much
as alludes to any difference in form be-
tween the dress of priests at the altar
and of laymen in common life. True, St.
John (Polvcrat. apud Euseb. " H. E."
iii. 31, V. 24; Hieron. " Vir Illustr." 45)
and St. James (Epiphan. " Hfer." Ixxviii.
14) are said to have worn the "shining
plate " niraKov, lamina = |>iv) of the
Jewish high priest ; but even were we
prepared to accept these testimonies as
literal statements of fact, they would not
atlect the question, for no such ornament
has ever found a place in the Church,
and the mitre, which comes nearest to
this " plate," was unknown, as has been
already proved, for centuries after the
Apostolic age. But the strongest proof
will be found in the articles on the par-
ticular vestments. There it has been
shown that the ecclesia stical vestments had
their origin in the ordinary dress of the
Roman empire.' It was after the fall of
the empire that the fashion in ordinary
attire underwent a revolution, and the
garb once common to all became peculiar
to the servants of the altar, till at last
the very memory of its original use was
obscured. This obscuration was, as we
should expect, gradual. Walafrid Strabo,
as we have said, in the ninth century
understood the true state of the case,
and another writer of the same age — viz.
Auastasius ("In Vit. S. Stephani," cf.
Baron. "Annal." ad. ann. 260, u. 6) —
was not wholly ignorant of it, for he says
of Pope Stephen : " He ordained that
priests and Levites should not use the
consecrated vestments in common life,
but only in the church."
Long, however, before the ecclesiastical
vestments were distinguished by their
form from those in common use certain
garments w-ere reserved for the officiating
clergy, and, though these were identical
in form with the ordinary garb, they were
' The alb and giralc, which are really most
like Jewish ve-stiiicnts, had a purely secul.ir
origin ; and the alb is first marked as a church
dress by enactments which forbid clerics to use
the same alb in common life and in chun b.
Jerome (Ep. 64) gives Fabiola an elaboriue
account of the Jewish vestments, but never
alludes to the use of analogous vestments in.
church.
VESTMENTS
VESTMENTS 023
■often no doubt of costlier material. The
Apostolic Constitutions (viii. 12) describe
the bishop as clothed in a " shining vest-
ment'' {KanTrpav e<T6r)Ta utrevdvs), and we
may perhaps take this as evidence for the
practice at the end of the fourth or begin-
ning of the fifth century. A little earlier
Jerome ("In Ezecb." xlW. 17), speaking
•of the vestments of the Jewish priests,
adds : " Thence we learn that we should
not enter the holy of holies with common
attire or in any sort of dirty dress, such as
v\ ill do for daily life, but that we should
■with clean con.science and in clean attire
handle the mysteries of the Lord." It is
not easy to decide how far this passage is
to be taken literally.' Anvhow, we lenrn
from Theodoret (" H. E"." ii. 23) tliat
■Constantine gave ^Macarius, bishop nf
Jerusalem, " a sacred dress " (Upup
a-ToXfjv) "of gold thread" — i.e. a dress uf
the common form but nt very costly
material and intended exclusively tor use
in church. It is very uncertain when the
blessing of ecclesiastical vestments was
introduced, but we find a form for that
purpose, very like the one now used, in
the Gregorian Sacramentary. (See the
reprint in Migne, " Patrol." Ixxviii. p.
157.) The Council of Poitiers, a.d. 1100,
can. 4 (Mansi, xx. 1123) forbids anyone
not a bishop to give this blessing, and
Innocent III. (" Altar Myst." i. 9) lays
down the same rule. It is still in force,
though bishops constantly delegate the
power to simple priests.
At first the vestments were of one
colour — viz. white. Thus, when Pelagius
alleged that all splendour in dress was
irreligious, Jerome (" Adv. Pelag." i. n.
29) charges him with exaggeration, and
asks what harm there was in wearing " a
tunic particularly clean " {tunicarn mun-
diorem), what objection could be made,
" if bishop, priest, and deacon, and the
rest of the clergy appeared at the adminis-
tration of the sacrifice in white array "
{randida vexte proce!'.<'ci'if). So Gregory
of Tours (" De Gloria Conf " c. 20) de-
scribes the band of "priests and Levites
in white vestments." Black was some-
times used in sign of mourning (Theodore
Lector, lib. 1, excerpt quoted by Hefele).
Even Pseudo-Alcuin, in the tenth or
eleventh century, knows only of white
vestments, except that he speaks of the
scarlet stripes on the deacon's dalmatic
' It is clear, however, from the passage
quoted further on in this article, that Jerome
■was familiar with the use of special vestments
by the clergy in church.
(" Pivin. Offic." c. 40), and of the use of
black vestments during the litany and
procession on the Feast of the Purifica-
tion (c. 7). Innocent III. is the first to
mention four colours — viz. white, which
the Roman Church employs on feasts of
confessors, virgins, and on joyful solemni-
ties generally ; red, used on the feasts of
martyrs, of the cross (though then perha])S
wliitf is to be preferred), and on Whit-
sunday, Ijy some also on All Saints, but
not by the Curia Romana, in which white
is the colour : black, used in penitential
seasons and Masses for the dead; green,
used on coiimion days, because "midway
betwern blacli and white." He regards
violet, whifli is now the penitential
eoloiii', as a iiifre variety of black, and
say- th.^ ronii.T was used on Holy Inno-
r. nt> and I.ai'tare Snndav. So scarlet
an.l sitlroii-yrllow (mcnapvs et vmr^-us)
an- varii'iii's ot' rnl an-,] green. l!'"ise-
coloureil x i'stnients. he says, were .some-
times Used on feasts of martyrs, and yellow
ones on feasts of confessors (" Altar.
Myst." i. 05). At present yellow counts
as white, and i-ose-cnloured vestments are
onlv used at >ol,'nin 31ass on tlie third
Sunday in Advent and fourth in Lent.
Bisliojis, w lieii they celebrate ponti-
fically, talce tli>-ir vestments from the
altar, simjile jn-iests put them on in the
sacristy. But this distinction is probably
not verj- ancient, for even in the four-
teenth and fifteenth centuries it was the
common custom for priests, at least in
England, to vest in the sanctuary.
(Maskell, "Ancient Liturgy of the Church
of England," p. 219). The present law on
the use of vestments at Ma.ss is very
strict, and manv theologians (see Benedict
XIV. " De Miss." iii 7, 1) believe that
no cause whatever will excuse a priest
from observing it. (The chief recent
authorities are Bock, " Gesch. der Liturg.
Gewiinder": Hefele, in his " Beitriige."'
ii. p. 150 seq. ; Wliarton Marriott,
" Vestiarium Christianum.")
VESTMEM-TS, GREEK AlffS
ORZEM'TAXi. Something has been said
on this subject already in the account
given of the various vestments used in
the Latin Church, but it may be con-
venient to give a separate article on the
vestments of the Greeks and Orientals.
1. Vestincnts worn by the Deacon. —
In prejjaring to offic/ate at Mass, the
first ve-stment which he puts on is the
(TToixapiov or nTi)^di}iov. It answers to
our alb, except that it is not bound by a
girdle. It used to be of linen and always
924
VIATICUM
VIATICUM
-white, but now it is often made of silk.
It takes its name from the stripes {a-rtxoi)
-with -which it is adorned. In Lent, except
on the Annunciation and Holy Saturday,
it is of purple colour. It is used by all the
Orientals. The Syrians call it Kutino
(li^ioo = X""^") again is really
a Semitic -word, cf. Dj'np), and the Oopts,
according to Daniel, labat or touniak. It
is also worn by readers and subdeacons.
In form it has come to resemble our dal-
matic, though worn, like the alb, imme-
diately over the cassock. Next comes
the wpapiov or stole (see under that word),
the distinctive badge of deacons, and
lastly the emuavUia, a barbarous com-
pound of em and manus. They stretch
from the wrist to the elbow, leaving the
hand free. They are first mentioned by
Balsamon in the twelfth century, and
have apparently been adopted by the
Syrians.
2. Priesfs vestments. — The priest puts
on the a-Toi)(apiov, then the inLTpa-xriKLov,
which is a stole broader than the deacon's
and joined in front, next the C^vrj or
girdle, the (TripxtviKta, the VTroyovdriov or
imyovaTwv, a Square piece of cloth which
hangs from the girdle and is really proper
to bisliops, archimandrites and other dig-
nitaries, such as protosyncelli, proto-
popes, &c., but is in matter of fact
worn by very many priests. Over all
he puts the chasuble {<^€\a>viov, (pe'Koovrji,
(f>nit'6\iov) in shape much like one of our
Gothic chasubles.*
3. Bis/iop's Vestments. — Bishops also
use the above vestments. But their
(TTntxdpiov is marked with white and red
stripes, and they have a picture of Christ
on their (Triyovdriov and inipav'iKia. Their
chasuble is marked with many crosses
and called Tvo\vaT(ivpiov. The craKKot,
which has sleeves, and, to judge from the
woodcut in Daniel, resembles a dalmatic
in shape, was at first worn by metro-
politans only instead of the chasuble, and
by them never except on the three great
festivals. From the time of Alexius
Comnenus it became the habitual sub-
stitute for the chasuble with metropohtans,
and now it is worn in Russia by aU
bishops. Lastly, the bishop takes the
aifiocpopiov, a sort of pallium made of wool,
' The Greeks have no change of colours for
the fp.nsts. The ip^Kdiviov of the priest and the
(TToixaptof of the deacon are black at Masses of
die Dead, and purple, as -we have seen, is used
in Lent. Great feasts are marked by the splen-
dour of the vestments.
which is hung on the shoulders and falls
over the backT At some of the functions,
but not at Mass, bishops wear a monastic
cloak called pavhvas. The word, which is
said by Hesychius and Eustathius to be of
Persian origin, occurs in the LXX {e.ff.
Judges iii. 16), and a MS. Greek lexicon
quoted by Schleusner explains it as a
" sort of uj)per garment and the cloak of
monks " (eiSoj Ipariov Koi ro twv pova\wv
ndWiov). The mitre (xiSapif) is never
worn in the sanctuary except by the
Patriarch of Alexandria. Greek bishops
have no ring, but they wear a pectoral
cross (ro TTcivdytnv) and use a pastoral
staff {rraTfprjrrcrav), which, however, is
much shorter than those customary in
the West and much less ornate.
(Chiefly from Daniel, " Cod. Liturg."
tom. iv. p. .375 seq.)
VIATICUM. Holy Communion
given to those in danger of death. Such
persons are allowed to receive the Com-
munion, even if they are not fasting, and
they may do so again and again in the
same ilbiess, if circumstances render it
expedient. Viaticum is given by the
parish priest, or by another priest deputed
by him. The priest, wearing surplice and
stole, carries the Blessed Sacrament in
procession ; lights are borne in front,
and a bell is rung to excite the devotion
of the faithful. In England it is, of
course, impossible to carry out all this
ceremonial. A special form is used in
administering the Sacrament — viz. " Re-
ceive, brother [or sister], the viaticum of
the Body of our Lord Jesus Christ. May
He guard from the malignant foe, and
lead thee to eternal life ! " Afterwards,
the priest cleanses his fingers in a little
water, which the sick man drinks.
(1) The Oriyin of the .V«we.— The
word " viaticum " came into Church use
as a translation of the Greek €(f)6bwv.
This latter word means provision for a
journey ; then, metaphorically, provision
for the journey of life (Clem. Rom. Ep. i.
2; Dionys. Corinth, apud Euseb. "H. E."
iv. 23). Next the metaphor was extended
to the provision for the last journey — viz.
from this world to the next — and so it
occurs as an epithet of the Holy Com-
munion given to the dying in the Council
of Nicsea (can. 13). There the Eucharist
is said to be the "last and most necessary
viaticum " (rov TfXevralov Koi dvayKaioTUTov
e'(f)o8wv). Innocent I. (" Ad Exsuper." ;
Mansi, "Concil." iii. 1039) employs the
Latin word " viaticum " in the same
sense, and so does the First Council of
VIATICUM
VIATICUM
925
Oranfre, a.b. 441 (can. 3 ; Mansi, vi. 437),
with an evident allusion to the canon of
Nica^a. Thus it became a technical term
for Communion griven to the dving. (So
Council of Agde, a.D. 506," can. 15 ;
Mansi, viii. 327 ; Bede, " H. E." iv. 14 ;
Amalar. " Eccl. Offic." iii. 35.) Rut even
late in the middle ages the tcord had not
acquired its present tixi'd and exclusive
sense. The Council ot Vaison, .^.D. 442
(can. 2; Mansi, vi. 453), speaks of the
viaticum, meaningr, probably, the absolu-
tion and communion of the dying ; and
in the Council of Gerunda, a.d. 517
(can. n ; Mansi, vii. 550), it certainly
includes absolution. Aubespine, indeed,
in his note {ad loc. 554), takes it to
mean simply reconciliation and absolu-
ti(in granted to dying penitent.s — the
" benedictio beatifica." as the Council of
Barcelona, a.d. 541 (can. 9: Mansi, ix.
110), calls it. Hence the so-called Fourth
Council of Carthage (can. 78 : Mansi, iii.
it.57) has the expression "Viaticum Eu-
charistiae," to distinguish it from " viati-
cum '' in the other sense. The term -was
also applied to the Eucharist generally, as
our support in our earthly pilgrimage ;
and we tind it so employed not only in
the liturgy of St. Mark (((()68iov, Ham-
mond, p. 191), but even in a synod of
Durham earlv in the thirteenth centurv
(Wilkins, " Concil." i. p. 578.)
(2) yiaticmn in One or Two Kinds. —
In the thii'd and fourth centuries we have
clear instances of viaticum given under
the form of bread only (Dionys. Alex,
apud Enseb. " H. E." vi. 44 ; the contem-
porary Life of St. Ambrose, by Paulinas,
n. 47.) There can be no reasonable
doubt about these cases, and Bossuet
("Communion sous lesdeux especes." P. 1,
n. 2) seems to be quite right in taking
can. 76 of the Fourth Council of Car-
thage as evidence that Communion was
given to dying persons who were unable
to swallow the Host in the form of wine
("infundatur ori ejus Eucharistia,'' Mansi,
iii. t>57), Still, C'hardon ("H. des Sacr."
torn. ii. Euchar. cli. v. a. 2) considers,
and with reason, that the rule was to give
viaticum under both kinds, so long as
those in health received Communion in
this way. Chrysostom's letter to Innocent
(Mansi,'iii. 1089) shows that the Eucharist
under the form of wine was reserved for
the sick. He comjilains that the soldiers
spilt the precious blood on Holy Saturday,
and this cannot have been in the chalice at
Mass ; for women, he says, were waiting
lor baptism, which preceded the Mass of
I Holy Saturday. The Eleventh Council of
Toledo, A.D. 675 (capit. 11), the direction
iu the Gregorian Sacramentarj- (" oratio
ad visitandum infirmum ''), and throe
forms for administering viaticum given
from ancient MSS. by Menard in his notes
on this Sicramentary, all assume that
the dying man will receive both kinds.
The same thinjr follows from Rede's " Life
of St. Cuthbort " (cap. 39.)
(3) The Mi»i.<ter of Viaticum.— la the
early days of pei-secution it was some-
times carried to the sick bv lavmeii
(Euseb. " H. E." vi. 44). The practice
apparently continued long after, when it
had became a mere abuse. For Ler \Y.
(847-55) strictly forbids priests to send it
by laymen or women (Mansi, xiv. 891).
About the same time, we find Hincnuir
of Rheiius requiring his deans to ask
whether the priests gave Communion to
the sick with their ovm hands, and not
through anyone they could get to do it
for them (" per se, non per quemlibet,''
llincmar, 0pp. ed. Sirmond, p. 716 : in
Migne's reprint, p. 779). The Council of
An-a, n< nr Lyons, a.d. 990 (Mansi, xix.
101) permits no one except priests to
give Tiatieuni. Deacons, however — at
le:ist, in some places — continued to do so.
This is proved, according to Chardon, by
the old statutes of the Carthusians; and
a Council of Westminster, A.D. 1138
(can. 2 ; Wilkins, i. p. 415), puts priests
and deacons precisely on the same level
in this respect (" per sacerdotem aut dia-
! conum aut necessitate instante per quem-
I Hbef).
(4) Fifes and Ceremonies, ^c. — Xo
special legislation, so far as we Imow,
exempted the dying from the rule of
I fasting before Communion. But history
witnesses to the anxiety of the Clmrch in
all ages that the dying sliould communi-
cate, and we may fairly assume that the
present rule was in force from the be-
ginning. The ceremonies, much as wn
have them now — e.r/. the wearing of the
stole, the cross and lights in the proces-
j sion, the carrying of tlie pyx, the bell —
' are prescribed in the Constitutions of St.
j Edmund of Canterbury, A.D. 1236; in the
I Council of Durham, to which we have
already refen-ed ; and in a provincial
council of Scotland in the time of the
Scotch King .Alexander II. (Wilkins,
I " Concil." i. pp. 579, 615, 637). On the
j other hand, we doubt if the special form
in which viaticum is now given was
usual in the middle ages — "Accipe,frater,
1 Viaticum," &c. The Gregorian Sacra-
926 TICAR-APOSTOLIC
VICAR-GENERAL
mentary simply says: "Then let him [the
priest] give Communion ■with the body
and blood of the Lord ; " and the Salis-
burs- Manual — i.e. Ritual — of 1543 (re-
printed in Maskell, " Monument. Rit."
vol. i.) has merely a Rubric to the same
effect. The three forms given by ^lenard
from old MSS., and also a fourth from a
Soissons Manual printed only eighty years
before his time, would be suitable for
ordinary Communion. Hov\-evt'r, a
TBangor Pontifical of the thirteenth cen-
tury contains the form as we now use
it—" Accipe, frater, Viaticum corporis
Domini nostri Jesu Christi," &c. (Masl;ell,
loc. cit. p. Si.) Viaticum, in the modern
Church, is given before Extreme Unction.
In the middle ages the reverse order ob-
tained, as Menard {loc. cit. p. 536) proves
by a multitude of authorities, and such
was the order followed in the English
use till Queen Mary's time. The im-
])ortance of receiving the Communion
while the mind is still clear and calm is
the reason given by theologians (Juenin,
" De Sacram." p. 588) for the order now
laid down in the Roman Ritual.
VICAR-APOSTOI.IC. By this w.as
formerly meant either ii bishop or arch-
bishop, generally of some remote see, to
whom the Roman Pontiff delegated a
portion of his jurisdiction ; or an eccle-
siastic, not necessarily a bishop, who,
acting under a Papal brief, or In virtue
of instructions received from the Sacred
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars,
was commissioned to exercise the episco-
pal jurisdiction (except in certain special
cases) in a diocese where the ordinary,
from whatever cause, was incapacitated
from its full and efficient discharge. At
the present diiy, vicars-apostolic are nearly
always titular bishops [.-ee that article],
and are stationed either in countries
where episcopal sees have not yet been
established, or in those where the succes-
sion has been intemipted. On the vicars-
apostolic sent to England by the Holy
See for this latter cause, see English
Chukch. The Catholic Directory for
18!>2 specifies one hundred and fifteen
apostolic vicariates now in being. Of
these, ten are in Europe; iifty-four (out
of which forty-six are In China and the
adjacent countries) in Asia : twenty-
five in Africa; thirteen in America; and
thirteen in Oceania.
VICAR FORAITE {foraneus = qui
foris est; one exercising authority at a
distance from the place where the bishop
resides). A vicar forane is either a dig-
nitary or, at least, if possible, a parish
priest, who is appointed by the bishop to
exercise a limited jurisdiction in a par-
ticular town or district of his diocese.
An appeal lies from his decision to the
bishop, who can also remove him at
pleasure. " The chief part of the office
of a vicar forane is to report to the
bishop on the lives of the clergy within
his district, and to inquire into any charges
brought against them ; to promote the
observance of the synodal constitutions
and the decrees of the bishop ; to preside
at local conferences, in which moral or
liturgical questions are treated of; and to
give notice to the bishop of anything
contrary to faith and good morals, or
tending to impair the Divine worship, the
reverence due to churches, the ob.servance
of holidays, and the maintenance of eccle-
siastical discipline, which may occur
within his district ; finally, to decide
civil causes of slight importance " (Soglia,
"Instit. Canon." ii. § 71). The four-
teenth decree of the first Council of
Westminster, on Vicars Forane, is in
general agreement with the above, but
adds that it is their duty to " take
care of sick priests, to watch over the
administration of Church property, and
to see that sacred buildings be kept in
repair." The council treats the title
" "\'icar Forane" as equivalent to " Rural
Dean." There are vicais forane ia
many Irish dioceses, but almost their
sole function is to grant (>j)lscopal dis-
pensations for the non-publication of
banns. (Ferraris, Vicarius Foraneu-^.)
VXCAR-GENZRAXi. This official
has succeeded to much of the power
formerly exercised in a diocese by the
archdeacon [Arciideacox]. In the canou
law he is styled indifferently " officialis "
and " vicarius generalis " and the common
use of the term in Italy is conformable to
this state of the law. In Transalpine
countries the name of " official " is com-
monly given to the ecclesiastic adminis-
tering the contentious jurisdiction of the
bi«hop, and that of " vicar-general to
him who e.xercises his voluntary juris-
diction [.ItTKISDICTIOX].
The origin of the office is supposed to
be traceable in a Papal Constitution,
promulgated in the Fourth Lateran
Council, by which Innocent III. author-
ised the appointment by any bishop who
was overburdened by the weight of his
episcopal duties of an ecclesiastic to
assist him in performing them. Yet
since no allusion to such an office occurs
VICE-CnAXCELLOR
VIENNE
927
in the Decretals, compiled some years I
later under Gregory IX., it would
seem that the permission granted at the
Lateran Council was not for some time
much acted upon. However, before the
end of the thirteenth century vicars-
geueral had become common, and the
" Sext " of Boniface YIII. minutely regu-
lates their functions.
A bishop is not obliged to appoint a
vicar-general if the circumstances of the
diocese are such that he is able to dis-
charge all his episcopal duties without
a?.s;stance ; and this is in fact the case in
several English and Scottish dioceses at
the present time. On the other hand, the
bishop may. if he pleases, appoint two or
more vicars-general, either assigning to
each jurisdiction over a certain district,
or giving to one the contentious, to an-
other the voluntary jurisdiction, or,
thirdly, making over to them joint and
full jurisdiction over the whole diocese
in solidum. The person appointed must
be a clerk, not a layman, but the law
does not require that he should be in
holy orders ; the modern practice of the
Curia, however, obliges him to have a
doctor "s or some other degree in canou
law. No one having cure of souls, nor
any regular belonging to a mendicant
order, can be appointed to the office. A
regular canon or a monk may be a vicar-
general, if certain conditions be fulfilled.
It is held to be desirable that, as far as
possible, the office should be committed
to an ecclesiastic belonging to another
diocese.
In matters of jurisdiction the vicar is
regarded as the ordinary, and his tribunal
is identical with that of the bishop, so
that there is no appeal from the one to
the other. But he is bound to keep care-
fully within the limits of his commission ;
thus he may not do any of those things
which come under the definition of
" Pontificalia," and belong to the epi-
scopal order, such as making the holy
oils, consecrating churches, altars, cha-
lices, &c. Nor may he decide anything
without a special mandate, which it may
be reasonably presumed the bishop could j
not have intended to entrust to him by ]
his general commission. For instance,
although his commission warrants him to
do all formal actn required in the insti-
tution of ecclesia.stics to benefices, offices,
or digTiities, it does not authorise him to
confer any of these ; to do so lawfully he i
must have a special mandate. He can-
not summon a synod, nor convoke the I
chapter, nor visit the diocese; "and
generally, in business of an arduous and
weighty nature, he cannot act without
consulting the bishop." ' The powers of
a vicar-general cease and determine — (1)
when his commission is cancelled by the
bishop: (2) upon his death or resignation:
(3) when, from whatever cause, the
bishop's own jurisdiction in the diocese
ceases. (Soglia, "Instit. Canon." ii. §§ 69,
70.)
vzcE-CH.&ia'CEX.x.OB. [SeeCiiKiA
Rom AX A."
VXEWN-E. The fifteenth General
Council was opened by Clement V. at
Yienne, in the Dauphin^, on October 16,
1311. Great uncertainty prevails as to
the number of members present, and the
number of bishops and mitred abbots
present is variously estimated at 114 and
300. The Pope in his address at the
opening gives three reasons for the assem-
bling of the Council — viz. the ail'air of the
Templars, the rescue of the Holy Land,
the reform of abuses in the Church.
The investigation of the charges
against the Templars took a long time,
and nearly six months passed between the
first and second sessions. The order, as
has been already said in a previous
article, was suppressed by a Papal bull,
but no definite judgment was passed on
the crimes laid to tlie charge of its
members. The French king. Philip the
Fair, did not succeed in obtaining the
condemnation of Pope Boniface VIII.,
but a decree of Clement in 1307 had
annulled the excommunications, inter-
dicts, &c., issued by Boniface again>t
Philip and his supporters, and secured
them from any prejudice in the future.
The rest of the decrees of the Council
were partly dogmatic, partly disciplinary,
.lohn Peter de Oliva, a Franciscan (born
in Provence 1247, died 1297), belonged
to the " Spiritual " party in his order,
was an admirer of the abbot .loachim,
the author of the "Eternal Gospel," and
himself wrote a fant<istical commentary on
the Apocalypse. It was with reference
to him that the Pope in Council con-
demned the opinions that the soul is not
"in itself and essentially the form of the
human body," and that Clirist was still
living when His body was pierced with
the lance, and declared it the more pro-
bable view that sanctifying grace and
the virtues are infused into the souls of
children at baptism. The immoral
Quietism of the Beguards and Beguinea
» Soglia.
928 VIENNE
was also reprobated, particularly their
doctrine that man may become absolutely
perfect, and attain perfect beatitude in
this life ; that a perfect man is free from
subjection to the ecclesiastical or civil
law, and may commit the grossest offences
against the moral law without sin.
The following were the chief disci-
plinary decrees.' Tlie " black " monks
and the nuns were forbidden to indulge
in luxurious and worldly habits {e.g.
hunting, attending the courts of princes,
wearing silk or jewellerj-, being present
at balls, An attempt, not altogether
successful, was made to heal the schism
in tlie Fnuieiscan order caused by the
" Spirituals." The clerics, who were
rectors of hospitals, were reproved for
neglecting the poor and enriching them-
selves from the funds entrusted to then;.
For the future such institutions were ^
to be placed under good ami prudent [
men, who were to submit their accounts
to the ordinary. This, says Fleury, was
the origin of the lay administrators of
hospitals, established " to the shame of
the clergy." Many secular prelates were
anxious that the exemptions granted to
religious orders should be withdrawn.
This was not done, but religious were
forbidden under pain of excommunication
to give Extreme Unction, Holy Commu-
nion, or the nuptial benediction without
express leave from the parish priest.
They were also forbidden to beguile lay
people from attending the services in the
parish church. Regulations were made
on clerical decorum, and on the age for
orders. A subdeacon must be at least
in his eighteenth, a deacon in his twen-
tieth, a priest in his twenty-fifth year.
The bull of Urban IV. instituting the
feast of Corpus Christi was repeated and
confirmed. Steps were taken to promote
the study of the Oriental languages, a
measure which Raymond Lully had
desired long before. Chairs of Hebrew,
Chaldee, and Arabic were to be estab-
lished in the Roman Court and in the
Universities of Paris, Oxford, Bologna,
and Salamanca. Lastly, a crusade was
proclaimed for the recovery of the Holy
' A memoir, drawn up at the Pope's re-
quest by Willinm Durand, bishop of Mende,
-ives an appalling jiicture of the state of the
Church. He mentions particularly the want
of all observance in mon.Tstic orders, the im-
moralitv of the monks and clergy, the venality
of the I?onian Court, the way in which henetices
were kept vacant, &c. He pleads for rel'orni in
the Curia and among the clergy, and proposes
that priests should be allowed to' marry.
VIGTLS
Land ; the Kings of England, France,
and Navarre promised to take part in it,
and a tithe was to be levied for six years
to defray the expense. The third and
last session ended on May 6, 1312.
(Fleury, "H. E." livr. xci. ; Hefele,
" Concil." vol. vi.)
VZCXX.XVS. [See Three Chapters.]
VZCIIiS. Originally the watch kept
on the night before a feast, and then,
from the eleventh or twelfth century
(Probst, "Brevier und Brevier-Gebet,"
p. 176), the day and the night preceding
a feast.
(1) Till' yiractipe of spending the night
in public ]iiaM r i- iii(il)ablv older than
Christianity, tor Kii>obius ("B. E." ii.
17) attributes it to the Therapeutse or
Alexandrian Essenes. In Acts xx. 7 we
Iiavp an instance of devotional exercises
continued at least till midnight. Vigils
are mentioned by Tcrttillian ("Ad Uxor."
lib. ii. 5),' and the vigil maintained till
"cock-crow" on Holy Saturday is pre-
scribed in the Apostolic Constitutions (v.
19). Chrysostom speaks of the obser-
vance of vigils as a proof of piety (Horn,
iv. in ilhid " Vidi Dominum," tom. vi. p.
120 in Migne: i8e nei/rjTas ck jxecrovvKTioiv
H^XP^ '"^^ lyjuf'pa? napafifvovras, ^XeVe
TTuvvvxl^as) ; and Socrates (" H. E." vi.
8) refers to the nocturnal hymns and
vigils of Catholics and Arians at Con-
stantinople in the saint's time. We
learn from Basil (in Ps. cxiv.) that vigil'
were held before the feasts of martyrs,
and it appears from Theodoret (" H. E."
ii. 10) and Socrates that such vigils were
the usual preludes to Mass on Saturday
and on Sunday, or other feasts. Jerome
(Ep. cix. and " Adv. Vigilant." n. 9 ; of.
Ep. cxlvii.) defends the custom against
Vigilantius, admitting, however, the
grave immorality by which they were
sometimes accompanied. It was probably
these and other abuses which led to the
discontinuance of the devotion. Gautier,
bishop of Poitiers, prohibited vigils withire
his diocese in 1280, and it seems from
the language of the Papal legates at the
Council of Valladolid in 1322 that the
old use was dying out. St. Charles for-
bade the keeping of any vigil except that
before ChrLstmas, and at present the
Matins and Lauds and the midnight
Mass before that feast are the only relics
of the old custom. (See Thomass'in.)
(2) T/ie Fast on the Viffils.— The
• There is, however, no reason to suppose
' that he is alluding to vigils in the strict sens*
I — to public prayer at night.
VIGILS
VINCENT OF PAUL, ST. 929
statement in Smith and Cheetham that
'•the observance of a vigil by fasting
came to be usual not later than the ninth
century " is inaccurate, or at least mis-
leading. Holy Saturday was kept as a
fast from very early times (see " Const.
Apost." V. 18 ; also Holy Week and
Lent) ; and Augustine (Ep. Ixv.) con-
sidered it a crime to break the fast on
the vigil of Christmas in those cliurches
where it was observed. But it was in
the middle ages tlint the nliliiration of
fasting was extended to vigils nviierallv.
Peter Damian (t)piisc. \\\ " De Viiril."
al. Ep. lib. vi. :^o) insist that the vigils
of the birth of St. John the Baptist, St.
Philip and St. James, St. James the
Greater, St. Bartholomew, of Christmas,
Easter, Pentecost, and the Assumption,
are fasting days. Nay, he even contends
that the law of fasting binds on the vigil
of the Epiphany, because there is a Mass
for the vigil in the Gregorian Sacramen-
tary. Lanfranc, on the other hand,
excepts this last vigil ("Decret. pro Ord.
S. Benedict"; Migne, "Patrol" cl. p.
451), and this is the rule which has
actuallj' prevailed. Innocent III., writ-
ing to the Archbishop of Braga, says the
Roman Church fasted on the vigils of all
the Apostles, except on that of St. John
the Evangelist (excepted because of
Christmas), and St. Philip and St. James,
excepted because of Easter. This letter
has been incorporated in the canon law
(" Decret." lib. v. tit. xlvi. cap. 2, " Con-
silium nostrum"). Such is the present
law of tlie Church, apart from indult or
dispensation, with regard to the vigils of
the Apostles. On March 9, 1777, Pius
V^L exempted English Catholicsfrom the
obligation of fasting on all vigils except
those of the Assumption, SS. Peter and
Paul and All Saints, substituting the fast
on the Wednesdays and Fridays of
Advent. (See the new edition of the
Priivincial Councils of Westminster, p.
109.) Fasting is also obligatory by the
Church law on the vigils of Christmas
and the Assumption, and by custom which
has the force of law on the vigils of Pen-
tecost, the Nativity of St. John the Bap-
tist, St. Lawrence, and All Saints.
(Meratus, s. ?>, c. 7, n. 1.)
(3) The Mass and Office of Vigils:
their Translation, i^-c. — The OflBce used
t ) be identical with that of the Feria till
Pius V. introduced the Gospel from the
Mass of the Vigil with a homily ap-
pended. (Gavant. s. 3, c. 7, n. 5.) Pro-
bably Corpus Christi has no vigil because
I introduced after vigils in the original
sense had fallen into disuse. Greater
vigils — i.e. those of Christmas, Epiphany,
and Pentecost — are celebrated with semi-
double, that of Christmas from Lauds
onwards with double, rite. If a feast
with a vigil falls on Monday, the vigil
and fast are kept on Saturday.' This
rule is laid down by Innocent HI. {loc.
rit.), but wa-s evidently not yet estab-
lished shiirtlv before under Alexander
III. (" rtecret." lib. V. tit. xl. cap. 14,
" Qiiiesivit a noliis"). (From various
sources, chieflv TlKiniassiu, "Traits des
Jeiuies," P. I. ch. xviii. ; P. II. ch. xiv.)
VIJrCETTT or PAVIi, ST.,
! SOCiETir or. This society, which
exists for the purpose of helping the
poor, was founded at Paris in 18:13.
At that time a number of Catholic
students, attending lectures in Paris,
were brought into contact with students
of various waysof thinking — Materialists,
Deists, St.-Simonians, Fourierists, &c. —
with whom they discussed subjects
of common interest in a " Conference
d'Histoire," or historical club. One of
these Catholic students was the well-
known writer Frederic Ozanani. The
free-thinlvers were wont to allow that
Christianity had certainly accomplished
great things, but they maintained that its
ancient spirit had fled, and that great
practical enterprises could no longer owe
to it either tlieir inspiration or their
vitality. "What do you rfo ? " they
asUed of the Catholics ; " you are full of
talk and theory, but there it ends." The
taunt sank into the mind of Ozanam and
others ; they meditated, prayed, ex-
changed ideas; at last, at a meeting
attended by five or six friends, after much
had been said as to the benefit which
works of charity would confer both on
themselves and on the poor, some one (it
was never ascertained who) cried out,
" Let us found a Conference of Charity."
This was in the spring of 1833. But the
particular mode of commencing their
operations was a matter of difficulty. It
was decided to go to Sister Rosalie, who
at that time was superior of the Sisters
of St. Vincent of Paul, and obtain from
her the addresses of some poor families,
whom the members of the new conference
could visit. This was done, and M.
Bailly, an excellent layman, who was in
intimate relations with many of the Paris
clergy, was asked to be their president.
1 This does not apply to the Mass and OflSce
for the vigils of Christmas and Kpiphany.
3o
930 VINCENT OF PAUL, ST.
VIRTUE
He accei>ted tlie post, and provided the
confert'iict' with rooms to meet in. Eiyht
vouiip sliuU-iits — Ozanam, Letaillandier,
Devaux, Lamache, Lallier, Clav6, and
two otliers — held the first conference in
.May IS.'I.";. The orders for relief to lie
given to the poor who were visited were
in the first ])lace purchased by the
members from Sister Rosalie. The con-
ference chose St. Vincent of Paul for its
patron. Bailly was a parishioner of the
cur6 of St. l']tienne du Mont, M. Fandet,
wlio sanc-tiiiued and favoured the new
worlc among- the ])nor of the parish.
Afti-r a time rules for the conduct of
lueetinas and the administration of relief,
witli .-ipjjropriate "considerations" at-
tached to them, were drawn up bj' M.
Bailly and adopted. The oljjects of the
new institute were stated to be — " (1) to
encourafre its members, by e.xample and
counsel, in the practice of a Christian
life ; (2) to visit the poor and assist them
■\vben in distress, as far as our means will
permit, atl'ording them also religious con-
solations . . .; (3) to apply ourselves,
according to our abilities and the time
which we can spare, to the elementai'v
uid Christian instruction of poor childivn,
whether free or impriscjiied . . . ; (4) to
distribute moral and religious boolis ;
(5) to be willing to undi rtahe any other
sort of charitalile worlc to wliicli our re-
sources may be ailr(ni;ite, and which will
not oppose tlip chii'f md of the society."
In 1835, th.- eoiil'. rence having been
joined by ni my mw nii'inljers, the ques-
tion of dividuiu' it into sections, which
should srrvB as nr\v ci-nties whence the
work nf charity aiiiDUg tlie swarming ]K)or
of Paris might Ije carried on more eilectu-
ally llian bclVire, came on for discussion.
The di\i.-ioii was wainily opposed by
many; at last, liowmer, it was i'i\sol\rd
upon, and thus a ste]) was taken wliicli
facilitated and fon'showi'd the ultimate
e.xtension of the lalioiiis of \]if soi icty to
Other cities and other lainU. Tin- iH'W
sections tinni-.'lv.- after a liinr
calh-d "Conf.avncr.,- and tin- aggivgalf
of the coufci-eiices fiianed the "Society
of St, Yiiu'ont of Paul.''
The i7iov('iiirnt oi'iginated among lay-
men, and till' aiiminisliation of the society
has always Inen in lay hands, l)Ut in
union witli and sidionlination to tln^
clergy. Its lay character is said to liave
much finoured its extension at tlie parti-
cular time wlien it arose, when it was
enougli for a society or enterprise of any
kind to have an ecclesiastic at its head, to
be denounced in the press and the salons
as an " oeuvre jesuiti(pie."
The members devote themselves to
visiting and relieving the poor, and in
order to do this eflectually, many special
works of charity have bci-n organised by
it. Among these are libraries, clothing
depots, credits, boarding out with farmers,
visits to prisons and hospitals, and finding
work for laboun rs and women out of
employ. On urgent occasions the society
will grant extiaordlnary help; thus it
sent money for tlio relief of the terrible
Irish distress in ls47 and 1848.
Soon after the division of the first
conference, the presidents of the different
conferences began the practice of meeting
in council from time to time ; thus was
formed the " council-general." Other
councils — c. centrau.r, c. superievrs—arnse
as they were required. In 185.3 the
members of the Paris conferences were
2,000 in number, having .5,000 famili.-s
inscrilied on their \isiting lists. Tlie
society had even at that time sjiread to
England, Ireland, Spain, Belgium, .\me-
rica, aud Palestine. Indulgences were
eraiited to it in very ample terms bv
Popes Gregory XVI. and Pius IX. The
last named Pope, in 1853, gave to the
society Card. Fomari as its Cardinal
Protector.
Under the Second Empire, the Count
de Persigny, in a circular letter to the
prefects, brought charges against the
administration of the society, the drift of
which was that under the jiretence of
charity, its organisation was being nsi-d
to promote political objects. 1'lie <io\f rn-
ment required that the society should
accejit Cardinal ^Morh't as the official
head of the General Council : otlierwise
it was to be suppressed. The societv
declined to accede to this proposal, and
the fJeneral Council was consequently
susjieii'led : the. local conferences carried
on ihi'ii ojiejatiiins as usual.
In ls7(; the number of conferences,
e~laMisheil in all parts of the world, was
neatly In 1877 more than seven
millions of francs were e\]ien<led bv it in
the relief ,,f distress. (" Vie de Fr6d(?ric
Ozanam," l s7n ; " Manual of the Society
of St, Vincent of Paul," 1867.)
VIRTUE. The common scholastic
definition of virtue, drawn from various
passages of St. .\ugustine's writings,
runs thus : "A good quality of the mind
whereby a man lives rightly and which
no one uses wrongly, wliich God works
in us without our aid," The last clause.
VISIT TO THE B. SACEAMEXT
VISITATION, EPISCOPAL 031
however, as St. Thomas observes, dots
not belong to virtue generally, but serves
to distinguish infused from acquired
virtue. A shorter definition would be,
"A habit of right conduct." Virtue is a
habit. A man who restrains himself
upon a particular occasion does imt
necessarily possess the virtue of temper-
ance ; a temperate man is one who has
the permanent disposition of being-
moderate. Virtue may, like a habit, be
acquired by repeated acts, or may be
straightway infused by God. Super-
natural virtues can, of course, be only
infused. St. Thomas divides the virtues
into three great classes: intellectual,
moral, and theological. The first class,
which includes wisdom, science, and
understanding, need not detain us here.
The moral virtues are called " principal "
or " cardinal " on account of their gener-
ality and importance. These two classes
embrace all the natural virtues. The
theological virtues are supernatural, and
are so styled because tliey relate im-
mediately to God. [See Cakdinal
ViETUEs"; Theological Virtves.] (St.
Thomas, 1" 2% qq. Iv.-lxvii.)
VISIT TO THE BX.ESSSZ>
SACRAMENT. The daily visit to a
church in order to engage in silent prayer
before the Blessed Sacrament, is a prac-
tice common in all religious houses, and
ascetical writers recommend the custom
to persons living in the world. This
devotion, natural as it is on Catholic
principles, does not seem to have been
familiar to Christians in the early or even
the middle ages. Fr. Bridgett, in his
learned work on the " History of the
Blessed Sacrament in Great Britain "
(vol. ii. p. 239), does produce instances —
e.g. from the earlier part of the middle
ages — of prayer made before the altar at
a time when, evidently, no service was
going on ; but there is no express refer-
ence to the Holy Eucharist.
visiT.a.Tib i.inxiN'Trivi APOSTO-
KORtTM. That it was a duty incumbent
on a Catholic bislu)p to visit from time to
time the tombs of the Apostles Peter aiul
Paul at Rome, in order to honour the
institution of Christ in the person of bis
Vicar, to strengthen his own communion
and that of his tlock with the living centre
of Christianity, and to report the state of
his diocese to the Supreme Pastor and
Euler, was a conviction which had been
growing in force for centuries, and had
found continuous practical expression in
those innumerable visits of bishops to
Rome which the annals of the Church
record. Leo III. (Ep. i.) ordained that
bishops should visit the limina Apoxto-
lorum, but without prescribing anything
as to the time. In the si.\teeut!i century
the practice assumed the form of a posi-
tive law. Sixtns V. by the Constitution
'■Itoiniimw I'oiitifex" (1585) ordained
that the bishops of Italy, tlie islands in
the Adriatic, and the neighbouring parts
of Greece, sliould be bound to visit the
Ihid/ia J jir,.ffii/or//!n once in thrte years;
tlie bi.^hops of France, Spain, England,
tTerinany, and otlier countries within the
North and Baltic Seas, as also of the
islands in the ]\[editerranean, once in four
}ear,-; all other bisliops in Europe and
tho^e of Africa, once in five years; and
all Asiatic and American bishops, once in
ten years. The visit was to be made
either in person, or, if a legitimate hin-
drance intervened, by a suitable proctor
or representative.
What was a visit of duty for a bishop
was a pious pilgi-image for a clerk or
layman, and so good a work, that by the
sound Catholic feeling of ancient times it
was almost raised to tlie le\'el of a duty.
Benedict Tii-cop, the fomider of the
monasteries of Wearmoutli and .Jarrow
in the seventh century, visited Rome six
difl'erent times. Ordericus Vitalis (t about
1142), after describing the uuirtyrdoms of
SS. Peter and Paul under Nero, says:
" Rome, the capital of the world, glories
in having for her patrons such exalted
saints, to whose temples the faithful
resort from all parts of the world, in
order that by the assistance of these
powerful advocates they may be protected
from all their adversaries and all hostile
influences."' (Ferraris, " Lim. Ap.";
Soglia, ii. § 63.)
VISITATION-, EPISCOPAX.. To
visit his diocese, and ascertain the state
and progress of religion in every part of
it, is of course one of the main portions
of that " oversight " which belongs to the
bishop's office. The Council of Trent -
prescribed that all bishops, either in
person or by their vicar-generals or
\ i>irors, sliould, if the size of the diocese
i-endered tlie annual visitation of the
whole of it inipo>>ihle, at least visit every
part at intern als not exceeding two years.
The aim of snch \isitations is described
as comprehi'uding the maintenance of
sound iloetrine, the expulsion of hei'esy,
the rel'orination of morals, the right
» Ei-cl. Hht. c.l. Bel.n. iK.ok ii. ch. 3.
2 Sess. xxiv. c. 3, D ■ Kef.
3o2
932 VISITATION, ORDER OF THE
V^OCATION
arrangement of whatever relates both to
persons and things ecclesiastical, and the
encouragement of the faithful, by preach-
ing and other means, to lead religious
and peaceful lives. The visitor, whether
the bishop or his deputy, is counselled to
eschew vain pomp and show, and to
accept no fees or gratifications for any
service connected with the visitation
except such as are expressly authorised
by law. All that the visitor can claim
is board and lodging, or (if such be the
local custom) the equivalent thereof in
money. But if it be the custom of the
place or province to give nothing at all,
not even board, to visitors, that custom
must be respected.
Bishops may in their own right, and
also as delegates of the Apostolic See,
visit the chapters of cathedral and col-
legiate churches within their dioceses,
and correct what may be found amiss in
them.* In the decree on seminaries (sess.
xxiii. c. 18, De Ref.) it is assumed that
these institutions will be frequently
visited by the bishops. Benefices with
cure of souls, which are annexed to
churches, monasteries, &c., as part of
their endowment, should be annually
visited by the bishop, who should take
care that the vicars administering them
be reasonably remunerated out of the
revenues.'^ When the members of a
regular community (except the monastery
of CI any and the houses in which the
heads of orders have their ordinary prin-
cipal residence) have the care of the
souls of secular persons, other than their
own servants and dependents, they are
subject to the visitation and control of
the bishop of the diocese.' As delegates
of the Apostolic See, bishops are em-
powered to visit — (1) monasteries and
benefices held in eommendam, (2) hos-
pitals, colleges, confraternities, schools,
monts-de-pieti, and " pia loca " in gene-
ral, (.3) churches in nullius diocesi, or
"peculiar," provided that the cathedral
of tlie bishop so visiting be the nearest to
the place ; if that is a doubtful point, the
right of visit belongs to the bishop who
has been elected to it by the prelate of
the peculiar in a provincial council.
The results of an episcopal visitation are
to be reported to the Sacred Congregation
of the Council. (Soglia, lib. ii. § 63;
Ferraris, Visitatio.)
VZSZTATZOir, ORBER OF TBE.
» Sess. vi. c. 4, De Ref.
» Sess. c. 7, De Ref.
» Sess. XXV. c. 11, De Reg. et Hon.
This order was founded at Annecy in
1610 by the holy widow Jane Frances,
Mme. de Chantal (who was canonised in
1767), under the direction of St. Francis
de Sales, then bishop of Geneva. It was
designed by the bishop to be open to
widows and ladies of weak health as well
as to the young and robust; hence but
few corporal austerities were required by
the rule, and at first there was no enclo-
sure, so that the religious could freely
visit the sick and needy in their own
homes. On the other hand, the employ-
ment of time and the regulation of the
thoughts were provided for in the rule
with great minuteness. St. Francis did
not wish the religious to be exempt from
the jurisdiction of the bishops, and there-
fore he would not consent to the appoint-
ment of a superior for the whole order.
The rule of enclosure was adopted in
1618. Many houses of " Visitandines"
—so these nuns are called in France —
soon arose, and have ever been conspicu-
ous for the order, harmony, and piety
which reigned in them. Some few of
their convents — e.g. Blois and Troyes,
resisted the bull " Unigenitus " TJansek-
Ism], but the great majority showed an
excellent spirit. About 1863 the order
" still numbered a hundred houses, divided
between Italy, France, Switzerland,
Austria, Poland, SjTia, and North Ame-
rica, with about 3,000 members." ■ The
Ven. Marie Marguerite d'Alacoque, so
well known in connection with the de-
votion to the Sacred Heart, belonged
to this order. There are two convents
in England, at Westbury-on-Trym, and
Walmer.
vocATZOSr. In its more restricted
and special sense vocation is taken for
that " disposition of Divine Providence "
whereby persons are invited to serve God
in some special state — e.g. as ecclesiastics
or religious. The ecclesiastical vocation
is manifested by the pious desires of the
heart, by innocence of life, by the sincere
love of Christ, by pure zeal for God's
glory and the salvation of souls. That
to the religious state, or the perfect prac-
tice of the evangehcal counsels, comes to
souls with a certain pressing invitation,
with a strong desire of self-sacrifice and
a clear perception of worldly vanity, with
a certain attractiveness for intimacy with
Christ and for the exaltation of His holy
Name. But it is given difl^erently to
difierent persons, and prepares them
"powerfully " though "sweetly" for the
1 Herzog, Raod-Encyhlopiidie.
VOTIVE MASS
VOWS
933
ractice of solid virtue. " If thou wouldst
e pei-fect," said our Lord, " go sell what
thou hast and give to the poor, ....
and come, follow Me."
VOTIVE MASS. [See Mass.]
vows. A \o\y is a deliberate pro-
mise made to God in regard to something
possessing superior goodness. To be valid
it must proceed from the free, deliberate
will of one who by age and social position
is capable of contracting a solemn oljliga-
tion. It is to God alone that a vow is
taken, and because, in a special manner,
it belongs immediately to God's service, it
is an act of religion, or of divine worship.
To vow to a saint means, in the mind of
Catholics, to vow to God in honour of a
saint ; just as to dedicate a church to a
saint simply implies to dedicate it to God
in the saint's honour. "^Miat is illicit or
altogether indifferent, or imperfect, or im-
possible cannot be the subject-matter of
a vow ; in the circumstances in which it
is taken it must always turn on " the
greater good " — " de bono meliori." The
vow gives to the actions which it covers a
special merit — a merit which St. Thomas
derives from a threefold source. First,
since a vow appertains to religion, or the
order of divine worship, it communicates
its character to acts of other virtues prac-
tised under its control, or elevates them
to the rank, as it were, of sacrifice. To
obey duly is a virtuous act, but to obey
in virtue of a vow is to perform an act
which is invested with the character of
worship. Secondly, because the offering
made to God by the performance of vir-
tuous actions under the obligation of a
vow is a much greater offering than the
performance of the same without that
obligation. In the latter case the bare
action is offered ; in the former not only
the action but the faculty from which it
proceeds ; or, to use the comparison given
by St. Anselm, in one instance you offer
the fruit, in the other not only the fruit
but the tree also. Thirdly, because by
a TOW the will is bound to a virtuous line
of action, receiving stability therein not
only for the present but for the future.
Thus, by being immovably allied to the
good by the force of a vow, tlio will is
strengthened to tend to the perfection of
virtue. One ran, however, through per-
versity, break through the obligation of
his vow : but l)y the requirements of the
same he mai/ not do so — that is, he has
the physical but not the moral power of
violating the law which he has imposed
on himself. But it must never ))e for-
gotten that an action done without the
obligation may be and constantly is more
holy and pleasing to God than a corre-
sponding action done under vow, because
the former may proceed from a more
intense love of God. It is on this that
the intrinsic perfection of our deeds de-
pends. And nn action which is vowed is
more perfect than one not so vowed, only
if other things are equal.
It is true that by vows the will is
limited in its sphere of action; by its
promise to God its scope is bounded by a
certain special law. Still, for all that, it
is none the less free, since true freedo:a
exists onlj' within the range of the
virtuous. " The Blessed " are free,
though irrevocably confirmed in glory;
God, who by his nature is infinitely
just, is free ; and man under vows is free
" by the freedom with which Christ has
made us free." Vows certainly do not
exempt those who take them from sinning
against them; but to say that on that
account they ought not to take them is
equivalent to saying that, as a rule, one
ought not to undertake what is good in
itself, lest through his own fault he should
violate his purpose ; or, for instance, that
he ought not to go to Mass on Sunday,
lest some accident might befall him ij
the way.
From the earliest times vows have
been taken. Under the old law they are
spoken of, among other passages, in
Genesis xxviii., Leviticus xxvii., and
Deuteronomy xxiii. Christ could not
have bound Himself by vow, according
to St. Thomas, because He was God, and
because His human will was confirmed
in goodness. The Apostles are supposed
by many to have vowed whatever belongs
to the state of perfection when, after
having left all, they followed Christ. It
is also said of St. Paul in the Acts of the
Apostles that he had a vow ; and, again,
that the four men whom he took into the
temple to be purified "had a vow on
them." As to the special vows of religious
life, or " the evangelical counsels," as they
are called, tlieir substance or subject-
matter was marked out by our Lord Him-
self. These have been observed, at least
partially, by individuals or communities
since the Apostolic age, and form the basis
and substance of the religious state. Vows
are of divine institution, but the forms
under which they are to be taken in
different religious bodies are determined
by the legislation of the Church. She
admits vows, temporal or perpetual, con-
934
VOWS
VULGATE
ditional or absolute, simple or solemn.
Vows are solemn because they have been
instituted as such and have been accepted
as such by the Church.' Their obli-
gations are more strincent and their
privileges greater than those of simple
vows and form one of the special charac-
teristics of a religious order. According
to the law enacted by Pope Pius IX. in
18-57, only simple vmvs are to be taken
after the noviceship in all religious orders,
and that for the term of at least three
years ; after which time, if superiors
should sanction it, tlieir subjects are
entitled to take solemn vows. In the
Society of Jesus, according to its consti-
tutions, the noviceship being ended, simple
vows, with the approbation of superiors,
are taken by its memljers, and after trials
of many years, either three public but
slnijile TOWS or four solemn vows are to
be taken by the same members as their
superiors shall decide. In a few convents
of the Visitation order in the United States,
nun^, after having lived duly under simple
vows during tive years, are admitted to
the profession of solemn vows. The
members of all other religious communi-
tie.s in the United States take only simple
vows. When the subject-matter of vows,
or the reason for whicli they were taken,
or the possibility of fulfilling them ceases
to exist, they cease to be binding. Their
obligation also is cancelled by a dispen-
sation of the Cluuch. To her has been
granted by Christ the powerof binding and
lof)sing by the words, " "Whatsoever you
shall bind upon earth .shall be bound
also in heaven, and whatever you shall
loose upon earth shall be loosed also in
heaven." To the Pope, therefore, as vicar
of Christ, belongs the supreme authority
through the whole Church of dispensing
from vows for legitimate reasons; and
under him bishops and religious superiors
having quasi-episcopal jurisdiction have
the power of dispensing, on just grounds,
1 Theologians are much divided on the
essential nature of the distinction between
solemn and simple vows. It liiis, of course,
notliinfr to do with the public or private
manner in which the vow is made, or the cere-
monies wliich accotniianv the niakiiiEC of it. A
solemn vow implies .m absnlute ;uid irrevocable
surrender, and tlie acceptanee of it by lawful
authority. Whereas a simple vow makes
marriage unlawful and deprives the person who
has made it of the right to use his property, a
solemn vow mnki's marria'^e invalid and takes
away all domuiion over property. The vows
which Jesuits make at the end of the novitiate
annul marriage, but are not irrevocably accepted
by the superiors, and therefore are not solenan.
from Ihe vows of those who are under
their spiritual care. What has been said
of the dispensation of vows may, accord-
ing to due measure, be said also of the
commutation of them. For dispensations
from solemn vows recourse is to be had to
the Pope ; for disi)ensations from simple
vows, in religious congregations whose
rule has received Papal sanction — from
vows of chastity, vows of entering re-
ligion, and vows of pilgrimage to the
Holy Sepulchre, the liinina Apos/olorum,
or St. James of Compost ella — application
is likewise to be made to the Holy See or
to a superior specially delegated by it for
that purpose. Vows taken in religious
associations which have received only
episcopal approbation may be dispensed
from by episcopal authority.
VlTXiGATE. The name is now com-
monly given to the Latin version of the
Bible, authorised by the Catholic Church.
In this version all the books found in the
Hebrew Bible were translated by Jerome
from the Hebrew and Chaldee originals,
except the Psalter, which belongs to an
Old Latin version revised by Jerome.
Judith and Tobias were freely translated
by Jerome from the Chaldee (this Chaldee,
however, being merely the version of
Hebrew originals now lost : see Xeubauer,
" Book of Tobias," p. xvi.). In the rest of
the Old Testament books, and in the
deuterocanonical portions of Esther and
Daniel, we have the Old Latin translation
unaltered; the New Testament consists of
the Old Latin text revised by Jerome from
tlie Greek. It was only very slowly that
this composite work supplanted the Old
Latin which had preceded it, and became
liiiownas the Vulgate or connnon edition.
It was the Old Latin which, till the
I seventh centuiy, was recognised as the
Vulgate; and not till the thirteenth,
according to Kaulen (" Geschichte der
Vulgata," p. 22), was the present use
of the word firmly fixed.' Jerome him-
self employs the ""term (1) of the LXX
in contrast with the Hebrew (Ilieron. "In
ls."lxv. 20, XXX. 22; Osee vii. 13); (2)
of the LXX in the Koivf] eK^nais — i.e. the
corrupt and current text, as opposed to
the critical text in Origen's " Hexapla "
(Hieron. Ep. cvi. § 2); sometimes (3) of
I the Old Latin version as made directly
from the LXX (Hieron. "In Is." xiv. 29) ;
' Kaulen is no doubt right. Roger Bacn
(d. 12?<4) uses "Vulgata" for the Old Latin.
(See the long extract from a MS. of Roger
Hacon in Hody, De Bibl. Text. lib. iii. P.' ii.
ch. 11.)
vXLGATE
VULGATE
935
(4) of the New Testament in the Old
Latin (Hieron. "In Matt." xiii. 35).
(I.) The Old Latin Version, or Versions,
the Itala, i\-c. — This part of the subject is
involved in no little obscurity, and the
very fact that the most eminent scholars
differ on essential points proves that as
yet no certainty has been reached. The
critics of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries believed that several translations
of the LXX and New Testament into
Latin were made in very early times,
and that one of these was known as the
"Vulgata" or "Communis," because
generally received, and again as the
Italian version or Itala, from the place
of its orisin. (So Simon, " Hist. Crit.
V. T." livr. ii. eh. 11, a.d. 1680: Hody,
"De Biblionim textibus originalibus,
versionibus Grjecis et Latina Vulgata,"
p. 342, A.D. 1705 ; Mill, " Prolegom. in
N.T."p.xli. A.D. 1707.) An epoch was made
in the criticism of the history by "Wise-
man. ("Two Letters on some Parts of the
Controversy concerning 1 John v. 7.")*
He mainta'ined that the Latin Church
before Jerome had only one translation
of the Bible : that this version arose not
in Rome or Italy, but in North Africa ;
that it underwent many recensions or
revisions, of which the best and most
famous was called by St. Augustine from
the place where it was made, " Itala ; "
that the saint became acquainted with it
at Milan and used it in his works. Every
part of this theory was received with
extraordinary favour. It was adopted by
Lachmann, Tischendort", Tregelles, and
many others. Westcott (article Vulr/ate
in Smith's "Dictionary of the Bible ')
considered its truth demonstrated, and
Reinkens ("Hilarius von Poitiers," a.d.
1864) thought some courage was necessary
to oppose such a strong consent of scholars.
We shall see, however, that the number
of dissentient voices has increased of late,
and some of those who are be-t qualilied
to judge reject the whole of Wiseman's
arguments and conclusions. We will take
the points one by one.
(a) Were there several Old Latin
Versiom of the ichole Bible current in the
early Church? We say of the whole
Bible, for it is, we believe, admitted that
there was more than one version of Tobias,
Maccabees 1 and 'J, and of Baruch. The
most recent authority — viz. Fritzsche
1 The edition before us is that of Rome,
1835. But the letters h.iit appeared previouslv
In the Catho'ic Mayizine. They are reprinted
in the Cardinal's Essays.
I (Plitt und Herzog, "Encvcl. fiir Prot.
I Theol." art. Latein. Bib-liihersetz.)—M-
I lows Wiseman and Westcott,' and
answers in the negative. Reinkens (<>p.
\ cit. p. 343) believes in several indepen-
dent versions ; so does a very eminent
j authority — viz. Ziegler (" Lateinische
Bibeliibersetzungen von Hieron." a.d.
1870, pp. 4-1 S) ; so do Ronsch ("Itala
und Vulgata " ad init. a.d. 1875) and
Kaulen ("Einleit. in die H. Schrift," a.d.
1876"), while the tone in Westcott and
Hort's New Testament ("Introd." p. 79,
A.D. 1881) is much less confident than that
of Dr. Westcott in Smith's Dictionary.
This divergence of opinion among
scholars is quite intelligible considering
the uncertainty of the tradition. Tertul-
lian (" Monog." 5) mentions and censures
a rendering of 1 Cor. vii. 39, "si dormierit
vir ejus,"' as cuiTent in his time (" in
usum exiit ""), and again he rejects (" Adv.
Prax." 5) the customary translation ( " in
usu est nostrorum ") of the Greek \6yos by
" Sermo." for which he substitutes " ratio."
Thisseems to show that the African Church
about '200 A.D. had one received text,
! though the possible existence of several
j translations is not excluded. He speaks
I ("Adv. Marc." ii. 9) of a translation of
I the word tti-oiji/ (Gen. ii.) as given by some
■ ("quidamenim de Gra?co interpretantes " :
cf. V. 4, "dufB ostensiones, sicut invenimus
interpretatum ") ; but this need not carry
^ us further than the fact that one Latin
' version was in various places emended
from the Greek, which is admitted on all
hands. Jerome clearly believed in many
t\-pes of text, many revisions of the same
version (" tot exemplaria quot codices."
I Prsef. in Jos. and so Prjef. in iv. Evang.
I ad Damas.), but not in many independent
versions. His commentary on Jonas ii.
5 is decisive on this point ("Hoc quod
' in Graeco dicitur npa et habet vulgata
edirio putas, interpretari potest igitur"),
considering that nothin? can be produced
from him on the other side.^ Cassiodorus
("De Inst. Div. Lit." 14) is explicit.
"This text [of the New Testament],
varied by the translation of many ....
was left emended and arranged by the
dUigent care of the Father Jerome."
' Add VerciUone {DisserUuioni Accade-
miihe, p. 19, Roma, 18tU), who at least be-
lieves in one version, "^ice^*uta e sanzionata
per V uso piihblico della Chiesa" "nei primi
tempi della Chiesa."
- We say tliis advisedly, after careful con-
sideration nf Zie:;ler's references and ar^'iinients
to establish Jerome's belief in a multiplicity of
versions.
936 ^^JLGATE
VULGATE
This can only mean tliat there was one
text which appeared in many recensions,
because so many tried their hand at re-
translating particular passages ft-om the
Greek, while they left the version, as a
whole, in its original state. On the other
hand, there seems to be no reasonable
doubt that St. Augustine attributed the
variety of texts to the effect of indepen-
dent translations. Thus, he says ("Doctr.
Christ." ii. 11): "Those who turned the
Bible from Hebrew into Greek can be
counted, but the Latin translators are
innumerable, for in the earliest days of
the faith every one who got a Greek MS.
into his hands, and thought he had some
little acquaintance with each tongue,
ventured to translate." The force of this
testimony is brolcen if we accept Wise-
man's explanation of " interpretari," "in-
terpres," as meaning " revise," " reviser,"
of the same version. But the contrast be-
tween the Greek translators nud the Latin
" intei-pretes " is fatal to AViseman's view.
Besides, Augustine ("Doct. Christ." ii.
14, 15) expressly distinguishes between
translation and mere emendation. " The
skill of those who desire to know the
divine Scriptures must be on the watch,
that MSS. not emended may give place
to such as are emended, provided they
come from one class of translation"
("emendatis non emendati cedant, ex
lino duntaxat interpretationis genere
venientes ; " so " Retract." i. 7, 2 and 3 :
"ejusdem interpretationis alii codices,"
" codices ejusdem interpretationis'*). For
a more complete discussion we must refer
to Ziegler (p. 6).
In ancif^nt then, as in modern times,
we find authority ranged against authority,
and the proper appeal is to the MSS. of
the Old Latin. Here it is only .specialists
versed in the examination of MSS. and
their texts who can claim to be heard.
But probably Fritzsche, with whom
AVestcott and Hort are in accord, is right
in the account he gives. In spite, he says,
of differences which can only be explained
by independent translation of single verses,
nay, of " smaller and greater sections,"
still the fact that the most discordant
MSS. fall back again into unity justifies
the belief in one single " Vetus Latina,"
which is the common basis of all the
recensions. The differences he noticed
may well have led Augustine, who was
no critic, to think there had been many
independent versions; and, in fact, the
instances of difference which he gives are
mere variants quite consistent with funda-
mental unity. (See August. "Doctr.
Christ." ii. 12 ; " Quaest. in Heptateuch."
iii. 25.)
(/3) Where did the Old Latin Version
(supposing that there was one only or one
commonly received) arise? Here, too,
no certain answer can be given. Wise-
man tried to establish a theory suggested
by Eichhorn (" Einleit. N. T." vol. iv.
p. 355 seg.) — viz. that the "Vetus Latina "
arose in North Africa. Westcott and
Hort (ii. p. 78), Ronsch ("Itala u.
Vulgat." ad init.), Fritzsche still main-
tain this position, but it has been aban-
doned by Gams (" Kirchengeschichte
von Spanien," i. p. 86 seg.), Reiukens,
(" Hilarius von Poitiers," 3.35), Kaulen,
(" Geschichte der Vulgat." 109 seq.).
Greek no doubt was the official language
of the early Roman Church. Clemen',
Caius (eirc. 210), Hippolytus, wrote iii
that tongue ; and Pope Victor and tbe
Senator ApoUonius are the only Latin
authors prior to Tertullian whom" Jerome
("Vir. Illustr." 53) names. This sui)plie>
a probable argument for African origin,
since in Africa Greek certainly had not
the same currency as in Rome. But it
is quite another question whether Greek,
even at Rome, was the popular language,
and whether the poor to whom the
Gospel was preached would not require a
Latin version as much as the Christians
at Carthage. The inscriptions even at
Pompeii and Herculaneum are almost
without exception in Latin, and De
Rossi's collection of Christian inscriptions
in the Lateran Museum leads to the same ,
conclusion (Ziegler, p. 23). AViseman
tried to show that the Old Latin and the
Vulgate of the New Testament — i.e. the
Old Latin or an Old Latin version revised
by Jerome — is full of " Africanisms," and
this, if true, would settle the question.
But Gams (p. 86-100) has simply annihi-
lated this argument. He has shown that
every supposed Africanism can be met
with parallels from Christian and heathen
writers who had nothing to do with
Africa. To accept Wiseman's instances,
we must suppose that the Latin version
of Irenseus, the Muratorian fragment, the
Latin version of Hermas, were made in
^^.frica ; and even this gratuitous assump-
tion would not suffice. The linguistic
peculiarities of the Old Latin and Vulgate
belong partly to the decadence of Latin,
partly to the " lingua rustica," or vulgar
language. Even Ronsch, who still appeals
to this theory of Africanisms, admits
that these " Africanisms " were common
VULGATE
VULGATE
937
to the language of South Italy, and this
amounts to a surrender of the argument.
(y) As to the date and authors/tip of
the earliest Latin version, we can only
say that most of the New Testament
books must have existed at the close of
the second century, and that the version
•came from many authors. The latter
point was established long ago by Mill
(" Proleg." 2 seq.).
(S) What IS meant by the Italaf—
The word as a technical term occurs once
only in Patristic literature — viz. in
August. "Doctr. Christ." ii. 14, 15.
•" Among translations let the Italian be
preferred to the rest, for it sticks closer
to the words and gives a clear sense."
St. Augustine must mean some version
of Italian origin, for we cannot tliiuk Ott's
suggestion that " Itala " means simply
the Latin version in the use of the
African Church, or that of Ronsch — viz.
it was written in " the popular provincial
dialect of Italy: therefore the name
' Itala ' " — even plausible. " Itala " then
must mean either a translation or the
revision of a translation made in North
Italy, and most likely St. Augustine
made acquaintance with it at Milan,
brought It to Africa, and used it in his
works. Scholars believe it a translation
or a recension, according to the views they
take on the previous questions. Fritz-sche
and (with some hi^sitation) Westcott and
Hort hold it to have been a recension of
the original African work. The last two,
indeed, regard it as a revision of a revi-
sion, for they distinguish between the
Old Latin of African origin, a revi.sion of
this current in Europe, and a revision of
this European text made from Greek
MSS. and also with a desire to improve
the style. This last, current from about
350, they call the Itala. They think it
survives in / (Cod. Brixian., vi. Ssec,
■Gospels) and g (Cod. Mouacens., Ssec. vi.,
Frsgments of Gos]>i ls), and in St. Augus-
tine's quotations. Ziegler, on the other
hand, distinguishes between the version
of Tertullian (for the divergence of this
author from all known authorities see
Hilgenfeld, " Einleit. Nov. Test." p. 79S),
that of most African writers — viz. Cy-
prian, Lactantius (educated in Africa),
Commodian, Firmicus, Maternus, Prima-
sius, that represented by Augustine, the
Italian Fathers and the Friesingen Frag-
ments of the Pauline Epistles.
(II.) The Vulgate in the Modern >Sense.
— 1. Jerome's Labours: (a) In Revising
the Old Latin. — Pope Damasus requested
Jerome to revise the Latin version of the
New Testament, then in terrible confu-
sion, and in a.d. 383 the Gospels, so re-
vised, made their apjH'arance. He tells
us (" Prsef. ad Dam.") that he corrected
the errors of scribes, false emendations
and false translations; that he used for
this purpose Old Greek MSS., but left
the faults of the old version untouched if
they did not affect the sense. To the
rest of his revision of the New Testament
he has left no preface, probably because
so much revision was not needed (see
Westcott in Smith). In the same year
he made a cursory revision of the Psalter
from the LXX. This revision is known
as the Roman Psalter, because used in
the Roman Church till the time of St.
Pius V. It is still retained at St. Peter's,
and in the Ambrosian rite, in the invita-
tory Psalm at matins in our own Bre-
viary, and in some portions of the Missal
(e.g. in the tract for first Sunday in Lent ;
Knulen, <' Vulg." p. 160).' Soon after,
retiring to Bethlehem in 387, Jerome
made a more careful revision of the
Psalter from the Hexaplar text (the Ro-
man had been made from the koivt). See
Jerome's" Prsef in Psalm." with Vallarsi's
note). This revision is the one in present
use. It is known as the Gallican Psalter,
because, as it is said, introduced into
Gaul bv Gregory of Tours (Walafr.
Strabo, De Reb. Eccles." i. 25). He
then proceeded to revise all the books of
the Old Testament which he recognised
as canonical {i.e. all except the deutero-
canonical ones. See "Prsef ad Salom.
Libr."). It is certain that this revision
was completed (Hieron. in Tit. ii. Ep.
Ixxi. 5, clii. 19, "Adv. Ruf." ii. 25). but
great part of it seems to have been lost
in Jerome's own time (Ep. cxxxiv. 2),
and besides the two revisions of the
Psalter the book of Job alone is extant.
But we have also the prefaces to Job,
Prov., Cant., Paralip., Eccles. (Kaulen,
p. 163), and much may be restored from
.Terome's commentaries on the Prophets,
; particularly on the Minor Prophets and
on Ecclesiastes (Hody, p. .354 seq.).
i (j3) Translntinn from the Hebrew. —
.Terome began to learn H ebrew when forty-
five, under a converted Jew, as a remedy
against sensual temptation (Ep. cxxv.
12). He speaks ("Praef. ad Job," and "In
Hahac." ii. 15) of a Jew of Lydda whom
! he hired at great cost, and (Ep. Ixxxiv.
1 3) of a certain Baraninas who came to
! > It was u.<ed till 1808 nt Venice in the
I chapel of the Doge (Kaulen, Vuty. loc. cit.).
938
VULGATE
VULGATE
him hv night for fear of his brother Je-ws.
It is this Baraninas who in the silly joke
of Rufiuus ("Apol." ii. 12) appears as
Barabhas. Thus prepared, Jerome began
to translate from the Hebrew. The four
books of Kings were published first.
Then followed the book of Job, the
Prophets, and the version of the Psalter
from the " Hebrew truth.'" This last, of
which the best edition is the recent one
by Lagarde, has never, been admitted to
public use. Hlness interrupted Jerome's
labour, but in 393 he resumed it again,
and translated the three books of Solomon.
Esdras, Paralipom. and Genesis appeared
between 304 and 396 : early in 404 the rest
of the Pentateuch had been published ;
in 404 and 405 Josue, Judges, Ruth,
Esther, with the deuterocanonical por-
tions of Daniel and Esther, and the
books of Tobias and Judith.' Xo attempt
was made to translate or even to revise
Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus or Maccabees
(Kaulen, p. IfiS seq.: but see also West-
cott in the "Bible Dictionaiy ").
2. Reception of the Vulgate in the
Church. — Jerome at first met with little
gratitude. He had his own reward, for
he had lived " to pluck sweet fruit from
the bitter root " of Hebrew study, which
he again and again had given up in
despair and begun afresh " in eagerness
to learn"' (Ep. cxxv. 12). But that for
a time was all. He was attacked by
those who mistake ignorance for piety —
nay, a letter was forged in his name to
the effect that he had been induced to
pervert the Scriptures by the Jews
("Adv. R .fin." ii. 25). Even Augus-
tine objected to Jerome's translating from
the Hebrew, bec>iuse it was impossible
to improve on the LXX (August. Ep.
xxviii. 2), and because of the discord a
new translation would cause (Ep. Ixxi.).
He admits that the Jews (who were the
only persons capable of judging) testified
to "Jerome's accuracy, but adds that he
himself keeps to the prevailing belief in
the inspiration of the LXX ("De Civ.
Dei," xviii. 43). But gradually scholar-
ship prevailed against prejudice. Cassian
("Collat." xxiii. 9) quotes the Vulgate
of Job as the "emendatior translatio,"'
and in the fifth century it was adopted
by Eucherius of Lyons, Vincent of Lerins,
Sedulius, Claudianus Mamertus, and
Faustus Rhegensis (Hody, p. 397 seq.),
though the did Latin held its ground in
' We take these conjectural dates from
Westcott, with whom, however, neither Kaulen
nor Fritzsche entirely agrees.
I Africa and Britain (Hody, ib.). In the
sixth century the Vidgate was coming
into general use. Cassiodorus (''Inst.
Div. Lit." 12) strongly prefers it to the
old version, though at a later date St.
Gregory the Great (" Prsef. ad Job,'' 5)
speaks of " the Apostolic see " as usin<r
both. In the seventh centurv St. Isidore
of Seville (" Eccles. Offic." i. IT) says "all
I the churches "' used the Vulgate, which
must have been true at least of Spain,
i Early in the ninth century Rabanus
; Maurus ("Cler. Inst." ii. 54) says the
j same thing, almost in the words of Isidore;
and Walafrid Strabo, the disciple of
I Rabanus, writes (■' Praef, in Gloss, or-
i dinar. "'), "the whole Roman Church now
i everywhere uses this translation "' (i.e.
Jerome's). The Council of Trent in a
decree which we shall have to examine
further on, declared the Vulgate to be the
authentic version of the Church, and in
doing so appealed with good right to the
long use of ages.
3. History of the Te.xt.—1he text of
this composite work which we call the
Vulgate was exposed to special danger of
corruption. Side by side with it stood
the Old Latin used for a long time after
j Jerome's death in many churches, familiar
I to the scribes, and standing in the most
curious relations to our Vulgate — in some
' books identical with it: in others differ-
ing to a slight extent ; in others offering
I an independent translation. Heuce
I "mixed texts" arosein which the Vulgate
j and Old Latin were confused, when they
[ should have been kept distinct. In 802
I Alcuin revised the text with marked
i success from ancient Vulgate M.SS., but
! -w-ithout consulting the Greek (Porson to
Travis, p, 145). Subsequent revisions
were ma de bv Theodulf of Orleans (7S7-
821); Lanfranc, afterwards archbishop
of Canterbury (d. 1089); the Cistercian
abbot Stephen II. (1109), and Cardinal
Xicolaus (1150). After that, different
corporations issued " Correctoria," in
which various readings were mentioned
and discussed. Such were the " Correcto-
rium Parisiense" (also called "Senonense,"
! because approved by the .Archbishop of
Sens), the CoiTectorium of the Domini-
cans drawn up by Hugo a S. Caro about
] 1240, and shortly after replaced by an-
other, and that of the Franciscans.
The first printed book was a copy of
the Vulgate (^layence, about 1450), and
after 1470 a number of editions appeared,
professing to be emended from the oris-i-
nal texts (Kaulen, p. .311). In 1516
VULGATE
VULGATE
939
Erasmus revised the Vulgate New Testa- j
nient, wbich he altered partly to bring
the text iuto harmony with his own
Greek text, which was of little value,
and partly from a desire to improve the
style. The really critical work of giving
a purer Vulgate text from old MSS. was
undertaken by Gumelli (Paris 1504), the |
Dominican Castellaer (Venice, 1511), |
Laridius (Cologne, 1530). None of these
editions are of much account, but valuable
contributions to the restoration of a criti-
cal text were made by Cardinal Ximenes in
the Comphitensian Polyglott(1502-1517),
and by K. Stephens (1528, many subse-
quent editions). The Theological Faculty !
of Louvain entrusted the task of a new
critical re\dsion to Henten, of Malines,
and his first edition, based on that of
Stephens in 1540 and a collation of
Latin MSS., was published in 1547.
After Henten's death, in 156G, the Lou-
vain theologians resolved to issue a
correct edition of the Vulgate, answering
to the requirements of the Council of
Trent ("Vulgata editio quam emenda-
tissima imprimatur"). ^Vith the help of
the Antwerp printer Plantinus, and under
the guidance of one of their own mem-
bers, Lucas Brugensis {i.e. of Bruges), a
great quantity of MSS. were collated;
but their text of 1574 is identical with
that of Henten (1547), except that they
had added to the number of marginal
readings. We must also mention a
Lyons Vulgate of 1545, which gives
valuable and ancient readings, though
without naming the sources.
Meantime, commissions had set to
work in Rome at the preparation of an
official text, and in 1590 Sixtus V. issued
an edition, prefixing to it the constitu-
tion " ^ternus ille," in which he ordered
it to be used in all discussions public and
private, and to be received as " true,
lawful, authentic and unquestioned."
Unfortunati'ly, the Pope revised the
work of the coniniis-ioii with his own
hand, and on ]>rincij>les diflerent from
theirs; he calleil needlfss attention to
typogra]ihical (>rrors, by ])asting them
over with pieces of paper; and nobody
was satisfied with the result.' In 1502
the detinitive edition known as the
Clementine saw the light. The printer's
work in the first editiuu of the Cienientine
was worse done than in the Sixtine Bible,
I Sixtus was himself a .sclml.ir, -.ind a more '
favourablejuclgment of his edition will be found
ill a masterly treatise by Mr. Law, prefixed to
the last edition of Haydock's Bible. |
but it bad this merit, that it returned to
the text fixed by the Boman commissions
(Kaulen, " Einleit." p. li'(i). It was not
a perfect text of the \'ulg.-ite. The
preface disclaims any such exaggerated
praise — nay, admits that imperfeclious
had been left "of set purpose," lest
offence should be given to the people, as
well as for other reasons. But the Cle-
mentine editors rightly claim to have
supplied a purer text than any hitherto
known, and Vercellone (" Dissertaz." iv.)
has shown that it is the fruit of long and
well-directed toil and of great oppor-
tunities. The work of correction was
continued for about forty years with few
interruptions. The most eminent men
from all countries were summoned to
take part in the revision : among them
Sirlet, Carafi'a, Bellarmin, Morinus (a
Clitic who has had few equals), Allen,
Turrianus, Toletus, Sa (the famous Por-
tuguese commentator), Agellius, whose
commentary on the Psalms is still e.s-
teemed, especially for its critical remarks
on the Alexandrine and Vulgate texts.
They used the Codex Amiatinus (A)
written about 541 ; the Codex Paulliiius
(C), a ninth-century copy of Alcuin's
recension ; the Vallicellianus (D), a MS.
of the same type but rather older; the
Ottobonianus (E, Sa;c. viii., imperfect
at the beginning, and ending with Judges
xiii. 20) ; besides a number of Vatican
JISS. Further, they had collations of
the Toletanus (B, S;ec. viii. according
to Westcott, later according to Ver-
cellone) and of another Spanish MS.
from Leon. They had the benefit of
French readings in the Ste})hanic edition
of 1540 and collations of sixty Belgian
MSS. made by Plantinus ; and they un-
der.stood the weight due to ancient au-
thorities. Vercellone tells us they "pre-
ferred to every codex'' that liuown as
file " .Vmiatinus," till. (^)ureii of Vulgate
]\ISS.' Still there were i.ieeiou- MSS.,
like the Fuldensis of the Xrw Testament
(A.n. 546), unknown to them ; and textual
criticism has advanced a long way since
their time. Valuable contributions to the
formation of a better text have been made
by Vercellone (" Vari;e Lectiones "),
and a distinguished scholar, the liev.
John V\^ordsworth, has put forth the
1 Mr. Law draws attention to the verdict
of Kankc (C„<l,,r Fubh ns. p. .-,i;-2), one of the
liif^host autlioriues o;, i hr LiUni liil,].., ni„l hini-
scll a l>rnte>l/int. KankL- ivjo.-l.. a> undnuliledlv
erroneous tlie opinion of lliose who tliiuU tlie
authorised revision of the Vulicate uncritical.
940
VULGATE
VULGATE
prospectus of a new critical edition of
the Vulgate New Testament.
4._ The Critical Valve of the Vulgate
and its Merits as a Translation. — The
latter point is of course quite distinct
from the former. The LXX is a very
imperfect translation, but its critical value
is very great. We have no Hebrew MSS.
older than the ninth century, and those
we have represent one single type of text,
fixed by the 3Iasorets or "holders of tra-
dition," who did not finish their work till
eiglit centuries after Christ, and preserved
with superstitious care ever since. Again,
the earlier Hebrew writing simply gave
the consonantsof each word, and the vowel
points are an invention uot completed till
the seventh century of our era. We have,
indeed, a collection of various readings iu
our Hebrew Bibles, but as a rule they are
of little interest, and the diligent labours
of Kennicott and De Rossi at the end of
the last and the beginning of this century
prove how scanty is the harvest which can
be reaped from the most exhaustive colla-
tion of existing Hebrew MSS. Most
welcome, then, is the light which comes to
us from times far before the fixing of the
Masoretic text. We find important varia-
tions in that Hebrew Pentateuch which
the Samaritans received from the Jews
about 430, while the Book of Jubilees, a
Helivew work written shortly before the
final destruction of Jerusalem, agrees in
some of the numbers assigned to the age
of the Patriarchs, and in other readings
with the Samaritan edition of the Penta-
teuch. But the LXX oflfers the fullest
and most valuable evidence now accessible
on the early state of the Hebrew text.
The Pentateuch was translated about 280,
and the rest of the version some time be-
fore 133 B.C., and we find ourselves carried
back at once to a text differing in im-
portant respects from that of our Hebrew
Bibles. It is not only that we meet with
various readings, often strongly com-
mended by internal evidence, but we find
certain sections present in the Greek and
wanting in the Hebrew, or vice versa.
These difl^erences are most striking in the
books of Samuel and Kings, in Proverbs
and in Jeremias, in the last of which no
less than 2,700 words of the Hebrew have
nothing answering to them in the Greek.
The Vulgate of the Old Testament, so far
as it is Jerome's work, possesses no such
interest as this. His text is far nearer
that of the Masoretic, and many scholars
have denied it any independent value. It
is as close to the Masoretic text, says
Eichhorn, as any Spanish MS. from a
modern synagogue ; and Wellhausen, in
his edition of Bleek's Introduction, says
much the same thing, in a more guarded
way. The true state of the case seems
to be put by Nowack (" Bedeutung des
Hieron. fiir die A. T. Critik," 1875), and
the following is a summary of his judg-
ment. Jerome had before him a text
with the words divided much as in our
modern Hebrew Bibles ; it was, however,,
destitute of vowel points or diacritic
marks. His vocalisation, compared with
that of other versions, was the nearest of
all to the Masoretic, and his consonant
text very near to it on the whole ; for it
presents no great omis.sions or additions
like those of the LXX. Still, many of
his readings are "indispensable for a cor-
rect understanding of the text," especially
those which are peculiar to him, or only
common to the Chaldee and Syriac ver-
sions. The case stands very differently
with the Vulgate text of the New Testa-
ment. Here we have to deal with two
distinct elements : the Old Latin, which
forms the substratum, and the corrections
due to Jerome. The latter carry us back
to the fourth century, when Jerome lived,
and beyond that, since he consulted MSS.
which were old even then.' Hence, as
we have no MS. of the New Testament
prior to the foui th century, and only two
at most which belong to it, the value of
the Vulgate for critical purposes may be
easily seen. "It represents," says Dr.
"Westcott, "the received Greek text of the
fourth century, and so far claims a re-
spect (speaking roughly) due to a first-
class Greek MS." Jerome supplements
"the original testimony of Greek MSS.
by an independent witness." When
identical with the Old Latin, the Vul-
gate, says the same scholar, has "a more
venerable authority," for this translation
was "fixed and current more than a
century before the transcription of the
oldest Greek MS. Thus it is a witness to
a text more ancient and ceteris paribus
more valuable than is represented by any
other authority, unless the Peshito in its
present form be excepted." This value is
much increased by the fact that the ex-
tremely literal character of the Old Latin
enables us as a rule to restore with con-
fidence the Greek text which the trans-
lators read, and though the Old Latin was
I It has been often said that Jerome con-
sulted by preference Greek MSS. with a text
resembling that of the Old Latin. Mr. Law
has shown that this statement is groundless.
VULGATE
VULGATE
941
marred by interpolations, the corruptions
proceeded according to a different law
Irom those of Greek MSS., so that "the
two authorities mutually correct each
other."
We turn next to the merits of the
Vulgate as a translation. It is admitted
on all hands that Jerome's version from the
Hebrew is a masterly work, and that there
is nothing like it or near it in antiquity.
A perfect work it coiild not be, and this
for the very reasons which may well
increase admiration of the measure of
success which Jerome actually reaehed.
Few advantages were open to him which
are denied to modern scholars. Hebrew
had ceased for centuries to be a living
tongue, and Jerome, moreover, had to learn
it orally : there was no such thing as a
Hebrew Grammar, or a dictionary, or a
conooidance. The comparative philology
of the Semitic languages, often the only
key to the meaning of Hebrew words, is
the creation of modern times ; and Jerome
knew no other Semitic language except
Chaldee, and that very imperfectly
(" Praef. ad Job "). He made many mis-
takes now impossible to a tyro of average
intelligence who has learnt the elements
in a good grammar. For instance, he
believed Hebrew to be the mother of all
languages (Hieron. Ep. xviii.), wliereas
it is generally agreed that Arabic on the
whole comes nearer the primitive form
even of the Semitic tongues ; that the
guttural y was a vowel (in Osee ii.
16, 17) ; that the noun pTV was an ad-
jective meaning "just" (in Is. i. 21) ; he
confuses "dust," with najjt, "ashes"
("Quaest. in Gen."' ^. 14); 3"in, a "sword,"
with any a "raven" (in Zeph. ii. 14).
His version tells the same tale as his
commentaries. He had no idea of the
elementary rules on the construct state
(Jer. xxxiii. 4; Ez. xl. 14; Osee x. 4,
xiv. 3; Ezech. xxi. 77); he makesaplur.
masc. agree with asing. fem. (Jer. xi. 15),
breaks other simple laws of concord and
construction (Ez. xlviii. 10; Is. xli. 7;
Zach. iv. 12; Zeph. i. 2); misunderstands
the force of tenses (Jer. xliv. 2o ; Ez. xi.
16; Joel iv. 4); shows his igndianoe of
s}-ntax (Jud. viii. 5; Eccles. ii. o). As a
natural consequence of all this, he very
often misses the sense in difficult places.
We have no room for instances, which
would need explanation to those who
have no acquaintance with Hebrew ; while
those who ar-j Hebrew scholars will tind
them easily tiv ough if they turn, e.gi., to
Job or the harder parts of the Prophets.
We can only explain the excellence of the
Vulgate from the fidelity of Jewish
exegetical tradition, and the honest in-
dustry with which Jerome used it. No
admiration can be too great for Jerome's
courage and independence, his thirst for
learning, his outspoken candour, his con-
tempt for the ignorant bigotry which he
fouglit and conquered ; but they know little
of his spirit who, blind to the progress of
Hebrew learning, use the very argument.s
against modern philology wliich were
employed against Jerome by the advocates
of the" LXX. Little need' be said on the
translation of the New Testament. It is
close and literal, and executed when
Greek was a living tongue ; and even its
faults arise " most commonly from a
servile adherence to the exact words of
the original" (Westcott).
5. The Authority of the Vulgate in the
Church. — The Council of Trent, "con-
sidering that no small profit would accrue
to the (T^hurch of God if it be made
known which of all the Latin editions of
the sacred books in actual circulation is
to be esteemed authentic, ordains and
declares that the same [hcec ipm) old and
Vulgate edition which has been a])proved
by the long use of so many ages in the
Cluirch itself, is to be lirkl for authentic
in public readings, discourses and dis-
putes, and tliat nobody may dare or pre-
sume to reject it on any pretence." A
little earlier it had anathematised those
who knowingly refuse to accept the
canonical books "with all their parts, as
they liave been accustomed to be read in
the Catliolic Church, and are contained in
the old Latin Vulgate" (Concil. Trid.
Sess. iv., Decret. de Canon. Script., De-
cret. de Edit, et Us. Sacr. Libr.). We
shall begin by explaining what the coun-
cil does not mean, and we shall dis-
tinguish points in our interpretation now
at least universally admitted from those
on which there is still difference of
opinion.
First, then, no particular edition of the
Vulgate is declared to be authentic ; and
as a matter of fact neither the Sixtine nor
Clementine, nor any other authoritative
edition, existed at the time of the decree.
The Sixtine edition hx implication, and the
Clementine expressly, admit that they are
rot perfect; and if, says Cardinal Franze-
lin ("De Traditione et Scriptura," p.
470), we can show that a text of what-
ever kind, though found in the Clemen-
tine edition, is no part of the old Vul-
042 WLGATE
WLGATE
gate, that text is not declared authentic
by the council. Hence a Catholic is
perfectly free to reject the text of the
"three witnesses" (1 John v. 7) on this
amonir other grounds, that it formed no
part of the primitive Vulgate. " In
lact," says Kauleu, an author of unques-
tioned orthodoxy, "the passage occurs
neither in the oldest MSS. of the original,
nor in the old versions, nor in the Fathers
before the end of the fifth century, and is
only to be i-egarded as commentary on v.
8, venerable on account of its difi'usion in
the Church" (" Einleit." p 36). Vercel-
lone, as Ave shall see presently, goes uuieh
further than Kaulen. Franzelin ("De
DeoTrino,"Thes. iv. 1 and Scheeben (" Dog-
matik," p. 757) insist on tlie necessity of
accepting the text, because in any case it
is part of the Vulgate as received for
many centuries in the Church. We reply
that the council does not require us to
iicknowledge as authentic any text simply
because received for many centuries. The
Fathers of Trent only bid iis receive the
Vulgate version which in matter of fact,
and with substantial identity of form, has
been approved by the long use of the
Church.' Besides, Pallavicino (" Istoria
del Concil. di Trento,'" vi. 17, n. 5) takes
the "long use of ages" to mean from St.
Gregory's time; and we have good ground
for thinking that the text in question was
no part of the Vulgate even then, for
it is wanting in the two oldest MSS.
(Amiatiniis and Fuldensis), written
about 04.-), and in Alculn's re])uted copies
at Piome ( prima manii), and at London
(Scrivener, p. o()L').
Next, no comparison is made ))etween
the Vulgate and A-ersions in other langua-
ges— ('//. the Pesliilo — much less between
tlie Vulgate and 1 he m iiiinals. The coun-
cil comparer tlie A'nlgate with other Latin
versions, and pronounces the former au-
thentic.
Thirdly, the Vulgate even in its purest
form is not declared to ))e jierfect. Such
perfertidii was, indeed, atti-il.iiled ti) It by
some I'ost-Tridi'Utine theolegian-, but w as
utterly denied by many Cathtdic scholars
at tlie time (Ilody, p. oOil seq.), and now
probably would be affirmed by nobody.
1 The couiK-il rpunriied the version as tlif
species of wliiuh p.irticular copies were the
individuals, .-irid approved tlie (onner enlv
(Letter of file Cardinal di S. ('Lx-e. apiid Ver-
eellonn, p. 8.')); and desired tliat t\>r X'uluaie
should be corrected from the iiiusi .•iinieiit
texts (16. p. 80). This settles the question of
1 John V. 7.
Frauzelin sets this exaggerated view-
aside as little better than fanatical.'
Fourthly, Franzelin admits the law-
fulness of holding that texts directly-
intended to teach dogmatic truth may
have been omitted in the Vulgate ; and
again that even when such texts are given,
considerable alterations may have been
made in their form. For example, he
grants that we are at liberty in Gen. iii.
15 to reject the Vulgate (or supposed
Vulgate) reading, " she shall crush thy
head," as an error, for " he shall crush
thy head"; and similarly, that we may
deny the cmrectness of the rendering
" ante luciferum" (Ps. cix. 3), "fundetur"
(I„uke xxii. 20), "in quo onines peccave-
runt"'(Rom. v. 12), "omnes quidem re-
surgemus" (1 Cor. xv. 21).
Here, however, Franzelin (as also
Scheeben and others) makes two reserva-
tions, He argues that the decree of
Trent requires us to believe that the Vul-
gate is accurate substantially (quoad sub-
staiitiinn) in texts "which are in them-
selves ((>. directly and in their primary
intention) testimonies couceniiug matters
of faith and morals." "SVe confess that
we are quite unable to see any sufficient
ground for this part of his thesis. No
such distinction is made by the council.
: It is not even hinted at in the important
! correspondence on the sense of the decree
between the Papal legates and the Cou-
j gregation at Rome, printed by Vercellone
('•' Dissertaz." p. 79 «<•(/.). "We can find no
trace of it in the elaborate collection of
Catholic theological opinions in Ilody : '
while Vercellones opinion is supported by
Vega and Didacus, both of whom were at
1 he council, as well as by Ruggerius and
Natalis Alexander (Ilody, pp. 511,520,
522. 545). The distinction which allows
us to reject such a reading as, e.g., " She
shall bruise thy head," and binds us
to accept such a verse as, e.g. " This
kind geeth not forth save by prayer and
fasting" (Mark ix. 2!'), is surely a very
sulitle one. To determine what texts are
directly and primarily dogmatic, and then
1 lie show.. (De Tnulit. tt Scri/j*. p. : 01)
thai a decree of the Ceii^'re-ation of tli- Coun-
cil (.Ian. 17, l.")7ii'), Avhicli misled many theo-
Iduians. is of no authi-rity.
- J r. none of the theolot;i;ins make Fran-
zi'lin's di-tinction bet-\veen the sulistance of a
do-matie text and the moile of its jirestntation.
llddy divi.les Cath.)lic theolooians into two
cla-scs : (1) those whn " contend for the trans-
lation auainst tlic oriuiu.-il" ; (■>) those who
liiiM that the A'nl;iate -was declared authentic
"(piia uulluni eimtinet iu tide et nioiiUus per-
liiuiosuui enorem Qip. 510, 511).
VULGATE
what changes will affect onlv the mode in
■nhicli the doctrine
ireseuted, leaves
immense scope for pnvate judgment.
Had the council meant to limit criticism, ;
it would surely have expressed itself more ;
clearly. Be this as it may, it is certain !
that the question is an open one. Vercel- '
lone, who was probably the greatest of '
all authorities on the Vulgate, published I
his treatise "On the Autlienticitv of the
Single Parts of the Vuk'ate Bible "('•Sulla
Autenticita delle Singole Parti della Bib- |
tia Volgata") at Rome in 18ii6. This
dissertation appeared with the imprimatur j
of the Master of the Sacied Palace, and ;
in no way lessened the high reputation of I
its author. He holds that there may be '
an error of translation even in passages
■which the Fathers and the Church hei-self ;
have regarded as dogmatic, and he rejects
by anticipation the whole of Franzelins
distinction. Besides the reasons given,
he urges that it would need a series of
miracles to preserve a text pure in the
hai ds of copyists from all ermr in dog-
matic texts, and the very same reasons
■which plead for an immaculate translation
also plead for a perfect preservation of the
text : he points out that we have no
right to expect such a miracle, since the
rersions received for centuries in the
East and West contain many variations
in passages considered to be dogmatic, with
80me faults of omission and addition ;
while all theologians admit that councils
may err in the texts they allege in proof
of their definitions, although the defini-
tions themselves are exempt from error.
Franzelin's second reservation concerns |
sections like Mark xvi 9-20; John vii.
6.S-viii. 11 ; John v. 4. Many Protestant
critics have rejected them as interpola-
tions, but Franzelin is of* opinion that
they must be accepted by Catholics on
the authority of the council which sets
its seal to the books of the Bible, as con-
tained in tlie Vulgate, "witli all their
parts." The judgment of Vercellone is
diametrically opposite. He believes that
the ■words " cum omnibus suis partibus " !
refer simply "to those deuterocanonical |
portions which were disputed by tlae j
heretics of that age, such as the additions ,
to Daniel and Esther." If criticism
Bho^wed such sections as Mark xvi. 9-20
&c., to be apocryphal he " would have no
difficulty in accepting its conclusions," and
"would not believe them contrary to the
decree of Trent "(p. 46).
"What, then, is the meaning of the
council? It teaches that the Vulgate
VrLGATE !i4S
contains nothing contrary to true faith
and sound morals. This was the great
point present to the mind of the Fathers.
They were unvrilling, the legates write,
to abstain from a formal approval of the
Vulgate, " which was never suspected of
heresy, that being the chief thing in the
.sac-red books'' (Vercellone, loc. cit. p. 16).
But this is not all. The Vulgate is
'•authentic": in other words, the council
assures us that the books in that version
" are in substance entire and incorrupt,
and therefore to be received by us as
divine " {ih. p. 37). We may admit
in the Vuloate all defects which may
exist " in any book whatever without
destroying its substantial integrity " (p.
3G). To be more precise: the Church
has never in any age or in any place mis-
taken a counterfeit for the written Word
of God. " Therefore, all those innu-
merable variations which occur between
the modern Latin Vulgate and th» old
Latin version lawfully employed for so
many centuries in the Western Church
do not destroy the substantial integrity
of the Bible. Xor is this integrity de-
stroyed by all those variations which are
found if we confront our copies of the
modern Vulgate with the ancient copie*
of the Greek Church, or with those of
the Syrians. Anuenians. Copts, or other
Catholics in any part of the Church. . . .
From a theolosieal point of vi^w (dnfi-
maticammte),SL\\ the versions employed by
lawful authority in the Church are equal "
(p. -S.'^"). If we take the decree in this, as
we believe, its true sense, no defence of it
is .«o much as needed. A Catholic is not
at liberty to say with Caldn (Hody, p.
.^.51) that there are scarcely three verses
in the Vulgate without some striking
blunder, but a statement of this kind is
contrary to sober criticism as well as to
the Tridentine decree. •' An authorised
edition," says Westcott (p. 170-5), "be-
came a necessity for the Roman Church,
and however gravely later theologians
may have erred in explaining the policy
or intentions of the Tridentine Fathers on
this point, tliere can be no doubt that . . .
the principle of their decision — the prefer-
ence, tliat is. of the oldest Latin text to
any later I^at in version — was substantially
right." (See also .-^crivener, p. 311.)
Little need be said on the public use
of the Vulgate, which is of course a mere
matter of discipline. Catholic scholars
may, and ort»'n do, translate from the
original, and Vercellonehasmade valuable
collections of various readiness in the \'ul-
944 VULGATE
WAR
gate text. But it is not lawi'ul to use any
except the Clementine edition in church,
or to print any other text of the Vulgate,
or even to insert various readings in the
margin (Preface to the Clementine edition,
ad Jin.) : though there is no objection to
placing them at the foot of the page.
(The chief authorities have been named
in the course of the article, except Vaa
Ess, " Pragmatisch-kritische Geschichte
der Vulgata," Tiibingen, 1824 ; Brunati^
" De Xomine, Auctore, Emendatoribus
et Autbentia Vulgatae," Vienna, 1837.
General readers will find the best account
of the Vulgate in Mr. Law's treatise quoted
above.)
w
WAR. The resort to force on the
part of two or more nations which cannot
s<>ttle their difference by peaceful methods.
The word " nation " implies that war
must be carried on by the people of a
country regarded as a whole, and repre-
sented by its Government, not by any
sprtion of the population acting for itself.
'J liat c mcentrated and organised force of
political society which is behind the
tribunal of the magistrate, and executes
the sentence of the j udjre, in war is turned
outward, and applied to the overcoming
of the corresponding force exerted by the
hostile nation.
There have been sects, notably the
Quakers, which have denied altogether
the lawfulness of war, partly because they
believed it to be prohibited by Christ
(Matt. V. .39, &c.), partly on humanitarian
grounds. On the Scriptural ground they
are easily refuted ; the case of the soldiers
instructed in their duties by St. John the
Baptist, and that of the military men
whom Christ and his Apostles loved and
familiarly cnnver.sed with, without a word
to imply that their calling was unlawful,
suttic itMitly prove the point. They are on
strnnger uTOund when they point to the
frightful evils of every kind which war
unchains upon a community, and the more
so in proportion to its civilisation ; and
when they urge that war should be put
an end to by a general agreement among
nations to resort to arbitration, it is im-
possible not to go a long way with them.
There have been, however, and there
probably will be again, many disputes
between nations which they would under
no circumstances submit to arbitration ;
and in these cases, if negotiation has
failed, and there be, on one side or on
both, great exasperation, war must in-
evitably ensue. But the voice of morality,
enlightened by religion, is not thereby
silenced ; it claims to define, both what
wars may be justly undertaken, and how
they should be conducted. On these sub-
jects there is a tolerably general consensus
of opinion as to a number of important
points among theologians, canonists, and.
publicists.
(d) The question what wars are just
resolves itself into two inquiries — what is-
just for the State, and what is just for
the individual. A State may justly
declare war in order to recover territory
of which it has been unjustly deprived,
or to reassert its authority over subjects-
who have declared themselves inde-
pendent, or to punish gross and wanton
insults to its citizens while invested with
a public capacity, and for several other
causes. The canonists hold that a State
may lawfully make war upon a heretic-
people, which is actively spreading heresy,
and stirring up dissension and rebellion
within its own subject provinces ; or upon
a pagan people, which prevents the-
preaching of the Gospel, and refuses free
passage to missioners who desire to carry
the liirht of faith to countries beyond.
When the justice of a war is doubtful,
Grotius (" De Jure Belli et Pacis," c. 23,.
cited in Ferraris) urges that, considering
the evils which war entails, particularly
upon innocent persons, Governments-
ought to prefer to remain at peace ; and
this is probably now the general opinion.
It is no just cause of war that a State
desires to rule over its neighbour, or to
enlarge its dominions, or add to its wealth
or power, or to preserve a certain balance
of force and prevent another nation from
becoming dangerously powerful, unless the
aggrandisement feared tend manifestly
and indisputably to the subjugation of
other nations.
The subjects and citizens of a Govern-
ment declaring war are safe in obeying it,,
and taking up arms in its behalf, unless
they are certain that its cause is unjust-
"^ASHTXG OF FEET
945
"In doubtful matters we ought alwap I
to obey, . . . because, though the rider '
mav sin in commanding, the subject does |
not sin in obeyir,;.' " (Glossa on St. |
Augustine, quoted by Ferraris). But a !
foreign auxiliary, enlistinar himself volun-
tarily in the service of a ration at war, is
bound to -atisfy himself beforehand that
its cause is just. If a soldier is c*^rtain
that the cause in which his Government
is fighting is unjust, he ought to obtain
his discharcre as soon as he can, and in
the meantime to abstain, so far as possible,
£rom acts of hostilitv.
(3) As to the f72/77i 72/*r of conducting
war, opinion formerly tended to harsher
conclusions than those now commonly
received. All movable property used to
"be looked upon as the lawful spoil of the
soldiers of an invading force. " Quae ab
hostibus capimus, jure gentium statim
nostra Sunt " — " The thimrs which we
take from our enemies, by the law of
nations immediately become our own" j
(Ferraris, art. iii. § 34). Animals used
for ploughing, and seed com, were ex- !
cepted from this right of spoil enjoyed by
conquerors. At the present day, among
civilised nations, private property on land
is held to be exempt from spoliation in
time of war. The invading general ;
requisitions the authorities of the towns
and villages which he '-'ccupies for such
supplies as he may require, with or with-
out payment : and , if these requisitions
be complied with, it is held to be his duty
to restrain hLs soldiers from every species
of plunder. Private priperty at sea is
still subject to be seized, and converted
to the use of the captors. [
The duties of a soldier in war towards |
the State which he serves and the general
who commands him comprehend faithful [
service, courage, and prompt obedience, i
Hence desertion, cowaitiice, and breaches j
of discipline, are in a soldier grievous sins.
Ambush, stratagem, and deceit are !
lawful in time of war, for those whose
lives are in continual peril cannot be ex-
pected to abstain from any practice against I
their enemies which mL'-ht tend to lessen i
that peril. In practice, the resort to such :
means is limited in some degree by the
code of military honour. The use of
poisoned weapons and explosive bullets is I
^neraily condemned, as causing a great
increase of suffering to those wounded by
them, without any corrt? pjnding mDitary
advantage. CFerraris. Be/lum.)
WA.SHXI7G or FEET. 'See HoLT
WASHIN-C OF HAirOS BEFORE
AFTER MASS. A rubric of the
Roman Missal directs the celebrating
priest to wash his hands in the -.icristy
before he puts on his vestments. The
Jewish priests used to wash their hands
and feet before thev otEeiated at the altar
(Ex. XXX. 18-21: •} Paralip. iv. 2, 6"), and
in such passages as Ps. xxvi. 6, and Lsxiii.
13, there is an allusion to the ethical
meaning of this rite. The early Christians
adopted a similar usage ; only with them
the preliminary lustration before prayer
was common to all the laity. Many of
the Fathers testify to the prevalence of
this custom. (See, e.g , Eu>eb " H.E.''
X. 4 ; Chrysost. Hom. iii. " In Epl~t. ad
Ephes.": and Cfesar. Serm. 51, numbered
229 in Appendix iv. to St. Augustine.)
In later times this preliminary ablution
was prescribed for priests only. It is also
usual for priests to wash their fingers in
the sacristy after Mass when they have
j taken off their vestments.
Quite distinct from either of these
! washings is the washing of the priest's
hands after the offertory, and again after
Communion. (For these see Lavabo ;
ABLmOy; PuTirETCATIOJr.)
wazTE FRZARS. [See Cas-
WHITE CARMSis'T. [See Bap-
nSM. a:.d Low SorDAT._
WHiT-STrwDAT.' The common
' name in Eni-Iand for Pentecost. Mr.
Skeat (" Etymological Dictionary," fub
roc.) shows that the derivation is plain
and certain. It descends from the Anglo-
.Saxon "hwita Sunnandaeg," and means
[ " White Sunday." It is more difficult to
I say why the name was given, but probably
the author just quoted is right in his
suirgestion that it refers to the white robe
of baptism. Easter and Pentecost were
for many ages the times at which baptism
was administered, and in cold climates,
like our own, Pentec':'st would be pre-
ferred to Easter for the reception of bap-
tism, which, in those days, was given by
immer.-i)n. If this explanation is correct,
our name for Pentecost would resemble
the Latin title for Low Sunday, viz.
"Dominica in Albis."
WZJiX. The ancient definition of a
will or testament by the Roman jurists
was " the lawfid sentence of our will con-
cerning that which a person wishes to be
done after his death." Many writers hold
that the wurds •' with the institution ot
an heir" should be added to tlie definition,
because such institution is "of thf essence
S r
946
WILL
WILL
of the testament" (Ferraris). The business
of will-making, in England at least, is
now regulated in all its parts by the
statute-law ; and those desiring informa-
tion respecting it can tiud what they seek
in the ordinary law-books, or, which is
the safer course, obtain it from their
lawyer. All that will be here attempted
is (1) to point out some special circum-
stances about the wills of Christians
which the history of primitive times
brings to our knowledge ; (2) to advert
generally to the manner in which the
subject was regarded in the middle ages ;
(3) to specify some of the principal
features of the modern canon law in
regard to testamentary disposition.
(1) After the conversion of Constan-
tine the imperial law (Ood. Theod. 16,
2, 4) sanctioned and facilitated the be-
quest of property of all kinds to the
Church. Such property became the patri-
mony of the Church and the poor, and
could not thereafter be the subject of a
will, except so far as a man might desire,
and be entitled, to point out its future
dispensers.' Clerics, therefore, of all
gnides, could not dispose by will of any
property, movable or immovable, which
they had become possessed of in virtue
of tlieii- office. Justinian, in the Code,
allmved bishops to bequeath property
which they pos.ses.sed before, or which
they had inherited since, their con,secra-
tion ; everything else they could only
leave to the Church. This law was en-
forced by Gregory the Great in several
remarkable instances. Justinian, also,
while allowing .secular priests to make
wills (Xov. 70, 1), withheld the right
altngotlier from monks. The power of
testuinentary disposition was frequently
talcen from and lestored to heretics in
the imperial legislation. A constitution
of Valentiiiian (370) forbade women to
bequeath property to ecclesiastical persons.
A remarkable anecdote is told by
Possidius of St. Augustine. A certain
Jauuarius, who had joined the congrega-
tion of clerks which the saint had insti-
tuted in his house at Hippo, bequeathed
his money to the Churcli, disinheriting
his two cliildren. St. Augustine refused
the bi'cjnest : tirst, because his religious
bad t i iiiJunciMl the power of willing when
they joiiH il tlie congregation; secondly,
because of f he wrong done to the children.
He sent for the heirs, and arranged for
the division of the money between them.
Satyrus left all his property to his brother,
' Thomassin, Vet. et Nova Disc. in. 2, 38.
St Ambrose, with a verbal request that
he would give to the poor as much of it
as he thought right. St. Ambrose gave it
all to the poor. The saint made no will,
having stripped himself of everything at
the time of his ordination, when he made
over his lauds to the Church, reserving
the usufruct, or annual profits of them,
to his sister for her life.
(2) During the middle ages, the prac-
tice of devising land and other property
for religious purposes {ad pias causas)
was still largely resorted to. In countries
where the society was feudal, the kings
and superior lords, finding that the accu-
mulation of lauds held by the Church
deprived them of various incidental ad-
vantages (such as reliefs, wardships, and
escheats) which they derived from the
same lands while in lay tenure, com-
menced to legislate against such accumu-
lation, whether effected by grant or will.
Hence arose the laws of Mortmain, for-
bidding any further convej^ance of lands
to the Church. These laws, however, in
England, could be evaded by means of a
Licence in Mortmain granted by the
Crown. A practice also arose of be-
queathing lands to certain persons as the
legal owners, to the use of certain othtn-
persons — a religious community', for in-
stance ; and, in these cases, the Court of
Chancery regarded the beneficial owner-
ship as belonging to those to whom the
use was devised. This practice — long
before uses were turned into possession —
was prevented from being of any benefit
to the Church by the statute of 1392,
which enacted that uses should be subject
to the statutes of Mortmain, and liable
to be forfeited on any infringement
thereof, equally with the lands them-
I selves.' Licences in Mortmain ceased to
' be given after the Reformation, and the
statute of 23 Henry VIII. (1532) de-
clared that all grants of lands, on trust
for parish churches or other institutions
" erected and made of devotion," if for
more than twenty years, should be
deemed null and void. This statute was
held to cut off grants to sujierstHious
uses ; those to charitable uses were still
valid. But the Mortmain Act of 17;i6
(9 George II. c. 36) enacted that any
grant to a charitable use should be by a
deed executed at least twelve months
before the donor's death, enrolled in the
Court of Chancery within six liionths
after execution, and taking effect imme-
diately upon enrolment.
• Stephen's Commentaries, Purt I. ch. xv.
WITCHCTAFT, WITCH 047
(3) With regard to wills in moclom
times, the general rale has heen (Ferniris,
Test^ art. i. § 40) to follow the pre-
scriptions of the civil law, in ecclesiasti-
cal no less than in secular courts, in all
countries belonging to the Holy Roman
Empire; in countries subject to the Roman
Pontiff, the canon law was followed. The
civil law requires that a will be attested
by seVen witnesses, all males. If the
testator is unable to sign it, an eighth
witness is required, who signs in his name.
The canon law only requires attestation
by two good witnesses {idonei testes) and
the parish priest. In the absence of the
parish priest, there must be four witnesses.
According to the rigour of the law, clerks
without the consent of the bishops, and
religious without the consent of their
superior, cannot witness wills. But cus-
tom has sanctioned their acting without
consent, and they frequently do so.
If execvited without the required form-
alities, and not afterwards validated in
one of the ways pointed out by the im-
perial legislation, a will ad causas pro-
fanas, according both to the civil and the
canon law, is null ; and a celebrated
question has arisen, whether, if the in-
tention of the testator be clear, the nullity
of the will for want of form should be
extended to the forum conscientim && well
as the foru7n e.rternum. Much has been
written on both sides ; an abstract of the
argimientsmay be seen in Fei-raris (art. i.
44-57).
Privileged wills (testamenta privile-
giata) are those which are held in canon
law to be valid although the forms re-
quired by the civil law have not been
complied with. Such are those ad pias
causas, those of soldiers made on a cam-
paign, those of peasants, &c. A testament
turn ad pias causas is a will in which a
religious purpose or destination is sub-
stituted for the heir — such as the support
of a church or convent, an a-mshouse, a
school, &c. This is held to be valid, even
without witnesses, if written and signed
in the known hand of the testator ; other-
wise, it requires two witnesses.
Anyone can make a will who is not
prohibited by natural or positive law.
Persons so disqualified, are — infants under
seven years, madmen (although a will
made in a lucid interval is valid), idiots,
spendthrifts interdicted by the courts,
slaves, captives, convicts, suicides, &c.
This is merely a general statement ; ex-
ceptional circumstances occur in the case
of most of the classes enumerated above,
I under which a will can be validly made.
I Professed regulars cannot make a will,
! because they cannot, as individuals, own
property [Pkofession, Rel.] ; neverthe-
less they can interpret and declare a
testamentary disposition made previously
to profession. Secular clerks of all grades
can devise their patrimonial and quasi-
patrimonial, or individual, property, as
freely as laymen.*
All regulars (except Franciscans) can,
with the licence of their superior, act as
testamentary executors. Even if they
have not such licence, their executorial
acts, though not licit, are valid. They
are bound to render an account of their
administration to the bishop of th&
I diocese.
i A wiU is said to be " ambulatory,"
and can at any time be revoked or
changed down to the last day of Hfe.
(Ferraris, Testa mentum; Soglia, lib.
iii. §50; Smith and Cheetham; Stephen's
"Commentaries," 18H8.)
"WITCHCRAFT, WITCH (Anglo-
Saxon, wiccancraft , tcicce ; probably con-
nected with Old High German icihan,
German weihen). Witchcraft has been
defined (Bergier, " Diet. Th6ol.") as " the
art of doing things wonderful, and ap-
parently supernatural, without the inter-
vention of God." Perhaps a more exact
definition would be " a power, real or
supposed, of producing, in concert with
an evil spirit, eflects beyond the reach of
natural means and operations."
Those who deny the existence of evil
spirits, and maintain that all the cases of
demoniacal possession mentioned in the
Bible and recorded elsewhere are merely
cases of disease, are of course still less
inclined to admit the reality of witch-
craft. Imagination, morbid fancy, terror
of the unknown, private spite, Iniavery,.
credulity, and hallucination, sufficiently
account, in their eyes, for all of which
witches have ever been accused, or have
accused themselves. The former opinion
— namely, that any commerce between
human beings and evil spirits is imaginary
and impossible — is repugnant to Scripture
and the, at least implicit, teaching of the
Church, and cannot be held by Catholics.
But it does not follow that because we
believe that obsession is a fact, and that
human beings can and do come under the
influence of evil spirits, we should there-
I fore admit the reality of any such leagues
j or compacts with the devil as the records
of witchcraft assume. Perrone, indeed,,
1 Ferraris, art. iii. 20.
3p2
943 WITCHCRAPT, ^TTCH
WirCHCRAFT, WITCH
describes as "rash" the denial of the
common opinion that dealings and com-
pacts with the devil actually take place.'
But other Catholic theologians (see the
article Mngie in Wetzer and Welte) take
a difi'erent view, and argue that, just as
the belief in the Sabbaths or nightly
meetings of the witches, though once
universally held, has been so dissipated
by reflection and experience that Perrone
himself does not admit it, so the tendency
•of sound opinion is to the extirpation of
the view that the phenomena of witch-
craft imply, or ever implied, an actual
diabolic compact.
AVithout troubling ourselves with the
eaga and lamieB of Roman antiquity, let
us consider the popular notions about
witches and their power which prevailed
in Europe till quite recent times, and still
areharboured in many weak and ill-taught
minds. It used to be believed that witches
were of three kinds — black, white, and
grey : the first could only hurt ; the
second only help ; the third could both
help and hurt. Their power came to
them in virtue of a compact with the
devil, by which they bartered their souls
for some earthly object of desire. The
witch was thought to be usually " a de-
crepit, superannuated old woman, who is
tempted by a man in black to sign a con-
tract to become his, both soul and body."
He gives her a piece of money, and she
delivers to him a slip of parchment, on
which her name is signed with her blood.
An imp or familiar, often La the form of
a cat, is given to her, and the bargain is
concluded. From this time the witch
bore the devil's mark on some part of her
body.^ Whether the witch were the
devil's instrument, or the devil hers, was
a point not quite settled ; but in either
case she deserved tu be burned.
Reginald Scot, who lived at a time
when there were as many as seventeen or
eighteen reputed witches in many an
English village, da'scribes the way in
which the chsiracter of witch came to be
assigned to a woman. A morose old
woman, who has lost her children and
friends, lives alone in a hut ; she begs
» Prmlectiones, iv. 60.
* Margaret Flower, executed at Lincoln in
1618 for bewitching Lord Rosse, son of the Earl
of Rutland, and other persons, confessed that
she had two familiar spirits sucking on her — the
one white, the other black spotted. When she
first entertained them she promised them her
soul, and they covenanted to do all things
which she commanded them (Brand, Popular
Antiquities, ii. 387).
food and other things of her neighbours ;
sometimes she meets with a refusal, re-
senting which she uses bad language, and
wishes some harm may come to the
refuser. After a time, some altercation
of this kind has taken place between her
and many families in the parish. To
some members of these, mishaps are sure
to happen — sudden seizures of illness,
murrain among the cattle, failure of
crops, &c. The cause is uninown; one
must therefore be invented; the curses
of the old woman are remembered, and
the whole thing is clear — she has be-
J witched them. Even the doctors, says
j Scot, if they find a case defy their art,
often encourage the superstitious belief,
I for insdticB pallium venefi<-ium et incan-
tatio {" witchcraft and enchantment are
the cloak of ignorance ").
True religion supports the mind under
misfortune, ascribing every event to the
will or the permission of God, who does
nothing except in love. But when the
Christianity professed is but skin deep,
and temporal gain or loss is the engrossing
object of our hope or fear, an ignorant
age resorts to witchcraft, whether to
explain ill-luck, or to find a short cut to
prosperity. "If any adversitie, greefe,
sicknesse, losse of children, come, catteU,
or libertie, happen unto them, by and by
they exclaime upon witches." So writes
Reginald Scot, and illustrates what he
says by relating what had happened
within his own knowledge. The Rev. J.
FerraU, vicar of Brenchley in Kent,
charged Margaret Symons, one of his
parishioners, with having bewitched his
son, and caused him to fall seriously ill.
The woman's dog had barked at the boy
as he was passing her house ; about this a
quarrel had arisen, and angry words been
exchanged. When his son, soon after-
wards, fell iU, the reverend gentleman,
confirmed in hit opinion by the other icitches
living in the village, thought Margaret
Symons must have cast a spell upon him.
The words printed in italics illustrate a
fact which witch-trials abundantly teach
— viz. that the belief in witchcraft tends
to establish and extend itself in proportion
to the number of the reputed vntches.
The boy was said to have been cured of
his illness by another Brenchley witch !
and Margaret Symons, we may hope,
escaped.
As by degrees the theory of witch-
craft, arranging itself round two principal
points — the league with the devil and the
nightly meetings or Sabbaths — became
WITCHCRAFT, WITCH
more definite, the catalogue of mischiefs,
rogueries, and portentous events of all
kinds, which the witches were believed
capable of causing, was continually on
the increase. If a German jurisconsult,
in a " dissertatio juridica," were at the
present day to write as the learned Wal-
burger of Anhalt wrote in 1670, he
would be set down as insane. But, at the
time, Walburger was considered to write
on the conservative, safe, and orthodox
side. In his belief, witches can and do
cause disease (p. 30) ; and lay snares to
kill imbaptised infants (p. 35) for the
gratification of their master the devil;
they kill their own children, and offer
them to the devil in sacrifice (p. 36) ; [
cause wet-nurses and nursir.g-mothers to |
lose their milk (i6.) ; and kill great num-
bers of children, after bringing them into
the world as midwives, by running long
needles into their heads. In the previous
century a German count had " dedicated
to the flames "' {Vulcnno consecravit) eight
witches, who had killed, between them,
one hundred and forty inlants. Two
witches were detected, one summer night,
boiling an infant in a cauldron ; had they
not b^n interrupted, they said, a strong
frost would have been "caused by the
mighty speU they were brewing, which
would have destroyed all the crops. One
of the abominations of which, in Wal-
burger's opinion, witches were most fre-
quently guilty, was that of " nodatio " ;
the coarse and grotesque details Ln con-
nection with this charge may be seen in
Ghirlaudus, Bodiu, and Delrio, as well
as in the present tract. Witches are in
the habit of killing animals, usually by
poison ; of drying up cows, causing abor-
tion, ]preventing butter from coming and
beer from working, and diverting, witli
the aid of the devU, the milk from cows
belonging to other women into their own
milk-pails. The Satanic Sabbaths, Wal-
burger tells us, are organised by the devil
with peculiar care. The judge Remigius,
he says, condemned 800 persons to death
in Lorraine for the crime of attending
these meetings, all of whom testified that
they really took place. The witches ride
to them on broomsticks, reeds, goats,
bulls, horses, or dogs — the transporting
power being supplied by the devil. In
Germany the Blocksberg is a favourite
place of meeting.
Great though the power of the witch
was believed to l)e, the p opular imagina-
tion imposed hmits upon it, and invented
antidotes against their spells. At Christ-
WITCHCRAFT, WITCH 949
mastide the Babe of Bethlehem restrained
the powers of hell : —
"then no planet strikes,
Ko fairy takes, nor witch hath power to charm.
So hallow'd and so gracious is the time."
{Hamlet, Act. I.)
If one could succeed in drawing the
witch's blood, her spells were defeated
(Brand, ii. 378). Herb Paris was thought
an excellent preservative; vervain and
dill were also recommended ; people used
to hang up these things at their doors.
It was also believed that there were in-
fallible means of proving witchcmft
against a witch who declared herself
innocent. Of tliese the one first resorted
to was to search for the devil's mark ; this
being found, according to Scot,' the judge
might sentence her to death at once. A
mole, or wart, or birth-mark, found on
the unhappy woman must often have
sealed her doom. Another method was
to weigh the witch against the church
Bible ; if the larter were the heavier,
she was guilty. Another was to make
her say the Lord's Prayer, it being be-
I lieved that no witch could repeat it to the
end without a mistake. Another was to
i cross-tie her (right thumb to left toe, left
, thumb to right toe), and throw her into
I a pond or river : if guilty she could not
j sink : if she did sink, ttis proof of her
innocence unluckily came too late. A
I notorious witch-finder in the seventeenth
century, Matthew Hopkins, was famous
I for applying all these tests; he "hanged,
i in one year, no less than sixty reputed
I witches in his own county of Essex.'" -
Whut are we to say to all this ? That
I confessions of being in league with the
devil, and of attendance at the Sabbaths,
were sometimes extorted by torture is
undoubted ; and such confessions few
persons would now hesitate to pronoimce
worthless. But it is no less certain that in
numberless instances the witches volun-
' tarily accused themselves of the greatest
monstrosities and crimes imaginable. Shall
we believe, on their own word, that they
went where they said tbey went, made
the covenants which they said they made,
saw what they said they saw P To resist
belief in their asseverations must have
been for a long time extremely difiicult,
especially when judges and advocates
came to the investigation with a fixed
conviction that witchcraft was a real
crime. But experience must have kept
continually adding to the mass of dis-
proved assertions and detectedimpostures:
' Quoted in Brand, ii. 381. ' Brand, ii. 3So.
950 WITCHCRAFT, ^TCH
WITCHCRAFT, WITCH
so that at last it seemed more reasonable
to trace the enormities with which these
miserable creatures charged themselves
to their own crazy and turbid imagination
than to suppose them to have an objective
existence. To say this is not to deny that
the evil spirit has anything to do with
witchcraft. Many recorded cases are
apparently inexplicable, uiilesswe suppose
a demoniacal agency to have been at work.
The fact of obsession, and the remedy
of exorcism, remain unshaken ; but the
crime of witchcraft, consisting in a dis-
tinct and conscious bargain with the
evil one in order to obtain unlawful
power, would appear to rest on no secure
foundation.'
The history of juridical and theologi-
cal opinion is very curious, and was
admirably traced by Tartarotti in the last
century. From the introduction to his
work, "Del Congresso Notturno,''mostof
the details in the following sketch are
taken. The first among mediaeval writers
to notice the witches' Sabbath was
Regino, abbot of Prume, atthe beginning
of the tenth century ; he speaks of
"wicked women," who say that they
attend great meetings by night " with
Diana, the goddess of the pagans," and
do her bidding. Diana (Hecate, Trivia)
was the goddess of the ways {viarum den),
and therefore supposed to preside at a
meeting of her votaries gathered from
every quarter.' A century later. Bur-
chard, bishop of Worms, speaks of women
who believed themselves to ride to the
meetings on different beasts. A Council
of Treves (1310) forbade any woman to
pretend that she rode by night with
Diana or with Herodiana — "base enim
djemoniaca illusio est." By Herodiana
was meant the daughter of Herodias,
whose skill in dancing was supposed to
be displayed at these Satanical assemblies.
Prom the fifteenth century date the
systematic severities of the Inquisition
for witchcraft {processus decrimineMagia,
Hexenprocesse). Dominican writers of
that age — Nider, .Jaquerio, Sprenger,
Institor, &c. — defended the process, and
asserted the reality of what the witches
confessed ; but the Franciscans Cassini
and Spina took the opposite view. Cassini
wrote a treatise to prove that the witches
1 Scot wrote of the supposed covenant, three
centuries ago : " Let any wise or honest man
tell me that either he hath beene a partie or a
witnesse, and I will believe him "' {Disc, of
Witchcraft, p. 45).
- Hecate is introduced by Shakspere in the
Fourth Act of Macleth.
did not really ride to the Sabbata, but in
ecstasy believed that they did so. Sprenger
and Institor were the joint authors of the
celebrated work " Malleus Maleficarum,"
which is full of the most startling and
horrible stories. After the middle of the
sixteenth century the number of those
who opposed the popular belief grew
rapidly. The work of Wierus, a Cleves
physician, on the " Pseudomonarchia Dae-
monum," which appeared about that time,
made a great sensation. Against Wierus
— besides several Catholic writers, as
Tanner and Lavman — the Protestants
Daneus, Hemming, T. Erastus, and Bodin
appeared. Bodin, author of "Demono-
mania," was a French jurisconsult.
Wierus declared that the Protestants
believed in the Sabbata more firmly than
the Catholics themselves. Reginald Scot,
evidently a humane and enlightened man,
published his " Discoverie of Witclicraft,"
in which he takes the same line as
Wierus, in 1-584 ; but, being in English,
the work appears to have been unknown
on the Continent. Nicholas Remigio, the
Lorraine judge mentioned above, published
his " Daemonolatria " in 1595. Towards
1000 appeared the ponderous work of
Martin Delrio, a Jesuit, " Disquisitiones
Magicae," in which the revelations of the
witches are still treated seriously. This
became everywhere a work of authority
in the courts, so that Thomasius says that
Protestant jurisconsults "all but copy
him out word for word." James I., in
his " Demonology," took the same side.
The first great shock to the received
system came through the publication of a
work by the Jesuit, Frederic Spee, " Cautio
Criminalis circa Processus contra Sagas,"
1031. Father Spee had attended the
execution of many persons condemned
for witchcraft in the dioceses of Wiirzburg
and Bamberg, and had come to the con-
clusion that many of them were entirely
innocent. Yet, so strong at that time
was the general opinion on the other side,
that Father Spee did not attach his name
to his work, nor did he express disbelief
in the Sabbata or midnight meetings,
nor propose to abandon the process ; he
simply pleaded for more caution and cir-
cumspection.^ Leibnitz' tells us that
this work produced a strong impression on
1 He mentions an accusation brought by
several witches a^rainst a certain regular of
havint; been present at their meeting at a particu-
lar hour ; but at that hour the regular wa-^ Id
choir ^^inging the divine office, as all his brother
monks attested.
2 Themlicen. \ 739, p. 724.
WOKSHIP
WYCLIFFITES 951
the miud of Schonborn, afterwards Elec-
tor of Mayence,and through him on other
German princes.
Yet, in spite of Father Spee, a crowd
of writers all through the seventeenth
century, both Protestants and Catholics,
defended the process, and the assumptions
on which it rested. Among these were
Cai-pzovius, Crusius, Ghirlandus, Meric
Casaubon, and Glanvile. The Lutheran
Thomasius published'an able tract (1701),
" Theses de Crimine Magire," on the other
side. In the eighteenth century the mis-
trust of the process grew stronger and
stronger. In England the Act 9 Geo. 11.
(1736) abolished all prosecutions for
witchcraft and sorcery ; pretensions of
the kind were from that time treated as
charlatanerie and imposture, and, if at-
tended by attempts to gain money, were
punished. Maria Theresa abolished witch-
trials in Austria in 1766. The last execu-
tion of witches in Great Britain appears
to have been in Scotland in 1 727, when a
woman was burnt on the charge of having
ridden her own daughter to the meet-
ings, the said daughter having been trans-
formed into a pony and shod by the devil ! '
At Tring in Hertfordshire, in 1751, an
old man and his wife, being suspected
of witchcraft, were beaten, ducked, and
otherwise ill-used by a mob until they
expired. The latest instances of witch-
burning in Europe appear to have been
at Glarus in 1782, and Posen in 1793.
(Scot, " Discoverie of Witchcraft,"
1584 ; Chambers' Encyclop. vol. x. ;
Brand, " On Popular Antiquities," 1813 ;
Bergier, " Diet. Th(5ol." (Migne); Hergen-
rother, " Kirchengeschichte " ; Perrone,
" De Deo Creatore ; " Tartarotti, " Del
Congresso Nottumo delle Lamie," 1749 ;
Thomasius, " De Crimine Magise," 1701 ;
Walburger, " De Lamiis," 1670.)
WORSHIP. [See Lateia ; DtniA ;
Images, &c.]
-WREATH. [See Maeriagb.]
WYClirriTES. John Wyclif, or
Wyclifi'e, a native of Yorkshire, born
about 1324, studied in the University of
Oxford, where he was for a long time a
fellow of Merton College, then a great
seminary of learned men, and afterwards
became master of Balliol College and
■warden of Canterbury Hall. He was a
proficient in the scholastic divinity of his
day, and also betook himself zealously to
the study of the Scriptures. The Domini-
cans, Franciscans, Carmelites, and Augus-
tinians, all had at this time flourishing
» Chambers' Dom. Ann. of Scotland, in. 541.
houses at Oxford, and were the object of
considerable ill-will to a large body of
masters and doctors belonging to the
secular clergy, chiefly because they were
said to attract promising students from
the colleges, and induce them by various
means to enter one of their convents.
The Franciscans were accustomed to lec-
ture on the excellence of poverty, and to
dwell in their sermons on the fact that
Christ and His Apostles lived chiefly by
alms. Fitzralph, archbishop of Armagh,
maintained that the poverty of Christ
was not, like that of the friars, voluntary.
On all the controverted matters he took a
decided part against the friars, and Wyclif
and others joined him. In 1366 Wyclif
wrote a tract to justify the king (Edward
111.) in refusing to pay, on the demand
of Urban V., the arrears of the tribute
granted by King John to the Holy See.
Some years after this, being made doctor
in theology, he began pertinaciously to
attack the friars, declaring that their mul-
tiplication impoverished the realm, that
their letters of fraternity were a delusion,
that they introduced many superstitious
practices, estranged the \a.itj from their
parochial clergy, were avaricious, abetted
wars, &c. ; also that they taught novel
doctrines on the sacrament of the Altar.
Wyclif developed about the same time
opinions similar to those which had been
put forward earlier in the century by
Marsilius of Padua, to the effect that the
clei-gy ought to have no coercive jurisdic-
tion, and that no temporal penalty of any
kind ought to be inflicted except with
the sanction of the civil power. To
these he added, that lay lords had full
power to take away temporal possessions
from the clergy if they judged that a bad
use was made of them, and that no one
was bound to pay tithes or off^erings to
parish priests whose Uves were not edi-
fying. The Pope (Gregory XI.) heard
of this teaching, and addressed letters
(1376) to Edward III., the Archbishop
of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and
the University of Oxford, urging that
Wychf should be arrested and put on his
trial. Some cause of delay arose, and it
was not till February 1378 that Wyclif
appeared to answer for his doctrine before
Bishop Courtenay in St. Paul's Cathedral.
An immense crowd thronged the cathedral
and its approaches. The Duke of Lancas-
ter, who was present, was at this time
rather favourably inclined towards Wyclif;.
high words passed between him and the
bishop; the people, imagining that aa
952 WYCLIFFITES
WYCLIFFITES
outrage was being oti'ered to their bishop
in his own cathedral, became angiy and
clamorous; and the assoinljly was broken
up in confusion. Soon afi ri warJs another
assembly was held at J^maheih liffore the
archbi.~liop, to whiuli ^^■y(■lit■ was cited.
He handed in a papt-r in Latin, explain-
ing his teacliin>r on the ciukh'ci i<in be-
tween dominion (or ownership ) and grace,
on the jurisdiction in tenqiorals claimed
for the Church, on the ellects of ex-
communication, and similar questions.'
This paper is full of scholastic subtleties
and distinctions, so that it is dillieult in
m&nj places to catch WycUf's real mean-
ing. The judges decided that it was not
satisfactory, and the archbisliop inhibited
him from lecturing or publishing any more
on the subjects in dispute. W'vclil' then
(April 1878) presented a pajx'r in Eng-
lish— or a paper was presented lor him —
to the Parliament, which is palpably
more anti-Papal and insurgent iu tone
than the statement presented to the arch-
bishop, though it follows generally the
same line. About this time Gregory XI.
died, and the proceedings against Wyclif
were dropped.
In 1.178-9 Wyclif appears to have
been actively engaged on the translation
of the Vulgate Bible into English. It is
not knowu what proportion of either of
the two versions which have been printed
(O.xford Uui\-er,^atv Press, 1S.50) actually
cami; from his ])i-n, but there seems no
reason to douljt that the hr.st impidse
came from him, and that he had an
i-^iportant share in the actual execu-
tion. *
in 1381 Wyclif lectured on the
Eucharist, and was led on by his bitter
antagonism to the theologians of the
mendicant orders to the i iuinciation of
views which scandalised the Church and
the university, and were i'ornially con-
demned by both. In brief, he propounded
the tenet of consubstantiation. "Right
as hit is heresye," he said, "to trowe
that Crist is a spiryt and no body, so hit
is heresye to trowe that this sacrament is
God's body and no bred ; for hit is bothe
togedir.'"- S( i a L'"ain, in the " Trialogus,"^
written ]iri'l]al/ly in 13>3, to quote one
among many similar passages, he says
that the whole Church militant, " since
the time of the promulgation of the
Gospel, has rightly believed that this
' This tract bft;ins "Protestor publice."
<;See Lewis's L,f,: of Wyclif, p. 69.)
2 Select Enqusk Works, iii. 502.
s Book IV. 'c. 27, ed. Lechler.
sacrament or consecrated host is natur-
ally real bread" {veins pants), "and
sacramentally the body of Christ." The
chancellor, William de Berton, convened
a court of twelve doctors in the .schools
of the .-Vugustinian convent, who adopted
a definition in which, Wyclif not being
named, the Catholic doctrine of tran-
substantiation is formally asserted.
Wyclif, who was present, put in a
document known as his "Confession,"'
in which, under cover of a cloud of words
and copious extracts from the Fathers,
he tried to vindicate the soundness of
his Eucharistic teaching. Soon after
this, the terrible rising of the Commons
(in the summer of 1381) turned away
men's thoughts for a time from every
other sLiliject. Sudbury, the archbishop
of Canterbury, was murdered. The new
arrhbishop (Courtenay) lost no time in
foUowing up the proceedings against
Wyclif. He convened a council at the
Black Friars in London, which met iu
May l.i82, and condemned twenty-four
propositions extracted from the reformer's
writings. Of these ten were declared to
be heretical, and fourteen erroneous. The
first of the ten was, " That the substance
of material bread and wine remains after
consecration in the sacrament of the
Altar." The fourteen erroneous conclu-
sions belonged either to the peculiar
politico-ecclesiastical system which Wy-
clif, following the Vaudois, had built up
in various treatises, or were strong
opinions suggested by his animosity to-
wards the friars. The Pope's confirma-
tion of thQ proceedings of the council
was soon obtained, and the archbishop
then took very energetic steps to repress
the teaching of the condemned opinions
l)oth in the university and the country.
Wyclif was obliged to leave Oxford and
retire to his living of Lutterworth ; that
no other severity was used towards him
seems to have been owing to the state of
his health, for about the end of 1382 he
was stricken with paralysis. During the
two remaining yeai s ot his hfe his lite-
rary activity must have been prodigious ;
the great bulk of his English works (of
which the three volumes printed by the
Clarendon Press, with the supplementary
volume edited by Mr. Matthew, are far
from exhausting the list) were produced
in this period. According to Gascoyne
(Lewis, p. 33(i), he had another paralytic
■Ssepe confessus sum," and niav
fe, p. 32
p. 115 ; and Vaughan's Life, ii. 245.
• It begins ■•?88pe ct
be read in Lewis's Life, p. 323 : Fagcic. Zizaii.
WYCLIFFITES
XAVERIAN BROTHERS 953
etroke on December 28, 1384, and died
on the last day of the year.
It is not known in what part of his
career Wyclif founded the institution of
the "Poor Priests," whom he sent to
various parts of the country to propagate
■nhat he conceived to be the Gospel, raid
dechum against ecclesiastical abu.^es.
AmoEg these men, Herford, Repyngdon,
Patriugton, Swinderby, and Purvey, were
conspicuous. They and their followers
were called Lollards, and that they were
numerous might be inferred, even if there
were not abundant direct evidence, from
the chance allusion to them in Chaucer's
" Canterbury Tales." ' To Courtenay
Arundel succeeded, and to Arundel
Chicheley ; and all three — but especially
Chicheley, who established in 1416 a
regular inquisition of heresy for the pur-
pose of exteiminatiug the sect — used
strenuous measures of repression against
the Wycliffites. In this the princes of
the House of Lancaster, the weakness of
whose title to the crown disposed thein
to court the good will of the hierarchy,
zealously aided them. In 1396 twelve
delegates appointed by the university
])ieked out two hundred and ninety-eight
pn "positions from Wyclif's works as
deserving of censure. In 1411 a council
held at London by Archbishop Arundel,
attended by thirteen bishops and thirty
doctors, condemned forty-five Wycliffite
errors. The Council of Constance, among
the theologians attending which was the
great Carmelite Thomas of Walden,
enumerated the forty-five propositions
just mentioned, and declared that many
of them were notoriously heretical, others
erroneous, others scandalous and blasphe-
mous, some oHiinsive to pious ears, and
some rash and seditious. At the same
time Wyclif s " Dialogus "and "Trialowus "
were condemned by name ; others of his
writings were reprobated in general terms.
X
XAVERIAN BRGTRSRS. This
teaching institute was commenced at
Bruges in 1839, and definitely established
in 1846, by Theodore James Ryken, a
native of Elshout, in the CathoHc pro-
vince of North Brabant, HoUand. His
object was "to found a congregation of
men who would sacrifice their lives to
the Christian education of youth " The
fir-t professions were those of himself and
twelve young brothers, made on October
22, 1846. Ryken took the name of
Brother Francis Xa\'ier, after the Apostle
of the Indies, who was chosen patron of
the congregation. Soon afterwards he
opened St. Francis Xavier's College at
Bi'Ufres for day scholars ai.d boarders :
tliis is said to have become "the most
nourishing school in the city." The
Brothers came to England iu 1848; they
appear to have at pre.sent (189:^) five
establishments in this country, at Ham-
mersmith (this is their training schooij,
Battersea, Manchester, Mayfield in Sus-
sex, and Preston in Lancashire. The late
admirable Archbishop Spalding intro-
duced them into the United States in
ls54. Although vocations among the
youth of America have been hitherto
rare, the bishops and the Catholic com-
munities of the States and Canada have
engerly welcomed the new institute, and
desired to entrust to it the education of
children. Seventy-one episcopal appro-
bations, from all the bishops of the Eng-
lish and French speaking portions of
North America, have been given to the
circular of the Brothers announcing
(1876) the opening of their novitiate at
Carrollton near Baltimore. The brother-
hood in America had been formed the
year before into a province, with its seat
of government in Alaryland. " They have
applications from nearly every Ktate in
the Union, which for the present cannot
be [complied with] for want of members "
(Sketch of the Congr. of the Xav. Bro.,
1882).
> "*I smell a loUer in the wind,' quoth he" (Prol. to Shipmaii's Tale),
pi
LIST OF AETICLES.
FAUE
PAGE
PAGE
ABB*<v«ITE9 . . .
. . 1
Altar ..«.•*.
21
ApostoJic ratners . •
• *'
Altar-breads . « • •
23
Apostolic 1 Constitutions
Abbt-v
. . 1
Altar-cnrds
23
Aiio.stolici
•
Abbot
. 1
Altar-clotbs ....
23
Altar, Stripping of . .
23
Abjural inn of Heresy .
. 4
Ambrosian Chant . .
24
„ Liturgy , .
24
■ f *® :.
. , 4
Amen .......
■\'!"|'^'^" J
•
6
a'^Usi
50
7
>
24
61
Abv.ssiiiian or Ethiopian
Analogical • • . . •
A • 1 P If***
52
Anaphora .....
o-
ArcliTm d^'^t
52
AnatbomH • • • . •
o
Archiv - A b' ' t ' '
62
Anchorite • • • . •
0-
Arcbpriest *^ st . .
52
Accommodated Sense •
. 8
o-
\ I'istolle
52
Acepliali
. . 8
AngeU, hvil ....
.1-
'•>'-
Aries, Ctmnciis of
62
,. rea>t 01 ...
f'
66
Angel u uiiruians . • . •
'. 66
■>7
Article of Faith
'. 59
Acts of the Martyrs .
. . 9
Angelus ......
^'
59
Anglican Orders . . . .
2/
of Christ
59
Angln-i>axon Church, His-
28
^scetical Tlieui "-y ' '
•
Adoptinn . . . • .
. . 11
Analo - Saxon Church,
Ash Wednesday . . .
." 60
Faith and Discipline of.
28
Adoration of the Cross
. . 12
Anim .Is, Lower . . . .
32
Aspersion
. 61
12
33
Advent, Season of . .
. . 13
Anniversary
33
of Christ . .
. 14
Annunciation of the Bl&isec
Advocatus Dei. Diaboli
. . 14
33
Athaiiasian Creed . .
. 62
„ Ecclesia; . .
. 14
Anoiii(i;:ins
34
34
Attributes of God . .
. G2
AeMus, Aetians . . .
. 14
Anthem
34
AnihoMv. St., Order of . .
34
African Church . , .
'At
Aniliropoinorphites . , .
35
Auditor of Rota . . .
. 63
„ Councils . .
. . IG
Antichri.--t
35
Augustinian Canons
. 63
Antidicuinaiianites . . .
36
Hermits .
. (54
Age, Canonical . . .
. . 17
Antio.h
36
Aureole
. 65
38
Autocophali
, 6G
Antipliouar}-
38
Auto da Fe' ....
. GR
18
Antipope
38
.Vuxiliary Bishop • . .
. GG
18
AntiMcs
42
Ave Maria .....
. 6r.
Alexandria, Church of.
. 19
Apocrisiarius
42
Ave Hegina
. 66
., Schuol of
. 19
Apocrypha
42
Allegorical Sense . . .
. 20
.Apollinarianism . , , .
43
44
All Saints
. 20
44
IJACCANARISTa ....
. 66
45
Aposths' Creed . . . .
46
Apostles, Feasts of . . ..
46
Apostolic Canons. . . .
46
956
LIST OF ARTICLES.
PA6F.
PAGE
Baptism
. 68
108
,, of Ships . . .
Baptismal Name . . .
•
Calvarians
. 108
. 72
Calvin, Calvinism , .
. 108
W,-iler. . .
. 72
Camaldoli
. 109
Baptisteiv
Camera
. 110
Barefooted Friars . .
'. 73
. 110
Ba-ilians
. 73
Basilica
. 74
Canon (member of
a
111
Basle. Council of . . .
. 75
„ of the Mass . .
. 115
Beatific Visim. . . .
„ ., Scripture . .
. 116
HeatUiraiion
„ Penitentiary . .
. 122
„ Theologian . .
. 122
BeatitutUs. 'riic Ei^it .
., Privilege of the
. 122
Bp'miines. BL-haiiK . .
('anon< <jf the Apostles
. 122
Bells
Canouess
. 122
Bene'licamus Domino .
. 79
Canonisation ....
. 122
Caiitate Sunday . . .
. 126
Benediction of the Blessed
126
, 126
Benediction le
84
Capital Punishment .
. 126
Benefice ' *
Sins . . . .
. 127
Benefit of Clerj^y • • •
. Hi
Capitulary ....
. 127
8.'i
Cappa Ma,i;na . . . .
. 128
B^r^^'t^'"'"^ * ' * *
80
Capuchins
. 128
Bethlehem'ites ' * * *
86
Cardinal
. 129
' 8fi
„ Legate . .
. 131
,. Protector . .
. 131
Biblia Pauperum . . .
. 89
(/ardinal Virtues . .
. 131
Carmelile-s
. 132
Carnival
., Auxiliary. . .
. 9.T
., Ci^adiutoV . . .
. 95
Cassock
. 136
„ in Farlil.iis . .
. 95
Casuistry . . . , ,
. 136
,. SutlVa-an - . .
. 96
Casus
, 136
., 1 ii ular ....
. 96
,, Reservati , . .
. 136
Black Triars
. 96
Blas|.h..,ny
. 96
Catafalque
. 140
Blessin-
. 96
Catechism .....
. 140
Blood.
. 97
Cate<-hist
. 141
Bohemian lircthren . .
. 97
Bollnndists
. 98
Cathari
. 141
Bolsena, Mass or Mira< le
>f 99
Cathedra, Ex . . .
. 141
Boni Homines. . . .
. 99
Cathedral
. 142
Bowinj;
. 99
„ schools . ,
. 142
Brasses
. 99
Cathedralicum . . .
. 142
Breviary
IdO
Catholic
. 143
Bridal Wreath. , , .
102
Catholicus
. 143
102
Celebrant
. 144
103
Celcstinian Hermits . .
. 144
British Chuich, Ancient
lli.S
Celestinians ....
144
101
Celibacy
. 144
Bull
104
,. In CcEna Domini .
105
Cemetery
. 14t.
Bullariuni
105
Censure. . . . , .
. 147
Burial
105
105
148
Bv the Grace of God and
Cessatio a Divinis . .
. 148
105
Chalcedon, Council of.
. 148
CatREMONIALE EpisC. .
105
164
Ceeremoniarius. . . .
105
106
Cliancellor, Episcopal .
. 154
106
Chancery ,,
. 155
106
,. " Papal . . .
. 1.55
Calendar, Ecclefia.stical .
107
„ Julian - Grego-
rian
108,
155
Chapter, Cathedral . . . 156
„ Conventual . . 157
Chapter-house . . . . 157
Chapters, Tlie Three . . 157
Character 157
Charity 158
., " Fathers of . . . 159
,. Sisters .if . . . 159
„ Works of . . . 159
Charto|ihvla.x .... 161
Chartreuk 162
Chasuble 162
Cherubim 163
Child of Mary .... 163
Chiliasm 163
Chinese Rites .... 163
Chivalry 166
Choir " IHH
Choral Vicars 168
Choraules 168
Chorepiscopus 168
Chorister 169
Chrism 169
Christ 169
„ Personal Appear-
ance of 173
Christian Brothers . . .176
Irish . 177
„ Doctrine . . 175
,, Name .... 178
Christians 175
Christmas Day . . . . 178
Church Books .... 179
Church History . . . . 179
„ of Christ; Catho-
lic Church 184
Church (a building) . . . 195
Church Property . . .198
Churching of Women . . 201
Churchy.-ird 201
Ciboriuni 201
Circunicelliones .... 202
Circumcision, Feast of . . 202
Cistercians 203
Civil Law 205
„ Marriage .... 200
Clandestine 206
Clares 206
Classics 206
Clausura 209
Clergy 209
Clerici Vagantes ... 210
Clerk 210
rierks, i;e,i;u!ar .... 212
Clinical li.i,,iisin .... 212
Cloister 212
Cluny 213
Coadjutor 213
Coat, the Holy . . . . 213
Codex Canonum (2) . . 214
Cccnobite 214
Cotiiuate 214
Collation (2) 215
Collect 215
College 215
„ English . . . .215
„ Irish . . . ... 215
„ Roman .... 215
., Scotch 215
Collegiate Church . . . 215
Columbanus, St.. Rule of. 216
Comb 216
LIST OF ARTICLES.
957
PAOK
Coinmanitments of God .
„ of the Church I'lfS
Comnieiiioriiti»ns . . . . lilti
Commemoration in the
Mass
Coninienda
CommeiHl.itioii ....
Ci)nimeiiJatory Letters
Coninii-sarj'
Common
CominiMi Life, Urotlicr.s <;r
the
Comraun. Idiom ....
Communion
„ (Liturgical) .
„ of Saints . .
Compline
Concelehration ....
Coiuiption
Coiiclave
Concomitance
Concor'lat
Concupi.scence
Coneursus
Conferences
Confes.^ion
„ (Martyr's tomb)
Confe.s.sicmal 'I'J'.'
Conf,...sor (-2) JL'l'
Confirmation -JJH
Contiteor, tlie 25-
CoiilV.uernity .... L'.l-J
Con.:,'ioi;. de Auxiliis . . L'.; ;
Congregations, i;eli_;ious. J -
„ Ki inan . J
,. (Councils
Congruism _
Consanguinity .... -'b
Conscience 201)
Consecration 2.B7
„ of Altars ,
„ Bishops . 208
„ „ Chalice &
Paten 2:i8
Consei-ration of Churches 2:18
Consistory 2:;8
Constance, Council uf. . 2,ls
ConslanlinopIe,Councilso[' 2 : 1
„ See of . . J :
Con-;iluliMni.l Clergy. .
ConMil.Mantial . . .
CoHMilistaiitiation . . . J
Conreirplation 2 1.
Contrition 21.i
Convent 2I()
Conventuals 24'.
Couverbiou 2itl
Convocation 210
Cope 217
Copts 217
Cordeliers 21.'-:
Coronation (2) . . . . 2t.S
Corjjoral 2 ' s
Corpus Christi . . . .
,, Juris -
Cotta L
Council 2
Cowl .
Creation .
Credence
Creed . .
('rcinati'>n ,
PAOE
Domicile 29*
iKmiiiie, non sum dig-
nus .299
Dominical Letter .... 299
""•oinir:,,,^ 299
V 'liH um . . . SOU
I'ons'.'intine . 3".^
303
■ 303
305
30.5
30.5
ii'-.'.iu< 3UG
Duel SMG
Uulia ...... oo7
Dying, Prayers for . . . 3i '7
1 Jiulish Cliurch . .
,. rolU.ge. .
Delegation . . ,
Demon ....
Denunciation . .
D loosing Power .
Deposition . .
Bull of
Descent into Hell .
Des.;crati>.n . . .
:.f the B. \
ijut. Church
lis
Dionysius
Diptyehs
Direotorium ....
I'i.fee
Discali'cd
Discipline
of the Secret
l''-M nvitiou . . . .
in of
Ira .
:on (2)
i-iication
' I' ftoi- Angelicus . . . 2','L i : i ii .
.'- I „ l'".ccle>iae .... 2',' J i . i
.52 I Dogm.-i I'll, . •., I IV .
.■>:( I Dogmatic Theologv . . 2;i i I i , . .'
:..■! l)olui;rs of the B, M. . 2118 ICxorci.MU .
»^ I Dom 299 1 Expectiitive
958
LIST OF ARTICLES.
PAGE
Exposirion of the Blessed
Sacrament 362
Extravagants .... 363
Extreme Unction • . . oOo
Fabric
Fa. ultv . ...
Faub ■
Faithhil, The . . .
Kaldstoul
False Decretals . .
Familiar
Fan
Fa.-t
Father, Title of . .
Fathers of the Church
Fear of God . . .
Feas;s
Febronianism . . .
Golden Rose . . ,
Good Friday . . .
Good Works . . .
<i"spel
Gothic Liturgies . .
Goths
Gottschalk ....
Grace
Grace at Meals . .
Gradual ....
Gradual Psalms . .
Gratiifi Expectativse
I Greater Tithes 421
PAGE
. 412
. 413 !
. 413 i
. 413 I
. 414
. 414
. 414
. 414
. 419
. 419
. 419
. 421
Feria 378
Feudum . 3<b
Feuillaiits 379
Filioqiie 379
Final Perseverance . . 379
Finding- of Cross .... 379
Fir^t Fruits 379
Fistula 379
Flagellants 379
Fleciamus Genua . . . oisO
Florence, Council of . . 380
For'itude 382
F..rty Hours 382
Forum Ecclesiasticum . . 3s.'
Foundation 380
France, Church of . . . 385
Franciscans 38G
Frankfort, Council of . . 389
Franks oi'H
Fraternal Correction . . 3.-ii
Fraticelli 3t>;i
Free Will 390
Freemasonry ..... S9i'
Friar 393
Frontal 393
Funera 393
Greek Church . . . .
Gregoriau Music . . . .
„ Sacramentary
Gremiale
Guardian
Gunpowder Plot . . .
Gai.ii.eo
Galliean Liturgies . .
Gal:i.'ani-m. . . .
Gaugra, Council of . .
GaU' ete Sunday . . .
Gehenna
General (of an Order") .
General Confession . .
Genuflexion . . .
Ghost
., I he Holy . . .
Gilljertines ....
Gilds
Girdle
Glel.e
Gh.ria (2)
Halo
Heart of Jesus
„ of Mary . . . .
Heaven
Hell
Henoticon
Heresy
Hermesimism
Hermits
Hesv. hasts
Hiei-archy
Holidays
Huhu.ss
Holv Familv
HolV Ghost,"Congr. of the.
and of the I.H. of Marv
Holv Places . . . .'.
„ Waier
„ Week
Homiiide
Homily •.
Homooiision
Honorary Canons . . .
Honorius, Pope . . . .
Hope
Hospital
Host.itallers
Host
Housel
Hozanna
Hu-ucu ts
Humeral Veil . . . .
Hu-sites
Hymn .
Hypostatic Union . .
Iconoclasts .
Ic nostasis .
Idolatrv . .
Glossator
Gloves .
Gnosticism . . . .
Goanese Scl>ism . .
God
Godfather, Godmother
Golden -Vumber . . .
■( God .
Lilate Concei
Immovable Feasts .
Immunity
Impediments of Marriage
PAOB
Imposition of Hands . . 478
Incarnation 479
Incense 479
Inclusi 480
Index (books) 480
Indiction 48'-
Indulgence 482
Indult 487
Infallibility 487
intidel 487
Innocents, Holy . . . . 487
Inquisition 488
,, Spanish . . . 489
Inspiration of Scripture . 490
Installation 492
Institute of the B. V. U. 493
Intercalary Year .... 495
Intercession 495
Interdict 495
Interstices 49fi
Introit 496
Investiture ..... 497
Invitatorium 498
Irish Church 498
„ College 505
Irregularity 506
Itala. Vetus 508
Ite, Missa est .... 508
Itinerary 508
.Jacobins ..... 508
.Jacohite Christians . . .608
Jansenism 509
., in Holland . . 515
Januarius. St 517
Jeronymites 517
Jerusalem (patriarch ite) 518
Jesnats 519
Jesuitesses 519
Jesuits 520
Jesus 528
Jews, Church Laws re-
specting 529
John of God. St., Order of 530
John, St.. Order of . . . 530
Joseph, St 630
„ „ Orders of . .531
Jul.ilee 632
Judgment, General . . . 533
Particular . . 535
Judica Psalm 536
Judioatum 536
Judices Synodales . . . 536
Judicium'Dei . . . . 536
Jurisdiction 537
Jus Spolii 538
Jii-tice 539
Jusiitication 539
Kings, Ac, Pravers for . 511
Kiss ... ■ .... 542
Kvrie Eleison . . . 544
Lab A RUM
Lacticinia .
Lady-day .
LiEtare .Sunda
Lammas Day
Lamps . .
. 544
. 544
. .MS
LIST OF ARTICLES.
959
PAGE
PAGE
PAGE
546
Martyr
. 601
Language of the Church .
64t;
Martyrology . .
. 601
None * .
. 660
Lapsed
648
Mary
. 602
Nurbertines ....
. 660
648
„ Feasts of .
. 608
549
„ Name of . ,
. 609
Novice
. 661
Lateran Church and Coon-
549
Mass
. 610
650
660
. 615
Latroc'iniuni . . • • .
661
Matriculn . . .
. 615
Matriculation. . .
. 615
Lauds
551
Maundy, Thursday
. 615
Laura
651
Maurists . . . .
. 615
Laus tibi, Christe . . .
551
May
. 616
Meohitarists . , ,
. 616
Octavarium
. 666
5ol
Mediator . . ,
. 617
552
. 618
Lay Brothers . . . . .
552
Melchites . . .
. 618
„ Communion . . . .
652
Meletian Schism .
. 619
La^vman
653
Memento . . .
. 620
Old Catholics. . . .
. 667
653
League of the Cross . ,
654
Menology . . .
. 620
554
Mental Prayer . .
. 618
Opus operatum ...
. 670
Lection
554
„ Reservation
. 620
Orarium
. 670
Lectiunary ......
655
Mercy
. 621
Orare, fratres ....
. 670
Lector
555
Merer, Sisters of .
. 845
Oratory (building). .
. 670
656
Merit
. 621
Oratory, French . . .
. 670
Legend, Golden . . . .
566
of St. Philip Ner
i 671
Legitimation
557
Military Orders . .
. 625
Ordeal
672
558
Order, Holv ....
. 672
Lesson, see Lection
, 627
Orders, Religious. . .
. 877
Libellatici
5(i0
Minister ....
. 629
Ordinary, The . . .
. 679
5iiO
Ministers of the Sick
. 629
Liber (6)
560
Minorities . . .
. 629
Ordo Komanua . . .
. 680
Libera nos (2) . . • .
560
Organ
. 680
561
Miracles ....
. 629
Libraries
56:;
Missal
. 6o.S
Orthodox Church . .
. 684
Light of Glorv . . . .
561
Mission (3) . .
. 633
Orthodoxy, Feast of .
. 684
564
Missions, Popular .
. 634
Limb<>
564
to the Heathen 635
565
566
Mi.xed Marriages .
. 645
Little Office of theB.V.M. o6(i
Pa LEA
. 685
566
Loci Theologici . . .
575
Monastery (2) .
. 646
675
Lollards
676
Monophysites . .
. 647
Parabolani . . • .
. 687
Loretto Nuns
580
M(instran>e. . .
. 619
Paradise
. 687
Low Sunday
580
.Montan.sts . . .
. 649
Lunette . "
580
Moral Theology .
. 6.30
Parish
. 688
Luther, Lutheranism . .
58(1
.Mortal Sin . . .
. 654
Lyons, Councils of . . .
585
JMoitniain . . .
. 654
Muzzetia . . . .
. 654
„ Controversy. .
. 6>9
„ Precept . . .
. 6!<9
Macabees, Feast of . .
687
Mystical Sense . .
. 655
Passion Sunday . . .
. 6.^9
Macedonians . . . . . .
587
„ Theology
. 655
687
687
Major Orders
087
Pater Noster ....
. 691
Manichees
687
Narthe.x ....
. 656
Paterines
. 0!11
588
Patriarch
. 6;)i
National Synod .
. 656
Patrimony of St. Peter
, 692
Maiitelletta
6K9
Nativity of the B. V
M.
. 656
Patripassians ....
. 692
. 657
Patron, Patronage . .
. 692
689
Necrology ....
. 657
Patrons of Churches .
. 693
Marist Brothers . . . .
689
Neophyte . . .
. 657
Paul of Samosata . .
. 69.B
„ Fathers . . .
689
Nesiorians. . . .
. 657
Paulicians
. 69.=!
„ Nuns ...
591
Nicene Councils .
. 659
„ Sisters
5!il
Nimbus
. 660
Maronites
691
Nocturn ....
. 660
692
LIST OF ARTICLES,
Peculium Clerici . .
Pelairinnism . . .
Penance
Penitential Discipline
Ppnitential Psalms
Peiisii.ns
Pentecost
rerjiirv
Perpetual Adoiatinn o
tlie lUussud Sacrament
Persecutions . . .
Person
I'eter's Chains . . .
Peter's Pence . .
Petrobrusiiins . . .
Philosophy ...
Photinus
Photius
Piarists
Picpti>, Congr. of .
Pil>;-iim
Pisa, Council of . .
Piscina
Pistoia, Sj'iiod of . .
Placet Roiriuni . .
Plain Chant . , ,
Pluralities. . . .
Pol\ i;amy ....
Pontifical ....
Poor Clares. . . .
Poor Men of Lyons
Pope
Porteforium . . .
Portiuncula ....
Purt Royal . . .
Possession ....
Post Communion .
Postil
Poverty ....
Power of Keys . .
Pragmatic Sanction
Prayer
„ Apostleship of
Preachers (Friars) .
Preaching ....
Preadamites . . .
Prebend ....
Precentor ....
Precious Blood . .
Precouise ....
Predilla ....
Predestination. . .
Preface
Prelate
Premonstratensians
Premunire ....
Presbytera . . .
Presbyterians, Scottish
Presbytery . .
Prescription . . .
Presemation oftheB.V,
Presentation (Order)
Priests, Christian . ,
Primate
Prime ....
Primicerius . . .
Prior ....
I'riscilliaiiists . .
Private Masses .
Kcvelation
I'rivation . . .
Privilege . . .
Privileged Altar .
Probabilism . . .
Processions . . .
Profession ot the Holy
Procurator . . . . ,
Profession of Faith . . .
Religious .
Promotion per S.iltum .
Promulgatiou . . .
Propaganda ....
Property
Prophecy
Propositions, Condemned
Protestant
Protoiiotary ....
Protopresbyter . . .
Province . . . • .
Provincial
Provision
Provost
Prudence
Pryiuer
P.-eudo-Isidore . . .
Pulpit
Purgatory
Purification
„ Feast of the
Purilier
Pyx
PAOB
. 793
. 793
. 794
. 794
. 795
Rituale ....
Rochet ....
Rogation Days .
Ron^an College .
Rome ....
Rood-beam ...... 795
Kosary 79o
Kosminians 79t>
Uora Romana .... 797
Rubrics 797
Rule 797
Rural Deans 798
Russian Church . . . . 798
Rutheninn Catholics . . 802
SABAOXn
Sabbath
S:il>elliar.ism
Sacrauioiitals
Sacraments of Nature . .
„ of the Gospel
Sacr^ Cceur (Order) . .
Sacred Heart
Sacrifice
Sacrilege
Sacristv
Saints, Intercession and
Inv..c:ition of . . . .
QtJADRAGESIJIA . .
Quaistores ....
. . 772
. . 772
(iuaier Tenses . .
. . 772
Reason and Faith .
Reception into the Chu
Recluse
Recollects ....
Reconciliation . .
Rector
Redemption . . . ,
Redemptorists . . .
Refectory ....
Reformation, Tlie. .
Kefreshiiient Sunday
Regalia
Regeneration . . .
RegmaCceli . . .
Regionarius , . . ,
R-'gulars
lielics
Religion, Religious .
Re-ordination. . .
Requiem ....
Reservation (2) . .
Reserved Cases . .
Residence ....
Resignation. . . .
Responsories ...
Restitution ....
Resurrection . . . ,
„ of Christ
Retreat
Keveiation ....
Rigorism
Ring
Saiictus
Sandals ....
Sardica, Council of.
Satisfaction.
Saturday .
Scapular . .
Schism . .
Scbulasticus
820
820
»20
820
820
822
822
823
Scientia Media .
Scotch College . .
788
790
793
793 i
793 1
Scottish Catholics . . .
Scrutiny
Seal of Altar
„ ,, Confession . . .
Secret
Secular Clergy . . . .
Secularisati<in . . , .
Semiarians
Seniidouble
Seminary
Semipelagianism . . .
Semiiringham, Order of .
Separation
Septuagint
Sequence
Seraphic Doctor . . . .
Servites
Servus Servorum ....
Seven Dolours ....
„ Gifts of the Holy
Spirit
Se.xa.;esima
Sext (2)
Shroveiide
Siiuonv
LIST OF ARTICLES.
961
Simple
Sin
SinlcsMies'* of Christ .
Sioii, Notre Dame de .
Sisterlioi ds ....
Sliivery
Society (Faithf. Corap.)
S..d:ility
.Somascha, Clerks of .
Sorboiine
S^oul
Spiritualism ....
Sponsors
States of the Church .
Stations
„ of the Cross . .
Stic;mata
Stiiend
Stole
Stole-tVes
Subdeicons ....
Subdeleirate ....
SullV.igan
Suicide
Sulpicians
Sunday
Superstition ....
Supremacy, Royal . .
Suppression of Monasteries 867
Surplice
Suspension .
Syllabus .
Synnxis . .
Syncollus .
Svndic . .
Synod . .
.xaminers
Svnod
.Synod;
Synt:ii;nia Canonum
Syrian Catholics . .
Tabeknacle
Taborites . . ,
I'antuni Ergo
Te Deum . . ,
Tempi ranee . .
Templars . . ,
Temporal Power
Temptation . . ,
Tempus Clausum
TenebrsB . . . ,
Teresians . . .
Tertiaries . . .
Testament . . ,
PAUK
I'^OE
812
Teutonic Knifjhts . .
. 87r.
Theandric Actions . .
. 87(;
. m
Theiitines
. 87(;
. 843
'I'liL'odore of ilopsuestia
814
Theodoret
. 8i(;
The' 'losrical Virtues .
. 877
8li"
'I'he 'loijus, Theolopal .
Sill
Tliooloijv
■S
■|"llr.i,,:!.rhite . . . .
. 877
. Christians of 8
Tiiuli
Tonsure
Bishop .
.if Cliurch
Tradition . . .
Traditionalism . . .
Tradition of Instrument
Iraditores ....
Traducianisra . .
Transept;
Transfiguration . .
Translation of Feasts
Transubstantiation .
Trappists ....
I reasnre ol' Merits .
Treiii, Ciiuucil of. .
Treutal
Tricerion ....
Trinitarians . . .
Trinity. Keast of . .
Trinity, Holy . .
Tri-as4ion ....
Trope
Truce of God . . .
Trullo, Council in .
Tunic
T;velfth Day . . .
Type
Typus
P.lfiE
llrbi et Orbi 910
Ursuliiies 910
Uses (l.itur-ies) . . . . 574
U~urv . 912
UtraquLsts 914
Valdknses, Vaudois
Valine, St., Coogr. of
V:,ti.-;rll C.iUMcil .
Ubiquitarians . . . .907
Unanimous Consent . . 907
Unigenitus 907
Uniied (ireeks 907
Ui '.versity 908
Unleavened Bread . . . 910
Urbanists 910
■te Spiritus
Vcss< Is. sacred
Vestments .
„ Greek and Oriental
Viaticum
Vicar Apostolic . . .
„ Forane ....
„ General . . ,
Vico-Cliiiticrllor . . .
Viciine, Council of . .
ViL;ilius
Vigils
Vincent of Paul, St., So.
ciety of
Virtue . ...
Visit to the Blcssi d Sacra
incnt
Visitatio Lim. Apost. .
Visitation, episc-ipal
On
Vocation .
Votive Mass
Vows . .
Vulgate . .
th.
War 944
Washing of Feet .... 94.5
., „ Hands . . 94.")
White Friars 945
White garment .... 945
Whit-Sunday 945
Will 945
Witchcraft, Witch . . . 947
Worship 951
Wreath 951
Wycliffites 951
Xaverian Brothers .
3Q
i
I